THE REMAINES OF THE RIGHT honourable FRANCIS Lord VERULAM Viscount of St. Albans, sometimes Lord chancellor of England. BEING essays and several Letters to several great Personages, and other pieces of various and high concernment not heretofore published. A Table whereof for the Readers more ease is adjoined. LONDON: Printed by B. Alsop, for Lawrence Chapman, and are to be sold at his Shop near the Savoy in the Strand, 1648. THE TABLE. AN Essay of a King.— pag. 1. An Explanation what manner of persons they should be, that are to execute the power or Ordinance of the King's Prerogative. pag. 3. Short Notes of civil conversation.— pag. 6. An Essay on Death.— pag. 7. His Opinion concerning the disposition of Sutton's Charity, delivered to King James. pag. 13. A Letter of advice written to Sir Edward Cook Lord chief justice of the Kings Bench. pag. 20. A Letter to the Lord Treasurer in excuse of his speech in Parliament agrinst the treble subsidy. pag. 28. A Letter to my Lord Treasurer recommending his first suit tonching the sollitors place. pag. 29. A Letter of Ceremony to Queen Elizabeth upon the sending of a new years gift. pag. 31. Another to the Queen upon the like Ceremony. pag. 31. A Letter of advice to the Earl of Essex to take upon him the Care of the Irish business when Mr. Secretary Cecil was in France. pag. 32. A Letter of advice to the Earl of Essex upon the first Treaty with Tyron 1598. before my Lord was nominated for the charge of Ireland. pag. 34. Another Letter of advice to my Lord immediately before his going into Ireland. pag. 37. A Letter to the said Earl, of offer of his service when he was first enlarged to Essex-house. pag. 41. Two Letters to be framed the one as from Mr. Anthony Bacon, to the Earl of Essex the other as the Earls answer thereunto delivered, with the advice of Mr. Anthony Bacon, and the privity of the Earl to be showed to the Queen upon some fit occasion as a mean to work her Majesty to receive the Earl again to favour and attendance. pag. 42. My Lord of Essex his answer to Mr. Anthony Bacon's Letter. pag. 46. A Letter to Mr. Secretary Cecil, after the defeating of the Spanish Forces in Ireland. pag. 47. Considerations touching the Queen's service in Ireland. pag. 48. A Letter of recommendation of his service to the Earl of Northampton a few days before Queen Elizabeth's death. pag. 54. A Letter of offer of his service to his Majesty upon his first coming in. pag. 55. A Letter to Mr. Fauls in Sco land, upon the entrance of his majesty's reign. pag. 56. A letter of commending his love to the Lord of Kinlosse upon his majesty's entrance. pag. 58 A letter commending his love and occasions to Sir Thomas Challenor in Scotland, upon his majesty's entrance. pag. 59 A letter to Mr. Davies, then gone to the King at his first entrance. pag. 62. A letter to Mr. Fauls 28 March, 1603. pag. 62. A letter to Dr. Morrison, a Scottish physician upon his majesty's coming in. pag. 63. A Letter to Mr. Robert Kenny upon the death of Queen Elizabeth. pag. 61. A Letter to my Lord of Northumberland mentioning a Proclamation for the King, &c. pag. 62. A letter to my Lord 〈◊〉 Southampton upon the Kings coming in. pag. 66. A letter to the Lord of Northumberland after he had been with the King. pag. 66 A letter to the Earl of Salisbury, touching the solicitors place. pag. 67. A letter to the Earl of Salisbury, touching the advancement of learning. pag. 68 A letter to the Lord Treasurer Buckhurst upon the like Argument pag. 69 A letter of expostulation to the attorney general Sir Edward Cook. pag. 69. A letter to the Lord chancellor of the like Argument. pag. 72 A letter to the King concerning the solicitor place. pag. 73 Aletter to the Earl of Salisbury, of courtesy upon New years gift. pag. 73 A Secaod letter to the Lord chancellor. pag. 73. Another letter to the Lord chancellor touching the former argument. pag. 74 An expostulatory Letter 〈◊〉 Vincent Skinner. pag. 75. A Letter to Mr. Davis his majesty's attorney in Ireland. pag. 76 A letter to Mr. Pierce, Secretary to the Lord Deputy of Ireland. pag. 77 A letter to Mr. Murrey. pag. 78 A Letter to my Lady Packington. pag. 78. A Letter to Mr. Matthews imprisoned for Religion. pag. 79 Sir Tho. Bodley's Letter to Sir Francis Bacon, about his Cogitata & visa, wherein he declareth his opinion freely touching the same. pag. 80. The Characters of a believing Christian in Paradoxes and seeming contradictions. pag. 88 A Confession of the Faith, written by Sir Francis Bacon, Knight, Viscount of St. Alban, about the time he was solicitor general to our late sovereign Lord King James. pag. 95. A Prayer made and used by the Lord Bacon. pag. 101. Bacon's REMAINES. 1. Aching is a mortal God on earth, unto whom the Living GOD hath lent his own Name as a great honour, but withal told film, he should die like a man, lest he should be proud and flatter himself, that GOD hath with his Name imparted unto him his Nature also. 2. Of all kind of men, GOD is the least beholding unto them, for he doth most for them, and they do ordinarily lest for him. 3. A King that would not feel his Crown too heavy for him, must wear it every day, but if he think it too light, he knoweth not of what metal it is made of. 4. He must make Religion the Rule of Government, and not to balance the Scale, for he that casteth in Religion only to make the Scales even, his own weight is couteined in these Characters; Tekel uprasin, he is found too light, his Kingdom shall be taken from him. 5. And that King that holds not Religion the best reason of of State, is void of all Piety and Justice, the supporters of a King. 6. He must be able to give counsel himself, but not to rely thereupon; for though happy events justify their counsels, yet it is better that the evil event of good advice be rather imputed to a Subject then a sovereign. 7. He is the fountain of honour, which should not run with a waste pipe, lest the Courtiers sell the waters, and then (as Papists say of their holy wells) to lose the virtue. 8. He is the life of the Law, not only, as he is, Lex loquens himself, but because he animateth the dead letter making it active towards all his subjects, premio & poena. 9 A wise King must do less in altering his Laws than he may, for new government is even dangerous, it being true in the body politic as in, the corporal, that omnis subditi imitatio est periculosa, and though it be for the better, yet it is not without a fearful apprehension, for he that changeth the fundamental laws of a kingdom, thinketh there is no good title to a Crown but by conquest. 10. A King that setteth to sale seats of justice, oppresseth the People, for he teacheth his Judges to sell justice; and Precis parata precia vincitur justitia. 11. Bounty and magnificence are virtues very Rege, but a prodigal King is nearer a Tyrant, than a parsimonious, for store at home draweth his contemplations abroad, but want supplieth itself of what is next, and many times the next way, and herein must be wise and know what he may justly do. 12. That King which is not feared is not loved, and he that is well seen in his craft must as well study to be feared as loved, yet not loved for fear, but feared for love. 13. Therefore, as he, must always resemble him whose great name he beareth, and that in manifesting the sweet influence of his mercy on the severe stroke of his Justice sometimes, so in this not to sister a man of death to live; for besides that the land doth mourn the restraint of Justice; towards sin doth more retard the affection of Love then the extent of mercy doth inflame it, and sure where love is bestowed fear is quite loft. 14. His greatest enemies, are his flatterers, for though they ever speak on his side yet their words still make against him. 15 The Love which a King oweth to a weal public should not be restrained to any one particular, yet that his more special favour do reflect upon some worthy ones, is somewhat necessary because there are few of that capacity. 16. He must have a special care of five things if he would not have his crown to be put on him In felix felicitatis. 1. First that simulata sanctitas be not in the Church, for that is duplex iniquitas. 2. Secondly that inutilis equitas sit not in the chancery for that is ineptem misericordia. 3. Thirdly that utilis iniquitas keep not the Exchequer for that is crudele latrociniam. 4. Fourthly that fidelis temeritas be not his general, for that will bring but seram penitentiam. 5. Fifthly that infidelis prudentia be not his Secretary, for that he is anguis sub viridi herba. To conclude, as he is of the greatest power so he is subject to the greatest Cares, made the servant of his people, or else he were without a Calling at all. He then that honoureth him not, is next an Atheist, wanting the fear of God in his heart. An explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or Ordinance of the King's Prerogative written by the said Sir Francis Bacon, late ●ord chancellor, and Lord of St. Albans THat absolute Prerogative, according to the King's pleasure, revealed by his laws, may be exercised and executed, by any Subject to whom power may be given by the King, in any place of judgement or Commission, which the King by his Law hath ordained, in which the Judge subordinate cannot wrong the people, the Law s●ying down a measure by which every Judge should govern and execute; against which law, if any Judge proceed, he is by the law questionable, and punishable for his transgression. In this nature are all the Judges and Commissioners of the Land no otherwise then in their Courts, in which the King in person is supposed to sit, who cannot make that trespass, felony, or treason, which the Law hath not made so to be, neither can punish the guil●y by other punishment than the laws have appointed. This Prerogative or power as it is over all the Subjects, so being known by the Subjects they are without excuse if they offend, and suffer no wrong if they be justly punished; and by this Preroga●ive the King governeth all sorts of people according un●o known will. The absolute Prerogative which is in Kings, according to their private will and judgement, cannot be executed by any Subject; neither is it possible to give such power by Commission, or fit to subject the People to the same for the King, in that He is the Substitute of God immediately the Father of His People, and Head of the commonwealth, hath by participation with God, and with His Subjects a discretion, judgement, and feeling love towards those over whom he reigneth, only proper to himself, or to His places and person, who seeing he cannot in any others infuse His wisdom, power or guif●s, which God in respect of his place and charge hath enabled him withal, can neither subordinate any other Judge to govern by that knowledge, which the King can no otherwise then by his know will perticipate unto him; And if any such subordinate Judge shall obtain Commission according to the discretion of such Judge to govern the people, that Judge is bound to think, that to be his sound discretion, which the Law in which the Kings known will showeth unto him to be that justice which he ought to administer, otherwise he might seem to esteem himself above the King's Law, who will not govern by him, or to have a power derived from other then from the King, which in the kingdom will administer justice contrary unto the justice of the Land; neither can such a Judge or Commissioner, under the name of his authority, shroud his own high affection, seeing the conscience and discretion of every man is particular and private to himself, as the discretion of the Judge cannot be properly or possibly the discretion of the conscience of the King; and if no● his discretion, neither the judgement that is ruled by another man's only. Therefore it may seem they rather desire to be Kings, then to rule the People under the King, which will not administer justice by Law, but by their own will. This administration in a Subject is derogative to the King's Prerogative, for he administereth justice out of a private direction, being not capable of a general direction how to use the King's children, in pleasure, in causes of particular respect, which if no other th●n the King himself can do, how can it be so that any man should desire that which is unfit and impossible, but that it must proceed out of some exorbitan▪ affection, the rather, seeing such places to be full of trouble, and being altogether unnecessary, no man will seek to thrust himself into it, but for hopes of gain. Then is not any Prerogative oppugned but maintained, though it be desired, that every subordinate Magistrate may not be made supreme, whereby he may seal up the hearts of the people, take from the King the respect due unto him only, or to judge the people otherwise then the King doth himself. And although the Prince be not bound to render any account to the Law, which in person administereth itself, yet every subordinate Judge must render an account to the King, by his laws, how he hath administered justice in his place where he is set. But if he hath power to rule by private direction, for which there is no Law, how can he be questioned by a Law, if in his private censure he offends. Therefore, it seemeth, that in giving such authority, the King ordaineth not subordinate Magistrates, but absolute Kings; and what doth the King leave to himself, who giveth so much to others, as he hath himself. Nei her is there a greater bond to tie the Subject to his Prince in particular, then when he shall have recourse unto him, in his person, or in his power, for relief of the wrongs which from private men be offered, or for reformation of the oppressions of any subordinate Magistrate, shall impose upon the people, There can be no offence in the Judge, who hath power to execute according to his discretion, when the discretion of any ●udge shall be thought fit to be limited. And therefore there can be therein no reformation, whereby the King in this useth no prerogative to gain his Subjects right, than the Subject is bound to suffer helpless wrong, and the discon●ent of the people is cast upon the King▪ the laws being neglected, which with their equity in all o●her causes and judgements (saving this) interpose themselves and yield remedy, And to conclude, custom cannot confirm that which is any 1. Custom. ways unreasonable of itself. Wisdom will not allow that which is many ways dangerous. and no ways profitable. 