The Right Honble Sr Francis Bacon Baron of Verulam Viscount of St Alban Ld High Chancellor of England    

BACONIANA. Or Certain Genuine REMAINS OF SR. Francis Bacon, Baron of VERULAM, AND Viscount of St. ALBAN;  
In Arguments Civil and Moral, Natural, Medical, Theological, and Bibliographical; Now the First time faithfully Published.  
An ACCOUNT of these Remains, and of all his Lordship's other Works, is given by the Publisher, in a Discourse by way of INTRODUCTION.  
LONDON, Printed by I. D. for Richard Chiswell, at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1679.   

A TABLE OF THE Contents.  

Baconiana Politico-moralia. Under this Head are Contained,  
1. SIR Francis Bacon 's Charge against Frances Countess of Somerset, about poisoning of Sir Tho. Overbury. p. 3.  
2. His Charge against Robert, Earl of Somerset, touching the same matter. p. 14.  
3. His Letter to the University of Cambridg, when he was sworn Privy-Counsellor. In Latin, p. 37. In English, p. 39  
4. His Letter to King James, touching the Chancellor's Place. p. 41.  
5. His Letter to King James, for the Relief of his Estate. p. 45.  
6. His Remaining Apothegms. p. 53.  
7. A Supply of his Ornamenta Rationalia, or Judicious Sentences. 

1. Out of the Mimi of Publius, in Latin and English. p. 60.  
2. Out of his own Writings. p. 65.     

Baconiana Physiologica, Containing  
I. A Fragment of his Abecedarium Naturae, in Latin, p. 77. and English, p. 84.  
II. His Inquisition, touching the Compounding of Metals. p. 92.  
III. His Articles of Questions, touching Minerals. 

1. Concerning the Incorporation and Union of Metals. p. 104.  
2. Dr. Meveril's Answers to them. p. 110.  
3. Concerning the Separation of Metals and Minerals. p. 114.  
4. Dr. Meverel's Answers to them. p. 116.  
5. Concerning the Variation of Metals and Minerals. p. 118.  
6. Dr. Meverel's Answers. p. 123.  
7. Concerning the Restitution of Metals. p. 127.  
8. Dr. Meverel's Answer. p. 128.    
iv The Lord Bacon's Inquisition, concerning the Versions, Transmutations, Multiplications and Effections of Bodies. p. 129.  
V His Speech about the Recovery of Drowned Mineral Works. p. 131.  
VI His Experiments about Weight in Air and Water. p. 134.  
VII. His Experiments for Profit. p. 138.  
VIII. His Experiments about the Commixture of Liquors, by Simple Composition only. p. 140.  
IX. A Catalogue of Bodies Attractive and not Attractive, with Observations upon them, in Latin, p. 145. in English, p. 149.   

Baconiana Medica. Under this Head are Contained,  
1. His Paper about Prolongation of Life, called by him Grains of Youth. p. 155.  
2. A Catalogue of Astringents, Openers, and Cordials, instrumental to long Life. p. 161.  
3. An Extract, by his Lordship, out of his Book of the Prolongation of Life, for his own use. p. 167.  
4. His Medical Receipts, against the Stone, etc. p. 171.   

Baconiana Theologica. Under this Head are Contained,  
1. His Questions of the Lawfulness of a War, for the Propagation of Religion. p. 179.  
2. Two Prayers of his, one called the Students, the other the Writers Prayer. p. 181, 182.   

Baconiana Bibliographica. Under this Head are Contained,  
I. Papers (written by Himself) relating to his Books. As 

1. His Letter to the Queen of Bohemia, to whom he sent his Book of a War with Spain. p. 187.  
2. A Letter of the Lord Bacon's to the University of Cambridg, upon his sending to them his Book De Augm. Scient. in Latin, p. 189, in English, p. 190.  
3. His Letter to the same University, upon his sending to them his Novum Organum, in Latin, p. 191. in Engl. p. 192.  
4. His Letter to Trinity College in Cambridg, upon his sending to them his Book of the Advancement of Learning, in Latin, p. 193. in English, p. 194.  
5. His Letter to the Bishop of Lincoln, about his Speeches, etc. p. 195.  
6. His Letter to Father Fulgentio, about all his Writings in English, p. 196.  
7. To Marquess Fiat (about his Essays) in French, p. 201. in English, p. 202.  
8. Part of his last Testament concerning his Writings. p. 203.    
II. Papers (written by others) relating to his Books and Life. As 

1. A Letter to him from the University of Oxford (in Latin, p. 204. in English, p. 206.) upon his having sent to them his Book De Augmentis Scientiarum.  
2. A Letter from Dr. Maynwaring to Dr. Rawley, about the Lord Bacon's Confession of Faith. p. 209.  
3. A Letter from Dr. Rawley to Mounsieur Aelius Deodate in Latin, p. 214. in English, p. 215. concerning his publishing the Lord Bacon's Works.  
4. Mounsieur Deodates Answer, in Latin, p. 217. and English, p. 219.  
5. Mr. Isaac Gruter's Three Letters to Dr. Rawley (in Latin, p. 221, 231, 238. in English, p. 225, 234, 240.) concerning the Lord Bacon's Works.  
6. An Account of the Life, and Writings of the Lord Bacon, by Sir W. Dugdale, together with Insertions by the Publisher. p. 242.  
7. A Character of the Lord Bacon, by Dr. Heylin. p. 263.  
8. A Character by Dr. Sprat. p. 264.  
9 A Character of his Philosophy, by Mr. Cowley. p. 267.      

Liber cui Titulus (Baconiana, etc.)  
IMPRIMATUR.  
Ex Aedibus Lambethanis, Nou. 20. 1678. Geo. Thorp, Rev more. in C. P. & D. Dom. Gulielmo Archiep. Cant. a Sacris Domesticis.   

ERRATA.  

In the Introduction.  
PAge 6. Line 24. Read Sprang: P. 11. l. 12. r. Site. l. 28. for that, r. the. P. 13. Margin, l. 2. for with, r. inter. P. 15. l. 26. for to, r. and. P. 16 l. 9 for to, r. for. P. 24. l. 18. r. ●nlarged. l. 25. for were, r. wear. P. 27. l. 23. for his, r. this. P. 40. l. 9 for precious, r considerable. P. 43. l. 29. r. compare them. P. 57 l. 13. for of, r. the. P. 59 l. 16. for Edward 3d. r. Edit. 3d. P. 60. l. 8. put a period after published. P. 62. l. 19 r. Methodical. P. 71. l. 24. r. though they.   

In the Book.  
P. 20. l. 11. blot out but. P. 33. l. 4. for in, r. is. P. 37. l. 23. r. relictum. P. 61. l. 21. blot out even. P. 79. l. 24. blot out Add. P. 83. l. 12. r. vell●cationes. P. 85. l. 21. for Impossibility, r. in Possibility. P. 89. l. 20. for interspect, r. intersperse. P. 95. l. 19 r. it will. P. 119. l. 2. r. Arborescents. P. 125. l. 18. r. fittest. P. 132. l. 26, 27. for the whole Intellects, r. your noble Intellects. P. 135. l. 29. r. differ. P. 139. l. 11. r. rawns. P. 146. l. 7. for hewed, r. ●eaved. P. 148. l. 10. r. ipsam. P. 149. l. 10. for Sheaves, r. Shivers. P. 16. 2 l. 9 r. mullein. P. 165. l. 13. r. Cupparus. P. 167. l. 2. r. Pulls. P. 168. l 28. for with juice, r. which I use. P. 189. l. 16. r. legitimè. P. 192. l. 15. r. it is. P. 199. l. 19, 20. r. prodromi. P. ●01. l. 4. for file, r. filz. l. 9 for non, r. mon. l. 23. for ex, r. et. P. 208. l. 9 blot out etc. P. 215. l. 3. r. generosissime Domine. l. 4. r. addictissimus. P. 218. l. 2. r. contriverim. P. 222. l. 23. for tum, r. Tu. P. 232. l. 23. r. vertit. P. 237. l. 4. r. would. P. 239. l. 4. r. ●nerat. l. 12. r. consecrari. l. 14. r. segnescens. P. 249. l. 29, 30. for carried, r. varied. P. 250. l. 5. r. you to call. P. 253. l. 19 r. Courts. P. 254. Margin l. 1. for R. this, r. L. this. P. 257. Margin l. 1. for ●Twas, r. they were. P. 259. l. 8, 9 after Nature, put a Semicolon; after parted, a Colon.    

A DISCOURSE, BY WAY OF INTRODUCTION,  
In which the Publisher endeavoureth an Account of the PHILOSOPHY, MECHANIC INVENTIONS, and WRITINGS, of Sir FRANCIS BACON, Baron of Verulam, and Viscount of St. Alban; And particularly of these REMAINS now set forth by him under the Title of BACONIANA.  
LONDON, Printed for R. C. at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1679.   