2. Wisdom. Justice will not approve that Government, where it cannot be but wrong must be committed. 3. Justice. Neither can there be any rule by which to try it, nor means of 4. Rule against it, reformation of it. Therefore, whosoever desireth Government, must seek such as he is capable of, not such as seemeth to himself most easy to execute; for it is apparent, that it is easy to him that knoweth not law nor justice, to rule as he listeth, his will never wanting a power to itself, but it is safe and blameless, both for the judge and People, and honour to the King, that judges be appointed who know the Law, and that they be limited to govern according to the Law. Short Notes for civil conversation by Sir Francis Bacon. TO deceive men's expectations generally (which Cautell) argueth a staid mind, and unexpected constancy, viz. in matters of fear, anger, sudden joy or grief, and all things which may effect or alter the mind in public or sudden accidents, or such like It is necessary to use●a steadfast countenance, not wavering with actions, as in moving the head or hand too much, which showeth a fantastical light, and sickly operation of the spirit, and co●sequently like mind, as gesture, only it is sufficien●, with leisure, to use a modest action in either. In all kinds of speech, either pleasant, grave, severe, or ordinary, it is convenient to speak leisurely, and rather drawingly, then hastily, because hasty speech confounds the memory, and oftentimes (besides unseemliness) drives a man either to a nonplus, or unseemly stammering, harping upon that which should follow; whereas a slow speech confirmeth the memory, addeth a conceit of wisdom to the hearers, besides a seemliness of speech and countenance: To desire in discourse, to hold all arguments, is ridiculous, wanting true judgement; for in all things no man can be exquisite. To have common places to discourse, and to want-variety, is both tedious to the hearers, and shows a shallowness of conceit; therefore it is good to vary, and my speeches with the present occasions, and to have a moderation in all their speeches, especially in jesting of Religion, State, great persons, weighty and important business, poverty, or any thing deserving pity; A long continued speech, without a good speech of interlocation showeth slowness, and a good reply, without a good set speech, showeth shallowness and weakness. To use many circumstances, ere you come to the matter is wearisome; and to use none at all, is but blunt. Bashfulness is a great hindrance, both of uttering his conceit, and understanding what is propounded unto him: wherefore, it is good to press himself forwards with discretion, both in speech, and company of the better sort. Vsus promptus facit. An Essay on Death, by the Lord chancellor Bacon. I Have often thought upon death, and I find it the least of all evils; All that which is past, is as a dream, and he that hopes or depends upon time coming dreams waking, so much of our life as we have discovered, is already dead; and all those hours which we share even from the breasts of our Mother, until we return to our grandmother the Earth, are part of our dying days, whereof even this is one, and those that ●ucceeds are of the same nature, for we die d●yly, and as others have given place to us, so we must in the end give way to others. Physicians in the name of Death, include all sorrow, anguish, disease, calamity, or whatsoever can fall in the life of man, either grievous or unwelcome. But these things are familiar unto us, and we suffer them every hour; therefore we die daily, and I am older since I affirmed it, I know many wisemen that fear to die, for the change is bitter, 〈◊〉 and flesh would refuse to prove it; besides, the expectation brings terror and that exceeds the evil. But I do not believe, that any man fears, to be dead, but only the stroke of death, and such are my hopes, that if Heaven be pleased, and Nature renew but my lease for 21. years more, without asking longer days, I shall be strong enough to acknowledge without mourning, that I was begotten mortal, virtue walks not in the highway, though she go per alta, this is strength, and the blood to virtue, to contemn things that be desired, and to neglect that which is feared. Why should Man be in love with his setters, though of Gold? Art thou drowned in security, than I say though art perfectly dead? For though thou movest, yet thy soul is buried within thee, and thy good angel either forsakes his Guard, or sleeps; there is nothing under Heaven, saving a true friend, who cannot be counted within the number of moveables, unto which my heart doth lean. And this dear freedom hath begot●en me this peace, that I mourn not for that end which must be, nor spend one wish to have one minute added to the incertain date of my years. It was no mean apprehension of Lucian, who says of Menippus, that in his travels through Hell, he knew not the Kings of the Earth from other men, but only by their louder cryings and tears, which was fostered in them through the remorseful memory of the good days they had seen, and the fruitful havings which they so unwillingly left behind them: he that was well seated, looked back at his portion, and was loath to forsake his farm, and others either minding marriages, pleasures, profit, or preferment, desired to be excused from death's banquet, they had made an appointment with Earth, looking at the blessings, not the hand that enlarged them, forgetting how unclothedly they came hither, or with what naked ornaments they were arrayed. But were we servants of the precept given, and observers of the Heathens Rule Memento mori, and not become benighted with this seeming felicity, we should enjoy them as men prepaaed to lose, and not wind up our thoughts upon so perishing a fortune, he that is not slack●y strong (as the servants of pleasure) how can he be found un●eady, to quit the veil and false visage of his perfection, the soul having shaken off herflesh, doth then set up for herself, and contemning things that are under, shows what finger hath enforced her; for the souls of idiots are of the same piece with those of Statesmen, but now and then nature is a fault, and this good guest of ours takes soil in an unperfect body, and so is slackened from showing her wonders, like an excellent Musician which cannot utter himself upon a defective instrument. But see how I am swarved, and lose my course, touching at the soul that doth least hold action with death, who hath the surest property in this frail act, his stile is the end of all flesh, and the beginning of incorruption. This Ruler of Monuments, leads men for the most part out of this world with their heels forward, in token that he is contrary to life, which being obtained, sends men headlong into this wretched theatre, where being arrived, their first language is that of mourning, nor in my own thoughts, can I compare man more fitly to any thing, then to the Indian figtree, which being ripened to his full height, is said to decline his branches down to the Earth; whereof she conceives again, and they become Roots in their own stock. So Man having derived his being from the Earth, first lives the life of a ●ree, drawing his nourishment as a Plant; and made ripe for death he tends downwards, and is sowed again in his Mothe● the Earth, where he perisheth not, but expects a quickening. So we see death exempts not a man from being, but only presents an alteration; yet there are some men (I think) that stand otherwise persuaded, Death finds not a worse friend than an Alderman, to whose door I never knew him welcome; but he is an importunate Guest and will not be said nay. And though they themselves shall affirm, that they are not within, yet the answer will not be taken; and that which heightens their fear is, that they know they are in danger to forfeit their flesh, but are not wise of the payment day; which sickly uncertainty, is the occasion that (for the most part) they step out of this world unfurnished for their general account, and being all unprovided, desire yet to hold their gravity, preparing their souls to answer in scarlet. Thus I gather, that Death is agreeable to most Citizens, because they commonly die intestate; this being a rule, that when their Will is made, they think themselves nearer a Grave then before: now they out of the wisdom of thousands, think to sc●r destiny, from whi●h there is no appeal, by not making a Will, or to live longer by protestation of their unwillingness to die. They are for the most part well made in this world (accounting their treasure by Legions, as Men do devils) their fortune looks toward them, and they are willing to anchor at it, and desire (if it be possible) to put the evil day far off from them, and to adjourn their ungrateful and killing period. No these are not the men which have bespoken death, or whose looks are assured to entertain a thought of him. Death arrives gracious only to such as sit in darkness, o●ly heavy burdened with grief and irons to the poor Christian, that sits bound in the Galley, to dispairfull Widows pensive prisoners, and deposed Kings; to them, whose fortune runs back, and whose spirits mutinies, unto such death is a redeemer, and the grave a place for retiredness and rest. These wait upon the shore of death, and wast unto him to draw near, wishing above all others, ●o see his star, that they might be led to his place, wooing the remorseless Sisters to wind down the watch of their life, and to break them off before the hour. But Death is a doleful Messenger to an Usurer, and Fate untimely cuts their thread; For it is never mentioned by him, but when Rumours of war, and civil Tumults put him in mind thereof. And when many hands are armed, and the peace of a City in disorder, and the Foot of the common soldiers sounds an alarm on his stairs, than perhaps such a one (broken in thoughts of his moneys abroad, and cursing the Monuments of coin which are in his house) can be content to think of death, and (being hasty of perdi●ion) will perhaps hang himself, lest his Threat should be cut; provided, that he may do it in his Study, surrounded with wealth, to which his eye sends a faint and languishing salute, even upon the turning off, remembering always, that he have time and liberty, by writing, to depute himself as his own heir. For that is a great peace to his end, and reconciles him wonderfully upon the point. Herein we all dally with ourselves, and are without proof of necessity, I am not of those, that dare promise to pine away myself in vain glory, and I hold such to be but seat boldness, and that dare commit it to be vain, for my part, I think n●ture should do me great wrong, if I should be so long in dying, as I was in being born. To speak truth, no man knows the lifts of his own pa●ience; nor can divine how able he shall be in his sufferings, till the storm come (the perfectest virtue being tried in action) but I would (out of a care to do the best business well) ever keep a guard, & stand upon keeping faith and a good conscience. And if wishes might find place, I would die together, and not my mind often, and my body once; tha● is, I would prepare for the Messengers of Death, sickness, and affliction, and not wait long, or be attempted by the violence of pain. Herein I do not profess myself a Stoic, to hold grief no evil, but opinion, and a ●hing indifferen●. But I consent with Caesar, and that the suddainest passage is easiest, and there is nothing more awakens our re●…ve and readiness to die then the quieted con●c●ence, str●●g●hened with opinion, that we shall be well spoken of upon Earth by those that are just, and of the Family of virtue the opposite whereof, is a fury to man, and makes even life unsweet. Therefore, what is more heavy, then evil fame deserved, or likewise, who can see worse days, than he that yet living doth follow at the Funerals of His own reputation. I have laid up many hopes, that I am privileged from that kind of mourning, and could wish that like peace to all those with whom I wage love: I might say much of the commodities that death can sell a man but briefly, Death is a friend of ours, and he that is ready to entertain him, is not at home, whilst I am, my Ambition is not to foreslow the tide, I have but so to make my interest of it, as I may account for it, I would wish nothing but what might better my days, nor desire any greater place than the front of good opinion, I make not love to the continuance of days, but to the goodness of them; nor wish to die, but refer myself to my hour, which the great Dispenser of all things hath appointed me; yet as I am frail, and suffered for the first fault, were it given me to choose, I should not be earnest to see the evening of my age, that extremity of itself being a disease, and a mere return into infancy: So that if perpetuity of life might be given me, I should think what the Greek Poet said, Such an Age is a mortal evil. And since I must needs be dead, I require it may not be done before mine enemies, that I be not stripe before Ibe cold, but before my friends; the night was even now; but that name is lost, it is not now late, but early mine eyes begin to discharge their watch, and compound with this fleshly weaknesse for a time of perpetual rest, and I shall presently be as happy for a few hours, as I had died the ●…t hour I was borne. The Lord chancellor Bacon his Opinion, concerning the disposition of Sutton's Charity, delivered unto King JAMES. May it please your Majesty, I Find it a positive precept of the Old Law, that there should be no Sacrifice without salt, the moral whereof (besides the Ceremony) may be, that God is not pleased with the body of a good intention, except it be seasoned with that spiritual wisdom and judgement, as it be not easily subject to be corrupted and perverted; for Salt in the Scripture is a figure both of wisdom and Learning. This cometh into my mind upon this Act of Mr. Sutton's, which seemeth to me as a Sacrifice without Salt, having the materials of a good intention, but not powdered with any such Ordinances and institutions, as may preserve the same from turning corrupt, or at the least from becoming unsavoury and of little use; for although the choice of the Feo●…es be of the best, yet neither they can live always; and the very nature of the work itself, in the vast and unfit proportions thereof, being apt to provoke a misemployment, it is no diligence of theirs, except there be a digression from that model that can excuse it from running the same way, that gifts of the like condition have heretofore done. For to design the Charter house (a house ●…r a Prince's habitation) for an hospital as some should give an alms of a rich embroidered cloak to a Beggar. And certainly a man, see tanquam quae o●…is ceruantur, that if such an Edifice with six thousand pounds Revenue be ●rected into an hospital, it will in small time degenerate to be made a preferment of some great person to be Master, and he to take all the sweet, and the poor to be stinted, and take but the crumbs, as it comes to pass in divers Hospitals of this Realm, which have but the name of Hospitals, and are but wealthy Benefices, in respect of the Mastership, but the poor which is the propter quid, little relieyed. And the like hath been the fortune of much of the alms of the Roman Religion in their great Foundations, which being in vainglory and ostentation, have had their judgement upon them in the end, in corruption and abuse. This meditation hath made me presume to write these few lines to your Majesty, being no better than good wishes, which your majesty's great wisdom may make something or nothing of, wherein I desire to be thus understood, that if this foundation (such as it is) be perfect and good in Law, than I am too well aequainted with your majesty's disposition. To advise my course of power, or profit, that is not grounded upon a right, nay further, if the defects are such, as a Court of Equity may remedy and cure, than I wish, that as St. Peter's shadow did cure Diseases, so the very shadow of a good intention, may cure defects of that nature. But if there be a right and birthright planted in the heir, and not remediable by Courts of Equity, and that right be submitted to your Majesty, whereby it is both in your power and grace what to do; then I do wish that this rude mass and Chaos of good deed, were directed rather to a solid merit and durable charity, then to a blaze of glory, that will not crackle a little in talk, and quickly extinguish. And this may be done, observing the species of Mr. Sutton's intent, though varying individuo: For it appears, that he had in notion a triple good, an hospital, a School, and maintaining of a Preacher, which individuals resort to●…ee general head, viz. Relief of the poor. Advancement of Learning. And the propagation of Religion. Now than if I shall see before your Majesty, in every of these three kinds, what it is that is most wanting in your Kingdom, and what is like to be the most fruitful and effectual use of Beneficence, and like to be least perverted. That I think should be no ill scope of any labour how meanly soever performed, for out of variety presented election may be best grounded. Concerniug the relief of the Poor, I hold some number of Hospitals with competent good, than any hospital of an exorbitant greatness; for though the course will be the more seen, yet the other will be the more felt. For if your Majesty erect many, besides observing the ordinary maxim, bonum quo communius deo melius, choice may be made of those Towns and places, where there is most need, and so the remedy may be distributed, as the Disease is dispiersed. Again, greatness of relief accumulated in one place, doth rather invite a swarm and surcharge of Poor, then relieve those that are naturally bred in that place, like to ill tempered medicines, that draw more humour to the part, than they evacuate from it. But chiefly I rely upon the reason that I touched in the beginning, that in those great Hospitals the Revenue will draw the use, and not the use the Revenues, and so through the mass of their wealth they will swiftly tumble down to a misemployment. And if any man say, that in the two Hospi●als of London there is a precedent of greatness concurring with good employment, let him consider, that these Hospitals have annual governors, that they are under the superior care and policy of such a State, as the City of London; and chiefly, that the revenues consist not upon certainties but upon casualties, and free gifts would be missing, if they appeared once to be perverted: so as it keeps them in a continual good behaviour and awe to employ them aright; none of which points, do match with the present Case. The next consideration may be, whether this intended Hospital, as it hath a more ample endowment than other Hospitals, should not likewise work more in a better subject than other poor, as that it should be converted to the use of maimed soldiers, decayed Merchants, and households, Age and destitute churchmen, and the like, whose condition being of a better sort then loose people and beggars, deserveth both a more liberal stipend, and some proper place of relief not intermingled and coupled with the basest sort of people, which project (though spacious) yet in my judgement will not answer the designment in the event, in these our times; for certainly, few men which have been some body, and bear a mind somewhat according to the Conscience and remembrance of that they have been, will ever descend to their condition, as to profess to live upon alms, and to become a Corporation of declared Beggars, but rather will choose to live obscurely, and as it were to hide themselves with some private friends; so that the end will be of such an intention, that it will make the place a receptacle of the worst, idlest, and most desolate persons of every profession, and to become a Cell of loiterers and cast Serving-men and Drunkards, which will rather give a scandal, then yield any fruit of the commonwealth. And of this kind, I can find but one example with us, which is the alms Knights of Windsor, which particular would give a man small encouragement to follow that precedent. Therefore, the best effect of Hospitality is to make the Kingdom [if it were possible] capable of that Law, that there be no Beggar in Israel; for it is that kind of people that is a burden, an eyesore, a scandal, and a sort of peril and tumult in a State; but chiefly it were to be wished, that such a beneficency towards the relief of the poor, were so bestowed, as not only the needy and naked poor should be sustained; but also that the honest person which hath had means to live upon, with whom the poor are now charged should be in some sort eased, for that were a work generally acceptable to the kingdom, if the public hand of alms Might spare the private hand of tax. And therefore, of all other employments of that kind, I commend most the Houses of relief and correction, which are mixed Hospitals, where the impotent person is relieved, and the sturdy Beggar buckled to work, and the unable person also not maintained to be idle, which is ever joined with drunkenness and impurity, but is sorted with such work, as he can manage and perform, and where the uses are not distinguished, as in other Hospitals, whereof some are for aged and imp●…tent and some for children, and some for correction of Vagabond, hutare general and permiscous that must take of every for from the Country, as the Country breeds them. And thus the poor themselves shall find the provision, and other good people the sweetness, of the abatement of the Tax. Now if it be objected, that houses of correction in all places, have not done the good expected [as it cannot be denied, but in most places they have done much good] it must be remembered, that there is a great difference between that which is done by a settled Ordinance subject to regular Visitation, as this may; and besides this, the want hath been commonly in houses of correction, of a competent sum and certain estate, for the materials of the labour, which in this case may be likewise supplied. Concerning the advancement of Learning. I do subscribe to the opinion of one of the wisest and greatest men of your Kingdom, That for Grammar Schools there are already too many; and therefore it is no providence to add where there is excess: For the great number of Schools within your highness' Realm, doth cause a want, and likewise causeth an overflowing, both of them being inconvenient, and one of them dangerous; for by means whereof, they find want in the Country and Towns, both of Servants for Husbandry, and Apprentices for Trade; and on the other side, there being more scholars bred then the State can prefer and employ, and the active part of that life not bearing proportion to the preparative, it must needs fall out, that many persons will be bred unfit for other vocations, and unprofitable for that which they are brought up which fills the Realm full of indigent, idle, and wanton people which are but materia rerum nova. Therefore, in this point, I could wish Mr. Sutton's intention were exalted a degree higher, that, that which he meant for Teachers of children, your Majesty should make for Teachers of men, wherein it hath been my ancient opinion and observation, that in the universities of this