AN ACCOUNT Of all the Lord BACON'S WORKS.  
IT is my purpose to give a true and plain Account, of the Designs and Labours of a very great Philosopher amongst us; and to offer to the World, in some tolerable Method, those Remains of his, which to that end, were put into my Hands.  
Something of this hath been done already by his Lordship himself; and something further hath been added by the Reverend Dr. Rawley: But their Remarks lay scattered in divers Places; and here they are put under one View, and have received very ample Enlargements.  
In this last and most comprehensive Account, I have, on purpose, used a lose and Asiatic Style, and wilfully committed that venial fault with which the Laconian (in Boccalini) is merrily taxed, who had said that in three words, which he might possibly have expressed in two. I hoped, by this means, to serve the more effectually, ordinary Readers, who stand chief in need of this Introduction; and whose Capacities can be no more reached by a close and strict Discourse, than Game can be taken by a Net unspread.  
For any praise upon the account of this small Performance, it is not worth the while to be solicitous about it. Yet sometimes, mean Men get a stock of Reputation, by gathering up the Fragments of the Learned; as Beggars (they say) have gotten Estates by saving together the Alms of the Rich. If that falls not out here where it is not expected, it will be abundantly enough to me if the Inferior Reader may have Benefit, and any Honour may be done to the Memory of his Lordship, whose more General Encomium I shall first set down, and then annex a particular Narrative of those Designs and Labours of his, which may be said, not only to merit, buteven to exceed all my Commendations.  
I begin (as I said) with his Lordship's Praise, in a more general way. And here I affirm, with good assurance (for Truth is bold) that amongst those few, who by the strength of their private Reason, have resisted popular Errors, and avanced real and useful Learning; there has not arisen a more Eminent Person, than the Lord High Chancellor Bacon. Such great Wits, are not the common Births of Time: And they, surely, intended to signify so much who said of the Phoenix (though in Hyperbole as well as Metaphor) that Nature gives the World that Individual Species, but once in five hundred Years.  
It is true, There lived in part of the last, and this, Century, many memorable Advancers of Philosophical Knowledge. I mean not here such as Patricius, or Telesius, Brunus, Severinus the Dane, or Campanella. These, indeed, departed from some Errors of the Ancients, but they did not frame any solid Hypothesis of their own. They only spun new Cobwebs, where they had brushed down the old. Nay, I intent not, in this place, either the Chart, or Gassendi, They were, certainly, great Men, but they appeared somewhat later, and descended into the depths of Philosophy, after the Ice had been broken by others. And those I take to have been chief Copernicus, Father Paul the Venetian, Galileo, Harvey, Gilbert, and the Philosopher before-remembred, Sir Francis Bacon, who, if all his Circumstances be duly weighed, may seem to excel them all. He was by Profession, a common Lawyer; by Office, in the Queen's time, one of the Clerks of the Council; in the Reign of King james, one of the King's Counsel Learned, than Solicitor General, and one of the judges in the Knight-Marshals Court; then Attorney General, and one of the King's Privy-Council; then Lord-Keeper of the Great Seal, and during the King's absence in Scotland, Lord Protector: And last of all, Lord High Chancellor of England. So that in such a Life as his, so thickly set with Business of such Height, it is a Miracle that all Seeds of Philosophy were not daily overdropped, and in a short time, quite choked; and that any one of them sprung up to Maturity. And yet his prospered beyond those of the Philosopher's beforementioned, though they were not pressed on with such a crowd of secular Business.  
For Copernicus, he concerned himself especially in the Revolutions of the Heavenly Bodies, in reviving and perfecting the obsolete Doctrine of Philolaus, touching the motion of the Earth, and in setting free the Planets from those many Epicycles, Eccentrics, and Concentries, in which Ptolemy, and others had entrangled them. And he well understood the Course of the Stars, though he did not much study that natural motive Power which carries them about in their several Elliptics. The like Remark may be made concerning Mr. Gilbert, who applied himself particularly to the consideration of Magnetic Powers; as also concerning Dr. Harvey, who inquired principally into the Generation of Animals, and the motion of the Heart: Subjects in which he made great progress, though into the former, the help of Microscopes, would have given him further insight 
a See Dr. Highmore, of Generation, P. 70, 71. ; and in both, he rather pursued the proofs of his Hypotheses, than the nature of the Mechanic force, which produced those great Effects.  
Father Paul, was a more general Philosopher, and the Head of a Meeting of Vertuosis in Venice. He excelled in Mechanics, in Mathematics of all kinds, in Philological Learning, in Anatomy. In his Anatomical Studies, he exercised such Sagacity, that he made further discoveries in the fabric of the Eye, and taught Aquapendente, those new Speculations which he published on that Subject; he found out (saith Fulgentio) the Valvulae in the Veins, and began the Doctrine of the Circulation of the Blood: Though there is reason to believe, that he received the hints of it from Sir Henry Wotton, who himself had taken them from Dr. Harvey 
a Cartes diss. de Methodo. P. 46. Herveo laus ●aec tribuenda est quò d primam in istâ materi● glac●em f●egerit, etc. . But, the present state of the Affairs of Venice so requiring, Father Paul bent his Studies to Ecclesiastical Polity, and chief employed his Pen in detecting the Usurpations and Corruptions of the Papacy: Endeavouring (so far as Books could do it) to preserve the Neck of that Republic, from the Bondage of Paul the Fifth, who attempted to set his Foot upon it.  
Galileo further improved the Doctrine of Copernicus; discovered by Telescopes, new Stars in the Heavens; wrote Dialogues concerning the System of the World, and touching Local Motion; which latter is the Key that openeth Nature. But he descended not to the several Classes of Bodies in Nature, and the particulars contained in them, and their respective Motions, and Uses. Neither did he publish any thing till many Years had passed, since Mr. Bacon had formed and modelled in his thoughts, his larger Idea of Experimental Knowledge. His Sidereus Nuncius, came not forth till towards the midst of the Reign of King james. And King Charles had sat some Years on his Throne, ere he published his Dialogue of the System of the World. Whereas Mr. Bacon had not only published two Books of his Advancement, in the beginning of K. James' Reign, but early in the Queen's time, (as from his Letter to Fulgentio, plainly appeareth) he had written his Temporis Partus Maximus. That Book (pompous in its Title, but solid in its Matter; like a great Feather put sometimes on a good Head piece) contained in it, though in imperfect manner, and so far as the greenness of his Years permitted, the principal Rudiments of his Instauration. The work therefore of the Instauration, was an Original; and a Work so vast and comprehensive in its design, that though others in that Age, might hue out this, or the other Pillar; yet of him alone it seemeth true, that he framed the whole Model of the House of Wisdom.  
In those days in which he began his Studies, Aristotle was, in effect, the Pope in Philosophy. The Lectures, both in his private College, and in the public Schools, were generally Expositions upon Aristotle's Text. And every Opinion, wrote by him as his own, was esteemed as Authentic, as if it had been given under the Seal of the Fisher. It was, therefore, a very singular Felicity in a young Gentleman to see further into Nature, than that celebrated Philosopher, at whose feet he was placed. And it was as happy as it was extraordinary, that he took distaste betimes at the Vulgar Physics. Use and Custom in that way, might have reconciled it to him, as it had done to others of great Learning. For a Philosopher is like a Vine, of which they say, It must be set of a Plant, and not of a Tree.  
But, though there was bred in Mr. Bacon so early a dislike of the physiology of Aristotle, yet he did not despise him with that Pride and Haughtiness, with which Youth is wont to be puffed up. He had a just esteem of that great Master in Learning 
c De Augm. Scient. l. 3. c. 4. Caeterum, de viro tam Eximio certè, &, ob acumen Ingenii, mirabili, Aristotele, &c▪ , and greater than that which Aristotle himself expressed towards the Philosophers that went before him. For he endeavoured (some say) to stifle all their Labours; designing to himself an universal Monarchy over Opinions, as his Patron Alexander did over Men. Our Heröe owned what was excellent in him; but, in his Inquiries into Nature, he proceeded not upon his Principles. He began the Work anew, and laid the foundation of Philosophic Theory in numerous Experiments.  
By this Theory is not (as I conceive) so much to be understood, that most abstracted, and more narrow one, of the mere nature and definition of Matter, Motion, Place, Figure, Sight, Quantity, and the like, which a Man's Reason may find out, by a few common and daily Appearances in Nature, or Operations of Art: But we are to understand by it, a truer and fuller Knowledge, of the Systeme of the World, of the several Actions and Passions of Bodies in it, and of the divers Ways whereby, in themselves, or by the application of Art to them, they may be made serviceable to Humane Life.  
Now this was a Work for a Man of a thousand Hands, and as many Eyes, and depended upon a distinct, and comprehensive, History of Nature. It was a way laborious and tedious, yet useful and honourable, and in this, like that way of the Snail, which shineth though it is slow.  
Such an useful and noble Philosophy did our Author design, instead of the Art of Disputation, which then generally prevailed, and which he compared to the condition of Children who are apt for Talk, but not for Generation. And certainly, that Character was most due unto himself which he gave to Xenophanes, of whom he said, that he was a Man of a vast Conceit, and that minded nothing but Infinitum 
d Hist. of Life & Death. p. 15. .  
Easie it is to add to things already invented; but to Invent, and to do it under Discouragement, when the World is prejudiced against the Invention, and with loud Clamour hooteth at the Projector; this is not an Undertaking for Dulness, or Cowardice. To do this, argues an Inquisitive and Sagacious Wit; A mind free from slavish prepossession; a piercing judgement, able to see through the mists of Authority; a great Power in the Understanding, giving to a Man sufficient Courage to bear up the Head against the common Current of Philosophical Doctrines, and Force to beat out its own way in untravelled Places.  
With such Intellectual Ability, was the Lord Verulam endowed: And he stood on the old Paths, and perceived, the unsoundness of their Bottom; their intricate Wind; their tendency to an useless End, or rather to endless Disputation; and the daily Justlings and Rencounters of those who travailed in them: And he looked attentively round about him, and he espied a new, and better, and larger, and safer way; and he journeyed far in it himself; and he left a Map of it for Posterity, who might further pursue it; and he has been happy in being followed, by Men of the ablest Understandings, with singular success; and the Societies for improving of Natural Knowledge, do not at this day, depart from his Directions, though they travel further than Death would suffer him to adventure.  
I can, at present, call to remembrance but one Man, who hath undervalved his Lordship's Method; and it is the same Man who hath libelled the Holy Scriptures themselves; the Infidel Spinoza 
e B. D. Spinoza in Ep. 2. ad H. Oldenburg. with op. Posth. p. 398, 399. . This Man objecteth against his Way, that it faileth in the very entrance of it, through a mistake about the Original of Error.  
His Lordship's Opinion is the same with that which the Chart insisteth on, in his latter Philosophy. Both show that therefore Man deceives himself, because his Will (being larger in its desires, than the Understanding is in its Comprehensions; and hastening its opinion of such Objects as it covets to know, before it hath sufficiently attended to them, and obtained a clear and distinct perception of them) does cause it to yield a blind and rash, and therefore groundless Assent to insufficient Evidence.  
His Lordship hath expressed it thus, after his better way of saying things. The Understanding 
f Nou. Organ. l. 1. Aph. 49. p. 44, 45.  is not only made up of dry Light, but it receives an infusion from the Will and Affections: And that begets such Sciences as the Heart desireth. For a Man soon believes that which he would have to be true. Wherefore he rejects difficult Truths, through impatience in enquiring; and sober Truths, because they restrain his hope [or desire;] and the deeper Natural Truths, by reason of Superstition; and the Light of Experiments, by reason of Arrogance and Pride, lest the Mind should seem to be conversant in mean and transitory Things; and Paradoxes, out of respect to the opinion of the Vulgar. In sum, the Will seasons and infects the Mind, by innumerable Ways, and by such as are, sometimes, not at all perceived.  
Now, how, think you, doth Spinoza show this opinion, to be a gross and fundamental Mistake? Why, by denying that there is any such thing in Man as a Will: (as if that general name was ever used to signify a particular Act, and not rather to express the general notion of that Power:) By telling us that all Volitions are particular Acts, and as fatally determined by a Chain of Physical Causes, as any effects whatsoever of Natural Bodies. So that we are like to learn well, from his Philosophy, how to amend our Erroneous Assent, whilst it teacheth us that it is necessary, and not to be mended, unless Men could have other Bodies, and there were another Scheme of Nature.  
It must be confessed, that the Lord I writ of, was not without Infirmities, Intellectual or Moral: And the latter of these have made the greater Noise from the greatness of his Fall. I do not, here, pretend to speak of an Angel, but of a Man: And no Man, great in Wit, and high in Office, can live free from suspicion of both kinds of Errors. For that Heat which is instrumental in making a great Wit, is apt to disorder the attention of the Mind, and the stability of the Temper. And High Place, because it giveth power to Opportunity, though no Authority to offend, is ever looked on with a jealous Eye: And corrupt Men who meet by their own Measures, think no Man can be Great, and Innocent too.  
His Lordship owned it under his Hand, 
g In his Letter to King James, March 25. 1620. In the Cab.  that, He was frail, and did partake of the Abuses of the Times: And, surely, he was a partaker of their Severities also; though they proved, by accident, happy Crosses and Misfortunes. Methinks they are resembled by those of Sir George Summer, who being bound, by his Employment, to another Coast, was by Tempest, cast upon the Bermudas. And there, a Shipwrecked Man made full discovery of a new temperate fruitful Region, which none had before inhabited; and which Mariners, who had only seen its Rocks, had esteemed an inaccessible and enchanted Place. The great cause of his Suffering, is to some, a secret. I leave them to find it out, by his words to King james 
h See Mr. Bushels Extract. p. 19 , I wish (said he) that as I am the first, so I may be the last of Sacrifices in your Times. And when from private Appetite, it is resolved, that a Creature shall be sacrificed; it is easy to pick up sticks enough, from any Thicket whither it hath strayed, to make a Fire to offer it with.  
But whatsoever his Errors were, or the causes of his Misfortunes, they are overbalanced by his Virtues, and will die with Time. His Errors were but as some Excrescencies, which grow on those Trees that are fit to build the Palaces of Kings: For though they are not proper and natural Parts, yet they do not very much deprive the Body of its use and value. And, further, (to express myself by a more decent Image, a Comparison of his own;) His Fall will be to Posterity, but as a little Picture of Nightwork, remaining amongst the Fair and Excellent Tables of his Acts and Works 
i Epist▪ to Bishop Andrew● .  
These I distinguish, into two kinds,  
His Mechanical Inventions, and his Writings.  
I doubt not but his Mechanical Inventions were many. But I can call to mind but Three, at this time, and of them I can give but a very broken Account: And, for his Instruments and Ways in recovering deserted Mines, I can give no account at all; though certainly, without new Tools and peculiar Inventions, he would never have undertaken that new and hazardous Work. Of the three Inventions which come now to my Memory, the  
First was an Engine representing the motion of the Planets. Of this I can say no more than what I find, in his own words, in one of his Miscellany Papers in Manuscript. The words are these: I did, once, cause to be represented to me, by Wires, the motion of some Planets, in fact as it is, without Theories of Orbs, etc. And it seemed a strange and extravagant Motion. One while, they moved in Spires forwards; another while they did unwind themselves in Spires backwards: One while they made larger Circles, and higher; another while smaller Circles, and lower: One while they moved to the North, in their Spires, another while to the South, etc.  
His Second Invention was a secret Curiosity of Nature, whereby to know the Season of every Hour of the Year, by a Philosophical Glass, placed (with a small proportion of Water) in a Chamber. This Invention I describe in the words of him, from whom I had the notice of it, Mr. Thomas Bushel 
k See his Extract. p. 17. , one of his Lordship's Menial Servants; a Man skilful in discovering and opening of Mines, and famous for his curious Waterworks, in Oxfordshire, by which he imitated Rain, Hail, the Rainbow, Thunder and Lightning.  
This secret cannot be that Instrument which we call Vitrum Calendare, or the Weatherglass, the Lord Bacon in his Writings 
l Hist. of life and death, p. 22. , speaking of that as a thing in ordinary use, and commending, not Water 
‖ In Form● Calid●. ●. 24. p. 176. Org.  but rectified Spirit of Wine, in the use of it. Nor (being an Instrument made with Water) is it likely to have showed changes of the Air with so much exactness, as the later Baroscope made with Mercury. And yet, it should seem to be a secret of high value by the Reward, it is said to have procured. For the Earl of Essex (as he in his Extract. pag. 17. reporteth) when Mr. Bacon had made a Present of it to him, was pleased to be very bountiful in his Thanks, and bestow upon his Twicknam-Park, and its Garden of Paradise, as a place for his Studies. I confess, I have not Faith enough to believe the whole of this Relation. And yet I believe the Earl of Essex was extremely Liberal, and free even to Profuseness; that he was a great lover of Learned Men, being, in some sort, one of them himself 
m MS. Hist. of Q. Eli●. p. 39 ; and that with singular Patronage, he cherished the hopeful Parts of Mr. Bacon, who also studied his Fortunes and Service. Yet Mr. Bacon himself, where he professeth his unwillingness to be short, in the commemoration of the favours of that Earl; is, in this great one, perfectly silent 
n Bacon's Apol. conc. the Eaerl of Essex. p. 54, 55. . But there is, in his Apology, another Story, which may seem to have given to Mr. Bushel, the occasion of his Mistake. After the Queen had denied to Mr. Bacon, the Solicitor's Place, for the which the Earl of Essex had been a long and earnest suitor on his behalf, it pleased that Earl to come to him, from Richmond, to Twicknam-Park; and thus to break with him: Mr. Bacon● the Queen hath denied me the Place for you.— you far ill, because you have chosen me for your Mean and Dependence: You have spent your thoughts and time in my Matters; I die— if I do not do somewhat towards your Fortune. You shall not deny to accept a piece of Land which I will bestow upon you. And it was, it seems, so large a piece, that he under-sold it for no less than Eighteen Hundred Pounds.  
His Third Invention was, a kind of Mechanical Index of the Mind. And of this, Mr. Bushel 
o In his Extract. p. 17, 18.  hath given us the following Narrative and Description. His Lordship presented to Prince Henry, Two Triangular Stones (as the First-fruits of his Philosophy) to imitate the Sympathetical Motion of the Loadstone and Iron, although made up by the Compounds of Meteors (as Star-shot Jelly) and other like Magical Ingredients, with the reflected Beams of the Sun, on purpose that the warmth distilled into them through the moist heat of the Hand, might discover the affection of the Heart, by a visible sign of their Attraction and Appetite to each other, like the hand of a Watch, within ten Minutes after they are laid on a Marble Table, or the Theatre of a great Looking-Glass. I writ not this as a feigned Story, but as a real Truth; for I was never quiet in my Mind, till I had procured these Jewels of my Lord's Philosophy from Mr. Archy Primrose, the Prince's Page.  
Of this I find nothing, either in his Lordship's Experiments 
p Nat. Hist. Cent. 10. Exp. 939. etc. p. 205.  touching Emission, or Immateriate Virtues, from the Minds and Spirits of Men; or, in those concerning the secret Virtue of Sympathy and Antipathy 
q Ibid. Exp. 960. etc. p. 211.  Wherefore I forbear to speak further in an Argument about which I am so much in the dark.  
I proceed to subjects upon which I can speak with much more assurance, his Inimitable Writings.  
Now, of the Works of the Lord Bacon, many are extant, and some are lost, in whole, or in part.  
His Abecedarium Naturae, is in part lost, and there remaineth nothing of it besides the Fragment, lately retrieved, and now first published. But this loss is the less to be lamented, because it is made up with advantage, in the second and better thoughts of the Author, in the two first Parts of his Instauration. The World hath sustained a much greater loss in his Historia Gravis & Levis, which (I fear) is wholly perished. It is true, he had gone no further than the general Delineation of this Work; but those Out-lines drawn by so great an Artist, would have much directed others, in describing those important Phenomena of Nature.  
Also his Collection of Wise and Acute Sentences, entitled by him, Ornamenta Rationalia; is either wholly lost; or, in some obscure place, committed to Moths and Cobwebs. But this is, here in some sort supplied, partly out of his own Works, and partly out of those of one of the Ancients.  
Lost, likewise, is a Book which he wrote in his Youth, he called it [Temporis Partus Maximus] 
r See the E●ist. to Fulgen.  the Greatest Birth of Time: Or rather, Temporis Partus Masculus, the Masculine Birth of Time. For so Gruter found it called in some of the Papers of Sir William Boswel 
s See the Page af●er the Title of Scripta Philosophica. . This was a kind of Embryo of the Instauration: and if it had been preserved, it might have delighted and profited Philosophical Readers, who could then have seen the Generation of that great Work, as it were from the first Egg of it.  
Of those Works of the Lord Bacon's which are Extant, some he left imperfect, that he might pursue his Design in others; As the New Atlantis: Some he broke off on purpose, being contented to have set others on-wards in their way; as The Dialogue of a Holy War. In some he was prevented by Death; as in the History of Henry the Eighth. Of some he despaired; as of the Philosophia Prima, of which he left but some few Axioms. And lastly, some he perfected; as some parts of the Great Instauration. And amongst all his Works, that of his Instauration, deserveth the first place. He thought so himself, saying to Dr. Andrews, than Lord Bishop of Winchester 
t In Epist. Dedic. before his Advertisement touching a holy War. , This is the Work, which, in my own judgement, (Si nunquam fallit Imago) I do most esteem.  
In this Work, he designed to take in pieces the former Model of Sciences; to lay aside the rotten Materials; to give it a new Form, and much Enlargement; and to found it, not upon Imagination, but Reason helped by Experience. This Great Instauration, was to consist of Six Parts.  
The First Part proposed was, the Partitions of the Sciences: And this the Author perfected in that Golden Treatise of the Advancement of Learning, addressed to King james, a Labour which he termed 
u In his Letter to Sir T. Bodley, p. 34. Resus.  the comfort of his other Labours. This he first wrote in two Books, in the English Tongue, in which his Pen excelled. And of this First Edition that is to be meant, which, with some Truth, and more Modesty, he wrote to the Earl of Salisbury; telling him 
w In a Letter in Resusc. p. 31. , That, in his Book, he was contented to awake better Spirits, being himself like a Bell-ringer, who is first up to call others to Church. Afterwards he enlargeth the Second of those Two Discourses, which contained especially the abovesaid Partition, and divided the Matter of it into Eight Books. And, knowing that this Work was desired beyond the Seas, and being also ware, that Books written in a modern Language, which receiveth much change in a few Years, were out of use; he caused that part of it which he had written in English, to be translated into the Latin Tongue, by Mr. Herbert, and some others, who were esteemed Masters in the Roman Eloquence. Notwithstanding which, he so suited the Style to his Conceptions, by a strict Castigation of the whole Work, that it may deservedly seem his own. The Translation of this Work (that is, of much of the Two Books written by him in English) he first commended to Dr. playfere, a Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridg; using, amongst others, these words to him. The 
x Collect. of Letters in Resusc. p. 33, 34.  privateness of the Language considered, wherein the Book is written, excluding so many Readers; as, on the other side, the obscurity of the Argument, in many parts of it, excludeth many others; I must account it, a second Birth of that Work, if it might be translated into Latin, without manifest loss of the Sense, and Matter. For this purpose I could not represent to myself any Man, into whose hands I do more earnestly desire that Work should fall, than yourself: For, by that I have heard, and read, I know no Man a greater Master, in commanding Words to serve Matter.  
The Doctor was willing to serve so Excellent a Person, and so worthy a Design; and, within a while, sent him a Specimen of a Latin Translation. But Men, generally, come short of themselves when they strive to outdo themselves. They put a force upon their Natural Genius, and, by straining of it, crack and disable it. And so, it seems, it happened to that Worthy and Elegant Man. Upon this great Occasion, he would be over-accurate; and he sent a Specimen of such superfine Latinity, that the Lord Bacon did not encourage him to labour further in that Work, in the penning of which, he desired not so much neat and polite, as clear Masculine, and apt Expression.  
The whole of this Book was rendered into English by Dr. Gilbert Wats, of Oxford; and the Translation has been well received by many. But some there were, who wished that a Translation had been set forth, in which the Genius and Spirit of the Lord Bacon had more appeared. And I have seen a Letter, written by certain Gentlemen to Dr. Rawley, wherein they thus importune him for a more accurate Version, by his own Hand. It is our humble suit to you, and we do earnestly solicit you,— to give yourself the Trouble, to correct the too much defective Translation of de Augmentis Scientiarum, which Dr. Watts hath set forth. It is a thousand pities, that so worthy a Piece should lose its Grace and Credit by an ill Expositor; since those Persons, who read that Translation, taking it for Genuine, and upon that presumption not regarding the Latin Edition, are thereby rob of that benefit which (if you would please to undertake the Business) they might receive. This tendeth to the dishonour of that Noble Lord, and the hindrance of the Advancement of Learning.  
This Work hath been also translated into French upon the motion of the Marquis Fiat. But in it there are many things wholly omitted, many things perfectly mistaken, and some things (especially such as relate to Religion) wilfully perverted. Insomuch that, in in one place, he makes his Lordship to magnify the Legend: A Book, sure of little Credit with him, when he thus began one of his Essays 
* Essay of Atheism. ; I had rather believe all the Fables in the Legend, and the Talmud, and the Alcoran, than that this Universal Frame is without a Mind.  
The fairest, and most correct Edition of this Book in Latin, is that in Folio, printed at London, Anno 1623. And whosoever would understand the Lord Bacon's cipher 
y l. 6. c. 1. , let him consult that accurate Edition. For, in some other Editions which I have perused, the form of the Letters of the Alphabet, in which much of the Mystery consisteth, is not observed: But the Roman and Italic shapes of them are confounded.  
To this Book we may reduce the first four Chapters of that imperfect Treatise, published in Latin by Isaac Gruter 
z Inter Scripta Philos. fol. 75. , and called The Description of the Intellectual Globe; they being but a rude draught of the Partition of the Sciences, so accurately and methodically disposed, in this Book of the Advancement of Learning. To this Work, also, we may reduce, the Treatise called Thema Coeli, published likewise in Latin, by Gruter. And it particularly belongeth to the Fourth Chapter, and the Third Book of it; as being a Discourse tending to an improvement of the System of the Heavens, which is treated of in that place, the Houses of which (had God granted him life) he would have understood as well almost as he did his own. For the same Reason, we may reduce, to the same place of the Advancement, the Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Chapters, of the Descriptio Globi Intellectualis, above remembered 
a See Verulam's Scripta Philos. p. 90, etc. .  
The Second Part of his Great Instauration (and so considerable a part of it, that the Name of the whole is given to it) is his Novum Organum Scientiarum, written by himself in the Latin Tongue, and printed also most beautifully and correctly in Folio, at London 
b 1620. and in 2d● part Res. part of this Orga. is publs. in an Engl. Version. . This Work he Dedicated to King james, with the following Excuse; That, if he had stolen any time, for the Composure of it, from his majesty's other Affairs, he had made some sort of Restitution, by doing Honour to his Name and his Reign. The King wrote to him, than Chancellor, a Letter of thanks, with his own Hand 
c Dated Octob. 16. 1620. See Collect. of Letters in Resusc. p. 83. ; and this was the first part of it. My Lord, I have received your Letter, and your Book, than the which you could not have sent, a more acceptable Present, to me. How thankful I am for it, cannot better be expressed by me, than by a firm Resolution I have taken; First, to read it through with Care and Attention; though I should steal some Hours from my Sleep; having, otherwise, as little spare Time to read it, as you had to write it: And then to use the liberty of a true Friend, in not sparing to ask you the question in any Point, whereof I stand in doubt, (Nam ejus est explicare, cujus est condere;) as, on the other part, I will willingly give a due commendation to such Places, as in my Opinion, shall deserve it. In the mean time, I can with comfort, assure you, that you could not have made choice of a Subject, more befitting your Place, and your Universal, and Methodical Knowledge.—  
Three Copies of this Organum, were sent by the Lord Bacon to Sir Henry Wotton, one who took a pride (as himself saith) in a certain Congeniality with his Lordship's Studies. And how very much he valued the Present, we may learn from his own words. You Lordship (said he 
* Sir H. Wotton' s Remains, p. 298, 299. ) hath done a great and everliving Benefit to all the Children of Nature, and to Nature herself in her uttermost extent of Latitude: Who, never before, had so noble, nor so true an Interpreter, or (as I am readier to style your Lordship) never so inward a Secretary of her Cabinet. But of your Work (which came but this Week to my hands) I shall find occasion to speak more hereafter; having yet read only the First Book thereof, and a few Aphorisms of the Second. For it is not a Banquet that Men may superficially taste, and put up the rest in their Pockets; but, in truth, a solid Feast, which requireth due Mastication. Therefore, when I have once, myself, perused the whole, I determine to have it read, piece by piece, at certain Hours, in my Domestic College, as an Ancient Author: For I have learned thus much by it already, that we are extremely mistaken in the Computation of Antiquity, by searching it backwards; because, indeed, the first Times were the youngest; especially in points of Natural Discovery and Experience.—  
This Novum Organum containeth in it, Instructions concerning a better and more perfect use of Reason in our Inquisitions after things. And therefore the Second Title which he gave it was, Directions concerning Interpretations of Nature. And, by this Art, he designed a Logic more useful than the Vulgar, and an Organon apt to help the Intellectual Powers, than that of Aristotle. For he proposed here, not so much the Invention of Arguments, as of Arts; and in Demonstration, he used Induction, more than Contentious Syllogism; and in his Induction, he did not straightway proceed from a few particular Sensible Notions, to the most general of all; but raised Axioms by degrees, designing the most general Notions for the last place; and insisting on such of them as are, not merely Notional, but, coming from Nature, do also lead to her.  
This Book containeth Three Parts, The Preface; the Distribution of the Work of the Great Instauration; Aphorisms, guiding to the Interpretation of Nature.  
The Preface considereth the present unhappy state of Learning, together with Counsels and Advices to advance and improve it. To this Preface therefore, are to be reduced the Indicia, and the Proem in Gruter 
d Script. p. 285. & 479. , concerning the Interpretation of Nature; the First Book de Augmentis Scientiarum, which treateth generally of their Dignity and Advancement; and his Lordship ' s Cogitata & Visa 
e Pub. by Gruter among the Scripta. , written by him, in Latin, without Intention of making them public in that Form, and sent to Dr. Andrews 
f Ann● 1607. see Resusc. p. 35. , as likewise to Sir Thomas Bodily, with a desire to receive their Censures and Emendations. The latter returned him a free and friendly Judgement of this Work, in a large and learned Letter, published in the Cabala, in the English Tongue, and by Gruter in the Latin 
g Inter Scripta Philos. p. 62. . The like, perhaps, was done by the former, though his Answer be not extant.  
To the Distribution, belongeth that Latin Fragment in Gruter 
h Inter Scripta. p. 293. , called, The Delineation, and Argument, of the Second Part of the Instauration. So doth that 
i Pag. 208.  of the Philosophy of Parmenides and Telesius, and (especially) Democritus. For (as he showeth in the beginning of that Part) he designed first to consider the Learning of which the World was possessed; and then to perfect that; and that being done, to open new Ways to further Discoveries.  
To the Aphorisms is reducible, his Letter to Sir Henry Savil, touching Helps for the Intellectual Powers, written by his Lordship in the English 
k Reusc. p 225, & ●  Tongue. A part of Knowledge then scarce broken 
l 〈…〉 ● late, S●●noza on that Subject. , Men believing that Nature was here rather to be followed than guided by Art; and as necessary (in his Lordship's Opinion) as the grinding and whetting of an Instrument, or the quenching it, and giving it a stronger Temper.  
Also there belong to this place, the Fragment, called Aphorismi & Consilia, de Auxiliis mentis. And Sententiae Duodecim de Interpretatione Naturae; both published by Gruter in the Latin Tongue, in which his Lordship wrote them 
m See Script. p. 448, 451. .  
In the bringing this Labour to Maturity, he used great and deliberate Care; insomuch that Dr. 
n D. R▪ in Life of Lord Bacon.  Rawley saith, he had seen Twelve Copies of it, revised Year by Year, one after another; and every Year altered and amended in the Frame thereof, till at last it came to the Model in which it was committed to the Press. It was like a mighty Pyramid, long in its Erection; and it will, probably, be like to it in its Continuance.  
Now he received from many parts beyond the Seas, Testimonies touching this Work, such, as beyond which he could not (he saith, 
* In Epi. to Bishop Andrews. ) expect at the first, in so abstruse an Argument; yet nevertheless (he saith again) he had just cause to doubt that it flew too high over men's Heads: He purposed therefore, (though he broke the order of Time) to draw it down to the sense by some Patterns, of Natural Story and Inquisition.  
And so he proceeded to  
The Third Part of the Instauration, which he called the Phaenomena of the Universe, or the History Natural and Experimental, subservient to the building of a true Philosophy.  
This Work consisteth of several Sections:  
The First is his Parasceve, or Preparatory to the History Natural and Experimental. It is a short Discourse written in Latin, by the Author, and annexed to the Novum Organum Scientiarum. There is delivered in it, in Ten Aphorisms, the general manner of framing a Natural History. After which followeth a Catalogue of particular Histories, of Celestial and Aereal Bodies, and of those in the Terrestrial Globe, with the Species of them: Such as Metals, Gems, Stones, Earth's, Salts, Plants, Fishes, Fowls, Infects; Man, in his Body, and in his Inventions mechanic and liberal.  
A late Pen has traveled in the Translation of this little Description of Natural History; and it is extant in the Second Part of the Resuscitation.  
To this Parasceve, it is proper to reduce the Fragment of the Abecedarium Naturae; and a short Discourse written in Latin by his Lordship, and published by Gruter 
n Se●. Ver. 〈◊〉 Phil. p. 323. : It being (what also its Title shows) a Preface to the Phaenomena of the Universe; or, The Natural History.  
Neither do we, here, unfitly place the Fable of the New Atlantis: For it is the Model of a College to be Instituted by some King who philosophizeth, for the Interpreting of Nature, and the Improving of Arts. His Lordship did (it seems) think of finishing this Fable, by adding to it a Frame of Laws, or a kind of Utopian Commonwealth; but he was diverted by his desire of Collecting the Natural History which was first in his esteem. This Supplement has been lately made by another Hand 
o See R. H. contin. of N. Atlantis Octo. Lon. 1660. : A great and hardy Adventure, to finish a Piece after the Lord Verulam's Pencil. This Fable of the New Atlantis in the Latin Edition of it, and in the Franckfort Collection, goeth under the false and absurd Title of Novus Atlas: As if his Lordship had alluded to a Person, or a Mountain, and not to a great Island, which according to Plato, perished in the Ocean.  
The Second Section is, the History of Winds, written in Latin by the Author, and by R. G. Gentleman, turned into English. It was Dedicated to King Charles, than Prince, as the First-fruits of his Lordship's Natural History; and as a grain of Mustardseed, which was, by degrees, to grow into a Tree of Experimental Science. This was the Birth of the first of those Six Months, in which he determined (God assisting him) to write Six several Histories of Natural Things. To wit, of Dense and Rare Bodies, of Heavy and Light Bodies; of Sympathy and Antipathy; of Salt, Sulphur, and Mercury; of Life and Death; and (which he first perfected) that of Winds, which he calls the Wings by which Men fly on the Sea, and the Beesoms of the Air and Earth. And he, rightly, observeth concerning those Postnati (for, as he saith, they are not a part of the Six Days Works, or Primary Creatures) that the Generation of them has not been well understood, because Men have been Ignorant of the Nature and Power of the Air, on which the Winds attend, as Aeolus on juno.  
The English Translation of this Book of Winds, is printed in the Second Part of the Resuscitatio, as it is called, though improperly enough; for it is rather a Collection of Books already Printed, than a Resuscitation of any considerable Ones, which before slept in private Manuscript.  
The Third Section is, the History of Density and Rarity, and of the Expansion and Coition of Matter in Space. This Discourse was written by his Lordship in Latin; and was published very imperfectly by Gruter, amongst other Treatises, to which he gave the Title of Impetus Philosophici 
o See Verulamii Scripta, p. 336, 337, etc. ; and very perfectly and correctly by Dr. Rawley, out of whose Hands none of his Lordship's Works came lame and ill shapen into the World.  
In this Argument, his Lordship allowing that nothing is substracted, or added to the total Sum of Matter, does yet grant, that in the same Space there may be much more or less of Matter; and that (for Instance sake) there is ten times more of Matter in one Tun of Water, than in one of Air. By which his Lordship should seem to grant, what yet I do not find he does in any other place; either that there is a Vacuum in Nature, or Penetration of parts in Bodies.  
The Third Section is, the History of Gravity and Levity, which (as before was said) was but designed; and remaineth not (that I can hear of) so much as in the rude draught of its Designation. Only, there are published his Lordship's Topics, or Articles of Inquisition, touching Gravity and Levity, in his Book of Advancement 
q De Augm. Scient. l. 5. ●. 3. p 386. ; and a brief Aditus to this History, annexed to the Historia Ventorum. In that Aditus, or Entrance, he rejecteth the Appetite of heavy Bodies to the Centre of the Earth, as a Scholastic Fancy: He taketh it for a certain Truth, That Body does not suffer but from Body, or that there is any local motion which is not solicited, either from the parts of the Body itself which is moved; or from Bodies adjacent, either contiguously, or in the next Vicinity, or at least within the Orb of their Activity: And lastly, he commendeth the Magnetic Virtues introduced by Gilbert, whom yet in this he disalloweth, that he made himself as 'twere a Magnet, and drew every thing to his Hypothesis.  
The Fourth Section is, the History of Sympathy and Antipathy. Of this we have only the Aditus annexed to that of Historia Gravis & Levis; and a few Instances in his Sylva Sylvarum 
r See Exper. 95, 96, 97. 462, 480, to 498. . In this History he designed to avoid Magical Fancies, which raise the Mind, in these things, to an undue height; and pretence of occultness of Quality, which layeth the Mind asleep, and preventeth further Inquiry into these useful secrets of Nature.  
The Fifth Section is, the History of Salt, Sulphur, and Mercury, the three Principles of the common Chemists; of which three, he thought the first to be no primordial Body, but a Compound of the two others, knit together by an acid Spirit. The Aditus 
s All these Aditus are transl. into Engl. by the Trans. of the History of Winds.  to this is annexed to that of Historia Sympathiae & Antipathiae Rerum; but the Treatise itself was (I think) never written.  
The Sixth Section is, the History of Life and Death; written by his Lordship in Latin; and first turned into English by an injudicious Translator; and rendered much better a second time, by an abler Pen, made abler still by the Advice and Assistance of Dr. Rawley.  
This Work, though ranked last, amongst the Six Monthly Designations; yet was set forth in the second Place: His Lordship (as he saith) inverting the Order, in respect of the prime use of this Argument, in which the least loss of time was, by him, esteemed very precious. The Subject of this Book (which Sir Henry Wotton 
t Remains, p. 455.  calleth, none of the least of his Lordship's Works) and the Argument of which, some had before undertaken 
u Pansa de propag. vitâ Octo. Lips. 1615. ; but to much less purpose is the first of those, which he put in his Catalogue of the Magnalia Naturae. And doubless, his Lordship undertook both a great and a most desirable Work, of making Art short, and Life easy and long. And it was his Lordship's wish, that the nobler sort of Physicians might not employ their times wholly in the sordidness of Cures, neither be honoured for necessity only; but become Coadjutors and Instruments of the Divine Omnipotence and Clemence, in prolonging and renewing the Life of Man: And in helping Christians who pant after the Land of Promise, so to journey through this World's Wilderness, as to have their Shoes and Garments, (these of their frail Bodies) little worn and impaired.  
The Seventh and greatest Branch of the Third Part of the Instauration, is his Sylva Sylvarum, or Natural History; which containeth many Materials for the building of Philosophy, as the Organum doth Directions for the Work. It is an History not only of Nature freely moving in her Course, (as in the production of Meteors, Plants, Minerals); but also of Nature in constraint, and vexed and tortured by Humane Art and Experiment. And it is not an History of such things orderly ranged; but thrown into an Heap. For his Lordship, that he might not discourage other Collectors, did not cast this Book into exact Method; for which reason it hath the less Ornament, but not much the less Use.  
In this Book are contained Experiments of Light, and Experiments of Use (as his Lordship was wont to distinguish); and amongst them some Extraordinary, and others Common. He understood that what was Common in one Country, might be a Rarity in another: For which Reason, Dr. Caius, when in Italy, thought it worth his pains to make a large and Elegant Description of Our way of Brewing. His Lordship also knew well, that an Experiment manifest to the Vulgar, was a good ground for the Wise to build further upon. And himself rendered Common ones, extraordinary by Admonitions, for further Trials and Improvements. Hence his Lordship took occasion to say 
w Nat. Hist. Cent. 1. p. 25. Exper. 93. , that his writing of Sylva Sylvarum, was (to speak properly) not a Natural History, but a high kind of Natural Magic: Because it was not only a description of Nature, but a breaking of Nature into great and strange Works.  
This Book was written by his Lordship in the English Tongue, and translated by an obscure Interpreter, into French, and out of that Translation, into Latin, by james Gruter, in such ill manner, that they darkened his Lordship's Sense, and debased his Expression. james Gruter was sensible of his Miscarriage, being kindly advertised of it by Dr. Rawley: And he left behind him divers amendments, published by his Brother Isaac Gruter, in a second Edition 
x Amstel. 1661. in 16 ●. . Yet still so many Errors have escaped, that the Work requireth a Third Hand.  
Mounsieur Aelius Deodatus had once engaged an able Person in the translation of this Book; one who could have done his Lordship right, and obliged such Readers as understood not the English Original. He began, and went through the Three first Centuries, and then desisted; being desired by him who set him on work, to take his hand quite off from that Pen, with which he moved so slowly. His Translation of the Third Century is now in my Hands; but that of the two first, I believe is lost.  
His Lordship thus began that Third Century in English. All Sounds (whatsoever) move round; that is to say, on all sides; upwards, downwards, forwards, and backwards. This appeareth in all Instances.  
Sounds do not require to be conveyed to the sense in a right Line, as Visibles do, but may be arched. Though it be true, they move strongest in a right Line; which nevertheless is not caused by the rightness of the Line, but by the shortness of the Distance; Linea rect a brevissima. And therefore we see, if a Wall be between, and you speak on the one side, you hear it on the other; which is not because the Sound passeth through the Wall, but archeth over the Wall.  
These words are thus turned, by james Gruter, in his last Edition; and tolerably well: Especially if we compare with some other places in his Translation.  
Omnes soni, qualescunque sint, in circulum moventur; hoc est, in omnes parts, sursum, deorsum, antrorsum, retrorsum; quod omnes docent instantiae.  
Soni non requirunt ut rectâ lineâ ad sensum devehantur, quemadmodum visibilia, sed potest esse arcuata; quamvis verum sit, quòd fortissimè per rectam lineam moveant: Neque tamen id lineae debetur rectitudini, sed minori intervallo; Linea enim recta est brevissima. Hinc, si quis ab alterâ interjecti Parietis parte vocem proferat, ab alterâ queat exaudiri; non quòd vox Parietem transeundo penetret, sed quòd arcuata ultra parietem ascendat.  
But the Translator, employed by Mounsieur Deodate, turned them after this better manner.  
Omnes in universum Soni in Orbem feruntur: In omnem videlicet partem; sursum, deorsum, antrorsum, & retrorsum. Hoc in omnibus exemplis cernitur.  
Soni non in rectâ tantùm lineâ ad sensum deferri necesse habent, quemadmodum visilia; sed & inflexa & arcuata devehi possunt: Quanquam in rectâ lineâ fortissimè moveantur. Vbi tamen non hoc imputandum Rectitudini Linae, sed brevitati Intervalli. Recta enim linea eadem brevissima est. Itaque experimur, muro interjecto vocem, ex adversâ parte muri exaudiri, quae ex alterâ ejus parte prolata fuerit. Auditur autem, non quòd per murum penetret, sed quòd eum transcendat motu flexuoso.  
The Judicious Reader may discern by this little, how much this latter Translator excelled the former, in comprehending and expressing his Lordship's Sense. And yet I cannot say, that throughout those Three Centuries in which he hath laboured, he hath every where truly hit his Conceit. His Lordship had a very peculiar Vein with him; and I may resemble it to the singurity in the Face of Cardan, who tells us, in his own Life, that he set to Painters of divers Countries, yet could never have the Air of it taken by them.  
Whilst I am speaking of this Work of his Lordship's, of Natural History, there comes to my mind a very Memorable Relation, reported by him who bore a part in it, the Reverend Dr. Rawley. One day, his Lordship was dictating to that Doctor, some of the Experiments in his Sylva. The same day, he had sent a Friend to Court, to receive for him a final Answer, touching the effect of a Grant which had been made him by King james. He had hitherto, only hope of it, and hope deferred; and he was desirous to know the event of the Matter, and to be freed, one way or other, from the suspense of his thoughts. His Friend returning, told him plainly, that he must thenceforth, despair of that Grant, how much soever his Fortunes needed it. Be it so, said his Lordship; and then he dismissed his Friend very cheerfully, with thankful acknowledgements of his Service. His Friend being gone, he came straightway to Dr. Rawley, and said thus to him. Well Sir! Yond Business won't go on; let us go on with this, for this is in our Power. And then he dictated to him afresh, for some Hours, without the least hesitancy of Speech, or discernible interruption of Thought.  
To this Work of Natural History, may be reduced his Lordship's Treatises, De Sono & Auditu, De Metallis & Mineralibus, De Magnete, De Versionibus, Transmutationibus, Multiplicationibus, & Effectionibus Corporum, De Luce & Lumine 
y The Paper De Luce & Lumine is also extant among the Scripta Philosophica, p. 485. . All published by Dr. Rawley, in the Collection called Opuscula Varia Posthuma Francisci Bacom.  
We may likewise reduce to the same place, the Paper De Fluxu & Refluxu Maris, published by Isaac Gruter, amongst the Scripta 
z Scripta Philosophica. p. 178. etc. ; and that other De Ratione Inveniendi causas Fluxus & Refluxus Maris; 
a See this (turned into English by R. G.) in Resusc. Part 2. p. 90. See it in Latin at the end of the Tract. De Motu, annexed to the Histor. Ventor. p. 91.  as also the Baconiana Physiologica and Medica, in these Remains.  
There may be further added, his Cogitationes, De Naturâ Rerum; De Sectione Corporum; Continuo & Vacuo; and the Fragment called Filum Labyrinthi sive Legitima Inquisitio de Motu: All published by the same Mr. Gruter, in the same Book. Likewise the Treatises, De Motûs sive Virtutis activae variis Speciebus, & Historia Naturalis & Experimentalis de Formâ Calidi; joined to the Historia Ventorum 
b Hist. Vent. p. 129, 191. see Resusc. 2d Part. p. 53. , and inserted also into the Organum 
c Nou. Organ. De Motu. p. 314. de Forma Calidi. p. 158. ; and by R. G. made English.  
For it was his Lordship's design 
d Nou. Organ. in distrib. Op. P. 13. , not merely to exhibit an History of Bodies, but moreover to procure a distinct and comparative one, of their Virtues, such as those of Density and Rarity; Consistency and Fluidity; Gravity and Levity; Heat and Cold.  
Such a Collection of Natural History, was of necessity to be undertaken anew. For the Collections, which were before in men's Hands, were but a small and inconsiderable heap, when the Chaff and Fable were sifted from them; though the more considerable for that Separation. And further, as his Lordship noteth 
e De Augment. Sciens. l. z. c. 3. p. 135. , too many of these Histories were at first framed rather for Delight, and Table-talk, than for Philosophy. Stories were feigned for the sake of their Morals; and they were frequently taken upon groundless Trust; and the later Writers borrowed out of the more Ancient, and were not Experimenters, but Transcribers: And such a one was Pliny himself, both in his larger and lesser Work; I mean that of Solinus, who is but Pliny contracted.  
There are who have accused the Lord Bacon himself, for taking Experiments too readily upon Trust, and without deliberate and discreet Choice. To such I will return Answer in his own words. The Rejection 
f Nat. Hist. Cent. 1. p. 6. Exper. 25.  which I continually use; of Experiments (though it appeareth not) is infinite; but yet, if an Experiment be probable in the Work, and of great use I receive it, but deliver it as doubtful.  
The Fourth Part of the Instauration designed, was Scala Intellectû s.  
To this there is some sort of entrance in his Lordship's distribution of the Novum Organum, and in a Page or two under that Title of Scala, published by Gruter 
g See Scripta, p. 379. : But the Work itself passed not beyond the Model of it in the Head of the Noble Author.  
That which he intended, was a particular Explication, and Application of the Second Part of the Instauration, (which giveth general Rules for the Interpretation of Nature) by gradual Instances and Examples.  
He thought that his Rules, without some more sensible Explication, were like Discourses in Geometry, or Mechanics, without Figures, and Types of Engines. He therefore designed to select certain Subjects in Nature, or Art; and as it were, to draw to the Sense a certain Scheme of the beginning and progress of Philosophical Disquisition in them; showing by degrees, where our consideration takes Root, and how it spreadeth and advanceth. And some such thing is done by those who, from the Cicatricula, or from the Punctum Saliens, observe and register all the Phaenomena of the Animal unto its Death, and after it also in the Medical, or Culinarie, or other use of its Body; together with all the train of the Thoughts occasioned by those Phaenomena, or by others in compare with them.  
And because he intended to exhibit such Observations, as they gradually arise; therefore he gave to that Designed Work, the Title of the Scale, or Ladder of the Understanding. He also expressed the same Conceit by another Metaphor 
h See Scriptae, p. 384. , advising Students to imitate Men, who by going by degrees from several Eminencies of some very high Mountain, do at length arrive at the Top, or Pike of it.  
The Fifth Part of the Instauration, designed, was, what he called Prodromi sive Anticipationes Philosophiae Secundae. To this we find a very brief Entrance, in the Organum 
i In Distrib. Op. p. 17. , and the Scripta, published by Gruter 
k Virul. scrip. p. 385. Prodromi, etc. . And though his Lordship is not known to have composed any part of this Work by itself, yet something of it is to be Collected from the Axioms, and greater Observations interspersed in his Natural Histories, which are not pure but mixed Writings. The Anticipations he intended to pay down as Use, till he might furnish the World wit the Principal, in  
The Sixth and last Part of his Instauration, designed, which was, Philosophia Secunda sive Scientia Activa. This General Philosophy, founded upon Sensible Nature, or Artificial Experiments, and built up by degrees in Observations and Axioms, he at length despaired of, and commended to Posterity. Time only can throughly finish what his Lordship began, and sufficiently commend his Diligence and Sagacity, who collected so many Materials, and disposed them into such Order; and made in so short a Time, and (for the most part) in the midst of Civil Business, such mighty Preparations towards the building of the House of Wisdom.  
After having mentioned the several Parts of this great Work, which concerneth, especially, Body Natural; we proceed to enumerate others of his Lordship's Writings, which concern Civil, or Religious Matters. And though most of them are of a mixed nature, and History is seldom written without some Political Reflections; yet to those who are not over Nice, the division of them into Historical and Political, may be passable.  
His Historical Works are these:  
The first, Is the History of Henry the Seventh 
l Published first 1622. , written Elegantly, by his Lordship in the English Tongue, and Addressed to his Highness the Prince of Wales; and turned afterwards into Latin. An History which required such a Reporter: those Times being Times both of great Revolution, and Settlement, through the Division and Union of the Roses.  
This was the First Book which he Composed after his Retirement from an Active Life 
m See the Cat. of his Works then written in his Life, by D. R. . Upon which occasion he wrote thus to the Bishop of Winchester 
n In Epist. bef. Dial of an holy War. . Being (as I am) no more able to do my Country Service, it remaineth unto me, to do it Honour: Which I have endeavoured to do in my Work, of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh.  
The Second is, the Fragment of the History of Henry the Eighth, printed at the end of his Lordship's Miscellany Works, of which the best Edition is that in Quarto, in the Year 1629. This Work he undertook, upon the Motion of King Charles the First, but (a Greater King not lending him time) he only began it; for that which we have of it, was (it seems) but one Mornings Work.  
The Third is, a Memorial, entitled the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth 
o See in the Resusc. the Letter to Mr. Matthew. p. 37. . This was written by his Lordship, in Latin 
p Publ. among his Opuscula. p. 177.  only. A Person of more good Will, than Ability, translated it into English 
q Anne 1651. in 16. , and called it, in the singular, Her Felicity. But we have also a Version, much more Accurate and Judicious, performed by Doctor Rawley 
r Publ. in Resusc. p. 181, etc. , who was pleased to take that Labour upon him, because he understood the value his Lordship put upon this Work; for it was such, that I find this Charge given concerning it, in his last Will and Testament. In particular, I wish the Elegy which I writ, in Felicem Memoriam Elizabethae, may be published.  
For the Occasion of it, his Lordship telleth it thus, in a Letter to Sir George Carey 
s Resusc. p. 45. , then in France, to whom he sent it.— Because one must begin, I thought to provoke your remembrance of me by a Letter: And thinking to fit it with somewhat besides Salutations, it came to my mind, that this last Summer-Vacation, by occasion of a factious Book that endeavoured to verify Misera Faemina, (the Addition of the Pope's Bull) upon Queen Elizabeth; I did write a few Lines in her Memorial, which I thought you would be pleased to read, both for the Argument; and because you were wont to bear affection to my Pen. Verum ut aliud ex alio: If it came handsomely to pass, I would be glad the Precedent de 
* Thuanus.  Thou (who hath written an History, as you know, of that Fame and Diligence) saw it: Chief, because I know not whether it may not serve him for some use in his Story: Wherein I would be glad he did right to the Truth, and to the Memory of that Lady; as I perceive by that he hath already written, he is well inclined to do.  
The Fourth is, the Beginning of the History of Great Britain. This was an Essay, sent to King james, whose Times it considered. A Work worthy his Pen, had he proceeded in it; seeing (as he 
t See Collect. of Letters in Resusc. p. 30. Letter to King James. And p. 28, 29, 30. the Letter to the Lord Chancellor Egerton, concerning this Subject.  saith) he should have written of Times, not only since he could remember, but since he could observe; and by way of Introduction, of Times, (as he further noteth) of strange Variety; the Reign of a Child; the offer of an Usurpation by the Lady jane, though it were but as a Diary Ague; the Reign of a Lady married to a Foreigner, and the Reign of a Lady solitary and unmarried.  
His Lordship, who had given such proof of his Skill in writing an History of England, leaving the World, to the unspeakable loss of the learned part of it; his late Majesty, a great favourer of that Work, and wise in the choice of fit Workmen, encouraged Sir Henry Wotton to endeavour it, by his Royal Invitation, and a Pension of 500 l. per annum. This Proposal was made to that Excellent Man, in his declining Years; and he died after the finishing some short Characters of some few Kings; which Characters are published in his Remains 
u Reliqu. Wotton. p. 100 . But this new Undertaking diverted him from a Work, in which he had made some considerable Progress, the Life of Luther, and in it, the History of the Reformation, as it was begun and carried on in Germany: Of which Work, the Papers (they say) are lost, and in a Current of Time of no great depth, sunk beyond all possible Recovery.  
The Fifth is, the Imago Civilis julii Caesaris.  
The sixth, Imago Civilis Augusti Caesaris. Both of them 
w Among the Opuscula. p. 195.  short personal Characters, and not Histories of their Empire: And written by his Lordship in that Tongue, which in their Times, was at its height, and became the Language of the World. A while since, they were translated into English, and inserted into the First Part of the Resuscitation 
x See Resusc. Edw. 3d. p. 214. .  
In the Seventh Place, I may reckon his Book De Sapientiâ Veterum, written by him in Latin 
y See his Letter to Mr. Matthews in Resusc. p. 38. , and set forth a second time with Enlargement; and translated into English by Sir Arthur Gorges 
z This Translation is lately added to the Essays, in Octavo. : A Book in which the Sages of former Times, are rendered more Wise than it may be they were, by so dextrous an Interpreter of their Fables. It is this Book which Mr. Sandys means, in those words which he hath put before his Notes, on the Metamorphosis of Ovid 
* Pag. 18. . Of Modern Writers, I have received the greatest Light from Geraldus, Pontanus, Ficinus, Vives, Comes, Scaliger, Sabinus, Pierius, and the Crown of the latter, the Viscount of Saint Alban.  
It is true, the design of this Book was, Instruction in Natural and Civil Matters, either couched by the Ancients under those Fictions, or rather made to seem to be so, by his Lordship's Wit, in the opening and applying of them. But because the first ground of it is Poetical Story, therefore let it have this place, till a fit be found for it.  
For his Lordship's Political Writings, they are such as relate, either to Ecclesiastical, or Civil Polity. His Writings which relate to Ecclesiastical Polity, (for he was not willing 
a See his Epistle to Bishop Andrews.  that all his Labours should go into the City, and none into the Church) are the three following.  
The First is a Discourse 
b In Resusc. p. 233. it was published before without his Lordship's Name in Quarto, 1640.  bearing the Title of Certain Considerations, touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England; and dedicated to King james. The Second 
c In Resusc. p. 162.  is, an Advertisement, touching the Controversies of the Church of England. The Third is, a Dialogue touching an Holy War: All written at first in English, by his Lordship. The First of these toucheth the Settlement of Doctrine: The Second, the Settlement of Discipline amongst the Christians in England: The Third, of Propagation of the Faith amongst unbelievers. In all which it is plain, that his Lordship dealt in the Affairs of the Church, as he was wont to do in Civil Matters, Suavibus Modis, and in the Mean. Accordingly he was wont to compare himself to the Miller of Granchester, a Village by Cambridg. Of him his Lordship telleth, that he was wont to pray for Peace among the Willows: For whilst the Winds blew, the Windmills wrought, and his Water-mill was less Customed 
d See Letter to Mr Matthew, in Resusc. p. 36. . His Lordship was for pacifying Disputes, knowing that Controversies of Religion, would hinder the Advancement of Sciences.  
His Writings which relate to Civil Polity, are very considerable; and yet they fall much short of that which he had sometimes in design. For he aimed at the complete Model of a Commonwealth, though he hath left only some preparation towards it in his Doctrine of Enlarging the bounds of Empire; and in a few Abhorisms concerning Universal justice 
e In Augm. Scient. l. 8 c. 3. p. 668. to p. 690, etc. . He also made a Proposal to King james, of a Digest of the Laws of England. But other Studies, together with want of Time and Assistance, prevented the ripening of these Thoughts.  
Now his Lordship's Writings in this Argument of Civil Polity, are either more General, or such as have more Especial respect to the several Dominions of the King of England. His Political Writings of a more general Nature, are his Apothegms, and Essays, besides the Excerpta, out of the Advancement above remembered. Both these contain much of that Matter which we usually call Moral, distinguishing it from that which is Civil: In the handling of which sort of Argument, his Lordship has been esteemed so far to excel, that he hath had a Comment written on him as on an Author in Ethics 
f See V Placcii Comment. in l. 7. Aug. Scient. de Philosophiâ Morali augendâ. in Octavo. Franc. an. 1677.  and an Advancer of that most useful part of Learning. Notwithstanding which, I am bold to put these Books under this Head of Matter Political: Both because they contain a greater portion of that Matter; and because in true Philosophy, the Doctrine of Politics and Ethics, maketh up but one Body, and springeth from one Root, the End of God Almighty in the Government of the World.  
The Apothegms (of which the first 
g Apoth. printed in Oct. Lon. 1625.  is the best Edition) were (what he saith also 
h See his Epistle to Bishop Andrews.  of his Essays) but as the Recreations of his other Studies. They were dictated one Morning, out of his Memory; and if they seem to any, a Birth too inconsiderable for the Brain of so great a Man; they may think with themselves how little a time he went with it, and from thence make some allowance. Besides, his Lordship hath received much Injury by late Editions 
i Even by that added (but not by Dr. Rawley) to the Resuscitatio, 〈◊〉. 3d.  of which some have much enlarged, but not at all enriched the Collection; stuffing it with Tales and Say, too infacetiou● for a Ploughman's Chimney-Corner. And particularly, in the Collection not long since published 
k In Octavo. Lon. 1669. , and called The Apothegms of King James, King Charles, the Marquis of Worcester, the Lord Bacon, and Sir Thomas Moor; his Lordship is dealt with very rudely. For, besides the addition of Insipid Tales, there are some put in which are Beastly and Immoral 
l Ex. gr. Apotheg. 183, 184. : Such as were fit to have been joined to Aretine, or Aloysia, than to have polluted the chaste Labours of the Baron of Verulam.  
To those Apothegms, may be referred these now published▪ The Essays, or Counsels Civil and Moral, though a By-work also, do yet make up a Book of greater weight by far, than the Apothegms: And coming home to Men's Business and Bosoms, his Lordship entertained this persuasion concerning them 
m See Epist. Ded. to the D. of Bucks. , that the Latin Volume might last as long as Books should last. His Lordship wrote them in the English Tongue, and enlarged them as Occasion served, and at last added to them the Colours of Good and Evil, which are likewise found in his Book De Augmentis 
n Lib. 6. c. 3. p. 453. . The Latin Translation of them was a Work performed by divers Hands; by those of Doctor Hacket (late Bishop of Lichfield) Mr. Benjamin johnson (the learned and judicious Poet) and some others, whose Names I once heard from Dr. Rawley; but I cannot now recall them. To this Latin Edition, he gave the Title of Sermons Fideles, after the manner of the jews, who called the words Adages, or Observations of the Wise, Faithful Say; that is, credible Propositious worthy of firm Assent, and ready Acceptance. And (as I think) he alluded more particularly, in this Title, to a passage in Ecclesiastes 
* Eccles. 12. 10, 11. , where the Preacher saith that he sought to find out Verba Delectabilia, (as Tremellius rendereth the Hebrew) pleasant Words, (that is, perhaps, his Book of Canticles); and Verba Fidelia (as the same Tremellius) Faithful Sayings; meaning, it may be, his Collection of Proverbs. In the next Verse, he calls them Words of the Wise, and so many Goads and Nails given Ab eodem Pastore, from the same Shepherd [of the Flock of Israel.]  
In a late Latin Edition of these Essays, there are subjoined two Discourses, the one called De Negotiis, the other Faber Fortunae. But neither of these are Works newly published, but Treatises taken out of the Book De Augmentis 
o Lib. 8. c. 2. p. 585, etc. .  
To this Book of Essays may be annexed, that Fragment of an Essay of Fame, which is extant already in the Resuscitatio 
p Resusc. p. 281.   
His Lordship's Political Writings of a more special Nature, as relating to the Polity, and various Affairs of the several Dominions of the King of England, are very many, though most of them short.  
As First, a Discourse of the Union of England and Scotland 
q In Resusc. p. 197. .  
Secondly, Articles and Considerations, touching the Union aforesaid 
r Page 206. .  
Thirdly, Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland 
s Pag. 255. .  
Fourthly, Considerations touching the Queen's Service in Ireland 
t P. 16. Of Coll. of Letters: .  
Fifthly, Considerations touching a War with Spain 
u Pub. in the Mis. works in Quarto, An. 1629. & reprinted in 2d. part of Resusc. , than the Over-match in this part of the World; though now in meaner Condition.  
Sixthly, His several Speeches; by which I mean not only those which go under that Name, but likewise his several Charges; they being much of the same Nature, though delivered ex Officio, which the other were not always. These Speeches and Charges, are generally Methodically, Manly, Elegant, Pertinent, and full of Wise Observations; as those are wont to be which are made by Men of Parts and Business. And I shall not pass too great a Compliment upon his Lordship, if I shall say, That 'twas well for Cicero, and the honour of his Orations, that the Lord Bacon composed his in another Language.  
Now his Speeches and Charges are very many, and I set them down in the following Catalogue.  
His Speeches in Parliament to the Lower House, are Eight.  
The First, 39▪ Elizabeth, upon the Motion of Subsidy 
w Resusc. p. 1. of D. R's Edition. .  
The Second, 5 jacobi, concerning the Article of General Naturalisation of the Scotish Nation 
x P. 10. .  
The Third, concerning the Union of Laws 
y P. 24. .  
The Fourth, 5 jacobi, being a Report in the House of Commons, of the Earls of Salisbury, and Northampton, concerning the Grievances of the Merchants, occasioned by the Practice of Spain 
z P. 29. .  
The Fifth, 7 jacobi, persuading the House of Commons, to desist from further Question of receiving the King's Messages by their Speaker, and from the Body of the Council, as well as from the King's Person 
a P. 45. .  
The Sixth, 7 jacobi, in the end of the Session of Parliament, persuading some Supply to be given to his Majesty, which seemed then to stand upon doubtful Terms; and passed upon this Speech 
b P. 47. .  
The Eighth, 12 jacobi, when the House was in great Heat, and much troubled about the Undertakers, who were thought to be some able and forward Gentlemen, who were said to have undertaken that the King's Business should pass in that House, as his Majesty could wish 
c P. 48. .  
His Speeches in the House of Lords, are Two.  
The First, To the Lords, at a Conference in the Parliament, 7 jacobi, by him then Solicitor; moving them to join with the Commons, to obtain liberty to treat of a Composition with his Majesty, for Wards and Tenors 
d P. 42. .  
The Second, (when he was Chancellor) to Mr. Serjeant Richardson, chosen then Speaker of the House of Commons; be-being a Reply to his Excuse and Oration 
e P. 94. .  
His Speeches to King james, were also Two.  
The First, A Speech by him, chosen by the Commons, to present a Petition touching Purveyors, delivered to his Majesty at White-Hall, in the second Year of his Reign 
f P. 5. .  
The Second, a Speech used to the King, by him, than Solicitor, and chosen by the Commons for the presenting of the Instrument of their Grievances, in the Parliament 7 jacobi 
g P. 41. .  
His Speeches in the Chancery, are Two likewise.  
The First, At the taking of his Place in Chancery, when made Lord-Keeper 
h P. 79. .  
The Second, To Sir William jones, upon his calling to be Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, Anno 1617. 
i P. 89. .  
In the Star-Chamber, he used a Speech to the Judges and others, before the Summer Circuits, being then Lord-Keeper, and also Lord-Protector; for his Majesty was at that time in Scotland, Anno 1617. 
k P. 87. .  
In the Common-Pleas, he used a Speech to Justice Hutton, when he was called to be one of the Judges in the Common-Pleas. 
l P. 93. .  
In the Exchequer-Chamber, he used a Speech to Sir john Denham, when he was called to be one of the Barons of the Exchequer. 
m P 91. .  
There also he used an Argument (being Solicitor General) in the Case of the Postnati of Scotland 
n Publ. first in 4 ●. Lon. 1641. , before the Lord-Chancellor, and all the Judges of England 
o 〈…〉 ● in Resusc. part 2. p. 37. . The Question in this Case was, Whether a Child born in Scotland since King James' coming to the Crown of England, was Naturalised in England or no? His Lordship argued for the Affirmative.  
For his Charges, they were these following.  
First, His Charge at the Sessions, holden for the Verge in the Reign of King james, declaring the Latitude and Jurisdiction thereof 
p Pub. in 4 ●. Lon. 1662. and reprinted in the 2d. part of Resusc. .  
By the Verge, is meant a Plat of twelve Miles round, laid to the King's settled Mansion-House, subject to special exempted Jurisdiction, depending upon his Person and great Officers. This his Lordship called an Half-pace, or Carpet spread about the King's Chair of Estate; and he judged that it ought to be cleared and void, more than other places of the Kingdom, that Offences might not seem to be shrouded under the King's Wings.  
Secondly, His Charge in the Star-Chamber against Duels 
q See Resusc. 2d. Part. p. 1. ; to which may be added the Decree of the Star-Chamber in the same Case 
r In part 2. of Resusc. p. 9 .  
Thirdly, His Charge in the Star-Chamber against William Talbot, touching the Doctrine of Suarez, concerning the Deposing and Killing of Excommunicated Kings 
s Res. 1 part. p. 53. .  
Fourthly, His Charge in the same Court against Mr. I. S. for Scandalising and Traducing in the Public Sessions, Letters sent from the Lords of the Council, touching the Benevolence 
t P. 60. .  
Fifthly, His Charge in the same Court against M. L. S. W. and H. I. for Traducing the King's Justice in the proceed against Weston, one of the Instruments in the empoisoning of Sir Thomas Overbury 
u P. 72. .  
Sixthly, His Charge in the Kings-Bench against Owen, for affirming conditionally, That if the King were Excommunicated, it were lawful to kill him 
w P. 68 .  
Seventhly, His Charge in the Kings-Bench against the Lord Sanquere 
x In part 2. of Resusc. p. 15. , a Scotish Nobleman, who in private Revenge, had suborned Robert Carlisle to murder john Turner, a Master of Fence.  
Eighthly, His Charge before the Lord High Steward, Lord Elesmere, and the Peers, against the Countess and Earl of Somerset 
y Now first publs. at the beginning of these Remains. .  
His Lordship's Seventh Writing, touching Civil Policy in Special, is his Reading on the Statute of uses 
z Pub. in 4 ●. Lon. 1642. .  
The Eighth is called, Observations upon a Libel, published Anno 1592., in Defamation of the Queen's Government 
a Resusc. p. 103. . In these Observations, his Lordship hath briefly set forth the present State of those Times; but he hath done the same thing more at large in his Memorial of Queen Elizabeth.  
The Ninth is, A true Report of the Treason of Dr. Roderigo Lopez (a Spaniard, and a Physician attending upon the Person of the Queen; who was in Confederacy with certain Spanish Agents, and hired by the King of Spain, to poison her Majesty 
b Pag. 151. .  
The Tenth is, His Apology touching the Earl of Essex, in which he cleareth himself of Ingratitude by the plain reasons of the Case, and doth not (as many others have done) increase the suspicion by the very Excuse 
c Publ. in 4 ● Lon. 1642. and in 16 ● An. 1651. and reprinted in the 2d part of Resusc. .  
The Eleventh is, Advice to King james touching Mr. Sutton's Estate, in the settling of which, in the Hospital of the Chartreaux, the Event showeth that his Lordship was mistaken, when he called it A Sacrifice without Salt 
d Reusc p 265. . He proposed four other Ends of that great heap of Alms to the King's Majesty. As first, The Erection of a College for Controversies, for the encountering and refuting of Papists. Secondly, The Erection of a Receipt (for the word Seminary he refused to make use of) for Converts from the persuasions of Rome, to the Reformed Religion. Thirdly, A settlement of Stipends for Itinerary Preachers, in Places which needed them; as in Lancashire where such care had been taken by Queen Elizabeth. And lastly, An increase of Salary to the Professors in either University of this Land. Wherefore his Lordship manifesting himself, not against the Charity, but the manner of disposing it, it was not well done of those who have publicly defamed him, by declaring their jealousies of Bribery by the Heir.  
The Twelfth is, A Proposition to King james, touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Laws of England, written by him when he was Attorney General, and one of the Privy-Council 
e Pag. 271. .  
The Thirteenth is, An Offer to King james, of a Digest to be made of the Laws of England 
f In the Miscelan. Works. p. 137. & 2d part of Resusc. .  
The Fourteenth is, The Elements of the Common Laws of England, in a double Tract: The one of the Rules and Maxims of the Common Law, with their Latitude and Extent. The other, of the Use of the Common Law, for the preservation of our Persons, Goods, and good Names 
g In 4 ●. Anno 1639. . These he Dedicated to her Majesty, whose the Laws were, whilst the Collection was his.  
The Fifteenth is, a Draught of an Act against an usurious shift of Gain 
h See Resusc. part 2. p. 62. , in delivering Commodities in stead of Money.  
Touching these latter Pieces, which may be termed Writings in juridical Polity, and which he wrote as a debtor to his Profession; it is beyond my Skill, as well as out of the way of my Studies, to pass a special Judgement on them. Only I may note it in the general, that if he reached not so far in the Common Law, as Sir Edward Cook, and some other Ornaments of the long Robe: the prepossession of his Mind by Philosophical Notions, and his regard to Matters of Estate, rather than to those of Law, may be assigned as the true Causes of it: For doubtless Parts were not wanting. On this Subject it is, that he thus writeth to Sir Thomas Bodley 
i Coll. of Letters in Resusc. p. 34. . I think no Man may more truly say with the Psalm, multùm incola fuit Anima mea, than myself. For I do confess, since I was of any Understanding, my Mind hath, in effect, been absent from that I have done: And, in absence are many Errors, which I do willingly acknowledge, and amongst the rest this great one that led the rest; That knowing myself, by inward Calling, to be fit to hold a Book than to play a Part, I have led my Life in civil Causes, for which I was not very fit by Nature, and more unfit by the preoccupation of my Mind.  
To a like purpose is this, in a Manuscript Letter to the Lord Chancellor Egerton, which I have sometimes perused.  
— I am not 
k M S. Letter of L. Bacon's.  so deceived in myself, but that I know very well, (and I think, your Lordship is major Cord, and in your Wisdom you note it more deeply than I can in myself) that in Practising the Law, I play not my best Game, which maketh me accept it with a nisi quid potius; as the best of my Fortune, and a thing better agreeable to better Gifts than mine, but not to mine.  
And it appeareth, by what he hath said in a Letter to the Earl of Essex 
l Coll. in Resusc. p. III. , that he once thought not to practise in his Profession. I am purposed (said he) not to follow the practice of the Law.— And my Reason is only, because it drinketh too much Time, which I have dedicated to better purposes.  
To this Head of Polity, relating to the Affairs of these Kingdoms, we may reduce most of his Lordship's Letters, published correctly in the Resuscitatio, and in these Remains, and from uncorrect Copies, in the Cabala. These they though often contain private Matters, yet commonly they have Matters of Estate intermingled with them. Thus, his Letter to the Lord-Treasurer Burghley 
m P. 1. , was writ in Excuse of his Speech in Parliament, against the Triple Subsidy. So, many of the Letters to the Earl of Essex 
n Pag. ●, 5, 7. , and Sir George Villiers 
o P. 76. , relate plainly to the Irish Affairs. So, some Letters to King james, relate to the Cases of Peacham 
p P. 48, 51. , Owen 
q P. 55. , and others 
r P. 58. I S. ; to the Matter of his Revenue 
s 〈◊〉. 57 ; to the New Company 
t P. 59, 61, 70. , who undertook to Die and Dress all the clothes of the Realm; to the Praemunire in the Kings-Bench, against the Chancery 
u P. 66. . Most of the rest are a Miscellany, and not reducible to one certain Head.  
Last of all, For his Lordship's Writings upon Pious Subjects, though for the Nature of the Argument, they deserve the first place; yet they being but few, and there appearing nothing so extraordinary in the composure of them, as is found in his Lordships other Labours; they have not obtained an earlier mention.  
They are only these:  
His Confession of Faith, written by himself in English, and turned into Latin by Dr. Rawley 
w Publ. in Engl. at the end of the Resus. and in ●a●ine in the O●●scula, p. 207. .  
The Questions about an Holy War, and the Prayers, in these Remains. And a Translation of certain of David's Psalms, into English Verse. With this last Pious Exercise he diverted himself in the time of his Sickness, in the Year Twenty Five. When he sent it abroad into the World, 
x 'Twas publs. in Lond. An. 1625. in 4 ● and has lately been put into the 2d part of Resusc. , he made a Dedication of it to his good Friend, Mr. George Herbert: For he judged the Argument to be suitable to him in his double Quality, of a Divine, and a Poet. His Lordship had very great judgement in Poetry, as appeareth by his Discourse 
y In l. 2. de Augm. Scient. c. 13.  about it; and he had some sort of Talon that way also. Hence, when the Queen had a purpose to Dine at his Lodging at Twicknam Park, he prepared a Sonnet 
z See Apol. for the Earl of Essex. p. 73. , tending to the Reconcilement of her Majesty to the Earl of Essex then in Disfavour. But it was very seldom that he courted these Muses, and therefore his Vein does not appear so Elegant and Happy, as Exercise might have made it. The truth is, 'tis one of the hardest things in the World, to excel in Poetry; and to Attempt, and not to Excel, is to lose both Time and Reputation: For in this Art, Mediocrity will not pass for Virtue. In this squeamish Age, (as Mounsieur Rapine saith, in his judicious Reflections) Verses are Ridiculous, if they be not Admirable. They are, it seems, like some Modern Dishes, which if they have not an high taste, occasion Disgust.  
Now of these several Works of his Lordship's already Published (of which a great part 
a See them in S. W. Dugdale, at the ●nd of these Remains.  was written in that non ignobile Quinquennium, of his recess from Business) there is not yet made any exact Collection, either in Latin, or English; though some attempts have been made in both those Languages. The first Latin Collection was set forth accurately, for so much of it, by Dr. Rawley, under the Title of Opera Moralia & Civilia 
b Londini, 1638. in Fol. see Dr. Rawley's Letter to M. Deodate, and his Answer. . But it contained only the History of Henry the Seventh● the Essays; the Book of the Wisdom of the Ancients; the Dialogue of an Holy War; the New Atlantis; the Book de Augmentis; the History of Winds; the History of Life and Death. The second Latin Collection was lately published 
c Fran. ad Moenum, 1665. in Fol.  at Francfort on the Meyn. It pretendeth, in the Title, to contain all his Lordship's Extant Works, whether Philosophical, Moral, Political, or Historical: Although, besides the Books in the forementioned Collection, it containeth only his Lordship's Life (without any mention of Dr. Rawley, who wrote it); the Organon; the Scripta; the Sylva Sylvarum; the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth; the Images of Julius, and Augustus Caesar; and the Epistle to Fulgentius, without the Opuscula, to which that Epistle is annexed. In this Collection, the Nova Atlantis is (as I noted a while ago) most absurdly called Novus Atlas; and the other Books are most falsely Printed. And yet the Stationer (who, I suppose by his performance, was both Corrector and Publisher) does tell us of this Edition, that it was purged of all Faults. But his Collection cannot be so purged, unless the whole Volume be made one entire Blot. Posterity (I hope) will do his Lordship Honour, and Benefit to themselves, in a larger and more accurate Collection of his Works. These Latin one's, as also the Miscellanies, and the two parts of the Resuscitatio, (which are the only attempt in English) being far short of perfection.  
Thus far I have travelled in an Account, (such as it is) of those Genuine Writings of the Lord Bacon, which are already published; and which, being (like Medals of Gold) both rich in their Matter, and beautiful in their Form, have met with a very great, and well nigh, equal number of Purchasers and Admirers.  
This general Acceptance of his Works, has exposed him to that ill and unjust usage which is common to Eminent Writers. For on such are fathered, sometimes Spurious Treatises; sometimes most Corrupt Copies of good Originals; sometimes their Essays and first Thoughts upon good Subjects, though laid aside by them Unprosecuted and Uncorrected; and sometimes the very Toys of their Youth, written by them in trivial or lose Arguments, before they had arrived either at ripeness of Judgement, or sobriety of Temper.  
The veriest Straws (like that of Father Garnet) are shown to the World as admiral▪ Relics, if the least strokes of the Image of a celebrated Author, does but seem to be upon them.  
The Press hath been injurious in this kind, to the Memory of Bishop Andrews, to whom it owed a deep and solemn Reverence. It hath sent forth a Pamphlet upon an Idle Subject, under the venerable Name of that great Man, who (like the Grass in hot Countries, of which they are wont to say that it groweth Hay) was born Grave and Sober: And still, further to aggravate the Injury, it hath given to that Idle Subject, the idler Title of the Ex-ale-tation of Ale.  
In such an unbecoming manner it hath dealt, long ago 
d About the Year 1658. , with the very Learned and Ingenious Author of the Vulgar Errors. It hath obtruded upon him, whilst alive, a dull and worthless Book stolen, for the most part out of the Physic's of Magirus, by a very Ignorant Person: A Plagiary so ignorant and so unskilful in his Rider, that not distinguishing betwixt Laevis and Levis, in the said Magirus, he hath told us of the Liver, that one part of it is gibbo●s, and the other light. And yet he had the confidence to call this Scribble, The Cabinet of Nature unlocked: An arrogant and fanciful Title, of which his true Humility would no more have suffered him to have been the Father, than his great Learning could have permitted him to have been the Author of the Book. For I can assure the Reader upon my knowledge, that as he is a Philosopher very inward with Nature, so he is one who never boasts of his Acquaintance with her.  
Neither hath the Lord Bacon gone without his share in this Injustice from the Press. He hath been ill dealt with in the Letters printed in the Cabala, and Scrinia, under his Name: For Dr. Rawley professed, that though they were not wholly False, yet they were very corrupt and embased Copies. This I believe the rather, having lately compared some Original Letters with the Copies in that Collection, and found them imperfect. And to make a particular Instance; in comparing the Letter of Sir Walter Raleigh to Sir Robert Car, of whom a Fame had gone that he had begged his Estate; I found no fewer than forty Differences, of which some were of moment.  
Our Author hath been still worse dealt with, in a Pamphlet in Octavo, concerning the Trial of the Earl and Countess of Somerset: And likewise in one in Quarto, which beareth the Title of Bacon's Remains, though there cannot be spied in it, so much as the Ruins of his beautiful Genius.  
His Lordship, and other such memorable Writers, having formerly been subject to such Abuses; it is probable that many will, at first, suspect the faithfulness of this Collection; and look upon that as adulterate Ware, which is of such a sudden here brought forth to them, out of the Dark.  
But let them first make trial, and then pass Sentence. And if they have sufficient knowledge of the peculiar Air of this Author, they will not only believe that these Remains are his, but also set a value upon them as none of his most useless and waste Papers. They say, the Feather of a Phoenix is of price: And here such will own, they have some little of the Body, as well as part of the Plumage.  
It is difficult to imitate such great Authors, in so lively and exact a form, as without suspicion, to pass for them. They who are the most artificial Counterfeit in this way, do not resemble them as the Son does the Father, but at best, as the dead Picture does the living Person. And those who have true skill in the Works of the Lord Verulam, like great Masters in Painting, can tell by the Design, the Strength, the way of Colouring, whether he was the Author of this or the other Piece, though his Name be not to it.  
For the Reader, who has been less versed in his Books, he may understand, that nothing is here offered to him as the Labour of that Lord, which was not written either by his own Hand, or in Copies transcribed by the most faithful Pen of his Domestic Chaplain, Dr. William Rawley: A Person whom his Lordship chief used in his Life-time, in Writing down, Transcribing, Digesting, and Publishing his Composures; and to whom, at his death, he expressed his Favour, by bequeathing to him in Money, One Hundred Pounds, and in Books, the great Bibles of the King of Spain.  
I refer him, who doubteth of my Veracity in this Matter, to my worthy Friend Mr. john Rawley, (the Executor of the said Reverend Doctor) by whose care most of these Papers have been preserved for the public Good; and who can bear me witness, (if occasion serveth) that I have not herein imposed upon the World.  
It is true, that Dr. Rawley, in his Preface to the Opuscula of his Lordship, hath forbidden us to expect any more of his Remainss in Latin, or English: He addeth in express Terms, that nothing further remained in his Hands. He meant, when he said this, that such Writings of his Lordship, were to be esteemed as not in being, which were not worthy to appear. This meaning of his, he more plainly delivered in his Preface to the Collection, called Resuscitatio.  
There he saith, That he had left nothing to a future hand, which he found to be of moment, or communicable to the public, save only some few Latin Works soon after to be published. He delivered himself from the Obligation of that Promise in the Year fifty eight; publishing then, with all due care, those Latin Works 
e Opus. Posth. Philos. Civil. Theologica F. B. B. de Ver. . Soon after, he was accused by an obscure Prefacer, to a new Edition of the Essays, in Octavo, as one that had still concealed some of his Lordship's Philosophical Treasures. In vindication of himself from this Censure, I find him using these words in one of his papers, wherein he animadverteth on that preface. I have published all I thought fit, or a well advised Man would have thought fit to be published by me. He judged some papers, touching Matters of Estate, to tread too near to the heels of Truth, and to the times of the Persons concerned, from which now they are further removed, by the distance of Twenty Years. He thought his Lord's Letters concerning his Fall, might be injurious to his Honour, and cause the old Wounds of it to bleed anew; whereas if the remembrance of them had not been fresh in the Minds of many, and in the Books of some, the Collection of the Cabala, had revived part of it in a corrupt Copy; and the matter of those Letters is of such a nature, (as afterwards I shall show) that it rather cleareth his Lordship's Fame, than throws more dirt upon it. For the Philosophical Remains, he judged them unfit to be committed to the Press, because they were but Fragments; and such too, as his Lordship's last Hand had not rendered Correct. The excess of Veneration which he had for his Lordship, inclined him to think nothing worthy to bear his Name, which was not a Masterpiece. And for this Reason, If Surreptitious Copies had not moved him to do his Lordship right by printing the true ones, we had wanted divers Papers which the World now enjoys, and receives with thankfulness. And where the substance is Gold, Men will readily accept it, though in the Ore and unrefined: Nor is it any disparagement to the Inventory of his Lordship's philosophical Goods, if there are numbered amongst them certain broken uncoined pieces of valuable Metal.  
Some few imperfect Papers, about his Lordship's private Affairs, or of very little moment in Philosophy, are still kept where they ought to be, in private Hands. But those which have been judged worthy the Light, by those Learned and Prudent Men whom I have consulted, are now, with no small Labour, communicated to the World. For so blotted were some of the Papers, so torn, so disjointed, so intermixed in Contents of a different Nature; that the Sense, as it now stands, may seem like Mercury reduced to its proper Form, after its divers Shapes and Transmutations.  
Now these Remains which I have been moved to publish, I have digested according to the nature of their Contents, and reduced them to these several Heads of Arguments, Civil and Moral; Physiological; Medical; Theological; and Bibliographical.  
Under the first Head of Remains, Civil and Moral, are contained these Papers.  
The First is, His Charges against the Countess and Earl of Somerset, touching the death of Sir Thomas Overbury.  
The proper place for these Charges was, in the first part of the Resuscitatio 
f Resusc. p. 7●▪ , before his Charge against three Persons for Scandal, and traducing of the King's Justice, in the proceed against Weston. But Dr. Rawley (as appeared by a Note of his, on the Margin of those papers) did at that time forbear the inserting of them, lest they should be offensive to some then alive. Now, more than Sixty Years have passed, since the end of that Tragedy; and the News of it was told in the Ears of the World; and the Story was made public and lasting by the Press, both before and after 
g Se● it in Sir W. Dugdale's Baron. of Eng. Tome 2●. P. 425. etc.  the Doctor's death. And what Curtain soever our Prudence would draw; we could not conceal so public a Matter. Nor is it fitting we should. For thereby we should endeavour to hid from Men, one useful Memorial of Divine Justice: A Memorial apt to deter Greatness from a Practice, which if it were common, there would be no safe eating or drinking, or breathing in Courts.  
At the Trial, some Body, of bad Memory, and no better Pen, wrote down most imperfectly, a little of that which Mr. Attorney had spoken, largely and elegantly upon this solemn Occasion: And, in the Year fifty one, (a time of general Licence) this Scribble was published 
h In the Pamphlet entitled, ● True and Historical Rel. of the Poison of Sir Tho. Overbury in 12 ●. . The Publisher had the confidence to affirm, that the Narrative was Collected out of the Papers of Sir Francis Bacon 
i 'Tis so said in the Title Page. , which, by the Copies I set forth, 'tis manifest the Relator never had seen. But a good Name in the Title-page, was an useful Bush for the putting off the crude and unfined Matter in the Book itself.  
Little hath the Relator told of much which was said by Mr. Attorney; and that which he hath told, he hath repeated in such ill manner, that it is no longer Sir Francis Bacon's, but his own.  
In one Place 
k Pag. 107, 108. , he introduceth Mr. Attorney, speaking thus. This is the second time since the King's coming these thirteen Years, that any Peers have been Arraigned, and both these times your Grace hath had the Place of High Steward. The first was Grey, and Cobham; and though they were Convicted, yet Execution followed not; no Noble Blood hath been spilt since his majesty's Reign.  
The first was Revenge, of Treason against Malcontents; and this of the particular offence to a private Subject, against those that have been so high in the King's Grace and Favour; and therefore deserves to be written in a Sunbeam: but his being the best Master in in the World, hinders him not from being the best King; for He can as well plain a Hill, as raise a Wall; a good Lesson to put to my Lords the Peers: He is Lieutenant to him who is no respecter of persons.  
Now how curtailed, how incoherent, how mean and unelegant is this, in comparison of that which Mr. Attorney spoke? For he spoke that which followeth.  
In all this mean time, the King hath Reigned in his White Robe, not sprinkled with any one drop of Blood of any of his Nobles of this Kingdom: Nay, such have been the depths of his Mercy, as even those Nobleman's Bloods (against whom the proceeding was at Winchester) Cobham and Grey, were attainted and corrupted, but not spilt, or taken away; but that they remained rather Spectacles of Justice in their continual Imprisonment, than Monuments of Justice in the memory of their Suffering.  
It is true, that the Objects of his Justice then, and now, were very differing: For than it was the Revenge of an Offence against his own Person and Crown, and upon Persons that were Malcontents, and Contraries to the State and Government: But now it is the the Revenge of the Blood and Death of a particular Subject, and the Cry of a Prisoner: It is upon Persons that were highly in his Favour, whereby his Majesty, to his great Honour hath showed to the World, as if it were written with a Sunbeam, that he is truly the Lieutenant of him, with whom there is no respect of Persons; That his Affections Royal are above his Affections Private; That his Favours and Nearness about him are not like Popish Sanctuaries, to privilege Malefactors; and that his being the best Master in the World, doth not let him from being the best King in the World. His People, on the other side, may say to themselves, I will lie down in peace; for God, and the King, and the Law, protect me against the great and small. It may be a Discipline also, to great Men, specially such as are swollen in their Fortunes from small beginnings; that The King is as well able to levelly Mountains, as to fill Valleys, if such be their desert.  
In another place 
l Page 119. Of the Arraignment of the L. of Somerset. , he thrusteth into the Speech of Sir Edward Cook, a part of Sir Francis Bacon's, and (like the worse sort of Thiefs) he does not only rob, but mangle him. Sir Francis Bacon spoke on this manner: My Lords! He is not the Hunter alone that lets slip the Dog upon the Deer; but he that lodges the Deer, or rouses him, or puts him out; or he that sets a Toil that he cannot escape.  
Instead of which, the Relator hath substituted this absurd Sentence. It is not he only that slips the Dog, but he that loves the Toil, that kills the Deer.  
This (I thought) was not unnecessary to be said in Vindication of Mr. Attorney's Honour, which is vilely traduced in this Pamphlet, where the Daw would personate the Orator.  
The Second Paper is, his Letter to the University of Cambridg, (to whom he was of Counsel) upon occasion of his being Sworn of the Privy-Council to the King. This I judged fit to bear that other company which is already printed 
m Resusc. Letters, p. 82, 83. , and answereth to their Congratulation at his first coming to the Place of Lord-Keeper.  
The Third is, his Letter to King james, touching the Place of Lord High Chancellor of England, upon the approaching death of the Chancellor Egerton.  
The Fourth is, a Letter to the same Prince, for the relief of his Estate. This, with that other of Submission in the Cabala, seem to some to blemish his Lordship's Honour; too others, to clear it: For in this, he appealeth to the King himself, whether he had not ever found him direct and honest in his Service, so as not once to be rebuked by him, during Nineteen Years Employment. He showeth that his Fall was not the King's Act; and that the Prince was ready to reach out his Hand to stay him from falling. In the other he maketh this profession of his being free from malicious Injustice. For the Bribery and Gifts wherewith I am charged, when the Books of Hearts shall be opened, I hope I shall not be found to have the troubled Fountain of a corrupt Heart, in a depraved habit of taking Rewards to pervert Justice, howsoever I may be frail, and partake of the abuses of the Times.  
The Fifth Paper is, a Collection of his remaining Apothegms, inferior in number to those already published, but not in weight. Some of these he took from Eminent Persons, and some from meaner ones, having set it down from his Observation 
n In Impet. Philosoph. p. 476. Rusticorum Proverbia nonnulla apposite ad veritatatem dicuntur Sus rostro, etc. , that The Bolt of the Rustic, often hits the Mark; and that the Sow, in rooting, may describe the letter A, though she cannot write an entire Tragedy.  
The Sixth is, a Supply of his Collection of Judicious and Elegant Sentences, called by him Ornamenta Rationalia. He also gave to those Wise and Polite Say, the Title of Sententiae Stellares; either because they were Sentences which deserved to be pointed to by an Asterisc in the Margin; or because they much illustrated and beautified a Discourse, in which they were disposed in due place and order; as the Stars in the Firmament, are so many glorious Ornaments of it, and set off with their Lustre, the wider and less adorned Spaces.  
This Collection is either wholly lost, or thrown into some obscure Corner; but I fear the first. I have now three Catalogues in my Hands, of the unpublished Papers of Sir Francis Bacon; all written by Dr. Rawley himself. In every one of these appears the Title of Ornamenta Rationalia, but in the Bundles which came with those Catalogues, there's not one of those Sentences to be found. I held myself obliged, in some sort, and as I was able, to supply this defect; it being once in my power to have preserved this Paper. For a Copy of it was long since, offered me by that Doctor's only Son, and my dear Friend (now with God) Mr. William Rawley, of whom, if I say no more, it is the greatness of my Grief for that irreparable loss, which causeth my Silence. I was the more negligent in taking a Copy, presuming I might, upon any occasion, command the Original; and because that was then in such good Hands. Now, there remains nothing with me, but a general Remembrance of the quality of that Collection. It consisted of divers short Say, aptly and smartly expressed, and containing in them much of good Sense in a little room.  
These he either made, or took from others, being moved so to do by the same Reason which caused him to gather together his Apothegms, which (he saith) he collected for his Recreation, his Lordship's Diversions being of more value than some Men's Labours. Nor do such Sentences and Apothegms, differ much in their Nature. For Apothegms are only somewhat longer, and fuller of Allusion, and tell the Author, and the occasion of the Wise Saying; and are but the same Kernel, with the Shell and Leaf about it. That which he faith of the one, is true of the other. They are both Mucrones Verborum 
o In Preface to his Apothegms. , pointed Speeches, or Goads. Cicero (saith he) calleth them Salinas, Salt-pits, that you may extract Salt out of, and sprinkle it where you will. They serve to be interlaced in continued Speech: They serve to be recited, upon occasion, in themselves.  
Such Ornaments have been noted in all Ages and Places, and in many Collected.  
Amongst the Hebrews, they had (of old) the Proverbs of Agur, and Solomon.  
In Times more Modern, there have been set forth the Pirke Avoth; and the Sentences, Proverbs, Apothegms, and Similitudes of the Hebrew Writers, Collected in the Florilegium Hebraicum of Buxtorf.  
Amongst the Egyptians, we find such Aenigmatic Proverbial Forms as these; He hath a Wing of a Bat. That is, the Man is impotent, yet daring; and so like a Bat, which adventures to fly, though it has no Feathers. The Crab keeps the door of the Oyster. That is, his Friend destroys him. For the Crab (they say) puts in his Claw when the Oyster gapes, and eats it up.  
Amongst the Arabians, we find the Proverbs of Lockman, or Aesop; and those Collected by Erpenius.  
Amongst the Greeks, we find the Sentences of their Seven Wise Men, of Theognes', and Phocylides, and of divers others preserved by Stobaeus. Pythagorus had his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
p See Salmas. in Simplic. in Epict. ad calc. p. 12. , of which we should have known much more, if Time had not denied us the Book of Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thence, 'tis thought, Laë r●ius, and Porphyry, cite certain Pythogoric Symbols 
q Vide Jonsium de Script. Hist. Phil. p. 54. Also p. 76. & Jamblich. de vit● Pythag. p. 131. , in which among others, the Pleyades are called the Harp of the Muses; and the Northern Bears, the Hands of Rhea. Which latter Symbol, is for such a Toy, pretty enough, if expounded of Matter fixed, and detained from the course of its Fluidity, by cold, or rest. But I pretend not so much intimacy with the Magical Pythagoras, as to be his Interpreter. To Henry Stephens, we own a Collection of Greek Sentences, from the Comic Poets. The Monk Thalasius, wrote an Hundred Sentences concerning Charity and Continence, after the way of the Cloister, that is, in a pious, but less acute manner 
r See them in the M●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 106. .  
Amongst the Romans, julius Caesar, and Macrobius wrote Collections of Apothegms; and the Sentences of Laberius, and also of Publius, (who was, indeed, by Birth a Syrian, but by Education and Privilege a Roman) are to this Day preserved.  
Some, awhile ago, have gathered and amassed the Sentences of Cicero, and of both the Seneca's, though (I think) without much judgement, and as we gather Fishes in a Net, enclosing the good and bad together. Last Year, the Sieur de Laval, did publish his Collection of the Sentences of St. Austin 
s Sent. tirées des Oeuvres de S. Aug. A. Paris, 1677. in Octavo. . And it is not long since, Mounsieur Hache set forth a whole Folio of Sentences, Collected out of Twelve of the Tomes of the Bibliotheca Patrum 
t Sent. ex 12. Bib. Patr. tomis selectae per Fr. Hache, An. 1666. .  
Among the Italians, Spaniards, French, Dutch, Turks, (which two last I put together, for the alike bluntness and coursness of their Say) there are divers Collections of Apothegms and Proverbs.  
Among our Selves, we have the like, and particularly the Wise Say by Mr. Cambden, and the jacula Prudentum, in Mr. Herbert; which latter some have been bold to accuse as having too much Feather, and too little Point. But the sense of that Metaphor, may be more truly applied to the Collection called Flores Edvardi Coci 
u By Tho. Ash. Lon. 1617. in 16 ●. . Those Say, as they are represented without the Context of that Eminent Lawyer, are like the Flowers in an Herbal, of which no Man would put the Generality into his Garden.  
The use of such little things, no Man knew better than Sir Francis Bacon, who could turn every saying to Advantage; and if it wanted Lustre in itself, he could by Art create it, and by setting it well.  
His own Collection was (as I remember) gathered partly out of his own Store, and partly from the Ancients, and accordingly 'tis supplied out of his own Works, and the Mimi of Publius.  
Under the Second Head of Remains Physiological, or Natural, is contained in the First place,  
A Fragment of his Lordship's Abecedarium Naturae. This is commonly said to be lost, and it is well nigh so, the latter part of it only remaining. But where the whole is good, each part is of value. And Antiquaries who travel in the Dominions of the Grand Signior, do not despise the ancient Statues which they find there, though Mahometan Superstition hath broken off their Heads.  
This Work is said to be a Metaphysical Piece; but it is not so, in the strictest sense. It's principal design is the Partition of things into their several Classes; a design which his Lordship brought to more perfection in his Organon, and Book De Augmentis Scientiarum. And though in it were handled Condittons of Being, yet not abstractly from all Body, but with reference to it. And therefore his Lordship did not call it Abecedarium Hyperphysicum, but the Alphabet of Nature. And his Lordship giveth express Caution, in his Book of Advancement 
w De Augm. Scient. l. 3. c. 2. p. 228. , that where he speaks of Conditions of Entities, which are called Transcendental; (such as, Much, Little, The Same, Divers, Possible, Impossible) he be not interpreted in a Logical, but Physical Sense. His Lordship was much averse to high and useless Speculations, and he was wont to express that Averseness in the following Comparison. The Lark (said he) is an high flier, and in its flight does nothing but Sing: But the Hawk flies high, and thence descends and catches its Prey.  
The Second Paper about Natural things, is his Lordship's Inquisition touching the Compounding of Metals.  
Then follow, in the Third Place, his Articles of Questions, touching Minerals. Of these, the first inquireth about the same Subject with the foregoing Paper; but finding them distinguished by his Lordship, I have not joined them together.  
These Questions were turned into Latin, and in that Tongue, published by Dr. Rawley, amongst his Lordship's Opuscula; but the English Originals are now, the first time set forth. And having by me three Copies, I publish them by that one on which his Lordship had endorsed with his own Hand, This is the clean Copy.  
Now these Inquiries being in themselves Imperfect, and without much Solution of his Lordship's adjoined; I have here added to them the several Answers of Dr. Meverel, to whom they were proposed by his Lordship. It has not been in my power, as yet, to inform myself duly about this Doctor; but doubtless, he was a Chemist, as those Times went, of the first Order. It was his Lordship's manner, on divers mornings, to set down Inquiries for the following Days, in some lose Papers. And in one of them, I find this, among other Memoranda. To send to Dr. Meverel. Take Iron and dissolve it in Aqua Fortis, and put a Loadstone near it, and see whether it will extract the Iron: Put also a Loadstone into the Water, and see whether it will gather a Crust about it.  
After the Questions of his Lordship about Minerals, and the Answers of Dr. Meverel, there follows, in the Fourth Place, an Inquisition concerning the Versions, Transmutations, Multiplications, and Effections of Bodies, not hitherto published in the English Tongue, in which his Lordship wrote it 
x See D. R's. Translation among the Opuscula. .  
Fifthly, There is annexed a certain Speech touching the recovery of Drowned Mineral Works, prepared, as Mr. Bushel saith, for that Parliament under which he fell. His Lordship, no doubt, had such a Project; and he might prepare a Speech also, for the Facilitating of it. But that this is a true Copy of that Speech, I dare not avouch. His Lordship's Speeches were wont to be digested into more Method; his Periods were more round, his Words more choice, his Allusions more frequent, and managed with more decorum. And as no Man had greater command of Words, for the illustration of Matter, than his Lordship; so here he had Matter which refused not to be clothed in the best Words.  
The Sixth Paper about Natural Things, containeth certain Experiments about weight in Air and Water.  
The Seventh containeth a few Proposals to the Countryman, called Experiments for Profit. The Eighth, Experiments about the Commixture of Liquors. The Ninth, a Catalogue of Bodies Attractive and not Attractive, with Experimental Observations about them.  
Under the Third Head of Medical Remains, is contained in the First place, a Paper which he called Grains of Youth. In it he prescribeth divers things, as means to keep up the Body in its Vigour. Amongst these is the Receipt of the Methusalem Water, against the Dryness of Age, which his Lordship valued and used.  
Next follows a Catalogue of Astringents, Openers, and Cordials, Instrumental to Health. Then comes in the Third place, an Extract, by his Lordship, for his own use, out of the History of Life and Death, together with some new Advices in order to Health.  
Last of all, there are added Four Medical Receipts.  
The First is, his Lordship's Broth and Fomentation against the Stone, which I judged acceptable to the Public, seeing his Receipt against the Gout had been so, though it worketh not an Infallible Cure. And here it may seem strange, that his Lordship does not mention Spirit of Nitre, which he so often used, and which a very ingenious Experimenter 
y Dr. Grew, in his Exper. of the Lu●●●tion arising from Affus. of Menstruums upon all sorts of Bodies. p. 100L.  hath noted, to be the best of Acids against the Stone.  
The Second is, the Receipt of an Ointment, called by his Lordship, Vnguentum Fragrans sive Romanum. By this he meaneth an Unguent which consisteth of Astringents, preventing excess of Transpiration; and Cordials comforting the Parts. And he called it (I suppose) the Roman Unguent, because that People did eminently make use of Baths and Anointings. He himself held, that the anointing with Oil, was one of the most potent Operations to long Life 
z Hist. of Life & Death, of the Oper. upon Exclusion of Air. ●. 21. P. 37. ; and that it conduced to Health, both in Winter, by the exclusion of the cold Air; and in Summer, by detaining the Spirits within, and prohibiting the resolution of them; and keeping of the force of the Air, which is then most predatory. Yet it was his Lordship's opinion, that it was best to anoint without Bathing, though he thought Bathing without Anointing bad.  
The Third and Fourth, are Receipts to comfort the Stomach. One of them he calleth a Secret; and I suppose it might be communicated to him by Sir Henry Wotton. For Sir Henry speaks of his preparation of a certain Wood 
a In Reliqu. Wotton. P. 473. , as of a rare Receipt to Coroborate the Viscera, and to keep the Stomach in Tono.  
Under the Fourth Head, of Theological Remains, are contained only a few Questions about the lawfulness of a Holy War; and two Prayers, one for a Philosophical Student, the other for a Writer. The substance of these two Prayers is extant in Latin, in the Organon 
b Nou. Organum, p. 19 add Calc. partis primae. , and Scripta 
c Scripta Philos. P. 451. and after the Title-Page. .  
Under the Fifth Head of Bibliographical Remains, are contained some of his Lordship's own Papers concerning his Works, and likewise some Letters and Discourses of others upon the same Subject, together with a few interspersed Remarks concerning his Life.  
His Lordship's Papers are these Six.  
The First is, a Letter to Elizabeth, the Sister of King Charles the Martyr, and Wife to Frederic, Prince Palatine of the Rhine; a Princess who found so many Thorns in the Crown of Bohemia. She pleased to write to his Lordship, and he returned Answer, and sent along with it as a Present, his Discourse of a War with Spain; though neither came to her Hands, till after his Lordship's Death.  
The Second is, a Letter to the University of Cambridg, when he sent them his Book of the Advancement of Learning.  
The Third is, a Letter to the same University, upon his sending to them his Novum Organum: This he wrote in a lose sheet of paper; the former, in one of the spare leaves at the beginning of the Book.  
The Fourth is, a Letter to Trinity College, in Cambridg (of which Society he had been a Member) upon his sending thither the aforesaid Book De Augmentis Scientiarum.  
The Fifth is, a Letter to the Bishop of Lincoln; in which I note the goodness of his Lordship's Nature, whilst he still maintaineth his Friendship with him, though he had succeeded him in his place of Lord-Keeper. For Envy hates every one that sits in that Chair from whence itself is fallen.  
The Sixth is, a Letter to Father Fulgentio, a Divine (if I mistake not) of the Republic of Venice, and the same who wrote the Life of his Colleague, the excellent Father Paul.  
The Seventh is, a Letter to the Marquis Fiat, than Ambassador from France, soon after the Marriage betwixt his late Majesty and Henrietta Maria, in the knitting of which he had been employed. This Marquis was the Person, who, impatient of seeing so Learned a Man, was admitted to his Lordship when he was very ill, and confined to his Bed; and who saluted him with this high Compliment: Your Lordship hath been to me hitherto like the Angels, of which I have often heard and read, but never saw them before. To which piece of Courtship, he returned such answer, as became a Man in those Circumstances. Sir, the Charity of others, does liken me to an Angel, but my own Infirmities tell me I am a Man.  
The Eighth is, a Transcript out of his Lordship's Will, concerning his Writings. There, in particular manner, he commendeth to the Press, the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth. This I noted before; and observe it here again as an Argument of the Impartiality of his Lordship's Judgement and Affection. He was zealous in bearing testimony to the wise Administration of the Public Affairs in those Times, in which himself advanced little either in Profit, or Honour. For he was hindered from growing at Court by a great Man, who knew the slenderness of his Purse, and also feared that if he grew, he might prove Taller than himself 
d See his Lordship's Letter to Sir R. C. in C●ll. of Letters in 1st. part of Resusc. p. 87. and that in p. 110, 111. . The little Art used against him, was the representing of him as a Speculator; though it is plain, no Man dealt better, and with kinder ways, in public Business than himself: And it generally ripened under his Hands.  
For the Papers written by others, touching his Lordship and his Labours, they are these.  
The First is, a Letter from the University of Oxford, to his Lordship, upon his sending to them his Book of Advancement of Learning, in its second, and much enlarged Edition. It should seem by a Passage towards the end of this Letter, that the Letter which his Lordship sent to them, together with his Book, was written (like the first to the University of Cambridg) in one of the spare leaves of it, and contained some wholesome Admonitions in order to the pursuit of its Contents.  
The Second is, a Letter from Dr. Maynwaring, to Dr. Rawley, concerning his Lordship's Confession of Faith. This is that Dr. Maynwaring, whose Sermon upon Eccles. 8. 2. etc. gave such high Offence, about One and Fifty Years ago.  
For some Doctrines, which he noteth in his Lordship's Confession, the Reader ought to call to mind, the times in which his Lordship wrote them, and the distaste of that Court against the proceed of Barnevelt, whose State-faction blemished his Creed.  
The rest are, Letters of Dr. Rawley, Mounsieur Deodate, Isaac Gruter, touching the Edition of his Lordship's Works: An Account of his Lordship's Life and Writings, by Sir William Dugdale, together with some new Insertions: Characters of his Lordship, and his Philosophy, by Dr. Heylin, Dr. Sprat, and Mr. Abraham Cowley.  
All these Papers I have put under the Title of Baconiana, in imitation of those, who of late, have published some Remains of Learned Men, and called them, Thuana, Scaligerana, Perroniana.  
These than are the particular Writings, in which I have laboured, and in setting forth of which, I have undertaken the lower Office of a Prefacer. And I think it more desirable to write a mean Preface to a good Book, than to be Author of a mean Book, though graced with a Preface from some excellent Pen: As it is more Honour, with a plain White Staff, to go before the King, than being an unpolished Magistrate of a mean and antiquated Corporation, to be ushered forth with a Mace of Silver.  
T. T. Novemb. 30. 1678.   