Realm, which I take to be both of the best pol●…ed, and of the best endowed Universities of Europe, there is nothing more wanting towards the flourishing state of Learning, than the honourable and plentiful Salaries of Readers, in Arts and Professions. In which point, as your majesty's bounty hath already made a beginning, so this occasion is offered of God to make a proceeding. Surely, Readers, in the Chair, are as Parents in Sciences, and desire to enjoy a condition not inferior to the children that embrace the particular part, else no man will sit longer in the Chair, than he can walk to a better preferment, and it will come to pass, as Virgil saith. Vt Patrum invalidi referant tenina nati, for if the principal. Readers through the means of their entertainment, be but men of superficial Learning, and that they shall take their place, but ju passage it will make the mass of Sciences, want the chief and solid dimension which is death, and to become but pretty and compendious habits of practice. Therefore, I could wish, that in both the Universities, the Lectures as well of the three Professions, Divinity, Law, and physic, as of the Arts of Speech, the Mathimatiques and others, were raised in their Pensions to 100 l. per annum a piece, which though it be not near so great as they are in some other places, where the greatness of the reward doth wish for the ablest men out of all foreign Parts to supply the Chair; yet it may be a portion to content a worthy and able man, if he be contemplative in nature, as most of those spirits are that are fittest for Lectures. Thus may Learning in your Kingdom be advanced to a further height; for Learning, which I say under your Majesty the most learned of Kings, is so cherished, may also claim some degree of Elevation thereby. Concerning propagation of Religion, I shall in few words set before your Majesty three Propositions, none of them devices of mine own, otherwise then as Fever approved them; two of which have been in agitation of speech, and the third acted. 1. The first is a college for controversies. whereby we shall not still proceed single but shall as it were double our files, which certainly will be found good in the encounter. 2. The second is a Receipt (not Seminary in respect of the vain vows, and implicit obedience, and other things tending to the perturbation of States (involved in that term) of Converts to the Reformed Religion, either of youth, or otherwise: for I like not the word Seminary, in respect of the vain vows, and implicit obedience, and other things tending to the perturbation of States involved in that term) of Converts to the Reformed Religion, either of youth, or otherwise: for I doubt not but there are in Spain, Italy and other Countries of the Papists many, whose hearts are touched with a sense of those corruptions, and acknowledgement of a better way; which grace is many times smothered, and choked through a worldly consideration of necessity to live there, men not knowing where to have succour and resuge here. This likewise I hold a work both of great piety and consequence, that we also may be wise in our Generation, and that the watchful and silent night may be used as well for sowing of good seed, as tears. 3. The third thing is an imitation of a memorable and religious Act of Queen Elizabeth, who finding a part of Lancashire to be extremely backward in Religion, and the Benefices swallowed up in impropriations, did by decree in the duchy Court, erect four stipends of 50. l. per annum a piece for Preachers well chosen to help the Harvest, which have done a great deal of good in those parts where they have laboured; neither do there want other Corners in the Raelm, that for a time would require the like extraordinary helps. Thus have I briefly delivered unto your Majesty my opinion touching the employment of Sutton's charity, whereby that mass of wealth, which was in the Owner, little better than a heap of mack, may be spread over your Kingdom to many fruitful purposes, your majesty's planting and watering, and God giving the increase, Amen. A Letter of advice written to Sir Edward Cook, Lord chief justice of the Kings Beneh. My very good Lord, THough it be true, that who so considereth the wind and Rain, shall neither sow nor reap; yet there is a season fit for every action, & so there is a time to speak, and a time to be silent: there is a time when the words of a poor simple man may profit and that poor man in the Proverbs, which delivered the City by his wisdom, found it without this opportunity, the power both of wisdom and eloquence lose but their labour, and charm the deaf Adder. God therefore before his Son that brings mercy, sent his Servants (the Trumpets of repentance) to level every high hill to prepare the way before him, making it smooth and straight, and as it is in spiritual things, where Christ never comes before his Way-maker hath laid even the heart with sorrow & repentance, since self-conceited, and proud persons think themselves too good, and too wise to learn of their inferiors, and therefore need not the Physician: So in the acquiring of Earthly wisdom, it is not possible for nature to attain any mediocrity of perfection before she be humbled by knowing herself and her own ignorance; and not only knowledge, but also every other gift (which we call the gifts of Fortune) have power to puff up earth, Afflictions only level those molehills of Pride, ploughs the heart, and makes fit for wisdom to sow her seed, and for grace to bring forth her increase: happy is that man therefore, both in regard of heavenly wisdom, and of Earthly, that is thus wounded to be cured; thus broken to be made straight; thus made acquainted with his own imperfections that he may be perfected, utilius est frangi lanquoribus ad salutem, quam remanere in columen ad damnatione, supposing this to be the time of your affliction, that which I have propounded to myself, is by taking this seasonable advantage: like a true friend, though far unworthy to be accounted so, to show you your true face in a glass, and that not in a false one to flatter you, nor in one that is oblique and angular to make you seem worse than you are, and so offend you, but in one made by the reflections of your own words and actions; from whose light proceeds that voice of the People, which is often, not unjustly called the voice of God. But herein since I purpose a truth, I must entreat liberty to be plain a liberty which I know not whether at this time, or no, I may use safely, I am sure at othertimes I could not: yet of this resolve yourself, it proceeds from love, and from a true desire to do you good, that you knowing the general opinion, may not altogether neglect or contemn it, but mend what you find amiss in yourself, and return what your judgement shall approve. For to this end, shall truth be delivered as nakedly, as if yourself were to be anatomised by the hand of opinion. All men can see their own perfections, that part of the Wallet hangs before; A true friend, whose worthy office I would perform (since I fear both yourself and all other great men want such being themselves true friends to few or none) is first to show the other end, which is hid from your eyes. First, therefore behold your errors in discourse, you delight to speak too much, but not to hear other men; this (some say) becomes a Pleader, no Judge for by this means sometimes your affections is entangled with a liking of your own arguments, though they be the weaker an rejecting of those, which when your affections were settled, your own judgements would allow for stronger. Thus while you speak in your own element, no man ordinarily equals you: but when you wander (as often you delight to do) you then wander indeed, and never give such satisfaction as this curious time requireth. This is not caused by any natural defect, but first for want of election, when you having a large and fruitful mind, should not so much labour what to speak, as to find what to leave unspoken, Rich Soils are often to be weeded. Secondly, you cloy the Auditory when that you would be observed, speech must either be sweet or short. Thirdly, you converse with books, not with men, and of books especially human, and have not excellent choice with them who are best books, with a man of action and employment. You seldom converse, and then with your underlings; not freely, but as a Schoolmaster with his scholars, even to teach, and never to learn. But if sometimes you would in your familiar discourses hear others, and make election of such as know what they speak, you should know that many of these tales which ordinarily you tell, to be but ordinary, and many other things which you delight to repeat, and serve in for novelties to be but Crambebis cocta, as in your pleadings you were wont to insult over misery, and to inveigh liberally against the person which then bred you many enemies, whose poison yet swells, and the effect now appeareth: So were you still wont to be a little too careless in this point, to praise and dispraise upon slight grounds, and that some times untruly; so that your reproofs or commendations were for the most part neglected and contemned, when the censure of a Judge coming slowly, but surely, should be a brand to the guilty, and a crown to the virtuous. You will jest at any man in public, without respect of the persons dignity, or your own; this disgraceth your gravity, more than it can advance the opinion of your wit, and so do all other acts which we see you do indirectly with any touch of vain glory, having not respect to the true end. You make the Law to lean a little too much to your opinion; whereby you show yourself a legal Tyrant, striking with that weapon whom you please, since that you are able to turn the edge any way; For this, the wise Masters of the Law give warning to young Students, that they should be wary, lest while they hope to be instructed by your integrity and knowledge, they should be deceived with your subtlety, armed with authority. Your too much love of this world is seen, when having the Living of ●10000. l. yearly, you relieve few or none; the hand that hath taken so much, can it give so little. Herein you show no bowels of compassion, as if you thought all too little for yourself, or that God had given you all that you have (if you think wealth to be his gift I mean that we get well, for I am sure the rest is not) only to that end, that you should still gather more, and never be satisfied but try how much you can gather, to account for at the great and general day; we desire you to amend this, and let your poor tenants in Norfolk find some comfort, where nothing of your estate is spent towards their relief, but all brought up hither, to the impoverishing of the County. In the last, which might have been your best of service to the State, affecting to follow that old rule, to give justice leadon beeles, and iron hands, you used too many delays, till the Delinquents hands were loose, and yours bound; in that work you seemed another Fabius, but there the humour of Marcellus would have done better; What need you have sought more evidence then enough, whilst you pretended the finding out of more? missing your aim, you discredited what you had sound. Thus best judgements think, though you never used, such speeches are fathered upon you: yet, you might well have done it, and done it but right, for this crime was second to none but the Powder-Plot, that would have blown up all at one blow, a merciful cruelty, this would have done the same by degrees, a lingering but as sure a way, one by one might have been called out, till all Opposers had been removed. Besides, that other Plot was scandalous to Rome, making Popery odious to the eyes of the whole world, this hath been scandalous to the truth of the Gospel, and ever since the first nullity, to this instant, when Justice hath her hands bound, the devil could not have invented a more mischievous practice to our State and Church, than this hath been, is, and is likely to be, God avert the evil; but therein you committed another fault, that you were too open in your proceedings, and so taught them where to defend themselves; so you gave them ●…me to undermine justice, and to work upon all advantages, both of affections and humours, and opportunities and breaches of friendship which they have so well followed, sparing neither pain nor cost, that it almost seemeth an offence to you to have done so much, indeed that you have done no more; you stopped the accusations and confessions of some, who perhaps had they been suffered, would have spoken enough to remove some stumbling blocks out of your way: And that you did not this in the true form of any one, but out of I know not what present unadvised humour, supposing enough behind to discover all, which fell not out so; for there is sigillum confessionis non confiteri, howsoever as the Apostle saith in another case, you went not right to the truth; and though you are to be commended for what you did, yet you are to be reprehended for many circumstances in the doing; and doubtless in this cross God hath an eye to your negligence, and these briers are left to be pricks in your sides, and thorns in your eyes. That which we commend you for, are those many excellent parts of nature, and knowledge of the Laws, you are endued withal; but these are only good in their good use, wherefore we shank you for standing stoutly on the behalf of the commonwealth, hoping it proceeds not from a disposition to oppose great Ones, as your enemies say, but to do justly, and deliver truth indifferently, wi●hout respect of persons; and in this we pray for your prosperity, and are sorry that good actions should not ever succeed happily; but in the carriage of this you were faulty for you took it in hand in an ill time, both in regard of the then present business which it interrupted, and in regard of his sickness who it concerned, whereby you disunited your strength, and made a gap for the enemy to pass out at, and to return and assault you: but now since the case so stands, we desire you to give way to power, and so to fight as you be not utterly broken, but reserved entire to serve the commonwealth again, and do what good you can since you cannot do all the good you would; and since you are fallen upon this Rock, cast out the goods to save the bottom, stop the leak, and make towards Land, learn of the Steward to make friends of the unrighteous mammon. Those Spaniards in Mexico who were chased of the Indians, tell us what we are to do with our goods in extremity, they being to pass over a River in their flight as many as cast away their goods swam over safely, but some more covetous, keeping their Gold were either drowned with it, or over-taken and slein by the savages, you have received, learn now to give. The Beaver learns us this lesson, who being hunted for his stones bites them off, Cantabit vacuus, is an old, but a true saying. You cannot but have much of your estate (pardon my plainness) ill gotten. Think how much you never spoke for, how much by speaking either unjustly, or in unjust causes; account it then a blessing of God, if thus it may be laid out for your good, and not left for your heir to hasten the worst of much of the rest, perhaps of all: For so we see God oftentimes proceeds in judgement with many hasty gatherers you have enough to spare, being well laid, to turn the Tide, and fetch all things again. But if you escape i suppose it worthy of an if, since you know the old use, that none called in question must go away uncensured. Yet consider, that accusations make wounds, and leave scars. And although you see the toil behind your back, yourself free, and the Covert before, yet remember there are floods: Trust not reconciled friends; but think that the peace is but to secure you for further advantage, expect a second and third encounter, the main battle, the Wings are yet unbroken, they may charge you at an instant as Death, therefore walk circumspectly. And if at length by the means of our good Masters and governors, you recover the favour you have lost: give God the glory in actions, not in words only, and remember us with some of your past misfortune whose estate and undoings, hath, doth, and may hereafterly in the power of your breath. There is great mercy in dispatch, delays are tortures, wherewith by degrees we are rent out of our estates: Do not you, if you be restored, as some others do, fly from the service of virtue to serve the time, as if they repented their goodness, or meant not to make a second hazard in God's house. But rather let this cross make you more zealons in God's cause, sensible in ours, and more sensible in all that express thus. You have been a great enemy of the Papists, if you love God be so still, but more indeed then heretofore: for much of your zeal before was wasted in words, call to remembrance they were the Persons that thus prophesied of this cross of yours, long before it happened, they saw the storm coming being the principal contrivers, and furtherers of the Plot: these men blew the coals, heat the irons, and make all things ready, they owe you a good turn, and will if they can pay it you, you see their hearts by their deeds, prove you your Faith so to; the best good work you can do, is to do the best you can against them, that is to see the Laws severely, justly, and diligently executed. And now we beseech you, My Lord, seem sensible both of the stroke and hand that strikes you, learn of David to leave Shemy, and look upon God, he hath some great work to do, and he prepares you for i●; he would not have you faint, nor yet bear this cross with a stoical resolution, there is a Christian mediocrity worthy your greatness, I must be plain, perhaps rash: had every note you had taken at Sermons been written in your heart to practise, this work had been done long since, without the error of your enemies; but when we will not mend ourselves, God (if we belong to him) takes us in hand, and because he sees maius nitus dolem us per hoc quod foris patimur. He therefore sends us outward Crosses, which while they cause us to mourn, they do comfort us, being assured testimonies of his love that sends them: To humble ourselves therefore to God is the part of a Christian: but for the World and our Enemies that council of the Poet is apt, Rebus angustus animosus atque forte apparere sapienter item contrahes vento in nostrum secundo turgida vela. The last part of this you forgot, yet none need to be ashamed to make use of it, and so being armed against casualties, you may stand firm against the assaults on the right hand, and on the left; for this is cer●ain, the mind that is most prone to be puffed up with prosperity, is most weak, and apt to be dejected with the least touch of adversity: indeed, she is able to stagger a strong man, striking terrible blows, especially Immerito veniens paena dolonda venit, but true Christian wisdom gives us armour of proof, against all these assaults, and teacheth us in all estates to be contented: for though she cause our trencher friends to declare themselves our enemies: though she give heart to the most coward to strike us: though an hours continuance countervails an Age of prosperity: though she cast in our dishes all the evils that ever we have done, yet hath she no power to hurt the humble and wise, but only to break such as too much prosperity hath made stift in their own thoughts, but weak indeed, and fit for ruin, when the wise from thence rather gather profit and wisdom by the example of David, who saith, Before I was chastis●d, I went wrong. Now than he knows the right way, and will look better to his footing. Cardans●… saith that weeping, fasting and sighing are three great purges of grief. Indeed, naturally they help to assway Sorrow, but God in this Case is the best and only Physician, the means he hath ordained are the advice of friends, the amendment of ourselves: for amendment is both the physic and the Cure. For friends, though your Lordship be scanted, yet I hope you are not altogether destitute: if you be, look on good books, they are true friends that will neither slatter nor dissemble, be you betwixt yourself, applying what they teach to the party grieved, and you shall need no other comfort nor counsellors. To them and to God's holy spirit directing you in the reading of them, I commit your Lordship, beseeching him to send a good issue of these your troubles, and from henceforth to work a Reformation in what hath been amiss, and a resolute perseverance proceeding, and growth in all that is good, and that for his glory, the benefit of yourself, this Church and commonwealth, whose faithful Servant while you remain, I remain a faithful Servant to you. Suppose this boldness, occasioned by something I hear, which I dare not write, be not so secure, though you see some Clouds break up, all crosses and damages may be compared to a wolf: which coming upon a man suddenly, causeth his voice and heart to fail. but the danger that is expected is toothless, and half prevented. A Letter to my Lord Treasurer, in excuse of his Speech in Parliament, against the Treble subsidy, It may please your good Lordship, I Was sorry to find by your lordship's Speech yesterday, that my hasty Speech in Parliament, delivered in discharge of my Conscience, my duty to God, her Majesty, and my country, was offensive. If it were misreported, I would be glad to attend your Lordship, to disavow any thing I said not. If it were misconstrued, I would be glad to expound my words, to exclude any sense I meant not: if my heart be misjudged by imputation of popularity or opposition. I have great wrong, and the greater, because the manner of my Speech did most evidently show that I spoke simply, and only to satisfy my conscience, and not with any advantage or policy to sway the cause. And my terms carried all signification of duty & zeal towards her Majesty, and her service. It is very true, that from the beginning, whatsoever was a double subsidy, i did wish might, for precedents sake, appear to be extraordinary, and for discontents sake, might not have been levied upon the poverty, though otherwise i wished it as rising, as i think this will prove, and more: this was my mind, i confess it. And therefore, i do most humbly pray your good Lordship First, to continue me in your own good opinion, and then to perform the part of an Honourable friend, towards your poor, humble, and obedient Servant, and alliance, in drawing Her majesty to accept of the sincerity and simplicity of my zeal; and to hold me in Her majesty's good favour, which is to me dearer than my life. And so, &c. Your lordship's most humbly in all duty, FRAN. BACON. A Letter to my Lord Treasurer, recommending his first since touching the solicitors place. My Lord, AFter the remembrance of my humble duty, though i knew by late experience how mindful your Lordship vouchsafeth to be of me and my poor fortunes, since it pleased your Lordship during your indisposition, when Her majesty came to visit your Lordship, to make mention of me for my employment and preferment: Yet being now in the Country, i do presume, that your Lordship, who of yourself, had an honourable care of the matter, will not think it a trouble to be solicited therein. My hope is this, that whereas your Lordship told me, Her majesty was somewhat graviled upon the offence she took at my Speech in Parl. Your Lp●. favourable endeavour, who hath assured me, that for your own part, you construe that i speak to the best, will be as good a tide to remove Her from that shelf. And it is not unknown unto your good Lordship, that i was the first of the ordinary sort of the lower House that spoke for the subsidy. And that which i after spoke in difference, was but in circumstance of time; which methinks was no great matter, since there is variety allotted in council as a discord in music, to make it more perfect. But i may Justly doubt not so much Her majesty's impression upon this particular, as Her conceit; otherwise, if my insufficiency and unworthiness, which i acknowledge to be greater: Yet it will be the less, because I purpose not to divide myself, between her Majesty, and the causes of other men, as others have done. But to attend her business, only hoping that a whole man meanly able may do as well in half a man betterable. And if her Majesty think either, that she shall make an adventure in using me, that is rather a man of study, then of practice and experience. Surely, I may remember to have heard that my Father (an example I confess rather ready then like) was made solicitor of the Augmentation (a Court of much business) when he had never practised, and was but 27. years old. And Mr. Brograve was now in my time called Attorney of the duchy when he had practised little or nothing, and yet hath discharged his place with great sufficiency. But these things, and the like, as her majesty shall be made capable of them, Wherein, knowing what authority your lordship's commendation hath with her Majesty, I conclude with myself, that the substance of strength which I may receive will be from your Lordship. It is true, my life hath been so private, as I have had no means to do your Lordship service. But as your Lordship knoweth I have made offer of such as I could yield; For as God hath given me a mind to love the public: So incidently I have ever had your Lordship in singular admiration, whose happy ability her Majesty hath so long used to her great honour and yours. Besides, that amendment of State or countenance which I have received, hath been from your Lordship. And therefore, if your Lordship shall stand a good friend to your poor Alge, you shall but Tuere opus, which you have begun. And your Lordship shall bestow your Benefice upon one that hath more sense of Obligation, thenof self-love. Thus humbly desiring pardon of so long a Letter, I wish your Lordship all happiness, Your Lordships in all humbleness to be commanded. F. BACON. June 6. 