The Lord Bacon's REMAINS, Civil and Moral.  

The Charge 
‖ Given May 24. 1616.  by way of Evidence, by Sir Francis Bacon, his Majesty's Attorney General, before the Lord High Steward, 
* The Lord Chancellor Egerton, Lord Ellesmere, and the Earl of Bridgwater.  and the Peers, against Frances Countess of Somerset, concerning the poisoning of Sir Thomas Overbury.  
IT may please your Grace, my Lord High Steward of England, and you my Lords the Peers.  
I am very glad to hear this unfortunate Lady doth take this Course, to confess fully, and freely, and thereby to give Glory to God, and to Justice. It is (as I may term it) the Nobleness of an Offender to confess; and therefore those meaner Persons, upon whom Justice passed before, confessed not, she doth. I know your Lordships cannot behold her without compassion. Many things may move you, her Youth, her Person, her Sex, her noble Family, yea, her Provocations, (if I should enter into the Cause itself) and Furies about her; but chief her Penitency and Confession. But Justice is the work of this Day; the Mercy-Seat was in the inner part of the Temple; the Throne is public. But since this Lady hath by her Confession prevented my Evidence, and your Verdict; and that this Day's labour is eased; there resteth in the Legal Proceeding, but for me to pray that her Confession may be recorded, and Judgement thereupon.  
But because your Lordships the Peers are met, and that this day and to morrow are the Days that crown all the former Justice; and that in these great Cases it hath been ever the manner to respect Honour and Satisfaction, as well as the ordinary Parts and Forms of Justice; the Occasion itself admonisheth me, to give your Lordships and the Hearers this Contentment, as to make Declaration of the Proceed of this excellent Work of the King's Justice, from the beginning to the end.  
It may please your Grace, my Lord High Steward of England, this is now the second time, within the space of thirteen years' Reign of our Happy Sovereign, that this high Tribunal Seat (ordained for the Trial of Peers) hath been opened and erected, and that with a rare event, supplied and exercised by one and the same Person, which is a great Honour unto you, my Lord Steward.  
In all this mean time the King hath reigned in his white Robe, not sprinkled with any one Drop of the Blood of any of his Nobles of this Kingdom. Nay, such have been the Depths of his Mercy, as even those Nobleman's Bloods, (against whom the Proceeding was at Winchester) Cobham and Grey, were attainted and corrupted, but not spilt or taken away; but that they remained rather Spectacles of justice in their continual Imprisonment, than Monuments of justice in the Memory of their Suffering.  
It is true, that the Objects of his Justice then and now were very differing; for than it was the Revenge of an Offence against his own Person and Crown, and upon Persons that were Malcontents, and Contraries to the State and Government; but now it is the Revenge of the Blood and Death of a particular Subject, and the Cry of a Prisoner; it is upon Persons that were highly in his Favour; whereby his Majesty, to his great Honour, hath showed to the World, as if it were written in a Sunbeam, that he is truly the Lieutenant of him with whom there is no respect of Persons; that his Affections Royal are above his Affections private; that his Favours, and Nearness about him, are not like Popish Sanctuaries, to privilege Malefactors; and that his being the best Master in the World, doth not let him from being the best King in the World. His People, on the other side, may say to themselves, I will lie down in Peace, for God, the King, and the Law, protect me against great and small. It may be a Discipline also to great Men, especially such as are swollen in their Fortunes from small beginnings, that the King is as well able to levelly Mountains, as to fill Valleys, if such be their desert.  
But to come to the present Case, The great Frame of Justice (my Lords) in this present Action, hath a Vault, and hath a Stage: A Vault, wherein these Works of Darkness were contrived; and a Stage, with Steps, by which it was brought to Light.  
For the former of these, I will not lead your Lordships into it, because I will engrieve nothing against a Penitent, neither will I open any thing against him that is absent. The one I will give to the Laws of Humanity, and the other to the Laws of Justice; for I shall always serve my Master with a good and sincere Conscience, and I know that he accepteth best. Therefore I will reserve that till to morrow, and hold myself to that which I called the Stage or Theatre, whereunto indeed it may be fitly compared: for that things were first contained within the Invisible Judgements of God, as within a Curtain, and after came forth, and were acted most worthily by the King, and right well by his Ministers.  
Sir Thomas Overbury was murdered by Poison, Septemb. 15. 1613. This foul and cruel Murder did for a time cry secretly in the Ears of God; but God gave no answer to it, otherwise than by that Voice, (which sometime he useth) which is Vox Populi, the Speech of the People: For there went then a Murmur that Overbury was poisoned; and yet the same submiss and low Voice of God (the Speech of the Vulgar People) was not without a Counter-tenor or Counter-blast of the Devil, who is the common Author both of Murder and Slander; for it was given out, that Overbury was dead of a foul Disease; and his Body (which they had made Corpus judaicum with their Poisons, so as it had no whole part) must be said to be leprosed with Vice, and so his Name poisoned as well as his Body. For as to Dissoluteness, I have not heard the Gentleman noted with it; his Faults were of Insolency, Turbulence, and the like of that kind.  
Mean time there was some Industry used (of which I will not now speak) to lull asleep those that were the Revengers of the Blood, the Father and the Brother of the Murdered. And in these terms things stood by the space of two years, during which time God did so blind the two great Procurers, and dazzle them with their Greatness, and blind and nail fast the Actors and Instruments with security upon their Protection, as neither the one looked about them, nor the other stirred or fled, or were conveyed away, but remained here still, as under a privy Arrest of God's Judgements; insomuch as Franklin, that should have been sent over to the Palsgrave with good store of Money, was by God's Providence, and the Accident of a Marriage of his, diverted and stayed.  
But about the beginning of the Progress the last Summer, God's Judgements began to come out of their depths. And as the revealing of Murder is commonly such as a Man said, à Domino hoc factum est; it is God's work, and it is marvellous in our eyes: so in this particular it was most admirable; for it came forth first by a Compliment, a matter of Courtesy. My Lord of Shrewsbury, that is now with God, recommended to a Councillor of State, (of special Trust by his place) the late Lieutenant 
* Called in Sir H. Wotton 's Reliq. p. 413. Elvis In Sir A. Welden 's Court of K. james, p. 107. Elwaies. In Aulic. Coquin. p. 141. Ellowaies. In Sir W. Dugdales' Baron. of Eng. Tom 2. p. 425. Elways. In Baker, Yelvis. p. 434.  Helwisse, only for Acquaintance, as an honest and worthy Gentleman, and desired him to know him, and to be acquainted with him. That Councillor answered him civilly, That my Lord did him a favour, and that he should embrace it willingly; but he must let his Lordship know, that there did lie a heavy imputation upon the Gentleman, Helwisse, for that Sir Tho. Overbury, his Prisoner, was thought to have come to a violent and an untimely Death. When this Speech was reported back by my Lord of Shrewsbury to Helwisse, percussit ili●ò animum, he was strucken with it, and being a politic Man, and of likelihood doubting, that the matter would break forth at one time or other, and that others might have the start of him, and thinking to make his own Case by his own Tale, resolved with himself upon this occasion, to discover unto my Lord of Shrewsbury, and that Councillor, that there was an Attempt (whereunto he was privy) to have poisoned Overbury, by the hands of his Underkeeper, Weston; but that he checked it, and put it by, and dissuaded it. But then he left it thus, that it was but as an Attempt, or an untimely Birth, never executed; and as if his own Fault had been no more, but that he was honest in forbidding, but fearful of revealing, and impeaching or accusing great Persons. And so with this fine point thought to save himself.  
But that Councillor of Estate wisely considering, that by the Lieutenant's own Tale it could not be simply a Permission, or Weakness; for that Weston was never displaced by the Lieutenant, notwithstanding that Attempt; and coupling the Sequel by the beginning, thought it matter fit to be brought before his Majesty, by whose appointment. Helwisse set down the like Declaration in writing.  
Upon this Ground the King playeth Salomon's part, gloria Dei celare rem, & gloria Regis investigare rem, and sets down certain Papers of his own hand, which I might term to be Claves justitiae, Keys of Justice, and may serve both for a Precedent for Princes to imitate, and for a Direction for judges to follow. And his Majesty carried the Balance with a constant and steady hand, evenly and without prejudice, whether it were a true Accusation of the one part, or a Practice and factious Scandal of the other. Which Writing, because I am not able to express according to the worth thereof, I will desire your Lordships anon to hear read.  
This excellent Foundation of Justice being laid by his Majesties own hand, it was referred unto some Councillors to examine further, who gained some Degrees of Light from Weston, but yet left it imperfect.  
After it was referred to Sir Ed. Cook, Chief Justice of the King's Bench, as a Person best practised in Legal Examinations, who took a great deal of indefatigable pains in it without intermission, having (as I have heard him say) taken at least three hundred Examinations in this Business.  
But these things were not done in a Corner, I need not speak of them. It is true, that my Lord Chief Justice, in the dawning and opening of the Light, finding the matter touched upon these great Persons, very discreetly became Suitor to the King, to have greater Persons than his own Rank joined with him; whereupon your Lordships, my Lord High Steward of England, my Lord Steward of the King's House, and my Lord Zouch, were joined with him.  
Neither wanted there (this while) Practise to suppress Testimony, to deface Writings, to weaken the King's Resolution, to slander the Justice, and the like. Nay when it came to the first solemn Act of Justice, which was the Arraignment of Weston, he had his lesson to stand mute, which had arrested the whole Wheel of Justice: but this dumb Devil, by the means of some discreet Divines, and the potent Charm of Justice together, was cast out; neither did this poisonous Adder stop his Ear to these Charms, but relented, and yielded to his Trial.  
Then followed the other Proceed of Justice against the other Offenders, Turnor, Helwisse, Franklin.  
But all these being but the Organs and Instruments of this Fact, (the Actors, and not the Authors) Justice could not have been crowned without this last Act against these great Persons; else Weston's Censure or Prediction might have been verified, when he said, He hoped the small Flies should not be caught, and the greater escape. Wherein the King, being in great straits between the defacing of his honour and of his Creature, hath (according as he useth to do) chosen the better part, reserving always Mercy to himself.  
The time also of Justice hath had its true Motions. The time until this Lady's deliverance was due unto Honour, Christianity, and Humanity, in respect of her great Belly. The time since was due to another kind of Deliverance too, which was, that some Causes of Estate which were in the Womb might likewise be brought forth, not for matter of Justice, but for Reason of State. Likewise this last Procrastination of Days had the like weighty Grounds and Causes.  
But (my Lords) where I speak of a Stage, I doubt I hold you upon the Stage too long. But before I pray Judgement, I pray your Lordships to hear the King's Papers read, that you may see how well the King was inspired, and how nobly he carried it, that Innocency might not have so much as Aspersion.  
Frances, Countess of Somerset, hath been indicted and arraigned, as accessary before the Fact, for the Murder and Impoisonment of Sir Tho. Overbury, and hath pleaded guilty, and confesseth the Indictment: I pray Judgement against the Prisoner.   