1595. A Letter of Ceremonies to Queen Elizabeth, upon the sending of a new-year's Gift. It may please your sacred Majesty, ACcording to the ceremony of the Time, I would not forget in all humbleness, to present Your majesty with a small new-year's Gift, nothing to my mind; and therefore to supply it, I cannot but pray to God, to give Your majesty His New-Years Gift, that is, a New-Year, that shall be as no Year to your Body, and as a Year with two Harvests to your Cofters, and every other way prosperous and gladsome, and so I remain Your majesty's loyal and obedient Subject, FRAN. BACON. A Letter of Ceremonies to Queen Elizabeth, upon the sending of another New-Years Gift. Most excellent sovereign Mistress, THe only new-year's Gift which I can give your majesty, is that which God hath given unto me; which is, a mind in all humbleness, to wait upon the commandments and business wherein I would to God, I were hooded, that I saw less, or that I could perform more. For now I am like a Hawk, that baits when I see occasion of service; but cannot fly, because I am tied to another's Fist. But mean while, I continue of making your Majesty my Obligation of a Garment as unworthy the wearing, as his service that sendeth, but the approach to your Excellent person may give worth to both, which is all the happiness I aspire unto. A Letter of advice to the Earl of Essex, to take upon him the care of the Irish business, when Mr. Secretary Cecil was in France. My singular good Lord, I Do write, because I have not yet had time fully to express my conceit; nor now to attend you touching Irish Matters; considering them, as they may concern the State, that it is one of the aptest particulars that hath come, or can come upon the Stage to purchase your Lordship honour upon. I am moved to think for three Reasons, Because it is ingenerate in your house, in respect of my Lord your father's noble attempts; because of all the accidents of State of this time, the labour resteth most upon that. And because the world will make a kind of comparison between those that set it out of France, and those that shall bring it unto France, which kind of honour, giveth the quickest kind of reflection; the transferring this honour upon yourself consisteth upon two points: the one, if the principal persons employed come in by you, and depend upon you: the other, if your Lordship declare yourself to undertake a care of that matter. For the persons it falleth out well, that your Lordship hath had no interest in the persons of imputation. For neither Sir William Fitz-Williams, nor Sir John Norrice was yours, Sir William Russel was conceived yours, but was curbed, Sir connyer's Clifford (as I conceive it) dependeth upon you, who is said to do well. And if my Lord of Ormond in this interim shall accommodate well, I take it he hath always had good understanding with your Lordship: So as all things are not only whole and entire, but of favourable aspect towards your Lordship. If you now choose well, wherein, in your wisdom you will remember there is a great difference in choice of the persons, as you shall think the affairs to incline to composition or to war. For your care taking, general and popular conceit hath been, that Irish causes have been much neglected, whereby the very reputation of better care will be a strength. And I am sure, her Majesty, and my Lords of the council, do not think their care dissolved, when they have chosen whom to employ. But that they will proceed in a Spirit of State, and not leave the main point to discretion. Then if a resolution be taken, a consultation must be governed upon information, to be had from such as know the place and matters in Fact. And in the taking of information, I have always noted, there is a skill, and a wisdom. For I cannot tell what an account or enquiry hath been taken of Sir William Russel, and of Sir R. Bingham of the Earl of Thomond, of Mr. Wilbraham. But i am of opinion, much more would be had of them, if your Lordship shall be pleased severally to confer not. Obliter, but expressly, and upon Caveat given them to think of it before. For, bene docet qui prudenter interrogat. For the points of opposing them, i am too much a stranger to the business to deduce them: but in a topic, methinks the pertinent interrogatories, must be either of the possibilities and means of accord, or of the nature of the War, or of the reformation of the particular abuses, or of the joining of practice with force, in the division of the Rebels. If your Lordship doubt to put your sickle in others Harvest; First, time being fit to you in Mr. secretary's absence. Next, Vnita fortior. Thirdly, being mixed with matter of War, it is fittest for you. Lastly, I know your Lordship will carry it with that modesty, and respect towards aged Dignity, and that good correspondence towards my dear Ally, and your good friend now abroad, as no inconvenience may grow that way. Thus have I played the ignorant Statesman, which I do to nobody but your Lordship, except i do it to the Queen sometimes when she trains me on. But your Lordship will accept my duty, and good meaning and secure me, touching the privateness of that I write. Your Lordships to be commanded, FRAN. BACON. A Letter of advice to my Lord of Essex, upon the first Treaty with Tyron, 1598. before my Lord was nominated for the Charge of Ireland. My Lord, THese Advertisements which your Lordship imparted to me, and the like, i hold to be no more certain to make judgement upon, than a patient's water to a physician: Therefore for me upon one water, to make a judgement, were indeed like a foolish bold Mountebank, or Doctor Birket: yet for willing duties sake, I will set down to your Lordship what opinion sprung in my mind upon that I read. The Letter from the council there leaning to mistrust, i do not much rely upon, for three Causes. First, because it is always both the grace and the safety from blame of such a council to err in causion: whereunto add that it may be they or some of them are not without envy towards the person who is used in treating the Accord. Next, because the time of this treaty hath no show of dissimulation. For, that Tyron is now in no straight. But he is not now like a Gamester, that will give over because he is a Winner, then because he hath no more money in his purse. Lastly, I do not see but those Articles, whereupon they ground their Supposition may as well proceed out of fear, as out of fals●ood. For the retaining of the dependence of the porracting the admission of a Sher●ff, the refusing to give his Son for Hostage, the holding off from present repair to Dublin, the refusing to go presently to accord without including Odonell, and others his Assistants, may very well come of a guilty reservation, in case he should receive hard measure, and not out of treachery: So as if the great person be faithful, and that you have not here some present intelligence of present Succours from Spain: for the expectation whereof, Tyron would gain time. I see no deep cause of distrusting the cause, if it be good. And for the question, her Majesty seemeth to me a Winner three ways. First, her purse shall have some rest. Next, it will divert the foreign designs upon that place. Thirdly, though her Majesty is like for a time but to govern Precario on the North, and be not in true command in better state there then before: yet, besides the two respects of ease of charge, and advantage of opinion abroad before mentioned, she shall have a time to use her Princely Policy in two points to weaken them, the one by division and disunion of the heads; the other by recovering and winning the people from them by justice, which of all other causes is the best. Now for the Athenian question, you discourse well, quid igitur agendum est. I will shoot my fool's bolt since you will have it so● The Earl of Ormond to be encouraged and comforted above all things, the garrisons to be instantly provided, for upportunity makes a thief; And if he should mean never so well now, yet such an advantage, as the breaking of her majesty's Garrisons might tempt a true man. And because he may as well waver upon his own inconstancy as upon occasion. (And wanton variableness is never restrained but with fear.) I hold it necessary he be menaced with a strong war, not by words, but by musters, and preparation of Forces here, in case the Accord proceed not but none to be sent over, lest it disturb the Treaty, and make him look to be overrun as soon as he hath laid Way Arms. And (but that your Lordship is too easy to pass in such cases from dissimulation to verity) i think if your Lordship lent your reputation in this case, it is to pretend, that if a defensive War as in times past, but a woeful reconquest of those parts in the country, you would accept the charge, i think it would help to settle him, and win you a great deal of honour gratis. And that which most properly concerneth this action, if it prove a peace, i think her Majesty shall do well to cure the Root of the Disease, and to profess by a Commission of peaceable men, chiefly of respect and countenance, and reformation of abuses, extortions, and injustices there, and to plant a stronger and surer Government than heretofore, for the ease and protection of the Subject, for removing of the Sword or Government in Arms from the Earl of Ormond, or the sending of a Deputy which will eclipse it, if peace follow, i think unseasonable. Lastly, I hold still my opinion, both for your better information and your fuller declaration of your care, and meddling in this urging and meriting service, that your Lordship have a set conference with the persons I named in my former Writing, I rest My Lord, At your lordship's service, FRAN. BACON. A Letter of advice to my Lord of Essex, immediate before his going into Ireland. My singular good Lord, YOur late Note of my silence on your occasions, hath made me set down these few wandering lines, as one that would say somewhat, and can say nothing, touching your lordship's intended charge for Ireland, which my endeavour I know your Lordship will accept graciously and well, whether your Lordship take it by the handle of the occasion ministered from yourself, 〈◊〉 or of the affection from which it proceedeth, your Lordship is designed to a service of great merit, and great peril; and as the greatness of the peril must needs include a like proportion; So the greatness of the merit may include no small consequence of peril, if it be not temperately governed: For all immoderate success extinguisheth merit, and seareth up distaste and envy, the assured forerunners of whole changes of perils. But I am at the last point: First, some good spirit leading my pen to presage to your Lordship successes; wherein it is true, I am not without my Oracles and Divinations, none of them suppositions. And yet not all natural. For first, looking into the course of God's providence in things now depending, and calling to consideration, how great things God hath done by her Majesty, and for Her, I collect he hath disposed of this great defection in Ireland, thereby to give an urgent occasion to the reduction of that whole Kingdom, as upon the Rebellion of Desmond, there ensued the whole reduction of that whole Province. Next, your Lordship goeth against three of the unlucky Vices of all others, Disloyalty, Ingratitude, and inconstancy, which three offences, in all examples, have seldom their doom adjourned to the world to come. Lastly, he that shall have had the honour to know your Lordship inwardly as I have had, shall find Bona extra, whereby he may better ground a divination of good, then upon the defection of a Sacrifice. But that part I leave: for it is fit for others to be confident upon the Cause The goodness and justice whereof is such, as can hardly be matched in any example. It being no ambitious War