The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon, his Majesty's Attorney General, by way of Evidence, before the Lord High Steward, and the Peers, against Robert Earl of Somerset, concerning the poisoning of Overbury.  
IT may please your Grace, my Lord High Steward of England, and you my Lords the Peers; You have here before you Robert Earl of Somerset, to be tried for his Life, concerning the procuring and consenting to the Impoisonment of Sir Thomas Overbury, than the King's Prisoner in the Tower of London, as an Accessary before the Fact.  
I know your Lordships cannot behold this Nobleman, but you must remember his great favour with the King, and the great Place that he hath had and born, and must be sensible that he is yet of your Number and Body, a Peer as you are; so as you cannot cut him off from your Body but with grief; and therefore that you will expect from us, that give in the King's Evidence, sound and sufficient matter of Proof, to satisfy your Honours and Consciences.  
And for the manner of the Evidence also, the King our Master (who among his other Virtues, excelleth in that Virtue of the Imperial Throne, which is Justice) hath given us Commandment that we should not expatiate, nor make Invectives, but materially pursue the Evidence, as it conduceth to the Point in question; a matter that (though we are glad of so good a Warrant) yet we should have done of ourselves; for far be it from us, by any strains of Wit or Art to seek to play Prizes, or to blazon our Names in Blood, or to carry the Day otherwise than upon just Grounds. We shall carry the Lantern of Justice (which is the Evidence) before your Eyes upright, and be able to save it from being put out with any Winds of Evasions, or vain Defences, that is our part; not doubting at all, but that this Evidence in itself will carry that force, as it shall little need Vantages or Aggravations.  
My Lords, The Course which I shall hold in delivering that which I shall say (for I love Order) is this,  
First, I will speak somewhat of the nature and greatness of the Offence which is now to be tried, and that the King, however he might use this Gentleman heretofore, as the Signet upon his Finger (to use the Scripture Phrase) yet in this Case could not but put him off, and deliver him into the hands of Justice.  
Secondly, I will use some few words touching the Nature of the Proofs, which in such a Case are competent.  
Thirdly, I will state the Proofs.  
And lastly, I will produce the Proofs, either out of the Examinations and Matters in Writing, or Witnesses viva voce.  
For the Offence itself; it is of Crimes (next unto High-Treason) the greatest; it is the foulest of Felonies. And take this Offence with the Circumstances, it hath three Degrees or Stages; that it is Murder; that it is Murder by Impoisonment; that it is Murder committed upon the King's Prisoner in the Tower: I might say, that it is Murder under the Colour of Friendship; but that is a Circumstance moral, I leave that to the Evidence itself.  
For Murder, my Lords, the first Record of Justice which was in the World was a Judgement upon Murder, in the person of Adam's first born, Cain: And though it were not punished by Death, but with Banishment and mark of Ignominy, in respect of the primogeniture, or of the population of the World, or other points of God's secret Will, yet it was adjudged, and was (as I said) the first Record of Justice. So it appeareth likewise in Scripture, that the murder of Abner by joab, though it were by David respited in respect of great Services past, or Reason of State, yet it was not forgotten. But of this I will say no more. It was ever admitted, and so ranked in God's own Tables, that Murder is of offences between Man and Man (next to Treason and Disobedience of Authority, which some Divines have referred to the First Table, because of the Lieutenancy of God in Princes and Fathers) the greatest.  
For Impoisonment, I am sorry it should be heard of in this Kingdom: It is not nostri generis nec sanguinis; It is an Italian Crime fit for the Court of Rome, where that Person that intoxicateth the Kings of the Earth with his Cup of Poison in Heretical Doctrine, is many times really and materially intoxicated and empoisoned himself.  
But it hath three Circumstances, which make it grievous beyond other Murders: Whereof the first is, That it takes a Man in full Peace; in God's and the King's Peace; He thinks no harm, but is comforting Nature with Refection and Food: So that (as the Scripture saith) His Table is made a Snare.  
The second is, That it is easily committed, and easily concealed; and on the other side, hardly prevented, and hardly discovered: For Murder by violence Princes have Guards, and private Men have Houses, Attendants, and Arms: Neither can such Murders be committed but cum sonitu, and with some overt and apparent Act, that may discover and trace the Offender. But for Poison, the said Cup itself of Princes will scarce serve, in regard of many Poisons, that neither discolour nor distaste; and so passeth without noise or observation.  
And the last is, Because it containeth not only the destruction of the maliced Man, but of any other; Quis modo tutus erit? For many times the Poison is prepared for one, and is taken by another: So that Men die other men's Deaths; Concidit infelix alieno vulnere: and it is as the Psalm calleth it, Sagitta nocte volans; The Arrow that flies by night, it hath no aim or certainty.  
Now for the third Degree of this particular Offence, which is, that it was committed upon the King's Prisoner, who was out of his own Defence, and merely in the King's protection, and for whom the King and State was a kind of Respondent, it is a thing that aggravates the Fault much. For certainly (my Lord of Somerset) let me tell you this, That Sir Tho. Overbury is the first Man that was murdered in the Tower of London, since the murder of the two young Princes.  
For the Nature of the Proofs, your Lordships must consider, that Impoisonment, of Offences is the most secret: So secret, as if in all Cases of Impoisonment you should require Testimony, you were as good proclaim Impunity. I will put Book-Examples.  
Who could have impeached Livia, by Testimony, of the impoisoning of the Figs upon the Tree, which her Husband was wont, for his pleasure, to gather with his own hands.  
Who could have impeached Parisatis for the poisoning of one side of the Knife that she carved with, and keeping the other side clean; so that herself did eat of the same piece of Meat that the Lady did that she did impoison? The Cases are infinite, (and indeed not fit to be spoken of) of the secrecy of Impoisonments; But wise Triers must take upon them, in these secret Cases, Solomon's Spirit, that where there could be no Witnesses, collected the Act by the Affection.  
But yet we are not to come to one Case: For that which your Lordships are to try, is not the Act of Impoisonment (for that is done to your hand) all the World by Law is concluded, ●●t to say that Overbury was empoisoned by Weston. But the Question before you is of the procurement only, and of the abetting (as the Law termeth it) as accessary before the Fact: Which abetting is no more, but to do or use any Act or Means, which may aid or conduce unto the Impoisonment.  
So that it is not the buying or making of the Poison, or the preparing, or confecting, or commixing of it, or the giving or sending, or laying the Poison, that are the only Acts that do amount unto Abetment. But if there be any other Act or Means done or used, to give the opportunity of Impoisonment, or to facilitate the execution of it, or to stop or divert any impediments that might hinder it, and this be with an intention, to accomplish and achieve the Impoisonment; all these are Abetments, and Accessaries before the Fact. I will put you a familiar Example. Allow there be a Conspiracy to murder a Man as he journeys by the ways and it be one Man's part to draw him forth to that Journey by invitation, or by colour of some business; and another takes upon him to dissuade some Friend of his, whom he had a purpose to take in his Company, that he be not too strong to make his defence: And another hath the part to go along with him, and to hold him in talk till the first blow be given. All these (my Lords) without scruple are Abetters to this Murder, though none of them give the Blow, nor assist to give the Blow.  
My Lords, he is not the Hunter alone that lets slip the Dog upon the Deer, but he that lodges the Deer, or raises him, or puts him out, or he that sets a Toil that he cannot escape, or the like.  
But this (my Lords) little needeth in this present Case, where there is such a Chain of Acts of Impoisonment as hath been seldom seen, and could hardly have been expected, but that Greatness of Fortune maketh commonly Grossness in offending.  
To descend to the Proofs themselves, I shall keep this course.  
First, I will make a Narrative or Declaration of the Fact itself.  
Secondly, I will break and distribute the Proofs, as they concern the Prisoner.  
And thirdly, according to that distribution, I will produce them, and read them, or use them.  
So that there is nothing that I shall say, but your Lordship (my Lord of Somerset) shall have three thoughts or cogitations to answer it: First, when I open it, you may take your aim: Secondly, when I distribute it, you may prepare your Answers without confusion: And lastly, when I produce the Witnesses, or Examinations themselves, you may again ruminate and readvise how to make your defence. And this I do the rather, because your Memory or Understanding may not be oppressed or overladen with length of Evidence, or with confusion of order. Nay more, when your Lordship shall make your Answers in your time, I will put you in mind (when cause shall be) of your omissions.  
First therefore, for the simple Narrative of the Fact. Sir Tho. Overbury, for a time was known to have had great Interest, and great Friendship with my Lord of Somerset, both in his meaner Fortunes, and after: Insomuch as he was a kind of Oracle of Direction unto him; and if you will believe his own vaunts (being of an insolent Thrasonical disposition) he took upon him, that the Fortune, Reputation, and Understanding of this Gentleman (who is well known to have had a better Teacher) proceeded from his Company and Counsel.  
And this Friendship rested not only in Conversation and Business of Court, but likewise in Communication of Secrets of Estate. For my Lord of Somerset, at that time, exercising (by his Majesty's special favour and trust) the Office of the Secretary provisionally, did not forbear to acquaint Overbury with the King's Packets of Dispatches from all parts, Spain, France, the Low Countries, etc. And this not by glimpses, or now and then rounding in the Ear for a favour, but in a settled manner: Packets were sent, sometimes opened by my Lord, sometimes unbroken unto Overbury, who perused them, copied, registered them, made Tables of them as he thought good: So that I will undertake, the time was, when Overbury knew more of the Secrets of State, than the Council Table did. Nay, they were grown to such an inwardness, as they made a Play of all the World besides themselves: So as they had cyphers and jargons' for the King, the Queen, and all the great Men; things seldom used, but either by Princes, and their Ambassadors and Ministers, or by such as work and practise against, or at least upon Princes.  
But understand me (my Lord) I shall not charge you this day with any Disloyalty; only I say this for a foundation, That there was a great communication of Secrets between you and Overbury, and that it had relation to Matters of Estate, and the greatest Causes of this Kingdom.  
But (my Lords) as it is a principle in Nature, that the best things are in their corruption the worst: And the sweetest Wine makes the sharpest Vinegar: So fell it out with them, that this excess (as I may term it) of Friendship, ended in mortal Hatred on my Lord of Somerset's part.  
For it fell out, some twelve months before Overbury's imprisonment in the Tower, that my Lord of Somerset was entered into an unlawful love towards his unfortunate Lady, then Countess of Essex; which went so far, as it was then secretly projected (chief between my Lord Privy Seal and my Lord of Somerset) to effect a Nullity in the Marriage with my Lord of Essex, and so to proceed to a Marriage with Somerset.  
This Marriage and Purpose did Overbury mainly oppugn, under pretence to do the true part of a Friend (for that he counted her an unworthy Woman) but the truth was, that Overbury, who (to speak plainly) had little that was solid for Religion or Moral Virtue, but was a Man possessed with Ambition and vain Glory, was loath to have any Partners in the favour of my Lord of Somerset, and specially not the House of the Howards, against whom he had always professed hatred and opposition. So all was but miserable Bargains of Ambition.  
And (my Lords) that this is no sinister construction, will well appear unto you, when you shall hear that Overbury makes his brags to my Lord of Somerset, that he had won him the love of the Lady by his Letters and Industry: So far was he from Cases of Conscience in this Matter. And certainly (my Lords) howsoever the tragical misery of that poor Gentleman Overbury ought somewhat to obliterate his Faults; yet because we are not now upon point of Civility, but to discover the Face of Truth to the Face of Justice: And that it is material to the true understanding of the state of this Cause, Overbury was nought and corrupt, the Ballads must be amended for that point,  
But to proceed, When Overbury saw that he was like to be dispossessed of my Lord here, whom he had possessed so long, and by whose Greatness he had promised himself to do wonders; and being a Man of an unbounded and impetuous spirit, he began not only to dissuade, but to deter him from that Love and Marriage; and finding him fixed, thought to try stronger Remedies, supposing that he had my Lord's Head under his Girdle, in respect of communication of Secrets of Estate, or (as he calls them himself in his Letters, Secrets of all Natures) and therefore dealt violently with him, to make him desist, with menaces of Discovery of Secrets, and the like.  
Hereupon grew two streams of hatred upon Overbury; The one from the Lady, in respect that he crossed her Love, and abused her Name, which are Furies to Women; The other of a deeper and more Mineral Nature from my Lord of Somerset himself; who was afraid of Overbury's Nature, and that if he did break from him and fly out, he would mine into him, and trouble his whole Fortunes.  
I might add a third stream from the Earl of Northampton's Ambition, who desires to be first in favour with my Lord of Somerset, and knowing Overbury's malice to himself, and his House, thought that Man must be removed and cut off. So it was amongst them resolved and decreed, that Overbury must die.  
Hereupon they had variety of Devices. To send him beyond Sea, upon occasion of Employment, that was too weak; and they were so far from giving way to it, as they crossed it. There rested but two ways, Quarrel or Assault, and Poison. For that of Assault, after some proposition and attempt, they passed from it; It was a thing too open, and subject to more variety of chances. That of Poison likewise was a hazardous thing, and subject to many preventions and cautions, especially to such a jealous and working Brain as Overbury had, except he were first fast in their hands.  
Therefore the way was first to get him into a Trap, and lay him up, and then they could not miss the Mark. Therefore in execution of this Plot, it was devised, that Overbury should be designed to some honourable Employment in Foreign Parts, and should underhand by the Lord of Somerset be encouraged to refuse it; and so upon that contempt he should be laid Prisoner in the Tower, and then they would look he should be close enough, and Death should be his Bail. Yet were they not at their end. For they considered, that if there was not a fit Lieutenant of the Tower for their purpose, and likewise a fit underkeeper of Overbury: First, They should meet with many Impediments in the giving and exhibiting the Poison: Secondly, They should be exposed to note and observation, that might discover them: And thirdly, Overbury in the mean time might write clamorous and furious Letters to other his Friends, and so all might be disappointed. And therefore the next Link of the Chain, was to displace the then Lieutenant Waade, and to place Helwisse a principal Abetter in the Impoisonment: Again, to displace Cary, that was the underkeeper in Waade's time, and to place Weston, who was the principal Actor in the Impoisonment: And this was done in such a while (that it may appear to be done, as it were with one breath) as there were but fifteen days between the commitment of Overbury, the displacing of Waade, the placing of Helwisse, the displacing of ●ary the underkeeper, the placing of Weston, and the first Poison given two days after.  
Then when they had this poor Gentleman in the Tower close Prisoner, where he could not escape nor stir, where he could not feed but by their Hands, where he could not speak nor write but through their Trunks; then was the time to execute the last Act of this Tragedy.  
Then must Franklin be purveyour of the Poisons, and procure five, six, seven several Potions, to be sure to hit his Complexion. Then must Mistress Turner be the Say-Mistris of the Poisons to try upon poor Beasts, what's present, and what works at distance of time! Then must Weston be the Tormenter, and chase him with Poison after Poison, Poison in Salts, Poison in Meats, Poison in Sweetmeats, Poison in Medicines and Vomits, until at last his Body was almost come, by use of Poisons, to the state that Mithridate's Body was by the use of Treacle and Preservatives, that the force of the Poisons were blunted upon him: Weston confessing, when he was chid for not dispatching him, that he had given him enough to poison twenty Men. Lastly, Because all this asked time, courses were taken by Somerset, both to divert all means of Overbury's Delivery, and to entertain Overbury by continual Letters, partly of Hopes and Projects for his Delivery, and partly of other Fables and Negotiations; somewhat like some kind of Persons (which I will not name) which keep Men in talk of Fortune-telling, when they have a felonious meaning.  
And this is the true Narrative of this Act of Impoisonment, which I have summarily recited.  
Now for the Distribution of the Proofs, there are four Heads of Proofs to prove you guilty (my Lord of Somerset) of this Impoisonment; whereof two are precedent to the Imprisonment, the third is present, and the fourth is following or subsequent: For it is in Proofs, as it is in Lights; there is a direct Light, and there is a reflection of Light, or Back-Light.  
The first Head or Proof thereof is, That there was a root of Bitterness, a mortal Malice or Hatred, mixed with deep and bottomless Fears, that you had towards Sir Thomas Overbury.  
The second is, That you were the principal Actor, and had your hand in all those Acts, which did conduce to the Impoisonment, and which gave opportunity and means to effect it; and without which the Impoisonment could never have been, and which could serve or tend to no other end, but to the Impoisonment.  
The third is, That your hand was in the very Impoisonment itself, which is more than needs to be proved; that you did direct Poison, that you did deliver Poison, that you did continually hearken to the success of the Impoisonment, and that you spurred it on, and called for dispatch, when you thought it lingered.  
And lastly, That you did all the things after the Impoisonment, which may detect a guilty Conscience for the smothering of it, and avoiding punishment for it, which can be but of three kinds. That you suppressed, as much as in you was, Testimony: That you did deface, and destroy, and clip, and misdate all Writings that might give light to the Impoisonment; and that you did fly to the Altar of Guiltiness, which is a Pardon, and a Pardon of Murder, and a Pardon for yourself, and not for your Lady.  
In this (my Lord) I convert my speech to you, because I would have you attend the Points of your Charge, and so of your Defence the better. And two of these Heads I have taken to myself, and left the other two to the King's two Sergeants.  
For the first main part, which is the mortal Hatred coupled with Fear, that was in my Lord of Somerset towards Overbury, although he did palliate it with a great deal of hypocrisy and dissimulation even to the end; I shall prove it (my Lord Steward, and you my Lords and Peers) manifestly, by matter both of Oath and Writing. The root of this Hatred was that that hath cost many a Man's Life; that is, Fear of discovering Secrets. Secrets (I say) of a high and dangerous nature; wherein the course that I will hold shall be this.  
First; I will show that such a Breach and Malice was between my Lord and Overbury, and that it burst forth into violent Menaces and Threats on both sides.  
Secondly; That these Secrets were not light, but of a high nature, for I will give you the Elevation of the Pole. They were such as my Lord of Somerset for his part had made a Vow, That Overbury should neither live in Court nor Country. That he had likewise opened himself, and his own fears so far, that if Overbury ever came forth of the Tower, either Overbury or himself must die for it. And of Overbury's part, he had threatened my Lord, That whether he did live or die, my Lord's shame should never die, but he would leave him the most odious Man of the World. And farther that my Lord was like enough to repent it, in the place where Overbury wrote, which was the Tower of London. He was a true Prophet 〈◊〉 that: So here in the height of the Secrets.  
Thirdly; I will show you, that all the King's Business was by my Lord put into Overbury's Hands: So as there is work enough for Secrets, whatsoever they were. And like Prince's Confederates, they had their cyphers and jargons'.  
And lastly; I will show you that it is but a Toy to say that the Malice was only in respect he spoke dishonourbly of the Lady; or for doubt of breaking the Marriage: For that Overbury▪ was a Coadjutor to that Love, and the Lord of Somerset was as deep in speaking ill of the Lady, as Overbury. And again, it was too late for that Matter, for the Bargain of the Match was then made and passed. And if it had been no more but to remove Overbury from disturbing of the Match, it had been an easy matter to have banded over Overbury beyond Seas, for which they had a fair way; but that would not serve their turn.  
And lastly, Periculum periculo vincitur, to go so far as an Impoisonment, must have a deeper malice than flashes: For the Cause must bear a proportion to the Effect.  
For the next general Head of Proofs, which consists in Acts preparatory to the middle Acts, they are in eight several points of the Compass, as I may term it.  
First; That there were devices and projects to dispatch Overbury, or to overthrow him, plotted between the Countess of Somerset, the Earl of Somerset, and the Earl of Northampton, before they fell upon the Impoisonment: For always before Men fix upon a course of Mischief, there be some rejections; but die he must one way or other.  
Secondly; That my Lord of Somerset was principal Practiser (I must speak it) in a most perfidious manner, to set a Train or Trap for Overbury to get him into the Tower; without which they never durst have attempted the Impoisonment.  
Thirdly; That the placing of the Lieutenant Helwisse one of the Impoisoners, and the displacing of Waade, was by the means of my Lord of Somerset.  
Fourthly; That the placing of Weston the underkeeper, who was the principal Impoisoner, and the displacing of Cary, and the doing of all this within fifteen days after Overbury's Commitment, was by the means and countenance of my Lord of Somerset. And these two were the active Instruments of the Impoisonment: And this was a Business that the Lady's power could not reach unto.  
Fifthly; That because there must be a time for the Tragedy to be acted, and chief because they would not have the Poisons work upon the sudden: And for that the strength of Overbury's Nature, or the very custom of receiving Poison into his Body, did overcome the Poisons that they wrought not so fast, therefore Overbury must be held in the Tower. And as my Lord of Somerset got him into the Trap, so he kept him in, and abused him with continual hopes of Liberty; and diverted all the true and effectual means of his Liberty, and made light of his Sickness and Extremities.  
Sixthly; That not only the Plot of getting Overbury into the Tower, and the devices to hold him and keep him there, but the strange manner of his close keeping (being in but for a Contempt) was by the device and means of my Lord of Somerset, who denied his Father to see him, denied his Servants that offered to be shut up close Prisoners with him, and in effect handled it so, that he was close Prisoner to all his Friends, and open and exposed to all his Enemies.  
Seventhly, That the Advertisement which my Lady received from time to time, from the Lieutenant or Weston, touching Overbury's state of Body or Health, were ever sent up to the Court, though it were in Progress, and that from my Lady: such a thirst and listening this Lord had to hear that he was dispatched.  
Lastly, There was a continual Negotiation to set Overbury's Head on work, that he should make some recognition to clear the honour of the Lady; and that he should become a good Instrument towards her and her Friends: All which was but entertainment: For your Lordships shall plainly see divers of my Lord of Northampton's Letters (whose hand was deep in this Business) written (I must say it) in dark Words and Clauses; That there was one thing pretended, and another intended; That there was a real Charge, and there was somewhat not real; a main drift and a dissimulation. Nay further, there be some passages which the Peers in their wisdom will discern to point directly at the Impoisonment.  
After this Inducement followed the Evidence itself.   

The Lord Bacon's Letter to the University of Cambridg.  
Rescriptum Procuratoris Regis Primarii, ad Academiam Cantabrigiensem, quando in Sanctius Regis Consilium cooptatus fuit.  
GRatae mihi fuere Literae vestrae, atque Gratulationem vestram ipse mihi gratulor. Rem ipsam ita mihi Honori, & voluptati fore duco, si in hâc ment maneam, ut Publicis Utilitatibus, studio indefesso, & perpetuis curis, & puro affectu, inserviam. Inter partes autem Reipublicae, nulla Animo meo charior est, quàm Academiae & Literae. Idque & vita mea anteacta declarat, & scripta. Itaque quicquid mihi accesserit, id etiam vobis accessisse existimare potestis. Neque vero Pacrocinium meum vobis sublatum aut diminutum esse credere debetis. Nam & ea pars Patroni, quae ad consilium in causis exhibendum spectat, integra manet; Atque etiam (si quid gravius accideri●) ipsum perorandi Munus (licentiâ Regis obtentâ) relict●m est; Quodque juris Patrocinio deerit, id auctiore potestate compensabitur. Mihi in votis est, ut quemadmodum à privatorum & clientelarum negotiis, ad Gube●nacula Reipublicae translatus jam sum; Ita & postrema Aetatis meae pars (si vita suppetit) etiam à publicis curis ad otium & Literas devehi possit. Quinetiam saepius subit illa Cogitatio, ut etiam in tot & tantis Negotiis, tamen singulis annis aliquos dies apud vos deponam; Vt ex majore vestrarum rerum notitiâ vestris utilitatibus melius consulere possim.  
5. Julij 1616. Amicus ves●er maximè Fidelis & Benevolus. Fr. Bacon.   

The same in English by the Publisher.  
The Answer of the Lord Bacon, than Attorney General, to the University of Cambridg, when he was sworn of the Privy Council to the King.  
YOur Letters were very acceptable to me; and I give myself joy, upon your Congratulation. The thing itself will (I suppose) conduce to my Honour and Satisfaction, if I remain in the mind I now am in; by unwearied study, and perpetual watchfulness, and pure affection, to promote the Public Good. Now among the Parts of the Commonwealth, there are none dearer to me than the Universities, and Learning. And This, my manner of Life hitherto, and my Writings, do both declare. If therefore any good Fortune befalls me, you may look upon it as an accession to yourselves. Neither are you to believe, that my Patronage is either quite removed from you, or so much as diminished. For, that part of an Advocate which concerneth the giving of Counsel in Causes, remaineth entire. Also (if any thing more weighty & urgent falleth out) the very Office of Pleading (the King's leave being obtained) is still allowed me. And whatsoever shall be found wanting in my Juridical Patronage, will be compensated by my more ample Authority. My wishes are, that as I am translated from the Business of private Men, and particular Clients, to the Government of the Commonwealth; so the latter part of my Age (if my Life be continued to me) may, from the Public Cares, be translated to leisure and study.  
Also this thought comes often into my mind, amidst so many Businesses, and of such moment, every year to lay aside some days to think on You: That so, having the greater insight into your Matters, I may the better consult your Advantage.  
july the 5th 1616. Your most faithful and kind Friend, Fr. Bacon.   

Sir Francis Bacon's Letter to King james touching the Chancellor's Place.  
It may please Your most Excellent Majesty.  
YOur worthy Chancellor 
* Chaenc. Egerton.  (I fear) goeth his last day. God hath hitherto used to weed out such Servants as grew not fit for Your Majesty. But now He hath gathered to Himself one of the choicer Plants in Your Majesty's Garden. But Your Majesty's Service must not be mortal.  
Upon this heavy Accident, I pray your Majesty, in all humbleness and sincerity, to give me leave to use a few words. I must never forget when I moved your Majesty for the Attorney's Place, that it was your own sole Act, and not my Lord of Somerset's; who, when he knew your Majesty had resolved it, thrust himself into the Business to gain thanks. And therefore I have no reason to pray to Saints.  
I shall now again make Oblation to your Majesty; first of my Heart; then of my Service; thirdly, of my Place of Attorney; and fourthly, of my Place in the Star-Chamber.  
I hope I may be acquitted of Presumption, if I think of it; both because my Father had the Place, which is some civil inducement to my desire, (and I pray God your Majesty may have twenty no worse years than Queen Elizabeth had in her Model after my Father's placing) and chief because the Chancellor's place, after it went to the Law, was ever conferred upon some of the Learned Counsel, and never upon a Judg. For Audley was raised from King's Sergeant; my Father from Attorney of the Wards; Bromlie from Solicitor; Puckering from Queen's Sergeant; Egerton from Master of the Rolls, having newly left the Attorney's place.—  
For myself, I can only present your Majesty with Gloria in Obsequio; yet I dare promise, that if I sit in that Place, your Business shall not make such short turns upon you as it doth; But when a Direction is once given, it shall be pursued and performed: And your Majesty shall only be troubled with the true Care of a King; which is to think what you would have done in chief; and not how for the Passages.  
I do presume also, in respect of my Father's Memory, and that I have been always gracious in the Lower-House, I have some interest in the Gentlemen of England; and shall be able to do some good Effect in rectifying that Body of Parliament, which is Cardo Rerum. For, let me tell your Majesty, That that part of the Chancellor's place, which is to judge in equity between Party and Party, that same Regnum judiciale (which since my Father's time is but too much enlarged) concerneth your Majesty least, more than the acquitting of your Conscience for Justice. But it is the other Parts of a Moderator amongst your Council; of an Overseer over your judges; of a Planter of fit justices and Governors in the Country, that importeth your Affairs, and these Times, most.  
I will add likewise, that I hope, by my Care, the Inventive Part of your Council will be strengthened; who, now commonly, do exercise rather their judgements than their Inventions; and the Inventive Part cometh from Projectors, and Private Men; which cannot be so well: In which kind my Lord of Salisbury had a good Method.—  
To conclude; If I were the Man I would be, I should hope, that as your Majesty of late hath won Hearts by Depressing, you should in this lose no Hearts by Advancing. For I see your People can better skill of Concretum than Abstractum; and that the Waves of their Affection flow rather after Persons than Things. So that Acts of this nature (if this were one) do more good than twenty Bills of Grace.  
If God call my Lord Chancellor, the Warrants and Commissions which are requisite for the taking of the Seal, and for working with it, and for reviving of Warrants under his Hand, which die with him, and the like, shall be in readiness. And in this Time presseth more, because it is the end of a Term, and almost the beginning of the Circuits; so that the Seal cannot stand still. But this may be done as heretofore, by Commission, till your Majesty hath resolved on an Officer. God ever preserve your Majesty.  
Your Majesty's most humble Subject, and bounden Servant, F. Bacon.   

A Letter written 
* About a year and half after his Retirement.  by the Lord Bacon to King James, for Relief of his Estate.  
May it please your most Excellent Majesty.  
IN the midst of my misery, which is rather assuaged by Remembrance than by Hope; my chiefest worldly comfort is, to think, That since the time I had the first Vote of the Commons House of Parliament for Commissioner of the Union, until the time that I was this last Parliament, chosen by both Houses for their Messenger to your Majesty in the Petition of Religion, (which too were my first and last Services) I was ever more so happy as to have my poor Services graciously accepted by your Majesty, and likewise not to have had any of them miscarry in my Hands. Neither of which points I can any ways take to myself, but ascribe the former to your majesty's Goodness, and the latter to your prudent Directions; which I was ever careful to have and keep. For as I have often said to your Majesty, I was towards you but as a Bucket, and a Cistern, to draw forth and conserve, yourself was the Fountain. Unto this comfort of nineteen years' prosperity, there succeeded a comfort even in my greatest adversity, somewhat of the same nature; which is, That in those offences wherewith I was charged, there was not any one that had special relation to your Majesty, or any your particular Commandments. For as, towards Almighty God, there are Offences against the first and second Table, and yet all against God. So with the Servants of Kings, there are Offences more immediate against the Sovereign: Although all Offences against Law are also against the King. Unto which Comfort there is added this Circumstance, That as my Faults were not against your Majesty, otherwise than as all Faults are; so my Fall was not your Majesty's Act, otherwise than as all Acts of Justice are yours. This I writ not to insinuate with your Majesty, but as a most humble Appeal to your Majesty's gracious remembrance, how honest and direct you have ever found me in your Service; whereby I have an assured belief, that there is in your Majesties own Princely Thoughts, a great deal of serenity and clearness to me your Majesties now prostrate and cast-down Servant.  
Neither (my most gracious Sovereign) do I by this mention of my Services, lay claim to your Princely Grace and Bounty, though the privilege of Calamity doth bear that form of Petition. I know well, had they been much more, they had been but my bounden Duty. Nay, I must also confess, that they were from time to time, far above my merit, over and super-rewarded by your Majesty's Benefits which you heaped upon me. Your Majesty was and is that Master to me, that raised and advanced me nine times; thrice in Dignity, and six times in Office. The places indeed were the painfullest of all your Services; But than they had both Honour and Profits: And the then Profits might have maintained my now Honour, if I had been wise. Neither was your Majesty's immediate liberality wanting towards me in some Gifts, if I may hold them. All this I do most thankfully acknowledge, and do herewith conclude, That for any thing arising from myself to move your Eye of pity towards me, there is much more in my present Misery, than in my past Services; save that the same your Majesty's Goodness, that may give relief to the one, may give value to the other.  
And indeed, if it may please your Majesty, this Theme of my Misery is so plentiful, as it need not be coupled with any thing else. I have been some Body by your Majesty's singular and undeserved favour, even the prime Officer of your Kingdom. Your Majesty's Arm hath been over mine in Council, when you presided at the Table; so near I was: I have born your Majesty's Image in Metal, much more in Heart: I was never in nineteen years' Service chidden by your Majesty, but contrariwise often overjoyed, when your Majesty would sometimes say, I was a good Husband for you, though none for myself: sometimes, That I had a way to deal in Business suavibus modis, which was the way which was most according to your own Heart: And other most gracious speeches of Affection and Trust, which I feed on to this day. But why should I speak of these things which are now vanished, but only the better to express the Downfall?  
For now it is thus with me: I am a year and an half old in Misery; though I must ever acknowledge, not without some mixture of your Majesty's Grace and Mercy; For I do not think it possible, that any you once loved should be totally miserable. Mine own Means, through mine own Improvidence are poor and weak, little better than my Father left me. The poor Things which I have had from your Majesty, are either in Question, or at Courtesy. My Dignities remain Marks of your Favour, but Burdens of my present Fortune. The poor Remnants which I had of my former Fortunes in Plate or Jewels, I have spread upon poor Men unto whom I owed, scarce leaving myself a convenient Subsistence. So as to conclude, I must pour out my Misery before your Majesty, so far as to say, Si deseris tu, perimus.  
But as I can offer to your Majesty's compassion little arising from myself to move you, except it be my extreme Misery, which I have truly laid open; so looking up to your Majesty's own self, I should think I committed Cain's fault if I should despair. Your Majesty is a King, whose Heart is as unscrutable for secret motions of Goodness, as for depth of Wisdom. You are, Creator-like, Factive, and not Destructive. You are the Prince, in whom hath been ever noted an aversation against any thing that savoured of an hard Heart; as, on the other side, your Princely Eye was wont to meet with any motion that was made on the relieving part. Therefore as one that hath had the happiness to know your Majesty near hand, I have (most Gracious Sovereign) Faith enough for a Miracle, much more for a Grace, that your Majesty will not suffer your poor Creature to be utterly defaced, nor blot that Name quite out of your Book, upon which your Sacred Hand hath been so oft for new Ornaments and Additions.  
Unto this degree of compassion, I hope God above, (of whose Mercy towards me, both in my Prosperity and Adversity I have had great Testimonies and Pledges, though mine own manifold and wretched unthankfulnesses might have averted them) will dispose your Princely Heart, already prepared to all Piety. And why should I not think, but that thrice Noble Prince, who would have pulled me out of the Fire of a Sentence, will help to pull me (if I may use that homely phrase) out of the Mire of an abject and sordid condition in my last days: And that excellent Favourite of yours, (the goodness of whose Nature contendeth with the greatness of his Fortune; and who counteth it a Prize, a second Prize, to be a good Friend, after that Prize which he carrieth to be a good Servant) will kiss your Hands with joy for any Work of Piety you shall do for me. And as all commiserable Persons (especially such as find their Hearts void of all malice) are apt to think that all Men pity them; I assure myself that the Lords of your Council, who out of their Wisdom and Nobleness, cannot but be sensible of humane Events, will in this way which I go for the Relief of my Estate, further and advance your Majesty's Goodness towards me: For there is, as I conceive, a kind of Fraternity between Great Men that are, and those that have been, being but the several Tenses of one Verb. Nay, I do further presume, that both Houses of Parliament will love their Justice the better, if it end not in my ruin. For I have been often told, by many of my Lords, as it were in excusing the severity of the Sentence, that they knew they left me in good Hands. And your Majesty knoweth well, I have been all my life long acceptable to those Assemblies, not by flattery, but by moderation, and by honest expressing of a desire to have all things go fairly and well.  
But if it may please your Majesty, (for Saints I shall give them Reverence, but no Adoration; my Address is to your Majesty the Fountain of Goodness) your Majesty shall, by the Grace of God, not feel that in Gift, which I shall extremely feel in Help: For my Desires are moderate, and my Courses measured to a Life orderly and reserved, hoping still to do your Majesty honour in my way. Only I most humbly beseech your Majesty, to give me leave to conclude with those words which Necessity speaketh: Help me, (dear Sovereign Lord and Master) and pity me so far, as I that have born a Bag, be not now in my Age forced in effect to bear a Wallet; nor I that desire to live to study, may not be driven to study to live. I most humbly crave pardon of a long Letter, after a long silence. God of Heaven ever bless, preserve, and prosper your Majesty.  
Your Majesty's poor ancient Servant and Beadsman, Fr. St. Alb.   

Certain Apothegms of the Lord Bacon's, hitherto unpublished.  
1. PLutarch said well, It is otherwise in a Commonwealth of Men than of Bees. The Hive of a City or Kingdom is in best condition, when there is least of noise or Buzz in it.  
2. The same Plutarch said, of Men of weak Abilities set in Great Place, that they were like little Statues set on great Bases, made to appear the less by their Advancement.  
3. He said again; Good Fame is like Fire. When you have kindled it, you may easily preserve it; but if once you extinguish it, you will not easily kindle it again; at least, not make it burn as bright as it did.  
4. The Answer of Apollonius to Vespasian, is full of excellent 
* This Apothegm is also found in his Essay of Empire, P. 107  Instruction: Vespasian asked him, What was Nero's overthrow? He answered, Nero could touch and tune the Harp well; but in Government, sometimes he used to wind the Pins too high, sometimes to let them down too low. And certain it is, that nothing destroyeth Authority so much as the unequal and untimely interchange of Power pressed too far, and relaxed too much.  
5. Queen Elizabeth seeing Sir Edward— in her Garden, looked out at her Window, and asked him in Italian, What does a Man think of when he thinks of nothing? Sir Edward (who had not had the effect of some of the Queen's Grants so soon as he had hoped and desired) paused a little, and then made answer, Madam, He thinks of a Woman's Promise. The Queen shrunk in her Head, but was heard to say, Well, Sir Edward, I must not confute you. Anger makes dull Men witty, but it keeps them poor.  
6. When any Great Officer, Ecclesiastical or Civil, was to be made, the Queen would inquire after the Piety, Integrity, Learning of the Man. And when she was satisfied in these Qualifications, she would consider of his Personage. And upon such an Occasion she pleased once to say to me, Bacon, How can the Magistrate maintain his Authority when the Man is despised?  
7. In Eighty Eight, when the Queen went from Temple-Bar along Fleetstreet, the Lawyers were ranked on one side, and the Companies of the City on the other; said Master Bacon to a Lawyer that stood next him, do but observe the Courtiers. If they bow first to the Citizens, they are in Debt; if first to us, they are in Law.  
8. King james was wont to be very earnest with the Country Gentlemen to go from London to their Country Houses. And sometimes he would say thus to them; Gentlemen, at London you are like Ships in a Sea, which show like nothing; but in your Country Villages, you are like Ships in a River, which look like great things.  
9 Soon after the death of a great Officer, who was judged no advancer of the King's Matters, the King said to his Solicitor Bacon, who was his Kinsman; Now tell me truly, what say you of your Cousin that is gone? Mr. Bacon answered, Sir, since your Majesty doth charge me, I'll e'en deal plainly with you, and give you such a character of him, as if I were to write his Story. I do think he was no fit Counsellor to make your Affairs better; but yet he was fit to have kept them from growing worse. The King said, On my So'l, Man, in the first thou speakest like a True Man, and in the latter like a Kinsman.  
10. King james, as he was a Prince of great Judgement, so he was a Prince of a marvellous pleasant humour; and there now come into my mind two instances of it.  
As he was going through Lusen by Greenwich, he asked what Town it was? they said, Lusen. He asked a good while after, What Town is this we are now in? They said, still 'twas Lusen. On my So'l, said the King, I will be King of Lusen.  
11. In some other of his Progresses, he asked how far 'twas to a Town whose name I have forgotten; they said, Six miles. Half an hour after he asked again; one said, Six miles and an half: The King alighted out of his Coach, and crept under the Shoulder of his Led Horse. And when some asked his Majesty what he meant; I must stalk, said he, for yonder Town is shy and flies me.  
12. Count Gondomar sent a Compliment to my Lord St. Alban, wishing him a good Easter. My Lord thanked the Messenger, and said, He could not at present requite the Count better, than in returning him the like; That he wished his Lordship a good Passover.  
13. My Lord Chancellor Elsmere, when he had read a Petition which he disliked, would say; What! you would have my hand to this now? And the Party answering, yes; He would say further; Well, so you shall. Nay, you shall have both my hands to't. And so would, with both his hands, tear it in pieces.  
14. I knew a 
* See this also in his Essay of Dispatch, p. 143.  Wise Man, that had it for a byword, when he saw Men hasten to a Conclusion; Stay a little that we may make an end the sooner.  
15. Sir Francis Bacon was wont to say of an angry Man who suppressed his Passion, That he thought worse than he spoke: and of an angry Man that would chide, That he spoke worse than he thought.  
16. He was wont also to say, That Power in an ill Man, was like the Power of a black Witch; He could do hurt, but no good with it. And he would add, That the Magicians could turn Water into Blood, but could not turn the Blood again to Water.  
17. When Mr. Attorney Cook, in the Exchequer, gave high words to Sr. Francis Bacon, and stood much upon his higher Place; Sir Francis said to him, Mr. Attorney! The less you speak of your own greatness, the more I shall think of it; and the more, the less.  
18. Sir Francis Bacon coming into the Earl of Arundel's Garden, where there were a great number of Ancient Statues of naked Men and Women, made a stand, and as astonished, cried out, The Resurrection.  
19 Sir Francis Bacon (who was always for moderate Counsels) when one was speaking of such a Reformation of the Church of England, as would in effect make it no Church; said thus to him, Sir, The Subject we talk of is the Eye of England: And if there be a speck or two in the Eye, we endeavour to take them off; but he were a strange Oculist who would pull out the Eye.  
20. The same Sir Francis Bacon was wont to say, That those who left useful Studies for useless Scholastic Speculations, were like the Olympic Gamesters, who abstained from necessary Labours, that they might be fit for such as were not so.  
21. He likewise often used this Comparison. 
* See the Substance of this in Nou. Org. Ed. Lugd. Bat. p. 105. & inter Cogitata & visa. p. 53.  The Empirical Philosophers are like to Pismires; they only lay up and use their Store. The Rationalists are like to Spiders; they spin all out of their own Bowels. But give me a Philosopher, who like the Bee, hath a middle faculty, gathering from abroad, but digesting that which is gathered by his own virtue.  
22. The Lord St. Alban, who was not overhasty to raise Theories, but proceeded slowly by Experiments, was wont to say to some Philosophers who would not go his Pace; Gentlemen! Nature is a Labyrinth, in which the very haste you move with will make you lose your way.  
23. The same Lord when he spoke of the Dutchmen, used to say, That we could not abandon them for our safety, nor keep them for our profit. And sometimes he would express the same sense on this manner; We hold the Belgic Lion by the Ears.  
24. The same Lord, when a Gentleman seemed not much to approve of his Liberality to his Retinue, said to him; Sir, I am all of a Piece; If the Head be lifted up, the inferior parts of the Body must too.  
25. The Lord Bacon was wont to commend the Advice of the plain old Man at Buxton that sold Beesoms; A proud lazy young Fellow came to him for a Besom upon Trust; to whom the Old Man said; Friend! hast thou no Money? borrow of thy Back, and borrow of thy Belly; they'll ne'er ask thee again, I shall be dunning thee every day.  
26. Solon 
* See this in his Essay of the true Greatness of Kingdoms. p. 171.  said well to Croesus, (when in ostentation he shown him his Gold) Sir, if any other come that has better Iron than you, he will be master of all this Gold.  
27. jack Weeks said of a great Man (just then dead) who pretended to some Religion, but was none of the best livers; Well, I hope he is in Heaven. Every Man thinks as he wishes; but if he be in Heaven, 'twere pity it were known.   

Ornamenta Rationalia.  
A supply (by the Publisher) of certain weighty and elegant Sentences, some made, others collected, by the Lord Bacon; and by him put under the abovesaid Title; and at present not to be found.  

A Collection of Sentences out of the Mimi of Publius; Englished by the Publisher.  
1. A Leator, quantò in Arte est melior, tantò est nequior.  
A Gamester, the greater Master he is in his Art, the worse Man he is.  
2. Arcum, intensio frangit; Animum, remissio.  
Much bending breaks the Bow; much unbending, the Mind.  
3. Bis vincit, qui se vincit in Victoriâ.  
He conquers twice, who upon Victory overcomes himself.  
4. Cùm vitia prosint, peccat, Qui rectè facit.  
If Vices were upon the whole matter profitable, the virtuous Man would be the sinner.  
5. Benè dormit, qui non sentit, quòd malè dormiat.  
He sleeps well, who feels not that he sleeps ill.  
6. Deliberare utilia, mora est tutissima.  
To deliberate about useful things, is the safest delay.  
7. Dolour decrescit, ubi quò crescat non habet.  
The flood of Grief decreaseth, when it can swell no higher.  
8. Etiam Innocentes cogit mentiri dolour.  
Pain makes even the Innocent Man a Lyar.  
9 Etiam celeritas in desiderio, mora est.  
〈◊〉 in desire, swiftness itself is delay.  
10. Etiam capillus unus habet umbram suam.  
The smallest Hair casts a shadow.  
11. Fidem qui perdit, quò se servat in reliquum?  
He that has lost his Faith, what has he left to live on?  
12. Formosa Facies muta commendatio est.  
A beautiful Face is a silent commendation.  
13. Fortuna nimium quem fovet, Stultum facit.  
Fortune makes him a Fool, whom she makes her Darling.  
14. Fortuna obesse nulli contenta est semel.  
Fortune is not content to do a Man but one ill turn.  
15. Facit gratum Fortuna, quam nemo videt.  
The Fortune which no Body sees, makes a Man happy and unenvied.  
16. Heu! quàm miserum est ab illo laedi, de quo non possis queri.  
O! what a miserable thing 'tis to be hurt by such a one of whom 'tis in vain to complain.  
17. Homo toties moritur quoties amit●it s●os.  
A Man dies as often as he loses his Friends.  
18. Haeredis fletus, sub personâ risus est.  
The Tears of an Heir are laughter under a Vizard.  
19 jucundum nihil est, nisi quod reficit varietas.  
Nothing is pleasant, to which variety does not give a relish.  
20. Invidiam far, aut fortis, aut foelix potest.  
He may bear envy, who is either courageous or happy.  
21. In malis sperare bonum, nisi innocens, nemo potest.  
None but a virtuous Man can hope well in ill circumstances.  
22. In vindicando, criminosa est celeritas.  
In taking revenge, the very haste we make is criminal.  
23. In calamitoso risus etiam injuria est.  
When Men are in calamity, if we do but laugh we offend.  
24. Improbè Neptunum accusat, qui iterum Naufragium facit.  
He accuseth Neptune unjustly, who makes Shipwreck a second time.  
25. Multis minatur, qui uni facit injuriam.  
He that injures one, threatens an hundred.  
26. Mora omnis ingrata est, sed facit sapientiam.  
All delay is ungrateful, but we are not wise without it.  
27. Mori est foelicis antequam Morte● invocet.  
Happy he who dies e'er he calls for Death to take him away.  
28. Malus ubi bonum se simulat, tunc est pessimus.  
An ill Man is always ill; but he is then worst of all when he pretends to be a Saint.  
29. Magno cum periculo custoditur, quod multis placet.  
Lock and Key will scarce keep that secure, which pleases every body.  
30. Malè vivunt qui se semper victuros putant.  
They think ill who think of living always.  
31. Malè secum agit Aeger, Medicum qui haeredem facit.  
That sick Man does ill for himself, who makes his Physician his Heir.  
32. Multos timere▪ debet, quem multi timent.  
He of whom many are afraid, ought himself to fear many.  
33. Nulla tam bona est Fortuna, de quâ nil possis queri.  
There's no Fortune so good but it bats an Ace.  
34. Pars beneficii est, quod petitur, st bene neges.  
'Tis part of the Gift, if you deny gently what is asked of you.  
35. Timidus vocat se cautum, parcum sordidus.  
The Coward calls himself a wary Man; and the M●ser says he is frugal.  
36. O Vita! misero longa, foelici brevis.  
O Life! an Age to him that is in misery, and to him that is happy, a moment.   

A Collection of Sentences out of some of the Writings of the Lord Bacon.  
1. IT is a strange desire which Men have, to seek Power and lose Liberty.  
2. Children increase the cares of Life; but they mitigate the remembrance of Death.  
3. Round dealing is the honour of Man's Nature; and a mixture of falsehood is like allay in Gold and Silver, which may make the Metal work the better, but it embaseth it.  
4. Death openeth the Gate to good Fame, and extinguisheth Envy.  
5. Schism, in the Spiritual Body of the Church, is a greater scandal than a corruption in Manners: As, in the natural Body, a Wound or Solution of Continuity, is worse than a corrupt Humour.  
6. Revenge is a kind of wild justice, which the more a Man's Nature runs to, the more ought Law to weed it out.  
7. He that studieth Revenge, keepeth his own Wounds green.  
8. Revengeful Persons live and die like Witches. Their life is mischievous, and their end is unfortunate.  
9 It was an high Speech of Seneca, (after the manner of the Stoic's) That the good Things which belong to Prosperity, are to be wished; but the good things which belong to Adversity, are to be admired.  
10. He that cannot see well, let him go softly.  
11. If a Man be thought secret, itinviteth discovery: as the more close Air sucketh in the more open.  
12. Keep your Authority wholly from your Children, not so your Purse.  
13. Men of Noble Birth are noted to be envious towards new Men when they rise. For the distance is altered; and it is like a deceit of the Eye, that when others come on, they think themselves go back.  
14. That Envy is most malignant which is like Cain's, who envied his Brother, because his Sacrifice was better accepted, when there was no body but God to look on.  
15. The lovers of Great Place are impatient of Privateness, even in Age which requires the Shadow: like old Townsmen that will be still sitting at their Street-Door, though there they offer Age to scorn.  
16. In Evil, the best condition is, not to will; the next, not to can.  
17. In great Place, ask counsel of both Times: of the Ancient Time, what is best; and of the latter Time, what is fittest.  
18. As in Nature things move more violently to their Place, and calmly in their Place: So Virtue in Ambition is violent; in Authority, settled and calm.  
19 Boldness in civil Business, is like Pronunciation in the Orator of Demosthenes; the first, second, and third thing.  
20. Boldness is blind: wherefore 'tis ill in Counsel, but good in Execution. For in Counsel it is good to see dangers, in Execution not to see them, except they be very great.  
21. Without good Nature, Man is but a better kind of Vermin.  
22. God never wrought Miracle to convince Atheism, because his ordinary Works convince it.  
23. The great Atheists indeed are Hypocrites, who are always handling Holy Things, but without feeling; so as they must needs be cauterised in the end.  
24. The Master of Superstition is the People. And in all Superstition, wise Men follow Fools.  
25. In removing Superstitions, care would be had that (as it fareth in ill Purge) the good be not taken away with the bad, which commonly is done, when the People is the Physician.  
26. He that goeth into a Country before he hath some entrance into the Language, goeth to School, and not to travel.  
27. It is a miserable state of mind (and yet it is commonly the case of Kings) to have few things to desire, and many things to fear.  
28. Depression of the Nobility may make a King more absolute, but less safe.  
29. All Precepts concerning Kings, are, in effect, comprehended in these Remembrances; Remember thou art a Man; Remember thou art God's Vicegerent. The one bridleth their Power, and the other their Will.  
30. Things will have their first or second agitation. If they be not tossed upon the Arguments of Counsel, they will be tossed upon the Waves of Fortune.  
31. The true composition of a Counsellor, is rather to be skilled in his Master's Business than his Nature; for than he is like to advise him, and not to feed his humour.  
32. Private Opinion is more free, but Opinion before others is more reverend.  
33. Fortune is like a Market, where many times if you stay a little the price will fall.  
34. Fortune sometimes turneth the handle of the Bottle, which is easy to be taken hold of; and after the belly, which is hard to grasp.  
35. Generally it is good to commit the beginning of all great Actions, to Argus with an hundred Eyes; and the ends of them to Briareus with an hundred hands; first to watch, and then to speed.  
36. There's great difference betwixt a cunning Man and a wise Man. There be that can pack the Cards, who yet can't play well; they are good in Canvases and Factions, and yet otherwise mean Men.  
37. Extreme self-lovers will set a Man's House on fire, though it were but to roast their Eggs.  
38. New Things, like Strangers, are more admired, and less favoured.  
39 It were good that Men in their Innovations, would follow the Example of Time itself, which indeed innovateth greatly, but quietly; and by degrees scarce to be perceived.  
40. They that reverence too much old Time, are but a scorn to the New.  
41. The Spaniards and Spartans' have been noted to be of small dispatch. Mi venga la muerte de Spagna; let my death come from Spain, for than it will be sure to be long a coming.  
42. You had better take, for Business, a Man somewhat absurd, than overformal.  
43. Those who want Friends to whom to open their Griefs, are Cannibals of their own Hearts.  
44. Number itself importeth not much in Armies, where the People are of weak courage. For (as Virgil says) it never troubles a Wolf how many the Sheep be.  
45. Let States, that aim at Greatness, take heed how their Nobility and Gentry multiply too fast. In Coppice Woods, if you leave your Staddles too thick, you shall never have clean Underwood, but Shrubs and Bushes.  
46. A Civil War is like the heat of a Fever; but a Foreign War is like the heat of Exercise, and serveth to keep the Body in health.  
47. Suspicions among thoughts, are like Bats among Birds, They ever fly by twilight.  
48. Base Natures, if they find themselves once suspected, will never be true.  
49. Men ought to find the difference between saltness and bitterness. Certainly he that hath a Satirical Vein, as he maketh others afraid of his Wit, so he had need be afraid of others Memory.  
50. Discretion in Speech is more than Eloquence.  
51. Men seem neither well to understand their Riches, nor their Strength: of the former they believe greater things than they should, and of the latter much less. And from hence certain fatal Pillars have bounded the progress of Learning.  
52. Riches are the Baggage of Virtue; they can't be spared, nor left behind, but they hinder the march.  
53. Great Riches have sold more Men than ever they have bought out.  
54. Riches have Wings; and sometimes they fly away of themselves, and sometimes they must be set flying to bring in more.  
55. He that defers his Charity till he is dead, is (if a Man weighs it rightly) rather liberal of another Man's, than of his own.  
56. Ambition is like Choler; if it can move, it makes Men active; if it be stopped, it becomes adust, and makes Men melancholy.  
57 To take a Soldier without Ambition, is to pull off his Spurs.  
58. Some ambitious Men seem as Skreens to Princes in matters of Danger and Envy. For no Man will take such parts, except he be like the Seeled Dove, that mounts and mounts because he cannot see about him.  
59 Princes and States should choose such Ministers as are more sensible of Duty than Rising; and should discern a busy Nature from a willing Mind.  
60. A Man's Nature runs either to Herbs or Weeds; Therefore let him seasonably water the one, and destroy the other.  
61. If a Man look sharply and attentively, he shall see Fortune; for though she be blind, she is not invisible.  
62. Usury bringeth the Treasure of a Realm or State into few hands: For the Usurer being at certainties, and others at uncertainties; at the end of the Game, most of the Money will be in the Box.  
63. Beauty is best in a Body that hath rather dignity of Presence, than beauty of Aspect. The beautiful prove accomplished, but not of great Spirit; and study, for the most part, rather Behaviour than Virtue.  
64. The best part of Beauty, is that which a Picture cannot express.  
65. He who builds a fair House upon an ill Seat, commits himself to Prison.  
66. If you will work on any Man, you must either know his Nature and Fashions, and so lead him; or his Ends, and so persuade him; or his weaknesses ●●d disadvantages, and so awe hi●●, or those that have interest in him, and so govern him.  
67. Costly Followers (among whom we may reckon those who are importunate in Suits) are not to be liked; lest while a Man maketh his Train longer, he maketh his Wings shorter.  
68 Fame is like a River that beareth up things light and swollen, and drowns things weighty and solid.  
69. Seneca saith well, That Anger is like Rain, which breaks itself upon that it falls.  
70. Excusations, Cessions, Modesty itself well governed, are but Arts of Ostentation.  
71. High Treason is not written in Ice; that when the Body relenteth, the Impression should go away.  
72. The best Governments are always subject to be like the fairest Crystals; wherein every Icicle or Grain is seen; which, in a fouler Stone is never perceived.  
73. Hollow Church Papists are like the Roots of Nettles, which themselves sting not; but yet they bear all the stinging Leaves.     

Baconiana Physiologica. Or, Certain REMAINS OF Sir Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, and Viscount of St. Alban. IN ARGUMENTS Appertaining to Natural Philosophy.  
LONDON, Printed for R. C. at the Rose a●d Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1679.   

THE Lord Bacon's Physiological Remains.  

Fragmentum Libri Verulamiani cui Titulus Abecedarium Naturae.  
CVm tam multa producantur à Terrâ & Aquis, tam multa pertranseant Aerem, & ab eo excipiantur, tam multa mutentur, & solvantur ab Igne, minus perspicuae forent Inquisitiones caeterae, nisi Naturâ Massarum istarum quae toties occurrunt bene cognitâ, & explicatâ. His adjungimus Inquisitiones de Coelestibus & Meteoricis, cum & ipsae sint Massae Majores, & ex Catholicis.  

Mass. Maj.  
Inquisitio sexagesima septima. Triplex Tau, sive de Terrâ.   

Mass. Maj.  
Inquisitio sexagesima octava. Triplex Upsilon, sive de Aquâ.   

Mass. Maj.  
Inquisitio sexagesima nona. Triplex Psy, sive de Aere.   

Mass. Maj.  
Inquisitio septuagesima. Triplex Chy, sive de Igne.   

Mass. Maj.  
Inquisitio septuagesima prima. Triplex Psi, sive de Coelestibus.   

Mass. Maj.  
Inquisitio septuagesima secunda. Triplex Omega, sive de Meteoricis.   

Conditiones Entium.  
Supersunt ad inquirendum in Abecedario Conditiones Entium, quae videntur esse tanquam Transcendentia, & parùm stringunt de Corpore Naturae, tamen eo, quo utimur, inquirendi modo, haud parum afferent Illustrationis ad reliqua. Primò igitur, cum optimè observatum fuerit à Democrito Naturam rerum esse copiâ Materiae, & Individuorum varietate amplam, atque (ut ille vult) infinitam; Coitionibus verò & speciebus in tantum finitam, ut etiam angusta, & tanquam paupercula, videri possit. Quandoquidem tam paucae inveniantur species, quae sint aut esse possint, ut exercitum millenarium vix conficiant: Cumque Negativa Affirmativis subjuncta, ad informationem Intellectus plurimum valeant; constituenda est Inquisitio de Ente, & non Ente. Ea ordine est septuagesima tertia, & qua●druplex Alpha numeratur.   

Cond. Ent.  
Quadruplex Alpha; sive de Ente & non Ente.  
Ad Possibile & Impossibile, nil aliud est, qu●m Potentiale ad Ens, aut non Potentiale ad Ens. De eo Inquisitio septuagesima quarta consicitur; quae quadruplex Beta numeratur.   

Cond. Ent.  
Quadruplex Beta; sive de Possibili & Impossibili.  
Etiam Multum, Paucum, Rarum, Consuetum sunt potentialia ad Ens in Quanto. De iis Inquisitio septuagesima quinta esto, quae quadruplex Gamma numeretur.   

Cond. Ent.  
Quadruplex Gamma; sive de Multo & Pauco.  
Durabile & Transitorium, Aeternum & Momentaneum, sunt potentialia ad Ens in Duratione. De illis septuagesima sexta Inquisitio esto, quae quadruplex Delta numeratur.   

Cond. Ent.  
Quadruplex Delta; sive de Durabili & Transitorio.  
Naturale & Monstrosum, sunt potentialia ad Ens, per cursum Naturae, & per deviaationes ejus. De iis Inquisitio septuagesima septima esto, quae quadruplex Epsilon numeratur.   

Cond. Ent.  
Quadruplex Epsilon; sive de Naturali & Monstroso.  
Naturale & Artificiale sunt potentialia ad Ens, sine Homine, & per Hominem. De iis Inquisitio septuagesima octava conficitor, quae quadruplex Zeta numeretur.   

Cond. Ent.  
Quadruplex Zeta; sive de Naturali & Artificiali.  
Exempla in explicatione ordinis Abecedarij, non adjunximus, quia ipsae Inquisitiones continent totas Acies Exemplorum.  
Tituli secundùm quos Ordo Abecedarij est dispositus, nullo modo eam Authoritatem habento, ut pro veris, & fixis rerum divisionibus recipiantur. Hoc enim esset profiteri scire nos quae inquirimus. Nam nemo res verè dispertit, qui non naturam ipsarum penitùs cognovit. Satis sit, si ad ordinem inquirendi (id quod nunc agitur) commodè se habeant.   

Norma Abecedarij.  
Abecedarium hoc modo conficimus & regimus. Historia & Experimenta, omnino primas partes tenent. Ea si enumerationem & seriem rerum particularium exhibeant, in Tabulas conficiuntur, aliter sparsim excipiuntur.  
Cùm vero Historia & Experimenta saepissimè nos deserant, praesertim Lucifera illa, & Instantiae Crucis, per quas, de veris rerum causis, Intellectui constare possit; Mandata damus de Experimentis novis. Haec sint tanquam Historia Designata. Quid enim aliud nobis primò viam ingredientibus relinquitur?  
Modum Experimenti subtilioris explicamus, ne error subsit, atque ut alios, ad meliores modos excogitandos, excitemus.  
Etiam Monita, & cautiones, de Rerum fallacijs & inveniendi erroribus, quae nobis occurrunt, aspergimus. Observationes nostras, super Historiam, & Experimenta, subteximus, ut Interpretatio Naturae magis sit in Procinctu.  
Etiam Canones, sed tamen Mobiles, & Axiomata inchoata, qualia nobis inquirentibus, non prominciantibus, se offerunt constituimus. Vtiles enim sunt, si non prorsus verae.  
Denique tentament a quaedam Interpretationis quandoque molimur, licè t prorsus humi repentia, & vero Interpretationis nomine, nullo modo (ut arbitramur) decoranda. Quid enim nobis supercilio opus est, aut impostura, cum toties profiteamur, nec nobis Historiam & Experimenta, qualibus opus est, suppetere, nec absque his, Interpretationem Naturae perfici posse, ideoque nobis satis esse, si initiis rerum non desimus.  
Perspicuitatis autem, & Ordinis gratiâ, Aditus quosdam ad Inquisitiones, instar praefationum, substernimus. Item Connexiones & Vincula, ne Inquisitiones sint magis abruptae, interponimus.  
Ad usum vero vellication●s quasdam, de Practicâ suggerimus.  
Etiam Optativa eorum, quae adhuc non habentur, unâ cum proximis suis, ad erigendam humanam industriam, proponimus.  
Neque sumus nescii, Inquisitiones inter se, aliquando complicari, ita ut nonulla ex Inquisitis, in Titulos diversos incidant. Sed modum eum adhibebimus, ut & repetitionum fastidia, & rejectionum molestias, quantum fieri possit, vitemus; postponentes tamen hoc ipsum (quando necesse fuerit) perspiivitati docendi, in Argumento tam obscuro.  
Haec est Abecedarii Norma & Regula. Deus Vniversi Conditor, Conservator, & Instaurator, Opus hoc & in Ascensione ad Gloriam suam, & in Descensione ad bonum humanum, pro suâ erga homines benevolentia & Misericordia pro●tegat & regat, per Filium suum unicum Nobiscum Deum.   

The same in English by the Publisher.  
A Fragment of a Book written by the Lord Verulam, and Entitled, The Alphabet of Nature.  
SEeing so many things are produced by the Earth, and Waters; so many things pass through the Air, and are received by it; so many things are changed and dissolved by Fire; other Inquisitions would be less perspicuous, unless the Nature of those Masses which so often occur, were well known and explained. To these we add Inquisitions concerning Celestial Bodies, and Meteors, seeing they are some of greater Masses, & of the number of Catholic Bodies. 
* See the distribution, in l. 2. c. 3. de Augm. Scient. p. 234, 135, 136. Ed. Lugd. Bat. l 3. c. 4. p. 231. And c. 4. Globi Intellect. p. 88, 89.    

Greater Masses.  
The 67th Inquisition. The threefold Tau, or concerning the Earth.  
The 68th Inquisition. The threefold Vpsilon, or concerning the Water.  
The 69th Inquisition. The threefold Phi, or concerning the Air.  
The 70th Inquisition. The threefold Chi, or concerning the Fire.  
The 71st Inquisition. The threefold Psi, or concerning Celestial Bodies.  
The 72d Inquisition. The threefold Omega, or concerning Meteors.   

Conditions of Entities.  
THere yet remain, as Subjects of our Inquiry, in our Alphabet, the Conditions of Being's, which seem, as it were, Transcendentals, and such as touch very little of the Body of Nature. Yet by that manner of Inquisition which we use, They will considerably illustrate the other Objects.  
First; Therefore seeing (as Democritus excellently observed) the Nature of Things is in the plenty of Matter, and variety of Individuals, large, and (as he affirmeth) Infinite; but in its Coitions and Species so Finite, that it may seem narrow and poor; seeing so few Species are found, either in actual Being, or Impossibility, that they scarce make up a muster of a Thousand; And seeing Negatives, subjoined to Affirmatives, conduce much to the Information of the Understanding: It is fit that an Inquisition be made concerning Being, and not Being. That is the 73d in order, and reckoned the fourfold Alpha.   

Conditions of Being's.  
The fourfold Alpha; or, concerning Being, and not Being.  
Now Possible and Impossible, are nothing else but Conditions potential to Being, or not potential to Being. Of this the 74th Inquisition consists, and is accounted the fourfold Beta.   

Conditions of Being's.  
The fourfold Beta; or concerning Possible and Impossible.  
Also, Much, Little; Rare, Ordinary; are Conditions potential to Being in Quantity. Of them let the 75th Inquisition consist, and be accounted the fourfold Gamma.   

Conditions of Being's.  
The fourfold Gamma; or, concerning much and little.  
Durable and Transitory, Eternal and Momentary, are potential to Being in Duration. Of these let the 76th Inquisition consist, and be called the fourfold Delta.   

Conditions of Being's.  
The fourfold Delta; or, concerning Durable and Transitory.  
Natural and Monstrous, are potential to Being, either by the course of Nature, or by its deviations from it. Of these let the 77th Inquisition consist, which is accounted the fourfold Epsilon.   

Conditions of ` Being's.  
The fourfold Epsilon; or, concerning what is Natural or ` Monstrous.  
Natural and Artificial, are potential to Being, either with or without the Operation of Man. Of these let the 78th Inquisition consist, and be accounted the fourfold Zeta.   

Conditions of Being's.  
The fourfold Zeta; or, of that which is Natural and Artificial.  
We have not subjoined Examples in the Explication of the Order of this our Alphabet: for the Inquisitions themselves contain the whole Array of Examples.  
It is by no means intended, that the Titles, according to which the Order of this Alphabet is disposed, should have so much authority given to them, as to be taken for true and fixed partitions of Things. That were to profess we already knew the things after which we inquire; for no Man does truly dispose of things into their several Classes, who does not beforehand very well understand the Nature of them. It is sufficient, if these Titles be conveniently adapted to the Order of Inquiry; the thing which is at present designed.   

The Rule (or Form) of the Alphabet.  
After this manner we compose and dispose our Alphabet.  
We begin solely with History and Experiments. These, if they exhibit an enumeration and series of particular Things, are disposed into Tables; otherwise they are taken separately, and by themselves.  
But seeing we are often at a loss for History and Experiments, especially such as are Luciferous [or Instructive] and [as we call 
* See Nou. Organ. l. 2. Aph. 36. p. 254. Lugd. Bat.  them] Instances of the Cross; by which the Understanding might be helped in the knowledge of the true Causes of Things: We propose the task of making new Experiments. These may serve as an History in Design. For what else is to be done by us who are but breaking the Ice?  
For the mode of any more abstruse, Experiment, we explain it, lest any mistake arise about it; and to the intent also that we may excite others to excogitate better Methods.  
Also we interspect certain Admonitions and Cautions concerning such Fallacies of Things, and Errors in Invention, as we meet with in our way.  
We subjoin our Observations upon History and Experiments, that the Interpretation of Nature may be the more in readiness and at hand.  
Likewise we lay down Canons (but not such as are fixed and determined) and Axioms which are, as it were, in Embryo: Such as offer themselves to us in the quality of Inquirers, and not of judges. Such Canons and Axioms are profitable, though they appear not yet manifestly, and upon all accounts true.  
last; We meditate sometimes certain Essays of Interpretation, though such as are low and of small advance, and by no means to be honoured (in our opinion) with the very name of Interpretation.  
For what need have we of Arrogance or Imposture, seeing we have so often professed, that we have not such a supply of History and Experiments as is needful; and that without these, the Interpretation of Nature cannot be brought to perfection. Wherefore it is enough for us, if we are not wanting to the beginning of Things.  
Now, for the sake of Perspicuity, and Order, we prepare our way by Avenues, which are a kind of Prefaces to our Inquisitions. Likewise we interpose bonds of Connexion, that our Inquisitions may not seem abrupt and dis-jointed.  
Also we suggest for use, some Hints of Practice. Furthermore, we propose wishes of such things as are hitherto only desired and not had, together with those things which border on them, for the exciting the Industry of Man's Mind.  
Neither are we ignorant, that those Inquisitions are sometimes mutually entangled; so that some things of which we inquire [even the same things] belong to several Titles. But we will observe such measure, that (as far as may be) we may shun both the nauseousness of Repetition, and the trouble of Rejection, submitting notwithstanding to either of these, when in an Argument so obscure, there is necessity of so doing, in order to the more intelligible teaching of it.  
This is the Form and Rule of our Alphabet.  
May God, the Creator, Preserver, and Renewer of the Universe, protect and govern this Work, both in its ascent to his Glory, and in its descent to the Good of Mankind, for the sake of his Mercy and good Will to Men, through his only Son [Immanuel] God-with-us,    

Inquisitions touching the Compounding of Metals, by Sir Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam.  
TO make proof of the Incorporation of Iron with Flint, or other Stone. For if it can be incorporated without overgreat charge, or other incommodity, the cheapness of the Flint or Stone, doth make the Compound Stuff profitable for divers Uses. The Doubts may be three in number.  
First; Whether they will incorporate at all, otherwise than to a Body that will not hold well together but become brittle and uneven?  
Secondly; Although it should incorporate well, yet whether the Stuff will not be so stubborn as it will not work well with a Hammer, whereby the charge in working will overthrow the cheapness of the material?  
Thirdly; Whether they will incorporate, except the Iron and Stone be first calcined into Powder? And if not, Whether the charge of the Calcination will not eat out the cheapness of the material?  
The uses are most probable to be; First for the Implements of the Kitchen; as Spits, Ranges, Cobirons, Pots, etc. then for the Wars, as Ordinance, Portcullasses, Grates, Chains, etc.  
Note; The finer Works of Iron are not so probable to be served with such a Stuff; as Locks, Clocks, small Chains, etc. because the Stuff is not like to be tough enough.  
For the better use in comparison of Iron, it is like the Stuff will be far lighter; for the weight of Iron to Flint, is double and a third part; and, secondly, it is like to rust not so easily, but to be more clean.  
The ways of trial are two. First; By the Iron and Stone of themselves, wherein it must be inquired, What are the Stones that do easiliest melt. Secondly; With an Additament, wherein Brimstone is approved to help to the melting of Iron or Steel. But than it must be considered, Whether the Charge of the Additament will not destroy the Profit.  
It must be known also what proportion of the Stone the Iron will receive to incorporate well with it, and that with once melting; for if either the proportion be too small, or that it cannot be received but piecemeal by several melt, the Work cannot be of value.  
To make proof of the incorporating of Iron and Brass. For the cheapness of the Iron in comparison of the Brass, if the Uses may be served, doth promise Profit. The Doubt will be, touching their incorporating: for that it is approved, that Iron will not incorporate, neither with Brass nor other Metals of itself by simple fire: So as the inquiry must be upon the Calcination, and the Additament, and the charge of them.  
The uses will be for such things as are now made of Brass, and might be as well served by the compound Stuff; wherein the Doubts will be chief of the toughness and of the beauty.  
First; Therefore, if Brass Ordinance could be made of the compound Stuff, in respect of the cheapness of the Iron, it would be of great use.  
The Vantage which Brass Ordinance hath over Iron, is chief, as I suppose, because it will hold the blow, though it be driven far thinner than the Iron can be, whereby it saveth both in the quantity of the Material, and in the charge and commodity of mounting & carriage, in regard by reason of the thinness it beareth much less weight: there may be also somewhat in being not so easily overheated.  
Secondly; For the Beauty; those things wherein the beauty or lustre are esteemed, are, Andirons, and all manner of Images, and Statues, and Columns, and Tombs, and the like. So as the doubt will be double for the Beauty; the one whether the colour will please so well, because it will not be so like Gold as Brass? the other, whether it will polish so well? Wherein for the latter it is probable it will; for Steel glosses are more resplendent than the like Plates of Brass would be; and so is the glittering of a Blade. And besides, I take it, Andiron Brass, which they call White Brass, hath some mixture of Tin to help the lustre. And for the Golden Colour, it may be by some small mixture of Orpiment, such as they use to Brass in the Yellow Alchemy, will easily recover that which the Iron loseth. Of this the Eye must be the Judge upon proof made.  
But now for Pans, Pots, Curfues, Counters, and the like; the beauty will not be so much respected, so as the compound Stuff is like to pass.  
For the better use of the compound Stuff, it will be sweeter and cleaner than Brass alone, which yieldeth a smell or soilness, and therefore may be better for the Vessels of the Kitchen and Brewing. It will also be harder than Brass where hardness may be required.  
For the trial, the Doubts will be two: First; The over-weight of Brass towards Iron, which will make Iron float on the top in the melting. This perhaps will be helped with the Calaminar Stone, which consenteth so well with Brass, and as I take it, is lighter than Iron. The other Doubt will be, the stiffness and dryness of Iron to melt; which must be helped either by moistening the Iron, or opening it. For the first, Perhaps some mixture of Lead will help. Which is as much more liquid than Brass, as Iron is less liquid. The opening may be helped by some mixture of Sulphur, so as the trials would be with Brass, Iron, Calaminar Stone, and Sulphur; and then again with the same composition, and an addition of some Lead; and in all this the Charge must be considered, whether it eat not out the Profit of the cheapness of Iron?  
There be two Proofs to be made of incorporation of Metals for magnificence and delicacy. The one for the Eye, and the other for the Ear. Statue Metal, and Bell Metal, and Trumpet Metal, and String Metal; in all these, though the mixture of Brass or Copper, should be dearer than the Brass itself, yet the pleasure will advance the price to profit.  
First; Therefore for Statua-Metal, see Pliny's Mixtures, which are almost forgotten, and consider the charge.  
Try likewise the mixture of Tin in large proportion with Copper, and observe the Colour and Beauty, it bein● polished. But chief let proof be made of the incorporating of Copper or Brass with Glass-Metal, for that is cheap, and is like to add a great glory and shining.  
For Bell-Metal. First, It is to be known what is the Composition which is now in use. Secondly, It is probable that it is the dryness of the Metal that doth help the clearness of the sound, and the moistness that dulleth it: and therefore the Mixtures that are probable are Steel, Tin, Glass-Metal.  
For String-Metal, or Trumpet-Metal, it is the same reason; save that Glass-Metal may not be used, because it will make it too brittle; and trial may be made with mixture of Silver, it being but a delicacy with Iron or Brass.  
To make proof of the Incorporation of Silver and Tin, in equal quantity, or with two parts Silver, and one part Tin, and to observe whether it be of equal beauty and lustre with pure Silver; and also whether it yield no soiliness more than Silver? And again, whether it will endure the ordinary Fire, which belongeth to Chafing-dishes, Posnets, and such other Silver Vessels? And if it do not endure the Fire, yet whether by some mixture of Iron it may not be made more fixed? For if it be in Beauty, and all the Uses aforesaid equal to Silver, it were a thing of singular profit to the State, and to all particular Persons, to change Silver Plate or Vessel into the Compound Stuff, being a kind of Silver Electre, and to turn the rest into Coin. It may be also questioned, Whether the Compound Stuff will receive gilding as well as Silver, and with equal lustre? It is to be noted, That the common allay of Silver Coin is Brass, which doth discolour more, and is not so neat as Tin.  
The Drown of Metals within other Metals, in such sort as they can never rise again, is a thing of great profit. For if a quantity of Silver can be so buried in Gold, as it will never be reduced again, neither by Fire, nor parting Waters, nor otherways; and also that it serve all Uses as well as pure Gold, it is in effect all one, as if so much Silver were turned into Gold; only the weight will discover it: but that taketh off but half of the profit; for Gold is not fully double weight to Silver, but Gold is twelve times price to Silver.  
The burial must be by one of these two ways, either by the smallness of the proportion, as perhaps fifty to one, which will be but six pence gains in fifty shillings: or it must be helped by somewhat which may fix the Silver, never to be restored or vapoured away, when it is incorporated into such a Mass of Gold; for the less quantity is ever the harder to sever; and for this purpose Iron is the likest, or Coppel Stuff, upon which the Fire hath no power of consumption.  
The making of Gold seemeth a thing scarcely possible; because Gold is the heaviest of Metals, and to add Matter is impossible: and again, to drive Metals into a narrower room than their natural extent beareth, is a condensation hardly to be expected. But to make Silver seemeth more easy, because both Quicksilver and Lead are weightier than Silver; so as there needeth only fixing, and not condensing. The degree unto this that is already known, is infusing of Quicksilver in a Parchment, or otherwise in the midst of molten Lead when it cooleth; for this stupifieth the Quicksilver that it runneth no more. This trial is to be advanced three ways. First, By iterating the melting of the Lead, to see whether it will not make the Quicksilver harder and harder. Secondly, To put Realgar hot into the midst of the Quicksilver, whereby it may be condensed, as well from within as without. Thirdly, To try it in the midst of Molten Iron or Molten Steel, which is a Body more likely to fix the Quicksilver than Led. It may be also tried, by incorporating Powder of Steel, or Copple Dust, by pouncing into the Quicksilver, and so to proceed to the stupifying.  
Upon Glass, four things would be put in proof. The first, means to make the Glass more Crystalline. The second, to make it more strong for falls, and for fire, though it come not to the degree to be malleable. The third, to make it coloured by Tinctures, comparable or exceeding precious Stones. The fourth, To make a compound Body of Glass and Galletyle; that is, to have the colour milky like a Chalcedon, being a Stuff between a Procelane and a Glass.  
For the first; It is good first to know exactly the several Materials, whereof the Glass in use is made; Window-glass, Normandy and Burgundy, Alehouse-glass, English drinking-Glass: and then thereupon to consider what the reason is of the coarseness or clearness; and from thence to rise to a consideration how to make some Additaments to the coarser Materials; to raise them to the whiteness and crystalline splendour of the finest.  
For the second; We see Pebbles, and some other Stones will cut as fine as Crystal, which if they will melt, may be a mixture for Glass, and may make it more tough and more Crystalline. Besides, we see Metals will vitrify; and perhaps some portion of the Glass of Metal vitrified, mixed in the Pot of ordinary Glass-Metal, will make the whole Mass more tough.  
For the third; It were good to have of coloured Window-Glass, such as is coloured in the Pot, and not by Colours— 
* Here something is wanting in the Copy.   
It is to be known of what Stuff Galletyle is made, and how the Colours in it are varied; and thereupon to consider how to make the mixture of Glass-Metal and them, whereof I have seen the Example.  
Inquire what be the Stones that do easiliest melt. Of them take half a pound, and of Iron a pound and a half, and an ounce of Brimstone, and see whether they will incorporate, being whole, with a strong fire. If not, try the same quantities calcined; and if they will incorporate, make a Plate of them, and burnish it as they do Iron.  
Take a pound and a half of Brass, and half a pound of Iron; two ounces of the Calaminar Stone, an ounce and a half of Brimstone, an ounce of Lead; calcine them, and see what body they make; and if they incorporate, make a Plate of it burnished.  
Take of Copper an ounce and a half, of Tin an ounce, and melt them together, and make a Plate of them burnished.  
Take of Copper an ounce and a half, of Tin an ounce, of Glass-Metal half an ounce; stir them well in the boiling, and if they incorporate, make a Plate of them burnished.  
Take of Copper a pound and a half, Tin four ounces, Brass two ounces; make a Plate of them burnished.  
Take of Silver two ounces, Tin half an ounce; make a little Say-Cup of it, and burnish it.  
To inquire of the Materials of every of the kind of Glasses, coarser and finer, and of the Proportions.  
Take an equal quantity of Glass-Metal, of Stone calcined, and bring a Pattern.  
Take an ounce of vitrified Metal, and a pound of ordinary Glass-Metal, and see whether they will incorporate; and bring a Pattern.  
Bring Examples of all coloured Glasses, and learn the Ingredients whereby they are coloured.  
Inquire of the substance of Galletyle.   

Articles of Questions touching Minerals; written originally in English by the Lord Bacon, yet hitherto not published in that Language.  

The Lord Bacon's Questions and Solutions concerning the Compounding, Incorporating, or Union of Metals or Minerals; which Subject is the first Letter of his Lordship's Alphabet.  
Q. WIth what Metals Gold will Incorporate by simple Colliquefaction, and with what not? and in what quantity it will incorporate; and what kind of Body the Compound makes?  
A. Gold with Silver, which was the Ancient Electrum.  

Gold with Quicksilver.  
Gold with Lead.  
Gold with Copper.  
Gold with Brass.  
Gold with Iron.  
Gold with Tin.    

So likewise of Silver.  

Silver with Quicksilver.  
Silver with Lead.  
Silver with Copper.  
Silver with Brass.  
Silver with Iron. (Plinius Secund. lib. 33. ix. miscuit denario Triumvir Antonius ferrum.)  
Silver with Tin.    

So likewise of Quicksilver.  

Quicksilver with Lead.  
Quicksilver with Copper.  
Quicksilver with Brass.  
Quicksilver with Iron.  
Quicksilver with Tin.    

So of Lead.  

Led with Copper.  
Led with Brass.  
Led with Iron.  
Led with Tin.  
Pl. 34. ix.    

So of Copper.  

Copper with Brass.  
Copper with Iron.  
Copper with Tin.    

So of Brass.  

Brass with Iron.  
Brass with Tin.    

So of Iron.  

Iron with Tin.     

What be the Compound Metals that are common and known? and what are the proportions of their Mixtures? As,  
LAtten of Brass, and the Calaminar Stone.  
Pewter of Tin and Lead.  
Bell-Metal of etc. and the counterfeit Plate, which they call Alchemy.  
The Decompositees of three Metals or more, are too long to inquire of, except there be some Compositions of them already observed.  
It is also to be observed, whether any two Metals which will not mingle of themselves, will mingle with the help of an other; and what.  
What Compounds will be made of Metal with Stone and other Fossiles; As Latin is made with Brass and the Calaminar Stone; As all the Metals incorporate with Vitriol; all with Iron powdered; all with Flint, etc.  
Some few of these would be inquired of, to disclose the nature of the rest.  
Whether Metals or other Fossiles will incorporate with molten Glass, and what Body it makes?  
The quantity in the mixture would be well considered; for some small quantity perhaps will incorporate, as in the Allays of Gold and Silver Coin.  
Upon the Compound Body, three things are chief to be observed; The Colour; the Fragility or Pliantness; the Volatility or Fixation, compared with the simple Bodies.  
For present use or profit, this is the Rule: Consider the price of the two simple Bodies; consider again the dignity of the one above the other in use; then see if you can make a Compound that will save more in price than it will lose in dignity of the use.  
As for Example; Consider the price of Brass-Ordnance; consider again the price of Iron-Ordnance, and then consider wherein the Brass-Ordnance doth excel the Iron-Ordnance in Use: Then if you can make a Compound of Brass and Iron that will be near as good in use, and much cheaper in price, than there is profit both to the Private, and the Commonwealth. So of Gold and Silver, the price is double of twelve: The dignity of Gold above Silver is not much, the splendour is a like, and more pleasing to some Eyes, as in Cloth of Silver, silvered Rapiers, etc. The main dignity is, That Gold bears the Fire, which Silver doth not, but that is an excellency in Nature, but it is nothing at all in use; for any dignity in use I know none, but that silvering will fully and canker more than gild; which if it might be corrected with a little mixture of Gold, there is profit: And I do somewhat marvel that the latter Ages have lost the Ancient Electrum, which was a mixture of Silver with Gold: whereof I conceive there may be much use, both in Coin, Plate, and Gild.  
It is to be noted, That there is in the version of Metals impossibility, or at least great difficulty, as in making of Gold, Silver, Copper. On the other side, in the adulterating or counterfeiting of Metals, there is deceit and villainy. But it should seem there is a middle way, and that is by new Compounds, if the ways of incorporating were well known.  
What Incorporation or Inbibition Metals will receive from Vegetables, without being dissolved in their Substance: As when the Armourers make their Steel more tough and pliant, by aspersion of Water or Juice of Herbs; when Gold being grown somewhat churlish by recovering, is made more pliant by throwing in shreds of tanned Leather, or any Leather oiled.  
Note; That in these and the like shows of Inbibition, it were good to try by the Weights whether the weight be increased or no; for if it be not, it is to be doubted that there is no inbibition of Substance, but only that the application of that other Body, doth dispose and invite the Metal to another posture of parts than of itself it would have taken.  
After the Incorporation of Metals by simple Colliquefaction, for the better discovery of the Nature, and Consents, and Dissents of Metals, it would be likewise tried by incorporating of their Dissolutions.  
There is to be observed in those Dissolutions which will not easily incorporate, what the Effects are: As the Bullition; the Precipitation to the bottom; the Ejaculation towards the top; the Suspension in the midst; and the like.  
Note; That the dissents of the Menstrual or strong Waters, may hinder the incorporation, as well as the dissents of the Metals themselves; Therefore where the Menstrua are the same, and yet the Incorporation followeth not, you may conclude the Dissent is in the Metals; but where the Menstrua are several, not so certain.   

Dr. Meverell's Answers to the Lord Bacon's Questions, concerniug the Compounding, Incorporating, or Union of Metals and Minerals.  
GOld will incorporate with Silver in any proportion. Plin. lib. 33. cap. 4. Omni Auro inest Argentum vario pondere, alibi denâ, alibi nonâ, alibi octauâ parte— ubicunque quinta Argenti portio invenitur, Electrum vocatur. The Body remains fixed, solid, and coloured, according to the proportion of the two Metals.  
Gold with Quicksilver easily mixeth, but the product is imperfectly fixed; and so are all other Metals incorporate with Mercury.  
Gold incorporates with Lead in any proportion.  
Gold incorporates with Copper in any proportion, the common Alloy.  
Gold incorporates with Brass in any proportion. And what is said of Copper, is true of Brass, in the union of other Metals.  
Gold will not incorporate with Iron.  
Gold incorporates with Tin, the ancient Alloy, Isa. 1. 25.  
What was said of Gold and Quicksilver, may be said of Quicksilver and the rest of Metals.  
Silver with Lead in any proportion.  
Silver incorporates with Copper. Pliny mentions such a mixture; for triumphales Statuae, lib. 33. ix. miscentur Argento, tertia pars aeris Cyprii tenuissimi, quod coronarium vocant, & Sulphuris vivi quantum Argenti. The same is true of Brass.  
Silver incorporates not with Iron. Wherefore I wonder at that which Pliny hath lib. 33. ix. Miscuit denario Triumvir Antonius ferrum. And what is said of this, is true in the rest, for Iron incorporateth with none of them.  
Silver mixes with Tin.  
Led incorporates with Copper. Such a mixture was the Pot-Metal whereof Pliny speaks lib. 34. ix. Ternis aut quaternis libris plumbi Argentarii in centenas aeris additis.  
Led incorporates with Tin. The mixture of these two in equal proportions, is that which was anciently called Ptumbum Argentarium, Plin. 34. xvii.  
Copper incorporates with Tin. Of such a mixture were the Mirrors of the Romans. Plin. atque ut omnia de speculis peragantur hoc loco, optima apud Majores erant Brundis●na, stanno & aere mistress. lib. 83. ix.  

Compounded Metals now in use.  
1. Fine Tin. The mixture is thus; Pure Tin a 1000 pound, temper 50 pound, Glass of Tin 3 pound.  
2. Course Pewter is made of fine Tin and Lead. Temper is thus made; The dross of pure Tin four pound and a half, Copper half a pound.  
3. Brass is made of Copper and Calaminaris.  
4. Bell-Metal. Copper 1000 pound, Tin from 300 to 200 pound, Brass 150 pound.  
5. Pot-Metal, Copper and Lead.  
6. White Alkimie is made of Pan-Brass, 1 pound, and Arsenicum, 3 ounces.  
7. Red Alkimie is made of Copper and Auripigmen.  
There be divers imperfect Minerals, which will incorporate with the Metals. Being indeed Metals inwardly, but clothed with Earth's and Stones. As Pyritis, Calaminaris, Mysi, Chalcyti, Sorry, Vitriolum.  
Metals incorporate not with Glass, except they be brought into the form of Glass.  
Metals dissolved. The dissolution of Gold and Silver disagree, so that in their mixture, there is great Ebullition, Darkness, and in the end a precipitation of a black Powder.  
The mixture of Gold and Mercury agree.  
Gold agrees with Iron. In a word, the dissolution of Mercury and Iron agree with all the rest.  
Silver and Copper disagree, and so do Silver and Lead. Silver and Tin agree.    

The Lord Bacon's Articles of Inquiry concerning Minerals. The second Letter of the Crossrow, touching the separation of Metals and Minerals.  
SEparation is of three sorts; The First, is the separating of the pure Metal from the Ore, or Dross, which we call Refining. The Second, is the drawing one Metal or Mineral out of another, which we call Extracting. The Third, Is the separating of any Metal into his Original, or Materia Prima, or Element, or call them what you will; which Work we will call Principiation. For Refining, we are to inquire of it according to the several Metals; as Gold, Silver, etc. Incidently we are to inquire of the First Stone or Ore, or Marcasite of Metals severally, and what kind of Bodies they are, and of the degrees of Richness. Also we are to inquire of the means of Separating, whether by Fire, parting Waters, or otherwise. Also for the manner of Refining, you are to see how you can multiply the heat, or hasten the opening, and so save charge in the Fining.  
The means of this in Three manners, that is to say, In the Blast of the Fire; In the manner of the Furnace, to multiply Heat by Union, and Reflection; and by some Additament, or Medicines which will help the bodies to open them the sooner.  
Note the Quickening of the Blast, and the Multiplying of the Heat in the Furnace, may be the same for all Metals; but the Additaments must be several, according to the Nature of the Metals. Note again, That if you think that the multiplying of the Additaments in the same proportion, that you multiply the Ore, the Work will follow, you may be deceived: for quantity in the Passive will add more Resistance, than the same quantity in the Active will add force.  
For Extracting, you are to inquire what Metals contain others, and likewise what not; As Led, Silver; Copper, Silver, etc.  
Note, Although the Charge of Extraction should exceed the Worth, yet that is not the matter. For at least it will discover Nature and Possibility, the other may be thought on afterwards.  
We are likewise to inquire what the differences are of those Metals which contain more or less other Metals, and how that agrees with the poorness or richness of the Metals or Ore in themselves. As the Lead that contains most Silver is accounted to be more brittle, and yet otherwise poorer in itself.  
For Principiation, I cannot affirm whether there be any such thing or not; and I think the Chemists make too much ado about it, but howsoever it be, be it Solution, or Extraction, or a kind of Conversion by the Fire; it is diligently to be inquired what Salts, Sulphur, Vitriol, Mercury, or the like Simple Bodies are to be found in the several Metals, and in what quantity.   