of foreigners, but a recovery of Subjects. And that after lennity of conditions often tried and a recovery of them not only to obedience, but to humanity and policy from more than Indian Barbarism. There is yet another kind of Divination familiar to matters of State, being that which Demosthenes so often relieth upon in his time, when he saith, That which for the time past is worst of all, is for the time to come the best; which is, that things go ill not by accident, but by error: wherein your Lordship have been heretofore an awaking Censor, but look for no other now, but Medicae cura, &c. And although your Lordship shall not be the blessed physician that cometh in the declination of the Disease, yet you embrace that condition which many noble Spirits have accepted for advantage; which is, that you go upon the greater peril of your fortune, and the less of your reputation, and so the honour countervaileth the adventure: of which honour your Lordship is in no small possession, when that her Majesty known to be one of the judicious Princes, in discerning of Spirits that ever governed, hath made choice of you merely out of her royal judgement (her affection rather including to continue your attendance) into whose hand and trust to put the commandment and conduct of so great Forces, the gathering in the fruit of so great charge, the execution of so many counsels, the redeeming of the defaults of so many former governors, and the clearing of the glory of so many and happy years reign, only in this part excepted. Nay further, how far forth the peril of that State is interlaced with the peril of England. And therefore, how great the honour is to keep and defend the approaches of this Kingdom, I hear many discourse. And indeed, there is a great difference whether the tortoise gather herself into her shell hurt or unhurt. And if any may be of opinion, that the nature of the enemy doth extinuate the honour of the service, being but a rebel and a Savage, I differ from him: for I see the justest triumphs that the Romans in their greatness did obtain, and that whereof the Emperors in their styles, took additions and denominations, were of such an Enemy; that is, people barbarous and not reduced to civility, magnifying a kind of Lawless Liberty, prodigal in life, hardened in body, fortified in Woods and Bogs, placing both justice and felicity in the sharpness of their swords. Such were the Germans and ancient Britain's, and divers others; upon which kind of people, whether the victory were a conquest, or a reconquest, upon a Rebellion or Revolt, it made no difference that I could ever find in honour. And therefore, it is not the enriching predatory War that hath the pre-eminence in honour, else should it be more honour to bring in a carack of rich burdens, than one of the twelve Spanish Apostles. But then this nature of people doth yield a higher kind of honour, considered in truth and substance, than any War can yield, which should be achieved against a civil enemy, if the end may be pacique impovere morem, to replant and refound the honour and policy of that Nation, to which nothing is wanting but a just and civil Government, which design as it doth descend to you from your noble Father, who lost his life in that action, though he paid tribute to nature, and not to fortune. So I hope your Lordship shall be as fatal a Captain to this war as Affricanus was to the War of Carthage, after that both his Uncle and his Father had lost their lives in Spain in the same War. Now although it be true, that these things which I have writ (being but Representations unto your Lordship of the honour and appearance of success of the enterprise) be not much to the purpose of my direction; yet it is that which is best to me, being no man of War and ignorance in the particulars of Estate. For a man may by the eye, set up the white right in the midst of the Butt, though he be no Archer, Therefore, I will only add this wish, according to the English phrase, which termeth a well-willing advice; I wish, that your Lordship in this whole action looking forward, set down this position. That Merit is worthier than Fame. And looking back hither, would remember this Text. That Obedience is better than Sacrifice, For designing to Fame and Glory, may make your Lordship in the adventure of your person, to be valiant as a private soldier, rather than as a general. It may make you in your commandments, rather to be gracious, then disciplinary. It may make you press Action, in respect of the great expectation conceived, rather hastily, then seasonably and safely. It may make you seek rather to achieve the War by force, then by intermixture of practice. It may make you (if God shall send you prosperous beginning) rather seek the fruition of that honour, than the perfection of the work in hand. And for your proceeding like a good Protestant upon warrant, and not upon good intention, your Lordship knoweth in your wisdom, that as it is most fit for you to desire convenient liberty of instruction. So is it no less fit for you to observe the due limits of them, remembering that the exceeding of them, may not only procure, in case of adverse accidents, a dangerous disadvow. But also in case of prosperous success to be subject to interpretation, as if all were not referred to the right end. Thus I have presumed to write these few lines unto your Lordship, in methodo ignorantiae, which is, when a man speaketh of a Subject not according to the parts of the matter; but according to the model of his own knowledge. And most humbly desire your Lordship, that the weakness thereof may be supplied in your Lordship, by a benign acceptation, as it is in me by my best wishing. F. BACON. A Letter to the Earl of Essex, of offer of his service, when he was first enlarged to Essex house. My Lord, NO man can expound my doings better than you Lordship, which makes me need to say the less: only i pray you to believe, that I aspire unto the Conscience and commendation of Bonus civis, and Bonus vir, and that i love something, i confess, better than i love your Lordship: yet i love few persons better, both for gratitude's sake, and for your virtues, which cannot hurt, but by accident: of which my good affection, it may please your Lordship to assure yourself of all the true effects and offices i can yield. For as I was ever sorry your Lordship should fly with many Wings, doubting Jearus fortune: So for the growing up of your own Feathers, be they Ostriges, or other kind, no man shall be more glad. And this is the axletree whereupon I have turned, and shall turn, which having already signified to you by some near means, having so fit a messenger for mine own Letter, i thought good to redouble also by Writing. And so commend you to God's goodness. My Lord, Yours in all humbleness, FRAN. BACON. From Grays. Inn, &c. Two Letters framed; the one as from Mr. Anthony Bacon to the Earl of Essex; the other, as the Earls Answer thereunto, delivered with the advice of Mr. Anthony Bacon, and tho privity of the Earl to be showed the Queen, upon some fit occasion, as a mean to work her Majesty, to receive the Earl again to favour and attendance. My singular good Lord, THis standing at a stay, doth make me in my love towards your Lordship zealous, lest you do somewhat, or omit somewhat that amounteth to a new error: For I suppose, of all former matters, there is a full expectation; wherein, for any thing that your Lordship doth, I for my part, who am remote, cannot cast nor devise, wherein any error should be, except in one point, which I dare not censure, nor dissuade; which is that as the Prophet saith, in this affliction you look up, ad manum percutientem, and so make your peace with God. And yet I have heard it noted, that my Lord of Liecester, who could ●…ver get to be taken for a Saint, yet in the Queens disfavour, waxed seeming Religious, which may be thought by some, and used by others as a case of resembling yours, if men do not see, or will not see the differences between your two dispositions. But to be plain with your Lordship, my fear rather is, because I hear some of your good and wise friends, not unpractised in the Court and supposing themselves not to be unseen in that deep and unscrutable centre of the Court, which is her majesty's mind, do not only toll the Bell, but even ring out peals, as if your fortune were dead and buried, and as if there were no possibility of recovering her majesty's favour; and as if the best of your condition were to live a private and retired life, out of want, out of peril, and out of manifest disgrace: and so in this persuasion of theirs, include a persuasion to your Lordship wards, to frame and accommodate your actions and mind to that end, I fear I say, that this untimely despair, may in time bring forth a just despair, by causing your Lordship to slack and break off your wise, loyal, and seasonable endeavour and industry, for reintegration into her majesty's favour: in comparison whereof, all other circumstances are but as Attomi, or rather as vacuum, without any substance at all. Against this opinion, it may please your Lordship to consider of these reasons which I have collected, and to make judgement of them; neither out of the melancholy of your patient fortune; nor out of the infusion of that which cometh to you by others relation which is subject to much tincture. But, ex rebus opis. but of the nature of the persons and actions themselves, as the truest and less deceiving, grounded of opinion. For though I am so unfortunate, as to be a stranger to her majesty's eye, much more to her nature and manners: yet by that which is extant, I do manifestly discern, that she hath that Character of the divine nature and goodness, as quos amavit, amavit usque ad finem. And where she hath a creature, she doth not deface it, nor defeat it: insomuch, as if I observe rightly in these persons, whom she hath heretofore honoured with her special favour she hath covered and remitted, not only defections, and ingratitudes in affections, but error in State and service. Secondly, if I can scholarlike, spell and put together the parts of her majesty's proceedings now towards your Lordship, I cannot but make this construction, that her Majesty in her royal intention, never purposed to call your lordship's doings into public question: but only to have used a Cloud without a shower, and censuring them by some restraint of liberty, and debarring from her presence. For both the handling the cause in the Star-Chamber was enforced by the violence of libelling and Rumours, wherein the Queen thought to have satisfied the World, and yet spared your appearance. And then after, when that means which was intended to quench Malicious bruits turned to kindle them, Because it was said your Lordship was condemned unheard, and your lordship's sister wrote that private Letter: Then her majesty plainly saw that these winds of rumours could not be commanded down, without a handling of the cause by making your party, and admitting your defence; and to this purpose I do assure your Lordship that my brother Francis Bacon, who is to wise to be abused, though he be both reserved more than is needful: yet in generality he hath ever constantly, and with Asseveration affirmed unto me: that both those days, that at the Star-chamber, and that at my Lord keepers were won from the Queen merely upon necessity, and point of honour against her own inclination. Thirdly, in the last proceedings I note three points which are directly significant, that her majesty did expressly forbear any point which was errecuperable or might make your Lordship many degree uncapable of the return of her favour or might fix any character indelible of disgrace upon you, for she spared the public places, which spared ignomine; she limited the charge precisely not to touch disloyalty, & no record remaineth to memory of the charge or sentence. Fourthly, the very distinction that was made of sequestration from the places of service in State, and leaving your Lordship the place of the Mr. of the Horse, do they in my understanding point at this, that her majesty meant to use your lordship's attendence in Court while the exercise of other places stood suspended. Fifthly, I have heard & your Lordship knoweth better, that now since you were in your own custody: her majesty in verboregio, and by his mouth to whom she counteth her royal grants and decrees, hath assured your Lordship she wi●… forbid, and not suffer your ruin. Sixtly, as I have heard her majesty to be a Prince of that mainanimity that she will spare the service of a meaner than your