Doctor Meverel's Answers to the Lord Bacon's Questions, touching the separations of Metals and Minerals.  
1. FOr the means of Separating. After that the Ore is washed, or cleansed from the Earth, there is nothing simply necessary, save only a Wind Furnace well framed, narrow above and at the Hearth, in shape Oval, sufficiently fed with Charcoal and Ore, in convenient proportions.  
For Additions in this First Separation, I have observed none; the Dross, the Mineral brings, being sufficient. The Refiners of Iron observe, that that Ironstone is hardest to melt, which is fullest of Metal, and that easiest which hath most Dross. But in Lead, and Tin, the contrary is noted. Yet in melting of Metals, when they have been calcined formerly by Fire, or Strong-Waters, there is good use of Additaments, as of Borax, Tartar, Armoniac, and Salt-Peter.  
2. In Extracting of Metals. Note, That Led and Tin contain Silver. Led and Silver contain Gold. Iron contains Brass. Silver is best separated from Lead, by the Test. So Gold from Silver. Yet the best way for that is Aqua Regia.  
3. For Principiation. I can truly and boldly affirm, that there are no such principles as Sal, Sulphur, and Mercury, which can be separated from any perfect Metals. For every part so separated, may easily be reduced into perfect Metal without Substitution of that, or those principles which Chemists imagine to be wanting. As suppose you take the Salt of Lead; this Salt, or, as some name it Sulphur, may be turned into perfect Lead, by melting it with the like quantity of Lead which contains principles only for itself.  
I acknowledge that there is Quicksilver and Brimstone found in the imperfect Minerals; but those are Nature's remote Materials, and not the Chemist's Principles. As if you dissolve Antimony by Aqua Regia, there will be real Brimstone swimming upon the Water; as appears by the colour of the Fire when it is burnt, and by the smell.   

The Lord Bacon's Articles of Inquiry concerning Metals, and Minerals.  
THe Third Letter of the Crossrow, touching the Variation of Metals into several Shapes, Bodies, or Natures, the particulars whereof follow,  

Tincture.  
Turning to Rust.  
Calcination.  
Sublimation.  
Precipitation.  
Amalgamatizing, or Turning into a soft body.  
Vitrification.  
Opening or Dissolving into Liquor.  
Sprouting, or Branching, or Arboress●s.  
Induration and Mollification.  
Making Tough or Brittle.  
Volatility and Fixation.  
Transmutation, or Version.   
For Tincture; It is to be inquired how Metal may be tinged through and through, and with what, and into what Colours; As ting Silver Yellow, ting Copper White, and tinging Red, Green, Blue, especially with keeping the Lustre.  

Item, Tincture of Glasses.  
Item, Tincture of Marble, Flint, or other Stone.   
For turning into Rust, two things are chief to be inquired; By what corrosives it is done, and into what Colours it turns; As Led into White, which they call Cerus; Iron into Yellow, which they call Crocus Martis; Quicksilver into Vermilion; Brass into Green, which they call Verdigrease.  
For Calcination, how every Metal is calcined, and into what kind of Body, and what is the exquisitest way of Calcination.  
For Sublimation; To inquire the manner of Subliming, and what Metals endure Subliming, and what body the Sublimate makes.  
For Precipitation likewise; by what strong Water every Metal will precipitate, and with what Additaments, and in what time, and into what body.  
So for Amalgama, what Metals will endure it, what are the means to do it, and what is the manner of the body.  
For Vitrification likewise; what Metals will endure it, what are the means to do it, into what Colour it turns, and further where the whole Metal is turned into Glass, and where the Metal doth but hang in the Glassy parts; Also what weight the Vitrified body bears, compared with the Crude body; Also because Vitrification is accounted a kind of Death of Metals, what Vitrification will admit of turning back again, and what not.  
For Dissolution into Liquor, we are to inquire what is the proper Menstruum to dissolve any Metal, and in the Negative, what will touch upon the one, and not upon the other, and what several Menstrua will dissolve any Metal, and which most exactly. Item the Process or Motion of the Dissolution, the manner of rising, boiling, vapouring more violent, or more gentle, causing much heat or less. Item the Quantity or Charge that the strong Water will bear, and then give over. Item the Colour into which the Liquor will turn. Above all it is to be enquired, whether there be any Menstruum to dissolve any Metal that is not Fretting, or Corroding, and openeth the Body by Sympathy, and not by Mordacity, or violent Penetration.  
For Sprouting or Branching, though it be a thing but transitory, and a kind of Toy or Pleasure, yet there is a more serious use of it; for that it discovereth the delicate Motions of Spirits, when they put forth and cannot get forth, like unto that which is in Vegetables.  
For Induration, or Mollification; It is to be enquired what will make Metals harder and harder, and what will make them softer and softer. And this enquiry tendeth to two ends: First, for Use; As to make Iron soft by the Fire makes it Malleable. Secondly, Because Induration is a degree towards Fixation, and Mollification towards Volatility, and therefore the Enquiry of them will give light towards the other.  
For Tough and Brittle, they are much of the same kind, but yet worthy of an Enquiry apart, especially to join Hardness with Toughness, as making Glass malleable, etc. and making Blade's strong, to resist and pierce, and yet not easy to break.  
For Volatility and Fixation. It is a Principal Branch to be enquired: The utmost degree of Fixation is that whereon no Fire will work, nor strong Water joined with Fire, if there be any such Fixation possible. The next is when Fire simply will not work without strong Waters. The next is by the Test. The next is when it will endure Fire not blown, or such a strength of Fire. The next is when it will not endure, but yet is malleable. The next is when it is not malleable, but yet is not fluent, but stupefied. So of Volatility, the utmost degree is when it will fly away without returning. The next is when it will fly up, but with ease return. The next is when it will fly upwards over the Helm by a kind of Exufflation without Vapouring. The next is when it will melt, though not rise. The next is when it will soften, though not melt. Of all these diligent Enquiry is to be made in several Metals, especially of the more extreme degrees.  
For Transmutation, or Version. If it be real and true, it is the furthest part of Art, and would be well distinguished, from Extraction, from Restitution, and from Adulteration. I hear much of turning Iron into Copper; I hear also of the growth of Lead in weight, which cannot be without a Conversion of some body into Lead: but whatsoever is of this kind, and well expressed, is diligently to be inquired, and set down.   

Doctor Meverel's Answers to the Lord Bacon's Questions, concerning the Variation of Metals and Minerals.  
1. FOr Tinctures, there are none that I know, but that rich variety which springs from mixture of Metals with Metals, or imperfect Minerals.  
2. The imperfect Metals are subject to rust, all of them except Mercury, which is made into Vermilion by Solution, or Calcination. The rest are rusted by any salt, sour, or acid Water. Led into a white body called Cerussa. Iron into a pale red called Ferrugo. Copper is turned into green, named Aerugo, Aes Viride. Tin into white. But this is not in use, neither hath it obtained a name.  
The Scriptures mention the rust of Gold, but that's in regard of the Alloy.  
3. Calcination. All Metals may be calcined by strong Waters, or by admixtion of Salt, Sulphur, and Mercury. The imperfect Metals may be Calcined by continuance of simple Fire; Iron thus calcined is called Crocus Martis.  
And this is their best way. Gold and Silver are best calcined by Mercury. Their Colour is Grey. Led calcined is very Red. Copper, dusky Red.  
4. Metals are sublimed by joining them with Mercury, or Salts. As Silver with Mercury, Gold with Sal Armoniac, Mercury with Vitriol.  
5. Precipitation, is, when any Metal being dissolved into a strong Water, is beaten down into a Powder by salt Water. The chiefest in this kind is Oil of Tartar.  
6. Amalgamation, is the joining, or mixing of Mercury with any other of the Metals. The manner is this, in Gold, the rest are answerable: Take six parts of Mercury, make them hot in a Crusible, and pour them to one part of Gold made red-hot in another Crusible, stir these well together that they may incorporate; which done, cast the Mass into cold Water and wash it. This is called the Amalgama of Gold.  
7. For Vitrification. All the imperfect Metals may be turned by strong Fire into Glass, except Mercury; Iron into Green; Led into Yellow; Brass into Blue; Tin into pale Yellow. For Gold and Silver, I have not known them Vitrified, except joined with Antimony. These Glassy bodies may be reduced into the form of Mineral bodies.  
8. Dissolution. All Metals, without exception, may be dissolved.  
1. Iron may be dissolved by any tart, ●alt, or vitriolated Water, yea, by common Water, if it be first calcined with Sulphur. It dissolves in Aqua forti with great ebullition and heat, into ared Liquor, so red as Blood.  
2. Lead is fittiest dissolved in Vinegar, into a pale Yellow, making the Vinegar very sweet.  
3. Tin is best dissolved with distilled Salt-water. It retains the colour of the Menstruum.  
4. Copper dissolves as Iron doth, in the same Liquor, into a Blue.  
5. Silver hath his proper Menstruum, which is Aqua fortis. The colour is Green, with great heat and ebullition.  
6. Gold is dissolved with Aqua Regia, into a yellow Liquor, with little heat or ebullition.  
7. Mercury is dissolved with much heat and boiling, into the same Liquors which Gold and Silver are. It altars not the colour of the Menstruum.  
Note. Strong Waters may be charged with half their weight of fixed Metals, and equal of Mercury; if the Workman be skilful.  
9 Sprouting. This is an accident of dissolution. For if the Menstruum be overcharged, then within short time the Metals will shoot into certain Crystals.  
10. For Induration, or Mollification, they depend upon the quantity of fixed Mercury and Sulphur. I have observed little of them, neither of Toughness nor Bitterness.  
11. The degrees of Fixation and Volatility I acknowledge, except the two utmost, which never were observed.  
12. The Question of Transmutation is very doubtful. Wherefore I refer your Honour to the fourth Tome of Theatrum Chymicum: and there, to that Tract which is entitled Disquisitio Heliana; where you shall find full satisfaction.   

The Lord Bacon's Inquiries concerning Metals and Minerals. The fourth Letter of the Crossrow, touching Restitution.  
FIrst, Therefore it is to be inquired in the Negative, what Bodies will never return, either by their extreme Fixings; as in some Vitrifications, or by extreme Volatility.  
It is also to be inquired of the two means of Reduction; and first by the Fire, which is but by congregation of Homogenial parts.  
The second is, by drawing them down by some Body that hath consent with them. As Iron draweth down Copper in Water; Gold draweth Quicksilver in vapour; whatsoever is of this kind, is very diligently to be inquired.  
Also it is to be inquired what time, or age, will reduce without help of fire, or body.  
Also it is to be inquired what gives impediment to Union, or Restitution, which is sometimes called Mortification; as when Quicksilver is mortified with Turpentine, Spittle, or Butter.  
Lastly, It is to be inquired how the Metal restored, differeth in any thing from the Metal rare; as whether it become not more churlish, altered in colour, or the like.   

Doctor Meverel's Answers touching the Restitutions of Metals and Minerals.  
REduction is chief effected by Fire, wherein if they stand and nele, the imperfect Metals vapour away, and so do all manner of Salts which separated them in minimas parts before.  
Reduction is singularly helped by joining store of Metal of the same nature with it in the melting.  
Metals reduced are somewhat churlish, but not altered in colour.   

The Lord Verulam's Inquisition concerning the Versions, Transmutations, Multiplications, and Effections of Bodies, written by him originally in English, but not hitherto published in that Language.  
EArth by Fire is turned into Brick, which is of the nature of a Stone, 
Quere the Manner.  and serveth for Building as Stone doth: And the like of Tile.  
Naphtha, which was the Bituminous Mortar, used in the Walls of Babylon, grows to an entire and very hard Matter like a Stone.  
In Clay Countries, where there is Pibble and Gravel, you shall find great Stones, where you may see the Pebbles, or Gravel, and between them a Substance of Stone as hard, or harder than the Pibble itself.  
There are some Springs of Water, wherein if you put Wood, it will turn into the nature of Stone: So as that within the Water shall be Stone, and that above the Water continue Wood  
The slime about the Reins and Bladder in Man's Body, turns into Stone: And Stone is likewise found often in the Gall; and sometimes, though rarely, in Venâ Portâ.  
Quere what time the substance of Earth in Quarries, asketh to be turned into Stone?  
Water, as it seems, turneth into Crystal, as is seen in divers Caves, where the Crystal hangs in Stillicidiis.  
Try Wood, or the Stalk of Herbs, buried in Quicksilver, whether it will not grow hard and stony?  
They speak of a Stone engendered in a Toad's head.  
There was a Gentleman, digging in his Moat, found an Egg turned into Stone, the White and the Yolk keeping their Colour, and the Shell glistering, like a Stone cut with corners.  
Try somethings put into the bottom of a Well; As Wood, or some soft Substance: but let it not touch the Water, because it may not putrify.  
They speak, that the White of an Egg, with lying long in the Sun will turn Stone.  
Mud in Water turns into shells of Fishes, as in Horse-Muscles, in fresh Ponds, old and overgrown. And the substance is a wondrous fine substance, light and shining.   

A Speech touching the recovering of Drowned Mineral Works, prepared for the Parliament (as Mr. Bushel affirmed) by the Viscount of St. Alban, than Lord High Chancellor of England. 
a See Mr. Bee's Extract. p. 18, 19   
My Lords and Gentlemen,  
THe King, my Royal Master, was lately (graciously) pleased to move some Discourse to me concerning Mr. Sutton's Hospital, and such like worthy Foundations of memorable Piety: Which humbly seconded by myself, drew his Majesty into a serious consideration of the Mineral Treasures of his own Territories, and the practical discoveries of them by way of my Philosophical Theory: Which he then so well resented, that, afterwards, upon a mature digestion of my whole Design, he commanded me to let your Lordships understand, how great an inclination He ●ath to further so hopeful a Work, for the Honour of his Dominions, as the most probable means to relieve all the Poor thereof without any other Stock or Benevolence, than that which Divine Bounty should confer on their own Industries and honest Labours, in recovering all such Drowned Mineral Works as have been, or shall be, therefore, deserted.  
And, my Lords, All that is now desired of his Majesty and your Lordships, is no more than a gracious Act of this present Parliament to authorise Them herein, adding a Mercy to a Munificence, which is, the Persons of such strong and able Petty-Felons, who, in true penitence for their Crimes, shall implore his Majesty's Mercy and Permission to expiate their Offences by their Assiduous Labours, in so innocent and hopeful a Work.  
For, by this unchangeable way (my Lords) have I proposed to erect the Academical Fabric of this Island's Salomon's House, modelled in my New Atlantis. And I can hope (my Lords) that my Midnight Studies to make our Country's flourish and outvie European Neighbours in mysterious and beneficent Arts, have not so ingratefully affected 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Intellects, that you will delay or resist his Majesty's desires, and my humble Petition in this Benevolent, yea, Magnificent Affair; Since your Honourable Posterities may be enriched thereby, and my Ends are only, to make the World my Heir, and the learned Fathers of my Salomon's House, the successive and sworn trusties in the dispensation of this great Service, for God's Glory, my Prince's Magnificence, this Parliaments Honour, our Country's general Good, and the propagation of my own Memory.  
And I may assure your Lordships, that all my Proposals in order to this great Architype, seemed so rational and feasable to my Royal Sovereign, our Christian Solomon, that I, thereby, prevailed with his Majesty to call this Honourable Parliament, to Confirm and Empower me in my own way of Mining, by an Act of the same, after his Majesty's more weighty Affairs were considered in your Wisdoms; both which he desires your Lordships, and you Gentlemen that are chosen as the Patriots of your respective Countries, to take speedy care of: Which done, I shall not then doubt the happy Issue of my Undertake in this Design, whereby concealed Treasures, which now seem utterly lost to Mankind, shall be confined to so universal a Piety, and brought into use by the industry of Converted Penitents, whose wretched Carcases the Impartial Laws have, or shall dedicate, as untimely Feasts, to the Worms of the Earth, in whose Womb those deserted mineral riches must ever lie buried as lost Abortments, unless those be made the active Midwives to deliver them. For, my Lords, I humbly conceive Them to be the fittest of all Men to effect this great Work, for the Ends and Causes which I have before expressed.  
All which, my Lords, I humbly refer to your Grave and Solid judgements to conclude of, together with such other A●sistances to this Frame, as your own Oraculous Wisdom shall intimate for the Magnifying our Creator, in his inscrutable Providence, and admirable Works of Nature.   

Certain Experiments made, by the Lord Bacon, about Weight in Air and Water.  
A New Sovereign of equal Weight in the Air to the piece in Brass, overweigheth in the Water 9 Grains. In three Sovereigns the difference in the Water is but 24 Grains.  
The same Sovereign overweigheth an equal weight of Lead, 4 Grains in the Water, in Brass Grains for Gold. In three Sovereigns about 11 Grains.  
The same Sovereign overweigheth an equal weight of Stones in the Air, at least 65 Grains in the Water. The Grains being for the weight of Gold, in Brass Metal.  
A Glass filled with Water weighing, in Troy Weights, 13 ounces and 5 drams, the Glass and the Water together, weigheth severally, viz. The Water 9 ounces and a half, and the Glass 4 ounces and a dram.  
A Bladder weighing 2 ounces 7 drams and a half, a Pibble laid upon the top of the Bladder makes 3 ounces 6 drams and a half, the Stone weigheth 7 drams.  
The Bladder (as above) blown, and the same fallen, weigheth equal.  
A Sponge dry weigheth 1 ounce, 
First Time.  26 grains: The same Sponge being wet, weigheth 14 ounces, 6 drams, and 3 quarters: the Water weigheth in several 11 ounces, one dram, and a half; and the Sponge 3 ounces, and a half, and 3 quarters of a dram.  
The Sponge and Water together weigh 15 ounces, 
Second Time.  and 7 drams: in several the Water weigheth 11 ounces, and 7 drams, and the Sponge 3 ounces, 7 drams and a half.  
Three Sovereigns made equal to a weight in Silver in the Air, differeth in the Water.  
For false Weights, one Beam long, the other thick.  
The Stick and Thread weigh half a dram, and 20 grains, being laid in the Balance.  
The Stick tied to reach within half an inch of the end of the Beam, and so much from the Tongue, weigheth 28 grains; the difference is 22 grains.  
The same Stick being tied to hang over the end of the Beam an inch and a half, weigheth half a dram, and 24 grains; exceeding the weight of the said Stick in the Balance by 4 grains.  
The same Stick being hanged down beneath the Thread as near the Tongue as is possible, weigheth only 8 grains.  
Two weights of Gold being made equal in the Air, and weighing severally 7 drams; the one Balance being put into the Water, and the other hanging in the Air, the Balance in the Water weigheth only 5 drams and 3 grains, and abateth of the weight in the Air 1 dram, and a half, and 27 grains.  
The same trial being made the second time, and more truly and exactly betwixt Gold and Gold, weighing severally (as above) and making a just and equal weight in the Air, the one Balance being put into the Water, the depth of five inches, and the other hanging in the Air, the Balance in the Water weigheth only 4 drams, and 55 grains, and abateth of the weight in the Air 2 drams, and 5 grains.  
The trial being made betwixt Lead and Led, weighing severally 7 drams in the Air, the Balance in the Water weigheth only 4 drams, and 41 grains, and abateth of the weight in the Air 2 drams and 19 grains; the Balance kept the same depth in the Water, as abovesaid.  
The trial being made betwixt Silver and Silver, weighing severally 7 drams in the Air, the Balance in the Water weigheth only 4 drams, and 25 grains. So it abateth 2 drams, and 35 grains; the same depth in the Water observed.  
In Iron and Iron, weighing severally each Balance, in the Air 7 drams, the Balance in the Water weigheth only 4 drams and 18 grains; and abateth of the weight in the Air 2 drams, and 42 grains; the depth observe as above.  
In Stone and Stone, the same weight of 7 drams, equally in the Air, the Balance in the Water weigheth only 2 drams, and 22 grains, and abateth of the weight in the Air 4 drams, and 38 grains; the depth as above.  
In Brass and Brass, the same weight of 7 drams, in each Balance, equal in the Air, the Balance in the Water weigheth only 4 drams, and 22 grains, and abateth in the Water 2 drams, and 38 grains; the depth observed.  
The two Balances being weighed in Air and Water, the Balance in the Air overweigheth the other in the Water one dram, and 28 grains; the depth in the Water as aforesaid.  
It is a profitable Experiment which showeth the weights of several Bodies in comparison with Water. It is of use in lading of Ships, and other Bottoms, and may help to show what Burden, in the several kinds, they will bear.   

Certain sudden Thoughts of the Lord Bacon's, set down, by him, under the Title of Experiments for Profit.  
MUck of Leaves.  
Muck of River, Earth, and Chalk.  
Muck of Earth closed, both for Salt-Peter and Muck.  
Setting of Wheat and Pease.  
Mending of Crops by steeping of Seeds.  
Making Pease, Cherries, and Strawberries come early.  
Strengthening of Earth for often returns of Radishes, Parsnips, Turnips, etc.  
Making great Roots of Onions, Radishes, and other Esculent roots.  
Sowing of Seeds of Trefoil.  
Setting of Woad.  
Setting of Tobacco, and taking away the 〈◊〉.  
Grafting upon Boughs of old Trees.  
Making of a hasty Coppice.  
Planting of Osiers in wet Grounds.  
Making of Candles to last long.  
Building of Chimneys, Furnaces, and Ovens, to give Heat with less Wood  
Fixing of Log-Wood.  
Other means to make Yellow and Green fixed.  
Conserving of Oranges, Lemons, Citrons, Pomgranats, etc. all Summer.  
Recovering of Pearl, Coral, Turchoise, Colour, by a Conservatory of Snow.  
Sowing of Fennel.  
Brewing with Hay, Haws, Trefoil, Broom, Heps, Bramble-Berries, Woodbines, wild Thime, instead of Hops, Thistles.  
Multiplying and Dressing Artichokes.   

Certain Experiments, of the Lord Bacon's, about the Commixture of Liquors only, not Solids, without Heat or Agitation, but only by simple Composition, and Settling.  
SPirit of Wine mingled with common Water, although it be much lighter than Oil, yet so, as if the first fall be broken, by means of a Sop, or otherwise, it stayeth above; and, if it be once mingled, it severeth not again, as Oil doth. Tried with Water coloured with Saffron.  
Spirit of Wine, mingled with common Water, hath a kind of clouding, and motion showing no ready Commixture. Tried with Saffron.  
A dram of Gold dissolved in Aqua Regis, with a dram of Copper in Aqua forti commixed, gave a Green Colour, but no visible motion in the parts. Note, That the dissolution of the Gold, was twelve parts Water, to one part Body: And of the Copper was six parts Water, to one part Body.  
Oil of Almonds commixed with Spirit of Wine, severeth, and the Spirit of Wine remaineth on the top, and the Oil in the bottom.  
Gold dissolved commixed with Spirit of Wine, a dram of each, doth commix, and no other apparent alteration.  
Quicksilver dissolved with Gold dissolved, a dram of each, doth turn to a mouldy Liquor, black, and like Smith's water.  
Note, The dissolution of the Gold was twelve parts Water, ut supra, and one part Metal: That of Water was two parts, and one part Metal.  
Spirit of Wine, and Quicksilver commixed, a dram of each, at the first shown a white Milky substance at the top, but soon after mingled.  
Oil of Vitriol commixed with Oil of Cloves, a dram of each, turneth into a red dark Colour; and a substance thick, almost like Pitch: And upon the first motion gathereth an extreme Heat, not to be endured by touch.  
Dissolution of Gold, and Oil of Vitriol commixed, a dram of each, gathereth a great Heat at the first, and darkneth the Gold, and maketh a thick Yellow.  
Spirit of Wine, and Oil of Vitriol, a dram of each, hardly mingle; the Oil of Vitrriol going to the bottom; and the Spirit of Wine lying above in a Milky substance. It gathereth also a great Heat, and a sweetness in the Taste.  
Oil of Vitriol and dissolution of Quicksilver, a dram of each; maketh an extreme strife, and casteth up a very gross fume, and after casteth down a white kind of Curds, or Sands; and on the top a slimish substance, and gathereth a great Heat.  
Oil of Sulphur, and Oil of Cloves commixed, a dram of each, turn into a thick and red-coloured substance; but no such Heat, as appeared in the Commixture with the Oil of Vitriol.  
Oil of Petroleum, and Spirit of Wine, a dram of each, intermingle otherwise than by Agitation, as Wine and Water do; and the Petroleum remaineth on the top.  
Oil of Vitriol, and Petroleum, a dram of each, turn into a mouldy Substance, and gathereth some warmth; there residing a black cloud in the bottom, and a monstrous thick Oil on the top.  
Spirit of Wine, and Red-wine Vinegar, one ounce of each, at the first fall, one of them remaineth above, but by Agitation they mingle.  
Oil of Vitriol, and Oil of Almonds, one ounce of each, mingle not; but the Oil of Almonds remaineth above.  
Spirit of Wine, and Vinegar, an ounce of each, commixed, do mingle, without any apparent separation, which might be in respect of the Colour.  
Dissolution of Iron, and Oil of Vitriol, a dram of each, do first put a Milky substance into the bottom; and after incorporate into a mouldy Substance.  
Spirit of Wine commixed with Milk, a third part Spirit of Wine, and two parts Milk, coagulateth little, but mingleth; and the Spirit swims not above.  
Milk and Oil of Almonds mingled, in equal portions, do hardly incorporate, but the Oil cometh above, the Milk being poured in last; and the Milk appeareth in some drops, or bubbles.  
Milk one ounce, Oil of Vitriol a scruple, doth coagulate; the Milk at the bottom where the Vitriol goeth.  
Dissolution of Gum Tragacanth, and Oil of Sweet Almonds, do not commingle, the Oil remaining on the top, till they be stirred, and make the Muselates somewhat more liquid.  
Dissolution of Gum Tragacanth, one ounce and a half, with half an ounce of Spirit of Wine, being commixed by Agitation, make the Muselates more thick.  
The White of an Egg with Spirit of Wine, doth bake the Egg into Clots, as if it began to Poch.  
One ounce of Blood, one ounce of Milk, do easily incorporate.  
Spirit of Wine doth curdle the Blood.  
One ounce of Whey unclarified, one ounce of Oil of Vitriol, make no apparent alteration.  
One ounce of Blood, one ounce of Oil of Almonds, incorporate not, but the Oil swims above.  
Three quarters of an ounce of Wax, being dissolved upon the Fire, and one ounce of Oil of Almonds put together and stirred, do not so incorporate, but that when it is cold, the Wax gathereth and swims upon the top of the Oil.  
One ounce of Oil of Almonds, cast into an ounce of Sugar seething, sever presently, the Sugar shooting towards the bottom.   

A Catalogue of Bodies, Attractive, and not Attractive, made by the Lord Bacon, together with Experimental Observations about Attraction.  

These following Bodies, Draw.  
AMber, jet, Diamond, Saphire, Carbuncle, Iris, the Gem. Opal, Amethyst, Bristollina, Crystal, Clear Glass, Glass of Antimony, divers Flowers from Mines, Sulphur, Mastic, hard sealing Wax, the harder Rosin, Arsenic.   

These following Bodies, do not Draw.  
Smaragd, Achates, Corneolus, Pearl, jaspis, Chalcedononius, Alabaster, Porphyry, Coral, Marble, Touchstone, Haematites, or Bloodstone, Sinyris, Ivory, Bones, Eben-Tree, Cedar, Cypress, Pitch, softer Rosin, Camphire, Galbanum, Ammoniac, Storax, Benjoin, Loadstone, 
* The drawing of Iron excepted.  Asphaltum.   

These Bodies, Gold, Silver, Brass, Iron, draw not, though never so finely polished.  
In Winter, if the Air be sharp and clear, Sal Gemmeum, Rock Alum, and Lapis Specularis will draw.   

These following Bodies are apt to be Drawn, if the Mass of them be small.  
Chaff, Woods, Leaves, Stones, all Metals 〈◊〉, and in the Mine; Earth, Water, Oil.  
Si fiat versorium ex Metello aliquo, more Indicis Magnetici, & fini alteri apponatur succinum, lenitèr fricatum, versorium convertit se.  
Succinum calefactum ab Igne, sive tepeat, sive ferveat, sive in●lammetur, non trahit.  
Bacillum ferreum candens, Flamma, Candela ardens, Carbo ignitus, admota festucis aut versoriis, non trahunt.  
Succinum in majore mole, si fuerit politum, allicit, licèt non fricatum; si in minore, aut impurius, sine frictione non trahit.  
Crystallus, Lapis Specularis, Vitrum, Electrica cetera, si urantur, aut torreantur, non trahunt. 

Pix.  
Resina mollior.  
Benjoin.  
Asphaltum.  
Camphora.  
Galbanum.  
Ammoniacum.  
Storax.  
Assa.  
Haec coelo calidiore neutiquam prorsus trahunt; at tempore frigidiore obscurè & inf●rmè trahunt.    
Vapidus Aer succino, etc. afflatus, vel ab ore, vel ab Aere humidiore, virtutem trahendi suffocat.  
Si charta aut linteum interponatur inter succinum & paleam, non fit motus aut Attractio.  
Succinum aut Electrica calefacta ex Radiis Solis, non expergefiunt ad trahendum, sicut ex Frictione.  
Succinum fricatum, & Radiis Solis expositum diutius vires trahendi retinet, nec tam citò eas deponit ac si in umbra positum esset.  
Fervor ex speculo comburente succino, etc. conciliatus, non juvat ad trahendum.  
Sulphur accensum, & Cera dura inflammata, non trahunt.  
Succinum cum citissimè à frictione, festucae vel versorio apponitur, optimè trahit.  
Virtus Electrica viget in retentione ad tempus non minus quam in Attractione primâ.  
Flamma apposito succino intra orbem Activitatis non trahitur.  
Gutta Aquae admoto succino trahitur in Conum. Electrica, si durius affricentur, impeditur Attractio.  
Quae aegrè alliciunt in claro coelo, in crasso non movent.  
Aqua imposita succino virtutem trahendi suffocat, licet ipsum Aquam trahat.  
Sarca ità succino circundatum, ut tangat, attractione tollit; sed interpositum ut non tangat, non omnino tollit.  
Oleum succino appositum motum non impedit; nec succinum digito oleo madefacto fricatum, vires trahendi perdit.  
Firmius provocant, & diutius retinent Succinum, Gagates, & hujusmodi, etiam minore cum frictione: Adamas Crystallum, Vitrum, diutius teri debent, ut manifestò incalescant antequà m trahant.  
Quae Flammae approximant, licèt propinquâ distantiâ, à succino non trahuntur.  
Fumum extincta lucerna succinum, etc. trahit. Fumus ubi exit & crassus est, fortius trahit succinum; cum ascenderit, & rarior fit, debilius. Corpus ab Electricis attractum non manifestò alteratur, set tantùm incumbit.    

The same in English by the Publisher.  
IF there be made a Turn-Pin of any Metal, after the fashion of a Magnetic Needle, and Amber be applied to one end of it, after having been gently rubbed, the Pin will turn.  
Amber heated by the Fire, be it warmish, hot, or set on fire, it does not draw.  
A little Bar of Iron red hot, Flame, a lighted Candle, a hot Coal, put nigh Shea●●s (or Straws) or Turn-Pins (or Compass-Needles) do not draw.  
Amber, in a greater Mass, if it be Polite, draws, though not rubbed: In a lesser quantity, and in a less polite Mass, it draws not without rubbing.  
Crystal, Lapis Specularis, Glass, and other such Electric Bodies, if burnt, or scorched, draw not.  
Pitch, the softer Rosin, Benjoin, Asphaltum, Camphire, Galbanum, Ammoniac, Storax, Assa, these draw not at all when the Air is hot: But when it is cooler, they draw weakly, and so that we can just perceive them to do so.  
Reaking Air, blown upon Amber, etc. from the Mouth, or from a moister Atmosphere; choketh the attractive Virtue.  
If a Paper, or a piece of Linen, be put between Amber and Chaff, there is no Motion, or Attraction made.  
Amber, or other Electrics, warmed by the Sunbeams, have not their attractive Virtue so awakened, as by Rubbing.  
Amber rubbed, and exposed to the Beams of the Sun, retains its attractive force the longer; and does not so soon lose it, as it would do in the shadow.  
Heat derived from a Burning-Glass to Amber, etc. does not help its Attraction.  
Sulphur, and hard Wax, set on fire, do not draw.  
Amber, when immediately after rubbing, it is applied to a Shiver, or a Compass-Needle, draws best of all.  
The Electric Virtue is as vigorous, for a time, in its Retention, as it was in its first Attraction.  
Flame (Amber being put within the sphere of its Activity) is not drawn by it.  
A drop of Water, Amber being applied towards it, is drawn into a Cone.  
If Electric Bodies be rubbed too hard, their attraction is, thereby, hindered.  
Those Bodies, which in a clear Sky do scarce draw, in a thick Air move not at all.  
Water put upon Amber choketh its attractive force, though it draweth the Water itself.  
Fat 
* For by Sarca, I suppose, he meaneth Sarcia.  so encompassing Amber, that it toucheth it, takes away its attraction; but being so put betwixt it and the Object to be drawn, as not to touch it, it doth not take it away.  
Oil put upon Amber, hinders not its motion: Neither doth Amber, rubbed with the Finger moistened with Oil, lose its attractive Virtue.  
Amber, jeats, and the like, do more strongly excite, and longer retain the Objects they draw, although the rubbing be but little. But Diamonds, Crystal, Glass, aught to be rubbed longer, that they may appear hot, ere they be used for attraction.  
Flames nigh to Amber, though the distance be very small, are not drawn by it.  
Amber, etc. draw the smoke of a Lamp newly extinguished.  
Amber draws Smoke more strongly when it comes forth, and is more gross; and more weakly, when it ascends and becomes thinner.  
A Body drawn by Electric Bodies, is not manifestly altered, but only leans itself upon them.    

Baconiana Medica. OR, REMAINS OF Sir Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, and Viscount St. Alban; Touching Medical Matters.  
LONDON, Printed for R. C. at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1679.   

THE Lord Bacon's Medical Remains.  

A Medical Paper of the Lord Bacon's, to which he gave the Title of Grains of Youth.  

Grains of Youth.  
TAke of Nitre 4 grains, of Amber-Grease 3 grains, of Orris-pouder 2 grains, of white Poppy-Seed the fourth part of a grain, of Saffron half a grain, with Water of Orange Flowers, and a little Tragacanth; make them into small grains, four in number. To be taken at four a Clock, or going to Bed.   

Preserving Ointments  
Take of Deers-suet 1 ounce, of Myrrh 6 grains, of Saffron 5 grains, of Bay-salt 12 grains, of Canary-Wine of two Years old, a Spoonful and a half:  
Spread it on the inside of your Shirt, and let it dry, and then put it on.   

A Purge familiar for opening the Liver.  
Take Rhubarb 2 drams, Agaric, Trochiscat 1 dram and a half, steep them in Claret Wine burnt with Mace: Take of Wormwood 1 dram, steep it with the rest, and make a mass of Pills, with Syrup. Acetoes. simplex.  
But drink an opening Broth before it, with Succory, Fennel, and Smallage Roots, and a little of an Onion.   

Wine for the Spirits.  
Take Gold perfectly refined 3 ounces, quench it six or seven times in good Claret Wine: Add of Nitre 6 grains, for two Draughts. Add of Saffron prepared 3 grains, of Amber-grease 4 grains, pass it through an Hippocras Bag, wherein there is a dram of Cinnamon gross beaten, or to avoid the dimming of the Colour, of Ginger. Take two Spoonfuls of this to a Draught of fresh Claret Wine.   

The Preparing of Saffron.  
Take 6 grains of Saffron, steeped in half parts of Wine and Rose-water, and a quarter part Vinegar; then dry it in the Sun.   

Wine against Adverse Melancholy, preserving the Senses and the Reason.  
Take the Roots of Bugloss, well scraped, and cleansed from their inner Pith, and cut them into small slices; steep them in Wine of Gold extinguished ut suprà, and add of Nitre 3 grains, and drink it ut suprà, mixed with fresh Wine: The Roots must not continue steeped above a quarter of an Hour; and they must be changed thrice.   

Breakfast-Preservative against the Gout and Rheums.  
To take once in the Month at least, and for two Days together, one grain of Castorei, in my ordinary Broth.   

The Preparation of Garlic.  
Take Garlick 4 ounces, boil it upon a soft Fire, in Claret Wine, for half an Hour. Take it out, and steep it in Vinegar; whereto add 2 drams of Cloves, then take it forth, and keep it in a Glass for use.   

The Artificial Preparation of Damask-Roses, for Smell.  
Take Roses, pull their Leaves, then dry them in a clear Day, in the hot Sun; then their smell will be as gone. Then cram them into an Earthen Bottle, very dry and sweet, and stop it very close; they will remain in Smell and Colour both fresher, than those that are otherwise dried. Note, The first drying, and close keeping upon it, preventeth all Putrefaction, and the second Spirit cometh forth, made of the remaining Moisture not dissipated.  
Sometimes to add to the Maceration, 3 grains of Tartar, and 2 of Enula, to cut the more heavy and viscous Humours; lest Rhubarb work only upon the lightest.  
To take sometimes the Oxymel before it, and sometimes the Spanish Honey simple.   

A Restorative Drink.  
Take of Indian Maiz half a pound, grind it not too small, but to the fineness of ordinary Meal, and then bolt and serce it, that all the husky part may be taken away. Take of Eringium Roots 3 ounces, of Dates as much, of Enula 2 drams, of Mace 3 drams, and brew them with Ten-shilling Beer, to the quantity of four Gallons: And this do, either by decocting them in a Pottle of Wort, to be after mingled with the Beer, being new tapped, or otherwise infuse it in the New Beer in a Bag.  
Use this familiarly at Meals.   

Against the waste of the Body by Heat.  
Take sweet Pomegranates, and strain them lightly, not pressing the Kernel, into a Glass; where put some little of the Peel of a Citron, and two or three Cloves, and three grains of Amber-grease, and a pretty deal of fine Sugar. It is to be drunk every Morning whilst Pomegranates last.   

Methusalem Water.  
Against all Asperity and Torrefaction of Inward parts, and all Adustion of the Blood, and generally against the Dryness of Age.  
Take Crevices very new, q. s. boil them well in Claret Wine; of them take only the shells, and rub them very clean, especially on the inside, that they may be throughly cleansed from the Meat. Then wash them three or four times in fresh Claret Wine, heated, still changing the Wine, till all the Fish-taste be quite taken away. But in the Wine wherein they are washed, steep some tops of green Rosemary; then dry the pure shell throughly, and bring them to an exquisite Powder. Of this Powder take 3 drams. Take also Pearl, and steep them in Vinegar twelve Hours, and dry off the Vinegar; of this Powder also 3 drams. Then put the Shell Powder, and Pearl Powder together, and add to them of Ginger one scruple, and of white Poppy Seed half a scruple, and steep them in Spirit of Wine (wherein six grains of Saffron hath been dissolved) seven Hours. Then upon a gentle heat, vapour away all the Spirit of Wine, and dry the Powder against the Sun without Fire. Add to it of Nitre one dram, of Amber-grease one scruple and a half; and so keep this Powder for use, in a clean Glass. Then take a Pottle of Milk, and slice in it of fresh Cucumbers, the inner Pith only (the Rind being pared off) four ounces, and draw forth a Water by Distillation. Take of Claret Wine a Pint, and quench Gold in it four times.  
Of the Wine, and of the water of Milk, take of each three ounces, of the Powder one scruple, and drink it in the Morning; stir up the Powder when you drink, and walk upon it.    

A Catalogue of Astringents, Openers, and Cordials, instrumental to Health. Collected by Sir Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam.  

Astringents.  
Read Rose, Blackberry, Myrtle, Plantain, Flower of Pomegranate, Mint, Aloes well washed, Mirabolanes, Sloes, Agresta, Fraga, Mastich, Myrrh, Saffron, Leaves of Rosemary, Rhubarb received by Infusion, Cloves, Service-Berries, Corna, Wormwood, Bowl Armeniac, Sealed Earth, Cinque-foil, Tincture of Steel, Sanguis Draconis, Coral, Amber, Quinces, Spikenard, Galls, Alum, Bloodstone, Mummy, Amomum, Galangal, Cypress, Ivy, Psyllum, Houseleek, Sallow, Mulleni, Vine, Oak-leaves, Lign-Aloes, Red Sanders, Mulberry, Meddlers, Flowers of Peach-Trees, Pomegranates, Pears, Palmule, Pith of Kernels, Purslain, Acacia, Laudanum, Tragacanth, Thus Olibani, Comfrey, Shepherds-purse, Polygonium.  
Astringents (both hot and cold) which corroborate the Parts, and which confirm, and refresh such of them as are lose, or languishing.  
Rosemary, Mint, especially with Vinegar, Cloves, Cinnamon, Cardamom, Lign-Aloes, Rose, Myrtle, Red Sanders, Cotonea, Red-Wine, Chalybeat-Wine, Five-finger-Grass, Plantain, Apples of Cypress, Barberries, Fraga, Service-Berries, Corneille's, Ribs, Sowr-Pears, Rambesia.  
Astringents Styptic, which, by their Styptic Virtue, may stay Fluxes.  
Sloes, Acacia, Rind of Pomegranates infused, at least three Hours, the Styptic Virtue not coming forth in lesser time. Alum, Galls, juice of Sallow, Syrup of unripe Quinces, ` Balaustia, the Whites of Eggs boiled heard in Vinegar.  
Astringents which, by their cold and earthy Nature, may stay the motion of the Humours tending to a Flux.  
Sealed Earth, Sanguis Draconis, Coral, Pearls, the shell of the Fish Dactylus.  
Astringents which, by the thickness of their substance, stuff as it were the thin Humours, and thereby stay Fluxes.  
Rice, Beans, Millet, Cauls, dry Cheese, fresh Goats-Milk.  
Astringents which, by virtue of their Glutinous substance, restrain a Flux, and strengthen the loser Parts.  
Karabe 
* Perhaps he meant the fruit of Ka●obe. , Mastic, Spodium, Hartshorn, Frankincense, dried Bulls Pistol, Gum Tragacanth.  
Astringents Purgative, which, having by their purgative, or expulsive Power, thrust out the Humours, leave behind them of Astrictive Virtue.  
Rhubarb, especially that which is toasted against the Fire; Mirabolanes, Tartar, Tamarinds, [an Indian Fruit like Green Damasens].  
Astringents which do very much suck and dry up the Humours, and thereby stay Fluxes.  
Rust of Iron, Crocus Martis, Ashes of Spices.  
Astringents, which by their Nature, do dull the Spirits, and lay asleep the Expulsive virtue, and take away the acrimony of all Humours.  
Laudanum, Mithridate; Diascordium, Diacodium.  
Astringents, which by cherishing the strength of the parts, do comfort and confirm their Retentive power.  
A Stomacher of Scarlet Cloth.  
Whelps, or young healthy Boys, applito the Stomach.  
Hypocratic Wines, so they be made of austere Materials.   

Openers.  
SUcchory, Endive, Betony, Liverwort, Petroselinum, Smallage, Asparagus, Roots of Grass, Dodder, Tamarisk, Juncus Odoratus, Lacca, Copparus, Wormwood, Chamaepitis, Fumaria, Scurvygrass, Eringo, Nettle, Ireos, Elder, Hyssop, Aristolochia, Gentian, Costus, Fennel-root, Maidenhair, Hartstongue, Daffodilly, Asarum, Sarsaparilla, Sassafras, Acorns, Abretonum, Aloes, Agaric, Rhubarb infused, Onions, Garlic, Bother, Squilla, Showbread, Indian Nard, Celtic Nard, Bark of Laurel-Tree, Bitter Almonds, Holy Thistle, Camomile, Gunpowder, Sows (Millipedes) Ammoniac, Man's Urine, Rue, Park-Leaves (Vitex) Centaury, Lupins, Chamaedris, Costum, Ammeas, Bistort, Camphire, Daucus Seed, Indian Balsam, Scordium, Sweet Cane, Galingal, Agrimony.   

Cordials.  
FLowers of Basil Royal, Flores Caryophillati, Flowers of Bugloss and Borage, Rind of Citron, Orenge-Flowers, Rosemary, and its Flowers, Saffron, Musk, Amber, Folium, [i. e. Nardi Folium,] Balm-Gentle, Pimpernel, Gems, Gold, Generous Wines, Fragrant Apples, Rose, Rosa Moschata, Cloves, Lign-Aloes, Mace, Cinnamon, Nutmeg, Cardamom, Galingal, Vinegar, Kermes-berry, Herba▪ Moschata, Betony, White Sanders, Camphire, Flowers of Heliotrope, pennyroyal, Scordium, Opium corrected, White Pepper, Nasturtium, white and red Bean, Castum Dulce, Dactylus, Pine, Fig, Eggshell, Vinum Malvaticum, Ginger, Kidneys, Oysters, Crevices (or River-Crabs) Seed of Nettle, Oil of Sweet Almonds, Sesamium Oleum, Asparagus, Bulbous Roots, Onions, Garlic, Eruca, Daucus Seed, Eringo, Siler Montanus, the smell of Musk, Cynethi Odour, Caraway Seed, Flower of Pul●s, Aniseed, Pellitory, anointing of the Testicles with Oil of Elder, in which Pellitory hath been boiled, Cloves with Goats-Milk, Olibanum.    

An Extract by the Lord Bacon, for his own use, out of the Book of the Prolongation of Life, together with some new Advices in order to Health.  
1. ONce in the Week, or at least in the Fortnight, to take the Water of Mithridate distilled, with three parts to one, or Strawberry-water to allay it; and some grains of Nitre and Saffron, in the Morning between sleeps.  
2. To continue my Broth with Nitre; but to interchange it every other two Days, with the Juice of Pomegranates expressed, with a little Cloves, and Rind of Citron.  
3. To order the taking of the Maceration, 
* Viz. Of Rhubarb infused into a draught of white Wine and Beer, mingled together, for the space of half an Hour, once in six or seven Days. See the Lord Bacon 's Life by Dr. Rawley, towards the end.  as followeth.  
To add to the Maceration, six grains of Cremor Tartari, and as much Enula.  
To add to the Oxymel, some Infusion of Fennel-roots in the Vinegar, and four grains of Angelica-seed, and Juice of Lemons, a third part to the Vinegar.  
To take it not so immediately before Supper; and to have the Broth specially made with Barley, Rosemary, Thyme, and Cresses.  
4. To take once in the Month at least, and for two Days together, a grain and a half of Castor in my Broth, and Breakfast.  
5. A Cooling Clyster to be used once a Month, after the working of the Maceration is settled.  
Take of Barleywater, in which the Roots of Bugloss are boiled, three ounces, with two drams of Red-Sanders, and two ounces of Raisins of the Sun, and one ounce of Dactyls, and an ounce and a half of Fat Carycks; let it be strained, and add to it an ounce and a half of Syrup of Violets: Let a Clyster be made.  
Let this be taken (with Veal) in the aforesaid Decoction.  
6. To take every Morning, the Fume of Lign-Aloes, Rosemary and Bays dried, with Juice; but once in a Week to add a little Tobacco, without otherwise taking it in a Pipe.  
7. To appoint every Day an Hour, ad Affectus Intentionales & sanos. Qu. de particulari.  
8. To remember Mastichatories for the Mouth.  
9 And Orenge-flower Water to be smelled to, or snuffed up.  
10. In the third Hour after the Sun is risen, to take in Air from some high and open Place, with a ventilation of Rosae Moschatae, and fresh Violets; and to stir the Earth, with infusion of Wine and Mint.  
11. To use Ale with a little Enula Campana, Cardu●s, Germander, Sage, Angelica Seed, Cresses of a middle age, to beget a robust heat.  
12. Mithridate thrice a Year.  
13. A bit of Bread dipped in Vino Odorato, with Syrup of dry Roses, and a little Amber, at going to Bed.  
14. Never to keep the Body in the same posture above half an Hour at a time.  
15. Four Precepts. To break off Custom. To shake off Spirits ill disposed. To meditate on Youth. To do nothing against a Man's Genius.  
16. Syrup of Quinces for the Mouth of the Stomach. Inquire concerning other things useful in that kind.  
17. To use once during Supper time, Wine in which Gold is quenched.  
18. To use anointing in the Morning lightly with Oil of Almonds, with Salt and Saffron, and a gentle rubbing.  
19 Ale of the second Infusion of the Vine of Oak.  
20. Methusalem Water, of Pearls and Shells, of Crabs, and a little Chalk.  
21. Ale of Raisins, Dactyls, Potatoes, Pistachios, Honey, Tragacanth, Mastich.  
22. Wine with Swines-flesh, or Harts-flesh.  
23. To drink the first Cup at Supper hot, and half an Hour before Supper, something hot and Aromatised.  
24. Chalybeats, four times a Year.  
25. Pilulae ex tribus, once in two Months, but after the Mass has been macerated in Oil of Almonds.  
26. Heroic Desires.  
27. Bathing of the Feet once in a Month, with Lie ex Sale nigro, Camomile, sweet Marjoram, Fennel, Sage, and a little Aqua Vitae.  
28. To provide always an apt Breakfast.  
29. To beat the Flesh before Roasting of it.  
30. Macerations in Pickles.  
31. Agitation of Beer by Ropes, or in Wheel-Barrows.  
32. That Diet is good which makes Lean, and then Renews. Consider of the ways to effect it.   

Medical Receipts of the Lord Bacon's.  

The First Receipt, or his Lordship's Broth and Fomentation for the Stone.  

The Broth.  
TAke one dram of Eryngium Roots, cleansed and sliced; and boil them together with a Chicken. In the end, add of Elder-Flowers, and Marigold-Flowers together, one pugil, of Angelica-Seed half a dram, of Raisins of the Sun stoned fifteen, of Rosemary, Thyme, Mace, together, a little.  
In six ounces of this Broth, or thereabouts, let there be dissolved of white Cremor Tartari three grains.  
Every third or fourth Day, take a small Toast of Manchet, dipped in Oil of Sweet Almonds new drawn, and sprinkled with a little Loaf-Sugar.  
You may make the Broth for two Days, and take the one half every Day.  
If you find the Stone to stir, forbear the Toast for a Course or two.  
The Intention of this Broth, is, not to Void, but to Undermine the Quarry of the Stones in the Kidneys.   

The Fomentation.  
Take of Leaves of Violets, Mallows, Pellitory of the Wall, together, one Handful. Of Flowers of Camomile and melilot, together one Pugil. The Root of Marsh-Mallows one ounce; of Annis and Fennelseeds, together one ounce and a half, of Flax-seed two drams. Make a Decoction in Spring-water.    

The Second Receipt, showing the way of making a certain Ointment, which his Lordship called, Unguentum Fragrans sive Romanum; The Fragrant, or Roman Unguent.  
TAke of the Fat of a Deer, half a pound; of Oil of Sweet Almonds two ounces. Let them be set upon a very gentle Fire, and stirred with a stick of Juniper, till they are melted.  
Add of Root of Flower de Luce powdered, Damask Roses powdered, together, one dram; of Myrrh dissolved in Rose-water, half a dram; of Cloves, half a scruple; of Civet, four grains; of Musk, six grains; of Oil of Mace expressed, one drop; as much of Rose-water as sufficeth to keep the Unguent from being too thick.  
Let all these be put together in a Glass, and set upon the Embers, for the space of an Hour; and stirred with a stick of Juniper.  
Note, That in the Confection of this Ointment, there was not used above a quarter of a pound, and a tenth part of a quarter of Deers Suet: And that all the Ingredients, except the Oil of Almonds, were doubled, when the Ointment was half made, because the Fat things seemed to be too Predominant.   

The Third Receipt. A Manus Christi for the Stomach.  
TAke of the best Pearls very finely pulverised, one dram; of Sal Nitre, one scruple; of Tartar, two Scruples; of Ginger and galangal, together, one ounce and a half; of Calamus, Root of Enula Campana, Nutmeg, together, one scruple and a half; of Amber, sixteen grains; of the best Musk, ten grains; with Rose-water, and the finest Sugar, let there be made a Manus Christi.   

The Fourth Receipt. A Secret for the Stomach.  
TAke Lignum Aloes in gross shave, steep them in Sack, or Alacant, changed twice, half an Hour at a time, till the bitterness be drawn forth. Then take the Shave forth and dry them in the shade, and beat them to an Excellent Powder. Of that Powder, with the Syrup of Citrons, make a small Pill, to be taken before Supper.     

Baconiana Theologica: OR A FEW REMAINS OF THE Lord Bacon, Relating To Divine Matters.  
LONDON, Printed for R. C. at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1679.   

THE Lord Bacon's Theological Remains.  

The Lord Bacon's Questions about the Lawfulness of a War for the Propagating of Religion.  

Questions wherein I desire Opinion, joined with Arguments and Authorities.  
WHether a War be lawful against Infidels, only for the Propagation of the Christian Faith, without other cause of Hostility?  
Whether a War be lawful, to recover to the Church, Countries, which formerly have been Christian, though now Alienate, and Christians utterly extirped?  
Whether a War be lawful, to free and deliver Christians that yet remain in Servitude, and subjection to Infidels?  
Whether a War be lawful in Revenge, or Vindication, of Blasphemy and Reproaches against the Deity and our Saviour? or for the ancient effusion of Christian Blood, and Cruelties upon Christians?  
Whether a War be lawful for the Restoring, and purging of the Holy Land, the Sepulchre, and other principal places of Adoration and Devotion?  
Whether in the Cases aforesaid, it be not Obligatory to Christian Princes, to make such a War, and not permissive only?  
Whether the making of a War against the Infidels, be not first in order of Dignity, and to be preferred before extirpations of Heresies, reconcilements of Schisms, reformation of Manners, pursuits of just Temporal Quarrels, and the like Actions for the Public Good, except there be either a more urgent Necessity, or a more evident Facility in those Inferior Actions or except they may both go on together in some Degree?    

Two Prayers composed by Sir Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, and Viscount of St. Alban.  

The First Prayer, called by his Lordship, The Student's Prayer.  
TO God the Father, God the Word, God the Spirit, we pour forth most humble and hearty Supplications; that He, remembering the Calamities of Mankind, and the Pilgrimage of this our Life, in which we wear out Days few and evil; would please to open to us new Refreshments out of the Fountains of his Goodness, for the alleviating of our Miseries. This also, we humbly and earnestly beg, that Humane things, may not prejudice such as are Divine; neither that from the unlocking of the Gates of Sense, and the kindling of a greater Natural Light, any thing of Incredulity, or Intellectual Night, may arise in our Minds towards Divine Mysteries. But rather that by our Mind, throughly cleansed and purged from Fancy and Vanities; and yet subject, and perfectly given up to the Divine Oracles, there may be given unto Faith, the things that are Faith's. Amen.   

The Second Prayer, called by his Lordship, The Writer's Prayer.  
THou, O Father! who gavest the Visible Light as the Firstborn of thy Creatures, and didst pour into Man the Intellectual Light, as the top and consummation of thy Workmanship; be pleased to protect and govern this Work, which, coming from thy Goodness, returneth to thy Glory. Thou, after Thou hadst reviewed the Works which thy Hands had made, beheldest that every Thing was very Good; and Thou didst rest with Complacency in them. But Man, reflecting on the Works, which he had made, saw that all was Vanity and vexation of Spirit, and could, by no means, acquiesee in them. Wherefore, if we labour in thy Works with the sweat of our Brows, Thou wilt make us partakers of thy Vision, and thy Sabbath. We humbly beg that this Mind may be steadfastly in us; and that Thou, by our Hands, and also by the Hands of others, on whom Thou shalt bestow the same Spirit, wilt please to convey a largeness of new Alms to thy Family of Mankind. These things we commend to Thy everlasting Love, by our jesus, thy Christ, God with us. Amen.     

Baconiana Bibliographica: OR CERTAIN REMAINS OF THE LORD BACON Concerning His Writings.  
To these are added Letters and Discourses by others, upon the same Argument; In which also are contained some Remarks concerning his Life.  
LONDON, Printed for R. C. at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1679.   

Remains Bibliographical, Written by the Lord Bacon HIMSELF.  

The Lord Chancellor Bacon's Letter to the Queen of Bohemia 
* In●he year 1625.  in Answer to one from her Majesty, and upon sending to her his Book about a War with Spain.  
It may please your Majesty,  
IHave received your Majesty's Gracious Letter from Mr. Secretary Morton, who is now a Saint in Heaven. It was at a time, when the great Desolation of the Plague was in the City, and when myself was ill of a dangerous and tedious Sickness. The first time that I found any degree of Health, nothing came sooner to my Mind, than to acknowledge your Majesty's great Favour, by my most humble Thanks: And because I see your Majesty taketh delight in my Writings, (and to say truth, they are the best Fruits I now yield) I presume to send your Majesty a little Discourse of mine, touching a War with Spain, which I writ about two Years since; which the King your Brother liked well. It is written without Bitterness, or Invective, as King's Affairs ought to be carried: But if I be not deceived, it hath Edge enough. I have yet some Spirits left, and remnant of Experience, which I consecrate to the King's Service, and your majesty's; for whom I pour out my daily Prayers to God, that he would give your Majesty a Fortune worthy your rare Virtues: Which some good Spirit tells me, will be in the end. I do in all reverence kiss your majesty's Hands, ever resting  
Your majesty's most humble and devoted Servant. Francis St. Alban.   

A Letter of the Lord Bacon's to the University of Cambridg, upon his sending to their Public Library, his Book of the Advancement of Learning.  
Franciscus Baro de Verulamio, Vicecomes Sancti Albani, Almae Matri inclytae Academiae Cantabrigiensi, Salutem.  
DEbita Filii, qualia possum, persolvo. Quod verò facio, idem & ●vos horror; ut Augmentis Scientiarum strenuè incumbatis, & in Animi modesti● libertatem ingenii retineatis, neque Talentum à veteribus concreditum in sudario reponatis. Affuerit proculdubiò & Affulserit divini Luminis Gratia, si humiliatâ, & submissâ Religioni Philosophiâ, Clavibus sensûs ligitimè, & dextrè utamini, & amoto omni contradictionis study, quisque cum Alio, ac si ipse secum, disputet, Valete.   

The same in English by the Publisher.  
Francis, Baron of Verulam, and Viscount of St. Alban, to the Indulgent Mother, the famous University of Cambridg, Health.  
I Here repay you, according to my Ability, the Debts of a Son. I exhort you also, to do the same thing with myself: That is, to bend your whole might towards the Advancement of the Sciences, and to retain freedom of Thought, together with humility of Mind; and not to suffer the Talon which the Ancients have deposited with you, to lie dead in a Napkin. Doubtless, the favour of the Divine Light will be present and shine amongst you, if Philosophy being submitted to Religion, you lawfully and dextrously use the Keys of Sense; and if all study of Opposition being laid aside, every one of you so dispute with another, as if he were arguing with himself.  
Far ye well.   

A Letter of the Lord Bacon's, to the University of Cambridg, upon his sending to their public Library, his Novum Organum.  
Almae Matri Academiae Cantabrigiensi.  
CVm vester filius sim & Alumnus, voluptati mihi erit, Partum meum nuper editum vobis in gremium dare: Aliter enim velut pro exposito eum haberem. Nec vos moveat, quòd via nova sit. Necesse est enim talia per Aetatum, & seculorum circuitus evenire. Antiquis tamen suus constat honos; ingenij scilicet: Nam Fides verbo Dei, & experientiae tantùm debetur. Scientias autem, ad Experientiam retrahere, non conceditur: At easdem ab Experientiâ de integro excitare, operosum certè sed pervium. Deus vobis, & studiis vestris faveat.  
Filius vester Amantissimus, Franc. Verulam, Cancel.   

The same in English by the Publisher.  
SEeing I am your Son, and your Disciple, it will much please me to repose in your Bosom, the Issue which I have lately brought forth into the World; for otherwise I should look upon it as an exposed Child. Let it not trouble you, that the Way in which I go is new: Such things will of necessity, happen in the Revolutions of several Ages. However, the Honour of the Ancients is secured: That, I mean, which is due to their Wit. For Faith is only due to the Word of God, and to Experience. Now, for bringing back the Sciences to Experience, is not a thing to be done: But to raise them anew from Experience, is indeed, a very difficult and laborious, but not a hopeless Undertaking. God prosper you and your Studies.  
Your most loving Son, Francis Verulam, Chancel.   

A Letter of the Lord Bacon's, written to Trinity College in Cambridg, upon his sending to them his Book of the Advancement of Learning.  
Franc. Baro de Verulamio, Vice-comes Sancti Albani percelebri Collegio Sanctae & Individuae Trinitatis in Cantabrigia, Salutem.  
REs omnes earúmque progressus initiis suis debentur. Itaque cùm initia Scientiarum, è fontibus vestris hauserim; incrementa ipsarum vobis rependenda existimavi. Spero itidem fore, ut haec nostra apud vos, tanquani in solio nativo, felicius succrescant. Quamobrem & vos hortor, ut saluâ animi modestiâ, & ergà Veteres reverent●, ipsi quoque scientiarum augmentis non desitis: Verùm ut post volumina sacra verbi Dei & Scripturarum, secundo loco volumen illud magnu● Operum Dei & Creaturarum, strenuè & prae omnibus Libris (qui pro Commentariis tantùm haberi debent) evolvatis.  
Valete.   

The same in English by the Publisher.  
Francis, Baron of Verulam, Viscount of St. Alban, to the most Famous College of the holy and undivided Trinity in Cambridg, Health.  
THe progresses of Things, together with themselves, are to be ascribed to their Originals. Wherefore, seeing I have derived from your Fountains, my first beginnings in the Sciences, I thought it fit to repay to you the Increases of them. I hope also, it may so happen, that these Things of ours may the more prosperously thrive among you, being replanted in their native Soil. Therefore, I likewise exhort you, that ye yourselves, so far as is consistent with all due Modesty, and Reverence to the Ancients, be not wanting to the Advancement of the Sciences: But that, next to the study of those sacred Volumes of God, the holy Scriptures, ye turn over that great Volume of the Works of God, his Creatures, with the utmost diligence, and before all other Books, which ought to be looked on only as Commentaries on those Texts. Farewell.   

The Lord Chancellor Bacon's Letter to Dr. Williams, then Lord Bishop of Lincoln, concerning his Speeches, etc.  
MY very good Lord, I am much bound to your Lordship, for your Honourable Promise to Dr. Rawley: He chooseth rather to depend upon the same in general, than to pitch upon any particular; which modesty of Choice I commend.  
I find that the Ancients (as Cicero, Domesthenes, Plinius Secundus, and others) have preserved both their Orations and their Epistles. In imatation of whom, I have done the like to my own: Which nevertheless, I will not publish while I live: But I have been bold to bequeath them to your Lordship, and Mr. Chancellor of the Duchy. My Speeches (perhaps) you will think fit to publish: The Letters, many of them; touch too much upon late Matters of State, to be published; yet I was willing, they should not be lost. I have also by my Will, erected two Lectures in Perpetuity, in either University one; with an Endowment of 200 l▪ per Annum apiece. They to be for Natural Philosophy, and the Sciences thereupon depending; which Foundations I have required my Executors to order, by the advice and direction of your Lordship, and my Lord Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield. These be my thoughts now. I rest  
Your Lordship's most Affectionate to do you Service.   

A Letter written in Latin, by the Lord Verulam, to Father Fulgentio, the Venetian, concerning his Writings; and now Translated into English by by the Publisher.  
Most Reverend Father,  
I Must confess myself to be a Letter in your Debt; but the Excuse which I have, is too too just. For I was kept from doing you right by a very sore Disease, from which I am not yet perfectly delivered.  
I am now desirous to communicate to your Fatherhood, the Designs I have touching those Writings which I form in my Head, and begin; not with hope of bringing them to Perfection, but out of desire to make Experiment, and because I am a Servant to Posterity: (For these things require some Ages for the ripening of them.)  
I judged it most convenient to have them Translated in the Latin Tongue, and to divide them into certain Tomes.  
The first Tome consisteth of the Books of the Advancement of Learning, which (as you understand) are already finished, and published; and contain the Partition of Sciences, which is the First part of my Instauration.  
The Novum Organum should have immediately followed. But I interposed my Moral and Political Writings, because they were more in Readiness.  
And for them, they are these following. The first is, The History of Henry the 7th, King of England. Then follows that Book which you have called in your Tongue, Saggi Morali. But I give a graver name to that Book; and it is to go under the Title of Sermons Fideles, [Faithful Say,] or Interiora Rerum, [The Inside of Things.] Those Essays will be increased in their number, and enlarged in the handling of them.  
Also that Tome will contain the Book of the Wisdom of the Ancients. And this Tome (as I said) doth, as it were, interlope, and doth not stand in the Order of the Instauration.  
After these, shall follow the Organum Novum, to which a second part is yet to be added, which I have already comprised and measured in the Idea of it. And thus, the Second Part of my Instauration, will be finished.  
As for the Third Part of the Instauration, that is to say, the Natural History, it is plainly a Work for a King, or a Pope; or for some College, or Order; and cannot be, by Personal Industry, performed as it ought.  
Those Portions of it, which have already seen the Light (to wit, concerning Winds, and touching Life and Death). They are not pure History, by reason of the Axioms, and larger Observations, which are interposed. But they are a kind of mixed Writings, composed of Natural History, and a rude and imperfect Instrument [or Help] of the Understanding.  
And this is the Fourth Part of the Instauration. Wherefore that Fourth Part shall follow, and shall contain many Examples of that Instrument, more exact, and much more fitted to Rules of Induction.  
Fifthly, There shall follow a Book, to be entitled by us, Prodromus Philosophiae Secundae, [The Forerunner of Secondary Philosophy]. This shall contain our Inventions about new Axioms, to be raised from the Experiments themselves, that they, which were before as Pillars lying [uselessly] along, may be raised up. And this we resolve on for the Fifth Part of our Instauration.  
Lastly, There is yet behind, the Secondary Philosophy itself, which is the Sixth Part of the Instauration. Of the perfecting this, I have cast away all hopes; but in future Ages, perhaps, the Design may bud again. Notwithstanding, in our Prodromi●, [or Prefatory Works,] (such I mean only, which touch, almost, the Vniversals of Nature) there will be laid no inconsiderable foundations of this Matter.  
Our Meanness (you see) attempteth great Things; placing our hopes only in this, that they seem to proceed from the Providence and Immense Goodness of God.  
And I am, by two Arguments, thus persuaded.  
First, I think thus from that zeal and constancy of my Mind, which has not waxed old in this Design, nor after so many Years, grown cold and indifferent. I remember, that about Forty Years ago, I composed a juvenile Work about these things, which with great Confidence, and a Pompous Title, I called Temporis Partum Maximum, 
* Or, it may ●e, Masculum, as I find it ●ead elsewhere.  [or the most considerable Birth of Time.]  
Secondly, I am thus persuaded, because of its infinite usefulness; for which reason it may be ascribed to Divine Encouragement.  
I pray your Fatherhood, to commend me to that most Excellent Man, Signior Molines, to whose most delightful and prudent Letters I will return answer shortly, if God permit. Farewell, most Reverend Father.  
Your Most assured Friend, Francis St. Alban.   

A Letter of the Lord Bacon's, in French, to the Marquess Fiat, relating to his Essays.  
Monsieur l' Ambassadeur mon Fil●z,  
VOyant que vostre Excellence faict et traite Mariages, non seulement entre les Princes d' Angleterre et de France, mais aussi entre les Langues (puis que faictes traduire ●on Liure de l' Advancement des Sciences en Francois) i' ai bien voulu vous envoyer mon Liure dernierement imprimé, que i' avois pourveu pour vous, mais i' estois en doubte, de le vous envoyer, pour ce qu' il estoit escrit en Anglois. Mais a' cest ' Heure pour la raison susdicte ie le vous envoye. C' est un Recompilement de mes Essayes Morales et Civiles; mais tellement enlargiés et enrichiés, tant de Nombre que de Poix, que c' est de fait un Oevure nouveau. je vous baise les Mains, et reste,  
Vostre tres Affectionée Ami, 〈◊〉 tres humble Serviteur.   

The same in English, by the Publisher.  
My Lord Ambassador, My Son,  
SEeing that your Excellency makes, and treats of Marriages, not only betwixt the Princes of France and England, but also betwixt their Languages (for you have caused my Book of the Advancement of Learning, to be Translated into French) I was much inclined to make you a Present of the last Book which I published, and which I had in readiness for you.  
I was sometimes in doubt, whether I ought to have sent it to you, because it was written in the English Tongue. But now, for that very Reason, I send it to you. It is a Recompilement of my Essays Moral, and Civil; but in such manner enlarged and enriched both in Number and Weight, that it is in effect, a new Work. I kiss your Hands, and remain  
Your most Affectionate and most humble Servant, etc.   

A Transcript (by the Publisher) out of the Lord Bacon's last Will, relating especially, to his Writings.  
FIrst, I bequeath my Soul and Body, into the Hand of God, by the blessed Oblation of my Saviour; the one at the time of my Dissolution, the other at the time of my Resurrection.  
For my Burial, I desire it may be at St. Michael's Church, near St. Alban. There was my Mother buried; and it is the Parish Church of my Mansion-House of Gorhambury; and it is the only Christian Church within the Walls of Old Verulam. I would have the Charge of my Funeral not to exceed 300 l. at most.  
For my Name and Memory, I leave it to Foreign Nations, and to mine own Countrymen, after some Time be passed over.  
But towards that durable part of Memory, which consisteth in my Writings, I require my Servant, Henry Percy, to deliver to my Brother Constable, all my Manuscript-Compositions, and the Fragments also of such as are not Finished; to the end that, if any of them be fit to be Published, he may accordingly dispose of them. And herein I desire him, to take the advice of Mr. Selden, and Mr. Herbert, of the Inner Temple, and to publish or suppress what shall be thought fit. In particular, I wish the Elegy, which I writ in felicem Memoriam Elizabethae, may be Published.—    

Papers written by others, concerning the Writings of the Lord Bacon.  

A Letter from the University of Oxford, to the Lord Bacon, upon his sending to them his Book De Augmentis Scientiarum.  
Praenobilis, & (quod in Nobilitate paenè miraculum est) Scientissime Vicecomes!  
NIhil concinnius tribuere, Amplitudo vestra, nihil gratius accipere potuit Academia, quàm Scientias: Scientias, quas prius inopes, exiguas, incultas emiserat, accepit tandem nitidas, proceras, Ingenii tui copiis (quibus unicè augeri potuerant) uberrimè dotatas. Grande ducit munus illud sibi à peregrino (si tamen peregrinus sit, tam propè consanguineus) auctius redire, quod Filiolis suis instar Patrimonii impendit; & libentèr agnoscit hic nasci Musas, alibi tamen quam domi suae crescere. Creverunt quidem, & sub Calamo tuo, qui tanquam strenuus literarum Alcides, Columnas tuas, Mundo immobiles, propriâ Manu in Orbe Scientiarum, plus ultrà statuisti. Euge exercitatissimum Athletam, qui in aliorum patrocinandis virtutibus occupatissimus, alios; in scriptis propriis, teipsum superâsti. Quippe in illo Honorum tuorum fastigio, viros tantùm literatos promovisti, nunc tandem (ô dulce prodigium!) etiam & literas. Onerat Clientes beneficii hujus augustior Munificentia; cujus in accipiendo Honor apud nos manet, in fruendo emolumentum transit usque in Posteros. Quin ergo si Gratiarum talioni impares sumus, juncto robore alterius saeculi Nepotes succurrant, qui reliquum illud, quod tibi non possunt, saltem nomini tuo persolvent. Felices illi, nos tamen quàm longè feliciores, quibus honorificè conscriptam tuâ manu Epistolam, quibus oculatissima lectitandi praecepta, & Studiorum Concordiam, in fronte voluminis demandâsti: Quasi parum esset Musas de tuâ penu locupletare, nisi ostenderes quo modo & ipsae discerent. Solenniori itaque Osculo acerrimum judicij tui Depositum excepit frequentissimus Purpuratorum Senatus; exceperunt pariter minoris ordinis Gentes; & quod omnes in publico Librorum Thesaurario, in Memoriâ singuli deposuerunt.  
Dominations vestrae Studiosissima Academia Oxoniensis. E Domo nostrâ Congregationis, 20. Decem. 1623.  
The Superscription was thus;  
To the Right Honourable Francis, Baron of Verulam, and Viscount of St Alban, our very good Lord.   

The same Letter in English, by the Publisher.  
Most Noble, and— most learned Viscount.  
YOur Honour could have given nothing more agreeable, and the University could have received nothing more acceptable, than the Sciences. And those Sciences which She formerly sent forth, Poor, of low Stature, Unpolished; she hath received Elegant, Tall; and by the supplies of your Wit (by which alone they could have been Advanced) most rich in Dowry. She esteemeth it an extraordinary favour to have a return with Usury, made of that by a Stranger (if so near a Relation may be called a Stranger) which She bestows as a Patrimony, upon her Children: And She readily acknowledgeth, that though the Muses are born in Oxford, they grow elsewhere. Grown they are, and under your Pen, who, like some mighty Hercules in Learning, have by your own Hand, further advanced those Pillars in the Learned World, which by the rest of that World, were supposed immovable.  
We congratulate you, you most accomplished Combatant, who by your most diligent Patronage of the Virtues of others, have overcome other Patrons, and, by your own Writings, yourself. For by the eminent height of your Honour, you advanced only Learned Men; now at last (O ravishing Prodigy!) you have also advanced Learning itself.  
The ample Munificence of this Gift, lays a Burden upon your Clients, in the receiving of which, We have the Honour; but in the enjoying of it, the Emolument will descend to late Posterity. If therefore we are not able of ourselves, to return sufficient and suitable Thanks, our Nephews of the next Age ought to give their Assistance, and pay the Remainder, if not to your Self, to the Honour of your Name. Happy they; but we how much more happy, etc. To whom you have pleased to do the honour of sending a Letter, written by no other than by your own Hand: To whom you have pleased to send the clearest Instructions, for reading [your Work] and for concord in our Studies, in the Front of your Book. As if it were a small thing for your Lordship to enrich the Muses out of your own Stock, unless you taught them also a Method of getting Wealth. Wherefore this most accurate Pledge of your Understanding, has been with the most solemn Reverence, received in a very full Congregation, both by the Doctors and Masters; and that which the common Vote hath placed in our Public Library, every single Person has gratefully deposited in his Memory.  
Your Lordship's most devoted Servant, The University of Oxford. From our Convocation-house Decemb. 20. 1623.   

A Letter written by Dr. Roger Maynwaring, to Dr. Rawley, concerning the Lord Bacon's Confession of Faith.  
SIR,  
I Have at your Command, surveyed this deep and devout Tract of your deceased Lord; and send back a few Notes upon it.  
In the first Page, Line 7, 
a That is, in Resuscit. p. 117. l. 8. to, for ever, in P. 118.  are these words:  
I believe, that God is so Holy, Pure, and Jealous, that it is impossible for Him to be pleased in any Creature, though the Work of his own Hands: So that neither Angel, Man, nor World, could stand, or can stand, one moment in his Eyes, without beholding the same in the Face of a Mediator: And therefore, that before Him, with whom all things are present, the Lamb of God was slain before all Worlds: Without which eternal Counsel of his, it was impossible for Him to have descended to any work of Creation; but he should have enjoyed the blessed and individual Society of Three Persons in Godhead, only, for ever.  
This Point I have heard some Divines question, Whether God, without Christ, did pour his Love upon the Creature? And I had, sometimes, a Dispute with Dr. Sharp, 
* The same (I think) who was committed to the Tower, having taught Hoskins his Allusion to the Sicilian Vespers. See Reliqu. Wotton. p. 434.  of your University, who held, that the Emanation of the Father's Love to the Creature, was Immediate. His Reason, amongst others, was taken from that Text, So God loved the World, that he gave his only begotten Son. Something of that Point, I have written amongst my Papers, which on the sudden, I cannot light upon. But I remember that I held the Point in the Negative, and that St. Austin, in his Comment on the Fifth Chapter to the Romans, gathered by Beda, is strong that way.  
In Page 2, line the 9th to the 13th, 
b That is, in Resusc. p. 118. l. 9 to refer.  are these words:  
— God, by the Reconcilement of the Mediator, turning his Countenance towards his Creatures, (though not in equal Light, and Degree) made way unto the Dispensation of his most holy and secret Will; whereby some of his Creatures might stand and keep their State; others might (possibly) fall, and be restored; and others might fall, and not be restored in their Estate, but yet remain in Being, though under Wrath and Corruption; all with respect to the Mediator: Which is the great Mystery, and perfect Centre of all God's Ways with his Creatures; and unto which all his other Works and Wonders do but serve and refer.  
Here absolute Reprobation seems to be defended, in that the Will of God is made the Reason of the Not-restitution of some: At leastwise his Lordship seems to say, that 'twas God's will that some should fall: Unless that may be meant of Voluntas Permissiva [his will of Permission.]  
In Page the 2d, at the end, 
c That is, in Resusc. p. 118. l. 24. etc.  where he saith, [Amongst the Generations of Men, he Elected a small Flock,] if that were added [of fallen Men,] it would not be amiss; lest any should conceive that his Lordship had meant, the Decree had passed on Massa incorrupta, [on Mankind considered before the Fall.]  
In Page the 4th, lines the 13th and 14th, 
d That is, in Resusc. p. 119. l. 36. etc.  are these words.  
Man made a total defection from God, presuming to imagine, that the Commandments and Prohibitions of God, were not the Rules of Good and Evil, but that Good and Evil had their own principles and beginnings.  
Consider whether this be a Rule Universal, that the Commands and Prohibitions of God are the Rules of Good and Evil. For; as St. Austin saith, many things are Prohibita quia mala, [For that reason forbidden, because they are Evil:] As those Sins which the Schools call Specifical.  
In Page 7, lines the 23d and 24th, 
e That is, in p. 120. l. 40, 41, etc.  are these words.  
The three Heavenly Unities— exceed all Natural Unities. That is to say, The Unity of the Three Persons in Godhead; the Unity of God and Man in Christ; and the Unity of Christ and the Church; the Holy Ghost being the Worker of both these latter Unities: For by the Holy Ghost, was Christ Inearnate, and quickened in Flesh; and by the Holy Ghost is Man Regenerate, and quickened in Spirit.  
Here two of the Unities are ascribed to the Holy Ghost. The First seems excluded; yet Divines say, that Spiritus Sanctus est Amor, & vinculum Patris & Filii, [The Holy Ghost is the Love, and the Bond of the Father and the Son.]  
In Page 8, line the 13th, 
f That is, in Resusc. p. 121. l. 8, & 9  are these words.  
Christ— accomplished the whole Work of the Redemption, and Restitution of Man, to a state Superior to the Angels.  
This [Superior] seems to hit upon that place, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Luke 20. 36. , which argues but Equality. Suarez (De Angelis lib. 1. cap. 1.) saith, that Angels are Superior to Men, Quoad gradum Intellectualem, & quoad immediatam habitationem ad Deum: [B in respect of the degree of their Intellectual Nature, and of the nearness of their habitation to God.] Yet St. Austin affirmeth, Naturam humanam in Christo perfectiorem esse Angelicâ. [That the Humane Nature in Christ, is more perfect than the Angelical.] Consider of this. And thus far, not as a Critic, or Corrector, but as a Learner. For 
Corrigere, Res est tantò magis ardua, quantò  
Magnus, Aristarcho, Major, Homerus erat.   
In haste, Your Servant, Roger Maynwaring.   

A Letter written by Dr. Rawley, to Monsieur Deodate, concerning his publishing of the Lord Bacon's Works.  
Generosissime & Amicissime Domine,  
RVri nunc demùm ago, Vere & jejunio ineunte: Maestus, defuisse mihi facultatem teipsum invisendi, ante discessum: At Certus, nunquam defuturum me occasioni cuicunque, teipsum demerendi, & omni Officio, sive Amoris sive Observantiae, prosequendi. Curabo, prout vires suppetent, Impressionem Librorum Illustrissimi Herois, Cui olim inservisse, atque etiamnum inservire, praecipuum mihi duco. Ne qua suspicio Fidei meae suboriatur; quàm primùm commodum erit, praestabo. Cupio, Amicitiam, & Notitiam hanc inter Nos initam, perpetuam fore: Ac Literis, ejusdem Tesseris & Fotricibus (si velis) subinde reflorescere, te vel Parisiis, Agente; Quas, si unquam mihi Felicitas tanta contingere possit, tui gratiâ etiam invisere sperabo. Neu credas me Verbis tantùm opulentum, Factis inopem; Quin potiùs negotia molestissima obfuisse, dum in Urbe praesens fueram. Reliquum erit, ut Te unicè colat, & redamet, & Tibi semer optima precetur;  
Generosissime, Dominationi tuae Servus addictimus & Amicus perpetuus, Guil. Rawley. Martii 9 1632.   

The same in English by the Publisher.  
Most noble and dear Sir,  
I Am now, at last, in the Country, the Spring and Lent coming on. I am sorry that I had not the opportunity of waiting on you before I left the Town: But, I am sure, I shall never be wanting in serving you upon all Occasions, and in performing towards you all Offices, either of Friendship, or Observance.  
I will (to the utmost of my Power) take care to publish the [remaining] Labours of that Illustrious Hero, [the Lord Verulam;] esteeming it my greatest happiness, to have formerly served him, and still to do so. And that I may avoid all suspicion of being worse than my Word, I will perform my Promise with all convenient speed. I desire that this Friendship, and mutual Inwardness begun betwixt us, may always continue, and (if you please) live and flourish by Letters, the Badges and Nourishers of it, even when you are at Paris: A place, which (if ever I be so happy) I will see for your sake, as well as for other Reasons. Pray, think not that I am free of my Words, and frugal of my Deeds, but rather that my thick and very troublesome Occasions, whilst I was in the City, would not suffer me to kiss your Hands. It remains, that I hearty Honour you, and retaliate your Love, and wish you all the good in the World, as being  
Sir, Your most faithful Servant, and constant Friend. William Rawley. March the 9th. 1632.   

A Letter written by Monsieur Aelius Deodate, to Dr. Rawley, in answer to his of March the 9th, 1632. touching his publishing the Lord Bacon's Works.  
Reverendo Viro Domino Gulielmo Rawley, sacrae Theologiae Doctori, & Regiae Majestatis Capellano, Amico colendissimo.  
Reverende Virro, & Amicissime Domine,  
PAucis abhinc diebus redditae sunt mihi gratissimae & exoptatissimae tuae literae, quibus pro solatiô suavissimae tuae consuetudinis, per improvisum tuum ex urbe discessum mihi ereptae, novam, arctae, & in perpetuum duraturae amicitiae tuae fiduciam mihi spondes. Hoc munere (quod quidem omni mutui amoris & observantiae officio pro viribus demereri sedulò satagam) vix quicquam potuit mihi obtingere charius; adeò tua Virtus, & Illustrissimi Herois nostri (cujus afflatus Divinos in sinu foves) aeternùm colenda Memoria, mihi in precio est. Promptam ejus Operum Editionem, quam polliceris, tam avidè expecto, ut spe eam jam totam penè continuerim: Ne patere, quaeso, quovis casu, ullam huic desiderio meo, moram injici: Cùm etiam (quod & agnoscis) multis nominibus, maximè tua intersit, eam quantò citius promoveri. Parum foeliciter mihi cessit votum, pro versione Libri Experimentorum, ut percipies ex ejus specimine, quod ad te mitto: Ea propter illum, qui id laboris fuerat aggressus, rogavi, ut ab eo desisteret, cujus id solùm quod videbis paucis foliis exaratum, hactenus praestitit, cùm antè duos annos, perficiendum suscepisset. De tempore mei in Galliam reditûs, nondum statui: Ejus te, ante discessum, faciam certiorem, & tibi futurae nostrae, per literas, communicationis internuncios indicabo. Vale.  
Reverentiae tuae Observantissimus Servus, Aelius Deodatus. Londini, Aprilis 4. 1633.   

The same in English by the Publisher.  
To the Reverend, his most Honoured Friend, William Rawley, Doctor of Divinity, and Chaplain to the King's Majesty.  
Reverend and most dear Sir,  
A Few Days ago, I received your most acceptable and most desired Letter, in which, to comfort me for the loss of your most agreeable Company (of which I was deprived by your sudden leaving the Town) you make me a new promise of a near and lasting Friendship. Nothing could have happened to me more pleasing, than this Kindness (which I shall diligently endeavour, to the utmost of my Power, by all ways of Love and Observance, to deserve); so much I value your own Worth, and the ever estimable Memory, of our most Illustrious Hero, a portion of whose Spirit, resides in your Breast.  
I so greedily expect the speedy Edition of his Works, which you have promised; that I have already almost devoured the whole of it in my Hopes. Suffer not (I beseech you) any delay by any means, to obstruct this my earnest desire: Seeing, especially, it much concerns yourself (as you confess) upon many accounts, to promote it with all Expedition.  
My design of a Translation of the Natural History, has not succeeded so happily as I could wish, as you will perceive by the Specimen which I send to you. Wherefore I desired him, who had undertaken the Work, to desist from it, he having done only that little which you will see in a few Leaves; whereas he undertook the doing of the whole, two Years ago. I am not yet resolved about the time of my returning into France. I will let you know it e'er I go, and tell you by whom our Letters may be conveyed to one another. Farewell.  
Reverend Sir, Your most humble Servant, Aelius Deodate, Advocate. London, April 4. 1633.   

The First Letter of Mr. Isaac Gruter, to Dr. Rawley, concerning the MSS of the Lord Bacon.  
Reverendo Doctissimoque viro Gulielmo Rawleio, S. P. D. Isaacus Gruterus.  
Vir Reverende,  
FRatris mei cruda mors, cui latinam Naturalis Historiae Verulamianae versionem debemus, perdiu me subsistere coegit in natali nobis Zelandia, dum mortualis familiae negotia expedio. Domum reversus ad Batavos invenio literas tuas sane quàm gratissimas; sed quod dolebam, serô responso ob sonticam ab Haganis absentiae causam, excipiendas. Veniam meretur qui peccat invitus, tarditatisque à fortuna impositam necessitatem pensare conabitur affectûs studiô, nunquam post hac indormituro amicitiae obsequiis & offerenti se occasioni. Viri istius institutum, qui Baconi Historiam Naturalem, ut eam priores meae designarunt, Gallicè dedit, paucis verbis comprehensum exhibent fratris mei prolegomena; quae velim videas, & judicium de iis censoriàmque, ubi laborat fides, notam transmittas proximis literis. Editio ille Germani mei, quam cum voluptate summa inspexisse te scribis, mox emendatior prodibit ex secundis defuncti curis, cum auctuario ejusdem argumenti, expungendae Atlantidi substituendo. Quod non aliud futurum ab ista hominis Galli interpretatione, Latiô donandô, cum Anglice reperiri non queat unde sua vertit; nisi tu haec ut spuria & adulterina damnaveris, ubi videre contigerit librum. Observationes tuas in male intellecta perperamque versa ex Anglico Historiae Naturalis quod à té evulgatus legitur (qualia in primis conatibus interpretis non indigenae, & indies tunc cum adolesceret aetate proficientis haud pauca occurrere nemo mirabitur, qui noverit Physiologicam argumenti latè patentis varietatem, perplexi ex tot rerum congerie, sua non ubique vocabula apud Antiquos habentium, 
Horat.  & praesenti nota signandas appellationes requirentium) velim mihi non invideas, conferendas cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 emendationibus solicitè elaboratis; an & feliciter, tum cum paucis istarum elegantiarum intelligentibus disticies. Mitto indicem eorum, quae ex Boswelliani Musei scriniis chartaceis penes me exstant vel propria manu descripta, vel alterius apud vos, sed Baconi manum & limam experta; ut Boswellus olim mihi, admisso ad interiores familiaritatis aditus, commemoravit In apographis meis (ut testabitur index hisce literis comes) reperies historiam Densi & Rari, sed imperfectam, opusculo licet longiusculè producto. De Gravi & Levi in manibus habui integrum & grande volumen, sed quod praeter nudam delineatae fabricae compagem ex titulis, materiam, prout eam conceperat illustris Baconus, absolventibus, nihil descriptionis continebat. Includitur hisce exemplar contextûs, sola capitum lemmata complexi, & plenam ex ista 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tractationem nunc frustra requirentis. De Denso & Raro quae asservas ab extrema Authoris incude, quaeque in appendicem venient fragmenta, utinam cum ineditis Physiologicis Virulamei, in apographa per me redactis ex legato Boswelliano, subjicere liceat prelo Batavo, sibi invicem commendationem, si junctius prodeant, praestitura. Agere jam caepi cum Typographo magnae in istis industriae & curiositatis; faxo nihil justè queri possis de fide nostra & candore, si editionem illam mihi permiseris, consummandam non sine honorifica tui mentione. Sed utcunque constitues, nihil detractum volo amicitiae officiis, ulterius ab hoc ingressu quacunque occasione provehendae. Ludovicus Elsevirius Amstelodamo nuper ad me scripsit meditari se, fore brevi inchoandam, in quarto editionem eorum omnium, quae Bacono circumferuntur Auth●●e, vel Latinè vel Anglicè, sed haec in R●manum Sermonem vertenda, peti●tque à me eatenus consilium, & si quid è manuscriptis & interpretatione conferre possem adminiculi, quo auctiora & quantum pote, ornatiora prodeant opera, diu faventissimis Eruditi mundi praeconiis & applausu confestatissimo excepta. Tu si quid in ment aut manu habes unde affulgeat adjumenti spes in molitione tam celebri, & plurimum conciliatura existimationis istam editionem procurantibus, fac intelligam, & habe me porro inter devotissimos Baconiani nominis & virtutum tuarum cultores. Vale. Exspecto quae tibi cognita de Verulamij majoribus, Nicolao Patre imprimis, de adolescentia nostri, studiis apud Cantabrigienses, peregrinationibus, honoribus, Cancellariatu & exauthoratione, Parlamentariae authoritatis decreto. Ista floridè & liberaliori in laudes meritissimas stylo, hoc ultimum cauto pertractando, suscipiam, ne hominibus calumniari aut probra serere natis praebeatur noxiae garrulitatis è mea Commentatione de viri longè Doctissimi vita & morte, materies.  
Hagae Comitis, Maii 29. 1652.   

The same, in English, by the Publisher.  
To the Reverend, and most Learned, William Rawley, Isaac Gruter wisheth much Health.  
Reverend Sir,  
BY reason of the immature Death of my Brother, to whom we own the Latin Translation of the Lord Bacon's Natural History, I have been forced to stay a long while in our Native Country of Zealand, in order to the settling of the Domestic Affairs of the Person deceased. Returning home to Holland, I found your Letter, which, I assure you, was most acceptable to me; yet at this I was concerned, that my necessary absence from the Hague had occasioned so late an Answer to it. He deserves pardon who offends against his will: And who will, endeavour to make amends for this involuntary delay, by the study of such kindness as shall be vigilant in Offices of Friendship, as often as occasion shall be offered.  
The Design of him, who translated into French, the Natural History of the Lord Bacon, (of which I gave account in my former Letters) is briefly exhibited in my Brother's Preface, which I desire you to peruse; as also, in your next Letter, to send me your Judgement concerning such Errors as may have been committed by him.  
That Edition of my Brother's, of which you writ, that you read it with a great deal of Pleasure, shall shortly be set forth with his Amendments, together with some Additions of the like Argument to be substituted in the place of the New Atlantis, which shall be there omitted. These Additions will be the same with those in the Version of the formentioned Frenchman, put into Latin; seeing we could not find the English Originals from which he translates them: Unless you, when you see the Book, shall condemn those Additions as adulterate.  
For your Observations on those Places, either not rightly understood, or not accurately turned out of the English by you published, (which, from one not a Native, in his first Essay, and growing in Knowledge together with his Years, if they be many, no Man needs wonder at it, who understands the Physiological variety of an Argument of such extent, and rendered difficult by such an heap of things of which it consists, and for the expressing of which there is not a supply of words from the Ancients, but some of a new stamp, and such as may serve for present use, are required) I entreat you not to deny me the sight of them: That so I may compare them with the Corrections which my Brother (now with God) did make with a very great deal of pains. But, whether the truth of them answers his diligence, will be best understood by yourself, and those few others by whom such Elegancies can be rightly judged of.  
I send you here a Catalogue of those writings 
a These were the Papers which J. Gruter, afterwards published, under the title of Scripta Philosophica.  which I had, in MS. out of the study of Sir William Boswel, and which I now have by me, either written by the Lord Bacon himself, or by some English Amanuensis, but by him revised; as the same Sir Willam Boswel (who was pleased to admit me to a most intimate familiarity with him) did himself tell me. Among my Copies (as the Catalogue which comes with this Letter shows) you will find the History of rare and dense Bodies, but imperfect, though carried on to some length.  
I had once in my hands, an entire and thick Volume concerning Heavy and Light Bodies, but consisting only of a naked delineation of the Model, which the Lord Bacon had framed in his Head, in titles of Matters, without any description of the Matters themselves. There is here enclosed, a Copy of that Contexture 
b This Letter came to my hands without that Copy. See, in lieu of it, Topica de Gravi & Levi, in lib. 5. cap. 3. de Augm. Scien.  containing only the Heads of the Chapters, and wanting a full handling from that rude Draught; which supplement I despair of  
For the Book of Dense and Rare Bodies, which you have by you, perfected by the Author's last Hand, as likewise the Fragments which are an Appendix to it, I could wish that they might be here published in Holland, together with those hitherto unpublished Philosophical Papers copied by me, out of M S S. of Sir William Boswel; seeing, if they come out together, they will set off, and commend one another.  
I have begun to deal with a Printer, who is a Man of great Diligence and Curiosity. I will so order the matter, that you shall have no reason to complain of my Fidelity and Candour, if you leave that Edition to me. Care shall be taken by me, that it be not done without honourable mention of yourself. But be it what it will you shall resolve upon, it shall abate nothing of the offices of our Friendship, which, from this beginning of it, shall still further be promoted upon all occasions.  
Lewis Elzevir, wrote me word lately, from Amsterdam, that he was designed to begin shortly, an Edition in Quarto, of all the Works of the Lord Bacon, in Latin, or English: But not of the English, without the Translation of them into Latin. And he desired my advice, and any assistance I could give him by Manuscripts, or Translations; to the end that, as far as possible, those Works might come abroad with advantage, which have been long received with the kindest Eulogies, and with the most attested Applause of the Learned World. If you have any thing in your Mind, or your Hands, whence we may hope for assistance in so famous a Design, and conducing so much to the Honour of those who are Instrumental in it, pray let me know it, and reckon me henceforth amongst the devout Honourers of the name of the Lord Bacon, and of your own Virtues.  
I expect from you what you know, about the Ancestors of the Lord Bacon, especially concerning his Father, Nicholas Bacon; concerning his Youth, his Studies in Cambridg, his Travels, his Honours, his Office of Chancellor, and his deposal from it by Sentence of Parliament. The former I will undertake in a more florid and free Style, expatiating in his just Praises; the latter, with a wary Pen, lest out of my Commentary of the Life of this most Learned Man, matter be offered of pernicious Prating, to Slanderers, and Men of dishonest Tempers.  
From the Hague, May, 29. 1652.   

The second Letter of Mr. Isaac Gruter, to Dr. Rawley, concerning the Writings of the Lord Bacon.  
V. R. Gulielmo Rawlejo, S. S. Theologiae Doctori S. P. D. Isaacus Gruterus.  
Vir Reverende,  
DE responsi tui tarditate queri non licet, cùm & difficultas trajectûs facile moram injiciat ex anno in hiemem declivi dum tuas dares, atque abunde in iis inveniat quo se pascat desiderium; tantò uberiori accessione, quantò cunctantius ad manus nostras fortassis pervenisse dici potest. Et quamvis pauxillum erat quod praeter gratias proindiculo reponerem, ejus tamen id momenti visum est, ut supprimere diutius noluerim; praesertim cùm nefas mihi haberetur Smithum responso carere, virum amicissimum, & cujus in Res nostras studio quicquid in me est curae debetur affectúsque, nihil imminuti parte, in quam sane non levem, Rawleius venit, ut in Trigam, coäluisse dici queat optimè consentientes animos. Illustrissimi Herois Verulamii quàm sancta apud me sit existimatio, etsi perquam sollicitè ostendisse me putabam, faciam tamen ut in posterum religiosius me operam dedisse quo hoc literato orbi innotesceret negari haud possit. Neque enim procedet ista contrahendi omnia Baconiana in unum volumen molitio, nisi te consulto, & ad symbolas tam insigni editione dignas invitato; ut lectoris jam pridem ex praevio eorum quae circumferuntur gustu, cupidi concilietur gratia ex illibatâ auctarii non poenitendi novitate. Gallo interpreti, & qui sua nescio unde consarcinavit centonésque consuit, locus non dabitur in magno Syngrammate. Ut autem separatim cum Historia Naturali excudatur exoticum opus per excerpta hinc inde corrogatum, & latinitate meâ donatum, spero à te impetrari patieris. Interesse enim puto cum Verulamiana genuina Gallici Sermonis induta cultu passim prostent, ut sciat transmarinus lector è quibus filis contexta sit istius libri tela, & quàm verum sit quod Anonymus iste in prefatione ad Lectorem de te innominato scribit. Verba ejus frater meus B. M. Latinè 〈◊〉 in primâ editione Historiae Naturalis, cùm de fide Authoris ignoti dubitaret. Ego in secundâ dabo, repetita & justis confossa notis, ut moneantur in quorum manus perventurum sit istud opus, supposititium esse, a●t potius ex avulsis sparsim laciniis consutum, quicquid specioso Verulamii titulo munitum venditat Author. Nisi forte speciatim tuo nomine suggerere libet, isti loco inserenda in cautelam, & ne quid Gloriae celeberimi viri detrahat vel malignitas, vel inconsideratum studium. 
Virgil.  Si me fata meis paterentur ducere vitam auspiciis, in Angliam evolarem, ut quicquid Verulamianae officinae servas in scriniis tuis ineditum, coram inspicerem, & oculos saltem haberem arbitros, si possessio negetur mercis nondum publicae. Nunc vota impatientis desiderii sustentabo spe aliquando videndi, quae fidis mandata latebris occasionem exspectant ut tutò in lucem educantur, non enecentur suffocato partu. Utinam interim videre liceat Apographum epistolae ad Henricum Savilium circa adjumenta facultatum intellectualium; caetera enim Latinae monetae persuadeor statione sua moveri non posse in temporarium usum. Vale.  
Trajecti ad Mosam, Martii 20. S. N. CIO JOC LV.   

The same in English, by the publisher.  
To the Reverend William Rawley, D. D. Isaac Gruter wisheth much health.  
Reverend Sir,  
IT is not just to complain of the slowness of your Answer, seeing that the difficulty of the Passage, in the season in which you wrote, which was towards Winter, might easily cause it to come no faster: Seeing likewise, there is so much to be found in it which may gratify Desire, and perhaps, so much the more, the longer it was ere it came to my Hands. And although I had little to send back, besides my Thanks for the little Index, 
a A Note of some Papers of the Lord Bacon's in D. R's. hands.  yet that seemed to me of such moment, that I would no longer suppress them; especially because I accounted it a Crime to have suffered Mr. Smith 
b Of Christ's College in Cambridg, and Keeper of the public Library there.  to have been without an Answer: Mr. Smith, my most kind Friend, and to whose care in my Matters, I own all Regard and Affection, yet without diminution of that part (and that no small one neither) in which Dr. Rawley hath place: So that the Souls of us Three so throughly agreeing, may be aptly said to have united in a Triga.  
Though I thought that I had already, sufficiently showed, what Veneration I had for the Illustrious Lord Verulam, yet I shall take such care for the future, that it may not possibly be denied, that I endeavoured most zealously to make this thing known to the learned World.  
But neither shall this Design, of setting forth in one Volume, all the Lord Bacon's Works, proceed without consulting you, and without inviting you to cast in your Symbol, worthy such an excellent Edition: That so the Appetite of the Reader, provoked already by his published Works, may be further gratified by the pure novelty of so considerable an Appendage.  
For the French Interpreter, who patched together his Things I know not whence 
c Certain spurious Papers added to his Translation of the Advancement of Learning. , and tacked that motley piece to him; they shall not have place in this great Collection. But yet, I hope, to obtain your leave to publish apart, as an Appendix to the Natural History, that Exotic Work, gathered together from this and the other place [of his Lordship's Writings] and by me translated into Latin. For seeing the genuine Pieces of the Lord Bacon are already Extant, and in many Hands, it is necessary that the Foreign Reader be given to understand, of what Threads the Texture of that Book consists and how much of Truth there is in that, which that shameless person does in his Preface to the Reader, so stupidly write of you.  
My Brother, of blessed Memory, turned his words into Latin, in the first Edition of the Natural History, having some suspicion of the Fidelity of an unknown Author. I will, in the second Edition, repeat them, and with just severity, animadvert upon them: That they, into whose hands that Work comes, may know it to be suppositious, or rather patched up of many distinct Pieces; how much soever the Author bears himself upon the specious Title of Verulam.  
Unless, perhaps, I should particularly suggest in your Name, that these words were there inserted, by way of Caution; and lest Malignity and Rashness should any way blemish the Fame of so eminent a Person.  
Si me, Fata, meis, paterentur ducere vitam Auspiciis— (to use the words of Virgil.) If my Fate would permit me to live according to my Wishes, I wo●ud fly over into England, that I might behold whatsoever remaineth, in your Cabinet, of the Verulamian Workmanship, and at least make my Eyes witnesses of it, if the possession of the Merchandise be yet denied to the Public.  
At present I will support the Wishes of my impatient desire, with hope of seeing, one Day, those [Issues] which being committed to faithful Privacy, wait the time till they may safely see the Light, and not be stifled in their Birth.  
I wish, in the mean time, I could have a sight of the Copy of the Epistle to Sir Henry Savil, concerning the Helps of the Intellectual Powers: For I am persuaded, as to the other Latin Remains, that I shall not obtain, for present use, the removal of them from the place in which they now are. Farewell.  
Maestricht, March 20. New Style, 1655.   

The Third Letter written by Mr. Isaac Gruter, to Dr. Rawley, concerning the Writings of the Lord Bacon.  
Reverendo, Doctissimoque viro Gulielmo Rawleio, S. Theologiae Doctori S. P. D. Isaacus Gruterus.  
Vir Reverende & amicissime,  
QVanta in parte honoris deputarem missa Verulamii posthuma, quae è tuo non ita pridem Museo Latina prodiere, actae protinus Gratiae significarunt, si curam amici, qui hìc operam suam non frustra requiri passus est, haud luserit fortuna trajectus, varia è causa saepe dubij. Nunc tantò majus mihi istud beneficium est, quantò insigniorem frugem praestitit lectio non ignava, & par cum quibusdam ex officina Baconiana à me editis collatio; aucticrem enim tibi debemus Historiam densi & rari, sed & alia isto contenta Volumine priusquam non conspecta. Vnum mirabar, non exstare ibi caeteris aggregatam Verulamii Epistolam ad Henricum Savilium, de adjumentis facultatum Intellectualium, si ex literis olim tuis non vanè mihi recordanti subjicit Titulum appellata memoria, saltem inscriptione non longè dissimili. Si per oblivionem ibi forte non comparet, scriniis tamen vestris inerrat, optem videre Apographum, in cujus usu bonam fidem non desiderabis; nisi Anglicano Sermone scripta locum invenerit in majori opere, quod vernacula duntaxat complectitur. Id si nos scire patiaris, & an obtinendi Libri, in quo & Oratoria, fors & Epistolica, digeruntur, maternae Linguae partus, spes ex promisso fuerit non immodesta, animo meo consecrari● tui memoriam, in cujus veneratione nunquam defatigabitur segnesce●● alacritas obstrictissimi affectus. Vale.  
Trajecti ad Mosam, unde post duos trésve menses Novomagum migro, Batavis futurus propior. Per Smithaeum tamen transmittere ad me perges, si quid volueris.  
Kal. Julii, St. N. CIO JOC LIX.   

The same in English, by the Publisher.  
To the Reverend, and most Learned, William Rawley, D. D. Isaac Gruter wisheth much Health.  
Reverend Sir, and my most dear Friend,  
HOw much I hold myself honoured by your Present of the Lord Bacon's Posthumous Works, published lately by you in Latin, my thanks immediately returned, had let you understand, if ill Fortune in the Passage (which is, for divers causes, uncertain) had not deluded the care of a Friend, who did here with much readiness, undertake the Conveyance of them.  
Now, the Gift is by so much the greater, by how much the more benefit I reaped by diligent reading of those Papers, and by comparing them with some of the Lord Bacon's Works, which I myself had formerly published. For to you we own the more enlarged History de Denso & Raro, as also many other things, contained in that Volume, which saw not the Light before. One Paper I wonder I saw not amongst them, the Epistle of the Lord Bacon to Sir Henry Savil, about the Helps of the Intellectual Powers, spoken of long ago in your Letters, under that, or some such Title, if my Memory does not deceive me. If it was not forgotten, and remains among your private Papers, I should be glad to see a Copy of it, in the use of which, my Faithfulness shall not be wanting. But, perhaps, it is written in the English Tongue, and is a part of that greater Volume, which contains only his English Works. If you will please to let me understand so much, and likewise give me assurance of obtaining that Book, in which the Speeches, and it may be the Letters of the Lord Bacon, written by him in English, are digested; you will render your Memory sacred in my Mind, in the veneration of which, the cheerfulness of a most devoted affection shall never be weary. Farewell.  
From Maestricht, from whence, after two or three Months, I remove to Nimmeghen nigher to Holland. But you may convey to me, any thing you desire, by Mr. Smith.  
july, 1st. New Style, 1659.   

A brief Account of the Life, and particularly of the Writings of the Lord Bacon, written by that learned Antiquary, Sir William Dugdale, Norroy King of Arms, in the second Tome of his Book entitled, The Baronage of England 
* Pag. 437. 438, 439. ; together with divers Insertions by the Publisher.  
Francis, Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Alban.  
[16 jac.]  
COnsidering that this Person was so Eminent for his Learning, and other great Abilities, as his Excellent Works will sufficiently manifest; though a short Narrative 
a Impr. Lond. an. 1670.  of his Life, is already set forth by Doctor William Rawley, his domestic Chaplain, I am not willing to omit the taking notice of such particulars, as are most memorable of him; and therefore shall briefly recount; partly from that Narrative, and partly from other Authorities, what I have observed in order thereto.  
As to his Parentage, he was 
b Ibid.  the youngest of those two Male Children, which Sir Nicholas Bacon of Redgrave, in Com. Suff. Knight, had by Anne his Wife, one of the six Daughters of Sir Anthony Cook, of Giddy-Hall, in Com. Essex. Knight, (a person much honoured for his Learning, and being Tutor to King Edward the Sixth) all those Daughters being tightly skilled 
c Annal. Eliz. per Cambd. in an. 1576.  in the Greek and Latin Tongues.  
Which Nicholas, having been a diligent Student of the Laws in 
d Life of, etc. by Dr. Rawley.  Grays-Inn, was made 
e Pat. 38 H. 8. p. 6.  the King's Attorney in the Court of Wards, in 38 H. 8. and upon the death of that King, (which soon after happened) had his Patent for the same trust, renewed 
f Pat. 1 E. p. 3. m. 36.  by his Son and Successor, King Edward the Sixth. In the sixth year of whose Reign, he was constituted 
g Orig. jucrid. p. 298.  Treasurer for that Noble Society of Grays-Inn, whereof he had been so long a Member. And being grown famous for his Knowledge, was shortly after, viz. in 1 Eliz. made 
h Pat. 1 ●. p. 3.  Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England, and Knighted, 
i M. 6. in office Arm. f. ib. 67. b.  which Office in his time, was by Act of Parliament made equal in Authority with the Chancellors.  
What I have otherwise observed of this Sir Nicholas Bacon, is, 
k Annal. Eliz. ut supra in ●n. 1564.  that being no friend to the Queen of Scots, (than Prisoner in England) he was 
l Annal. Eliz. ut supra in ●n. 1564.  privy, and assenting to what Hales had published, in derogation to her Title, as next and lawful Successor to Queen Elizabeth; asserting that of the House of Suffolk before it, for which, Hales suffered 
m Ibid.  Imprisonment, and had not Cecil stood his faithful friend, 
n Ibid.  so might he; nothing being more distasteful to Queen Elizabeth, than a dispute upon that point. Next, that in 14 Eliz. upon those Proposals made by the Nobility of Scotland, for her enlargement, he opposed 
o Ibid. in an. 1571.  it; alleging, 
p Ibid. in an. 1571.  that no security could balance the danger thereof. Lastly, That upon his death, which happened in April, An. 1579. (21 Eliz.) this Character 
q Ib. in an. 1579.  is given of him by the learned Cambden, viz. that he was Vir praepinguis, ingenio acerrimo, singulari prudentia, summâ eloquentia, tenaci memoriâ, & sacris consiliis alterum columen: Of person very corpulent, most quick Wit, singular Prudence, admirable Eloquence, special Memory, and another Pillar to the Privy-Council.  
Of his Death, this is said 
* This Account is inserted by the Publisher, who took it out of a Paper of the Lord Bacon's.  to be the occasion. He had his Barber rubbing and combing his Head. And, because it was very hot, the Window was open to let in a fresh Wind. He fell asleep, and awaked all distempered, and in a great sweat, Said he to the Barber, Why did you let me sleep? Why, my Lord, said he, I durst not wake your Lordship. Why then, saith my Lord Keeper, you have killed me with Kindness. So he removed into his Bedchamber, and within a few days died.  
Whereupon, being Interred on the Southside of the Choir in St. Paul's Cathedral, within the City of London, he had a noble Monument, 
r Hist. of St. Paul's Cath. p. 71.  there erected to his Memory, with this Epitaph: Hic Nicolaum ne Baconem conditum existima illum, tam diu Britannici Regni secundum columen; Exitium malis, Bonis Asylum; caeca quem non extulit ad hunc honorem sors; sed Aequitas, Fides, Doctrina, Pietas, unica & Prudentia. Neu fortè raptum crede, qui unica brevi, vitâ perenni emerit duas, agit vitam secundam caelites inter animas. Fama implet orbem, vita quae illi tertia est. Hac positum in arâ est Corpus, olim animi Domus, Ara dicata sempiternae Memoriae.  
That is, 
* This Translation is done by the Publisher, for the benefit of the English Reader.  Think not that this Shrine contains that Nicholas Bacon, who was so long the second Pillar of Great Britain; the Scourge of the Vicious, and the Sanctuary of the Good: Whom blind Fortune did not exalt to that height of Honour; but his Equity, Fidelity, Learning, Piety, singular Prudence. Neither believe him to be by chance snatched away, who, by one short Life, purchased two in Life Eternal. He lives his second Life among the Heavenly Spirits. His Fame filleth the World, which is his third Life. In this Altar is reposed his Body, sometime the House of his Soul; an Altar dedicated to his perpetual Memory.  
Thus much touching the Parentage of this Francis; his Birth 
s Li●e of, etc. by Dr. Rawley.  being at York-House in the Strand, upon the twenty second day of january, Anno 1560. (2 Eliz.) It is observed, 
t Life of, etc. by Dr. Rawley.  that in his tender Years, his Pregnancy was such, as gave great indication of his future high Accomplishments; in so much, as Queen Elizabeth took notice of him, and called him The young Lord-Keeper; also, that ask him, how old he was, though but a Boy, he answered, that he was two years younger than her Majesty's most happy Reign.  
As to his Education, he was 
u Ibid.  of Trinity College, in Cambridg, under the tuition of Doctor john Whitgift, than Master there, but afterwards the renowned Archbishop of Canterbury. Where having with great proficiency, spent some time, he was sent 
x Ibid.  into France, with Sir Amias Paulet, her majesty's Leaguer Ambassador, and thence entrusted with a Message 
y Ibid.  to the Queen, which he performed with much approbation; and so returned.  
After this, coming from Travail, and applying himself to the study of the Common Law, he was seated 
z Ibid.  in Grays-Inn. Where in short time, he became so highly esteemed for his Abilities, as that in 30 Eliz. (being then but 28 years of Age) that honourable Society, chose 
a Orig. jurid. p. 295. a.  him for their Lent Reader: And in 32 Eliz. was made 
b Pat. 32 Eliz. p. 11.  one of the Clerks of the Council.  
In 42 Eliz. being 
c Orig. Iu. 295. b.  double Reader in that House, and affecting much the Ornament thereof, he caused 
d Ib. 272. b.  that beautiful Grove of Elms, to be planted in the Walks, which yet remain. And upon the 23 of july, 1 jac. was Knighted 
e MS. in offic. Arm.  at White-Hall. Shortly after which, viz. in 2 jac. he was made 
f Pat. 2 Jac. p. 12.  one of the King's Council learned, having therewith a grant 
g Pat. 2 Jac. p. 12.  of forty Pounds per annum Fee; and in 5 jac. constituted 
h Pat. 11. Jac. p. 5.  his majesty's Solicitor General. In 9 jac. he was made 
i Pat. 9 Jac. p.  joint Judge with Sir Thomas Vavasor, than Knight Marshal, of the Knight Marshal's Court, then newly erected within the Verge of the King's House, and in 11 jac. (27 Octob.) being made 
k Pat. 5 Jac. p. 14.  Attorney General, was sworn 
l Annal. R. Jac. per Cambd.  of the Privy Council.  
In 14 jac. he was constituted 
m lb. in an. 1617.  Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, (7 Martii) being then fifty four years of Age.  

‖ An Insertion by the Publisher.  It is said in a 
* The Court of King James, p. 115, 116.  Libel, (in which are many other notorious Slanders,) that the Duke of Buckingham, to vex the very Soul of the Lord Chancellor Egerton, in his last Agony, did send Sir Francis Bacon to him for the Seals; and likewise that the dying Chancellor, did hate that Bacon should be his Successor, and that his Spirit not brooking this usage, he sent the Seals by his Servant to the King, and shortly after, yielded his Soul to his Maker. In which few words there are two palpable Untruths.  
For first, The King himself sent for the Seal, not the Duke of Buckingham: And he sent for it, not by Sir Francis Bacon, 
a Aulicus ●cquinariae. p. 171.  but by Secretary Winwood, with this Message, that himself would be his Underkeeper, and not dispose of the Place of Chancellor while he lived▪ Nor did any receive the Seal out of the King's sight, till the Lord Egerton died; which soon fell out.  
Next, The Lord Chancellor Egerton was willing that Master Attorney Bacon, should be his Successor; and ready to forward his Succession; So far was he from conceiving hatred against him, either upon that, or any other Account.  
The Lord Egerton was his Friend in the Queen's time; and I find Mr. Bacon making his acknowledgements in a Letter to him, in these words, which I once transcribed from the unpublished Original. For my placing, your Lordship best knoweth, that when I was most dejected with her majesty's strange dealing towards me, it pleased you of your singular favour, so far to comfort, and encourage me, as to hold me worthy to be excited, to think of succeeding your Lordship in your second Place: Signifying, in your plainness, that no Man should better content yourself. Which your exceeding favour you have not since carried from; both in pleading the like signification into the hands of some of my best Friends; and also in an honourable and answerable Commendation of me, to her Majesty. Wherein I hope, your Lordship (if it please you call to mind) did find me, neither overweening, in presuming too much upon it, nor much deceived in my opinion of the Event, for the continuing of it still in yourself; nor sleepy in doing some good Offices to the same purpose.  
This favour of the Lord Egerton's, which began so early, continued to the last. And thus much Sir Francis Bacon testified in a Letter to Sir George Villiers, of which this is a part. 
b Resuscit. p. 65. of the Collect. of Letters.  My Lord Chancellor told me, yesterday, in plain terms, that if the King would ask his opinion, touching the Person that he would commend to succeed him, upon Death, or Disability; he would name me, for the fittest Man. You may advise, whether use may not be made of this Offer. And the like appears by what Master Attorney wrote to King james, during the sickness of my Lord Chancellor. Amongst other things, he wrote this to the King. 
* Ibid. p. 50.  It pleased my Lord Chancellor, out of his ancient and great Love to me, which many times, in Sickness, appeareth most; to admit me to a great deal of Speech with him this Afternoon; which, during these three Days, he hath scarcely done to any.  
In the same 
* Court of K. James, p. 119.  Libel, my Lord Bacon is reproached as a very necessitous Man, and one, for that Reason, made Keeper by the Duke, to serve such Turns, as Men of better Fortunes would never condescend to. And this, also, is a groundless and uncharitable Insinuation. He had now enjoyed, a good while, many profitable Places, which preserved him from Indigence, though his great Mind did not permit him to swell his Purse by them, to any extraordinary Bigness. And, in the Queen's time, when he was in meaner Circumstances, he did not look upon himself as in that estate of Necessity, which tempteth generous Minds to vile things. Hear himself representing his Condition; no Man knew it better, or could better express it. Thus he states his Case in the aforesaid unpublished Letter to the Lord Chancellor Egerton, of the whole of which, I sometime had the perusal, though now much of it is lost, and, as I believe, beyond all recovery. My Estate (said he) I confess a truth to your Lordship, is weak, and Indebted, and needeth Comfort. For both my Father (though, I think, I had greatest part in his Love of all his Children) in his Wisdom served me in, as a last Comer: And myself, in mine own Industry, have rather referred, and aspired to Virtue, than to Gain; whereof I am not yet wise enough to repent me. But the while, whereas Solomon speaketh, That Want cometh first as a Wayfaring Man, and after as an Armed Man; I must acknowledge myself to be in primo gradu; for it stealeth upon me. But, for the second, that it should not be able to be resisted; I hope in God, I am not in that case. For the preventing whereof, as I do depend upon God's Providence all in all; so in the same, his Providence I see, opened unto me, three not unlikely expectations of Help. The one, my Practice; the other, some proceeding in the Queen's Service; the third, the Place I have in Reversion, which as it standeth now unto me, is but like another Man's Ground buttalling upon my House, which may mend my Prospect, but it doth not fill my Barn.  
This Place he meaneth, was the Registers Office in the Star-Chamber, which fell to him in the time of King james, and was worth about 1600 l. by the Year.  
But to return from this Digression. When Sir Francis Bacon was constituted Lord-Keeper, the King admonished him, that he should Seal nothing rashly; as also that he should Judge uprightly, and not extend the Royal Prerogative too high. After which, viz. upon the seventh Day of May, (which was the first Day of Easter Term next ensuing) he made his solemn proceeding 
c Ibid.  to Westminster-Hall, in this order. First, The Writing Clerks and inferior Officers belonging to the Court of Chancery. Next the Students of the Law. Then the Gentlemen of his own Family. After them, the Sergeant at Arms, and bearer of the Great Seal, on foot. Then himself on Horseback, in a Gown of Purple Satin, riding betwixt the Lord-Treasurer, and Lord Privy-Seal. Next divers Earls, Barons, and Privy-Councellors. Then the Judges of the Courts at Westminster, whose place in that proceeding, was assigned after the Privy-Councellors. And when he came into the Court, the Lord-Treasurer, and Lord Privy-Seal, gave him his Oath, the Clerk of the Crown reading it.  
Upon the fourth of january, 16 jac. he was made Lord Chancellor 
d Claus. 16 Jac. in dorso. p. 15.  of England. On the eleventh of july next ensuing, created 
e Pat. 16. Jac. p. 11.  Lord Verulam, and on the 27th of january, 18 jac. advanced 
f Pat. 18 Jac. p. 4.  to the dignity of Viscount St. Alban; his solemn Investiture 
g Annal. R. Jac. in an. 1621.  being then performed at Theobalds'; his Robe carried before him by the Lord Carew, and his Coronet by the Lord Wentworth. Whereupon he gave the King sevenfold thanks; 
h Annal. R. Jac. in an. 1621.  first, for making him his Solicitor; secondly, his Attorney; thirdly, one of his Privy Council; fourthly, Lord-Keeper of the Great Seal; fifthly, Lord-Chancellor; sixthly, Baron Verulam; and lastly, Viscount St. Alban.  
But long he enjoyed not that great Office of Lord-Chancellor: for in Lent, 18 jac. Corruption in the exercise thereof being objected 
i Orig. jurid. in Chr. p. 102.  against him, (of which 'tis believed, his Servants were most guilty, and he himself not much accessary) the Great Seal was taken 
k This is inserted by the Publisher.  from him.  
This Fall 
l Ibid.  he foresaw, yet he made no show of that base and mean Spirit, with which the Libel before remembered, does unworthily charge him 
m Court of K. James, 122, 123. . The late King, of blessed Memory (than Prince) made a very differing observation upon him. Returning from Hunting, 
n Aul. Coqu. p. 174.  he espied a Coach attended with a goodly Troop of Horsemen, who, it seems, were gathered together to wait upon the Chancellor to his House at Gorhambury, at the time of his Declension. The Prince smiling, said, Well! Do we what we can, this Man scorns to go out like a Snuff. And he commended his undaunted Spirit, and excellent Parts, not without some Regret, that such a Man should be falling off.  
It is true, that after the Seal was taken from him, he became a great example of Penitence and Submission. But it was a Submission which both manifested his just sense of his Fault, and the more Venial Nature of it, as arising from Negligence, rather than Avarice and Malice.  
He shown by it, that there was not in his Heart that stiffness of Pride, which openly denies or justifies those Crimes of which itself is secretly convinced: But it appeared not by any thing, during all the time of his Eclipse of Fortune, that there was any abjectness of Spirit in him. The many and great Works which he wrote, show a mind in him, not distracted with Anxiety, nor depressed with Shame, nor slow for want of Encouragement, nor broken with Discontent. Such a Temper is inconsistent with such noble Thoughts and Designs, such strict Attention, such vigour of Conceit, such a Masculine Style, such quickness in Composition, as appeared in his learned Labours.  
When the Great Seal was taken from him, it was committed to the Custody of Henry Viscount Mandevil, (at that time Precedent of the Council) and certain other Lords Commissioners: And upon the tenth of july after, to 
o Ib. p. 104.  Doctor john Williams, Dean of Westminster, afterwards Bishop of Lincoln.  
Towards his rising years, he married 
p Life of, etc. by Dr. Rawley.  Alice, one of the Daughters and Coheirs to Benedict Barnham, Alderman of London, with whom he had an ample Portion; but by her had no Children, to perpetuate his Memory, which his learned Works, being for the most part composed in the five last years of his Life, will amply supply, being then totally retired from all Civil Affairs, and applying himself daily to Contemplation and Study; the particulars were these, 
q Ibid.  viz.  

¶ The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh.  
Abcedarium Naturae; or a Metaphysical piece now lost. 
* Part of it is here retrieved by the Publisher.   
Historia Ventorum.  
Historia Vitae & Mortis.  
Historia Densi & Rari, not yet Printed. 
‖ 'Twas Published at London, An. 1658.   
Historia Gravis & Levis, which is also lost.  
A Discourse of a War with Spain.  
A Dialogue touching an Holy War.  
The Fable of the New Atlantis.  
A Preface to a Digest of the Laws of England.   

The beginning of the History of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth.  
¶ De Augmentis Scientiarum; or the Advancement of Learning, put into Latin, with several Enrichments and Enlargements.  
¶ Councils Civil and Moral; Or his Book of Essays, likewise enriched and enlarged.  
¶ The Conversion of certain Psalms into English Verse.   

The Translation of the History of King Henry the Seventh, into Latin; as also of the Councils, Civil and Moral, and Dialogue of the Holy War.  
¶ His Book de Sapientiâ Veterum, revised. 

Not Printed. 
* 'Twas Printed with the Book de Denso & Raro, 1658.   
¶ Inquisitio de Magnete.  
¶ Topica Inquisitionis de Luce & Lumine.    
¶ Sylva Sylvarum, or his Natural History.   
He departed 
r Ibid.  this Life, upon the ninth day of April, 1626., (being Easter-Day) in the sixty sixth year of his Age, at the Earl of Arundel's House in Highgate, near London, to which place he casually repaired about a Week before; and was Buried 
s Ibid.  in the North-side of the Chancel in St. Michael's Church at St. Alban, according to the appointment by his last Will and Testament; because 
t Ibid.  the Body of his Mother lay there Interred, it being the only Church remaining within the Precinct of Old Verulam, where he hath a Monument of White Marble, representing his full Body in a contemplative posture, sitting in a Chair; erected by Sir Thomas Meauties, Knight, formerly his Secretary, but afterwards Clerk of the Council to King james, and King Charles the First. On which is this following Epitaph, Composed by the Learned Sir Henry Wotton, Knight.  
Franciscus Bacon, Baro de Verulam, S. Albani Vicecomes: Seu, notioribus titulis Scientiarum Lumen, facundiae Lex, sic sedebat.  
Qui, postquam omnia Naturalis sapientiae, & Civilis Arcana evolvisset, Naturae decretum explevit. Composita solvantur, Anno. Dom. MDCXXVI. Aetatis Lxvi.  
Tanti viri memoriae Thomas Meautus superstitis cultor; defuncti Admirator. H. P.  
That is, Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, 
* This is a Translation of the Publishers.  Viscount of St. Alban: Or in more conspicuous Titles;  
The Light of the Sciences, the Law of Eloquence, sat on this manner.  
Who, after he had unfolded all the Mysteries of Natural and Civil Wisdom, obeyed the Decree of Nature▪  
Let the Companions be parted: 
‖ i e. Soul and Body. , in the Year of our Lord 1626., and the sixty sixth year of his Age.  
Thomas Meauties, a Reverencer of him whilst Alive, and an Admirer of him now Dead, hath set up this to the Memory of so great a Man.    

CHARACTERS OF THE Lord Bacon.  
LONDON, Printed for R. C. at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1679.   

A CHARACTER OF THE Lord Bacon,  
Given by Dr. Peter Heylin, in his Life of Archbishop Laud, Part 1. Pag. 64. Anno 1620.  
THe Lord Chancellor Bacon, was a Man— of a most strong Brain, and a Chemical Head; designing his Endeavours to the perfecting of the Works of Nature; or rather improving Natures to the best Advantages of Life, and the common Benefit of Mankind. Pity it was, he was not entertained with some liberal Salary, abstracted from all Affairs both of Court and Judicature, and furnished with Sufficiency, both of Means and Helps, for the going on in his Design: Which had it been, he might have given us such a body of Natural Philosophy, and made it so subservient to the Public Good, that neither Aristotle, nor Theophrastus, amongst the Ancients; nor Paracelsus, or the rest of our latter Chemists, would have been considerable.   

A Character of the Lord Bacon, given by Dr. Sprat, in his History of the Royal Society, Part 1. Sect. 16. Pag. 35, 36.  
— THe Third sort of New Philosophers have been those, who have not only disagreed from the Ancients, but have also proposed to themselves the right Course of slow and sure Experimenting: And have prosecuted it as far as the shortness of their own Lives, or the multiplicity of their other Affairs, or the narrowness of their Fortunes, have given them leave. Such as these, we are to expect to be but few: For they must divest themselves of many vain Conceptions, and overcome a thousand false Images, which lie like Monsters in their way, before they can get as far this. And of these, I shall only mention one Great Man, who had the true Imagination of the whole extent of this Enterprise, as it is now set on foot; and that is, the Lord Bacon. In whose Books there are, every where scattered, the best Arguments that can be produced for the defence of Experimental Philosophy; and the best directions that are needful to promote it. All which he has, already adorned with so much Art; that if my desires could have prevailed with some excellent Friends of mine, who engaged me to this Work, there should have been no other Preface to the History of the Royal Society, but some of his Writings. But, methinks, in this one Man, I do at once find enough occasion, to admire the strength of Humane Wit, and to bewail the weakness of a Mortal Condition. For, is it not Wonderful, that he, who had run through all the degrees of that Profession, which usually takes up men's whole time; who had Studied, and Practised, and Governed the Common Law: Who had always lived in the Crowd, and born the greatest burden of Civil Business; Should yet find leisure enough for these retired Studies, to excel all those Men, who separate themselves for this very purpose? He was a Man of strong, clear, and powerful Imaginations: His Genius was searching, and inimitable: And of this I need give no other Proof, than his Style itself; which as, for the most part, it describes Men's minds, as well as Pictures do their Bodies: So it did His, above all Men living. The Course of it Vigorous, and Majestical: The Wit bold and familiar: The Comparisons fetched out of the way, and yet the most easy: In all, expressing a Soul equally skilled in Men, and Nature. All this, and much more, is true of him: But yet his Philosophical Works do show, that a single and busy Hand, can never grasp all this whole Design, of which we treat. His Rules were admirable: Yet his History not so faithful as might have been wished in many places: He seems rather to take all that comes, than to choose; and to heap rather than to register. But I hope this Accusation of mine, can be no great injury to his Memory; seeing, at the same time, that I say he had not the strength of a thousand Men, I do also allow him to have had as much as Twenty.   

A Character of the Lord Bacon's Philosophy, by Mr. Abraham Cowley, in his Poem to the Royal Society.  

— SOme few exalted Spirits this latter  
Age has shown,  
That laboured to assert the Liberty  
(From Guardians, who were now Usurpers Grown)  
Of this Old Minor 
* Herbert in Auctorem Instauration is— Scientiarum, subpupillari statu Degentium olim, Emancipator.  still, Captived Philosophy;  
But 'twas Rebellion called, to Fight  
For such a long oppressed Right.  
Bacon at last, a mighty Man, arose,  
Whom a Wise King and Nature chose  
Lord-Chancellor of both their Laws,  
And boldly undertook the injured Pupils Cause.   

3.  
Authority, which did a Body boast,  
Though 'twas but Air condensed and stalked about,  
Like some old Giant's more Gigantic Ghost,  
To terrify the learned Rout  
With the plain Magic of true Reason's light,  
He chased out of our sight,  
Nor suffered Living Men to be misled  
By the vain shadows of the Dead:  
To Graves, from whence it risen, the conquered Phantom fled;  
He broke that Monstrous God, which stood  
In midst of th' Orchard, and the whole did claim,  
Which with a useless scythe of Wood,  
And something else not worth a Name,  
(Both vast for show, yet neither fit  
Or to defend, or to beget;  
Ridiculous and senseless Terror!) made  
Children and superstitious Men afraid.  
The Orchards open now, and free;  
Bacon has broke that Scarecrow Deity;  
Come, enter, all that will,  
Behold the ripened Fruit, come gather now your fill.  
Yet still, methinks, we fain would be  
Catching at the forbidden Tree,  
We would be like the Deity;  
When Truth and Falsehood, Good and Evil we,  
Without the Senses aid within ourselves would see:  
For 'tis God only who can find  
All Nature in his Mind.   

4.  
From Words, which are but Pictures of the Thought,  
(Though we our Thoughts from them perversely drew)  
To Things, the Minds right Object, he it brought,  
Like foolish Birds to painted Grapes we flew;  
He sought and gathered for our use the true;  
And when, on heaps, the chosen Bunches lay,  
He pressed them wisely the Mechanic way,  
Till all their Juice did, in one Vessel join,  
Ferment into a nourishment Divine,  
The thirsty Soul's refreshing Wine.  
Who to the Life an exact Piece would make,  
Must not from others Work a Copy take;  
No, not from Reubens, or Vandike;  
Much less content himself to make it like  
Th' Ideas, and the Images which lie  
In his own Fancy, or his Memory.  
No, He, before his sight, must place  
The natural and living Face;  
The real Object must command  
Each judgement of his Eye, and motion of his Hand.   

5.  
From these, and all long Errors of the way,  
In which our wand'ring Predecessors went,  
And like th' old Hebrews many years did stray  
In Deserts but of small extent,  
Bacon, like Moses, led us forth at last,  
The barren Wilderness he passed,  
Did on the very Border stand  
Of the blessed promised Land,  
And, from the Mountain's top of his exalted Wit,  
Saw it himself, and showed us it.  
But Life did never to one Man allow  
Time to discover Worlds, and conquer too;  
Nor can so short a Line sufficient be  
To fathom the vast depths of Nature's Sea.  
The work he did we ought t' admire,  
And were unjust if we should more require  
From his few years, divided 'twixt th' excess  
Of low Affliction, and high Happiness:  
For who on things remote can fix his sight,  
That's always in a Triumph, or a Fight?   
FINIS.