Lordship, where it shall depend merely upon her Choice and will. Seventhly I hold it for a principle that those diseases are hardest to cure, whereof the cause is obscure and these rafiest whereof the cause is manifest: whereupon I conclude, that sine 〈◊〉 hath been your error in your lowness towards her majesty which have prejudiced you; that your reforming, and conformity may restore you; may be faber fortunae propriae. Lastly considering your Lordship is removed from dealing in causes of State, and left only to a place of attendance: Me thinks the ambition of any which can endure no Partners in State-matters may be so quenched, as they should not laboriously oppose themselves to your being in Court. So as upon the whole matter I cannot find neither in her majesty's Person nor in your own Person, nor in any third Person, neither in former precedents, nor in your own case, any cause of peremptory despair. Neither do I speak this but that if her Majesty out of her resolution should design you to a private life, you should upon the appointment be as willing to go in the wilderness, as into the Land of Promise. Only I wish, that your Lordship will not preoccupate despair, but put trust, next to God, in her majesty's grace, and not be wanting to yourself. I know your Lordship may justly interpret, that this which I persuade may have some reference to my particular: because I may truly say, testante non virebo, for I am withered in myself. But manebo, or terebo, I shall in some sort be, or hold out. But though your lordship's years and health, may expect return of grace and fortune, yet your eclipse for 〈◊〉 while is an ultimum vale, to my fortune; and were it not that I desired hope to see my Brother established by her Majesty, as I think him well worthy for that he hath done and suffered, it were time i did take that course, from which i disswa●ed your Lordship Now in the mean time, I cannot choose but perform those honest duties unto you, to whom I have been so deeply bound unto, &c. My Lord of Essex his Answer to Mr. Anthony Bacon's Letter. Mr. Bacon, I Thank you for your kind and careful Letter, it persuadeth that which I wish strongly, and hope for weakly, that is, possibility of restitution to her majesty's favour; your Arguments that would cherish hope turn into despair. You say the Queen never meant to call me to public Censure, which showeth her goodness, But you see I passed it, which showeth others power. I believe most steadfastly, her Majesty never intended to bring my cause to a public Sentence, and I believe as verily, that since the Sentence, She meant to restore me to attend upon her majesty's Person. But they that could use occasions, which it was not in me to let and amplify occasions, and practise occasions, to represent to her Majesty a necessity to bring me to the one, can and will do the like to stop me from the other. You say my errors were my prejudice, and therefore I can mend myself. It is true: But they that know I can mend myself and that if I ever recover the Queen, that I will never lose her again, will never suffer to obtain interest in her favour, And you say the Queen never forsook utterly, where she inwardly favoured. But I know not whether the Hour glass of Time hath altered her. But sure I am the false Glass of others information must alter her, when I want access to plead mine own cause. I know I ought double infinitely to be her Majesties both jure creationis, for I am her Creature, and jure redemptionis, for I know she hath saved me from overthrow. But for her first love, and for her last protection, and all her great benefits, I can but pray for her Majesty: and my endeavours is now to make my prayers for her, and for myself, better heard. For, thanks be to God; they that can make her Majesty believe I counterfeit with her, cannot make God believe I counterfeit with him. And they which can let me from coming near unto her, cannot let me from drawing near to him, as I hope I do daily. For your Brother, I hold him an honest Gentleman, and wish him all good, much rather for your sake: yourself I know hath suffered more for me, and with me, than any friend I have. But I can but lament freely, as you see I do, and advise you not to do, as I do, that is despair: you know Letters what hurt they have done me, and therefore make sure of this. And yet I could not, as having no other pledge of my love, but communicate openly to you, the ease of my heart, and yours. Your loving friend, ROBERT ESSEX. A Letter to Mr. Secretary Cecil, after the defeating of the Spanish Forces in Ireland, inciting him to embrace the cares of reducing that Kingdom to civility, with some Reasons sent enclosed. IT may please your Lordship, as one that wisheth you all increase of honour, and as one that cannot leave to love the State, what interest soever I have, or may come to have in it; and as one, that now (this dead vacation time) have some leisure, ad aliud agendum. I will presume to propound unto you that which though you cannot but see, yet I know not whether you apprehend and esteem it in so high a degree, that is, for the best action of importation to yourself, of sound honour and merit of her Majesty. And this Crown without ventosity or popularity that the riches of any occasion, or the tide of any opportunity, can possible minister or offer, and that is the causes of Ireland, if they be taken by the right handle. For if the wound be not ripped up again, &c. I think no physician will go on with much letting of blood, in declanatione morbi, but will intend to purge and corroborate: to which purpose I send you mine opinion (without labour of words) in the enclosed. And sure I am, that if you shall enter into the matter, according to the verosity of your own spirit; nothing can make unto you a more gainful return. For you shall make the Queen's selicity complete, which now as it is, is incomparable. And for yourself, you shall make yourself as good a Patient as you are thought politic. And to have no less generous ends, then dexterrous delivery of yourself towards your ends; and as well to have true Arts and Grounds of Government, as the facility and felicity of practice and Negotiation; and to be as well seen in the periods, and tides of estates, as in your own circle and way: then the which I suppose, nothing can be a better addition and accumulation of honour unto you. This, I hope I may in privateness write, either as a Kinsman that may be bold, or as a Scholar that hath liberty of discourse, without commiting any absurdity: if not, I pray your honour to believe, I ever loved her Majesty and the State, and now love ourselves. And there is never any vehement love without some absurdity: as the Spaniard well saith, Desuario con la calentura: So desiring your honour's pardon, I ever continue. Considerations touching the Queen's service in Ireland, THe reduction of the Country as well to civility and justice, as to obedience and peace; which thing as the affairs now stand I hold to be inseparable, consisteth of four points. 1. The extinguishing of the relics of War. 2. The recovery of the hearts of the People. 3. The removing of the roots and occasions of new troubles. 4, Plantations and Buildings. For the first, concerning the places, times and perticularities of further prosecution in Fact, I leave it to the opinion of men of War, only the difficulty is to distinguish and discern, the prepositions which shall be according to the ends of the state here: that is small, and summary towards the extirpation of the troubles from these, which though they pretend the public end, yet may refer indeed to the more private, and compendious ends of the council there; or other particular governors or captains; but still as I touch in my Letter, I do think much letting Blood in declinatione morbi, is against Method of Cure, and that it will but exasperate necessity and despair, and percase discover the hollowness of that which is done already, which now blazeth to the best show. For Taglaes', and proscriptions of two or three principal rebels, they are no doubt Iure jentium lawful in Italy, usually practised upon the Bandelty, best in season when a side goeth down, and may do good into kinds, the one, if they take effect, the other in the distrust, which followeth amongst the Rebels themselves; but of all other points to my understanding, the most effectual is the expressing or impressing of the design of this state; upon that miserable, & desolate Kingdom, Containing the same between these two Lists or Boundaries, the one that the Queen seeketh not an extirpation of the people but reduction, & that now she hath established them, by her royal power, & arms, according to the necessity of the occasion, her majesty taketh no pleasure in the effusion of Blood, or displanting of ancient generations; the other that her majesty's princely care is principally, and intentionably bent upon that action of Ireland, & that she seeketh not so much the ease of charge, as the royal performance of her office of protection, and reclaim of these her subjects, & in a word, that the case is altered as far as may stand with the honour of the time past, which it is easy to reconcile, as in my last note I showed, & again, I do repeat that if her majesty's designs be to reduce wild & barbarous people to civility, & justice, as well as to rebels to obedience; it maketh weakness true christianity, & conditions turn graces, & so hath a fineness in turning civility upon point of honour which is agreeable to the honour of these time. And besides if her Majesty shall suddenly abate the Lists of her forces, and shall do nothing to countervail it in point of reputation of a public proceeding, I doubt things may too soon fall back into the state they were in. Next to this, adding reputation to the cause by imprinting an opinion, of her majesty's care, and intention upon this action, is the taking away of reputation from the contrary side, by cutting off the opinion and expectation of foreign Succours, to which purpose this enterprise of Algiers if it hold according to the advertisement. And if it be not wrapped up in the period of this summer seemeth to be an opportunity Caelitus Demissa. And to the same purpose nothing can be more fit than a treaty, or shadow of a treaty of a peace with Spain, which methinks should be in our power at lest Rumore tenus, to the deluding of as wise people as the Irish. Lastly, for this point that the Ancients called Potestas factum rediundi ad Sanctatem. And which is but a mockery when the enemy is strong or proud, but effectual in his declination, that is, a liberal proclamation of grace, and pardon to such as shall submit, and come within a time prefixed of, of some further reward to such as shall bring others in. That our sword may be sharpened against others, is a matter of good experience, and now I think, will come in time, And percase, though I wish the exclusions of such a pardon exceeding few, yet it will not be safe to continue some of them in their strengths, But to translate them and their generation into England, and give them recompense, and satisfaction here, for their possessions there; As the King of Spain did by divers families of Portugal, to the effecting of all the points aforesaid, And likewise these which fall within the divisions following, nothing can be in priority, either of time or matter precedent; to the sending of some Commission of the continuance. Ad res inspiciendas et componendas, for it must be a very significant demonstration of her majesty's care of that kingdom. A credence to any that shall come in, and submit a bridle to any that have their fortunes there, and shall apply their proposition● to private ends, and an evidence that her majesty's politic Course is without neglect or respiration; and it hath been the wisdoms of the best examples of government towards the recovery of the hearts of the people. There be but three things in Natura rerum. Religion. Justice and protection. Obligation and reward. For Religion, to speak first of piety, and then of policy, All Divines do agree, that if Conscience be to be enforced at all (where they differ) yet two things must proceed out of their enforcement, the one means of justification, and the other of operation, Neither of which they have yet had. Besides, till they be more like reasonable men, than they yet are, their society were rather scandalous to true Religion then otherwise, as pearls cast before Swine; For till they be cleansed from their Blood, Incontinency, and theft, &c. which are now not the lapses of particular persons: but the very Laws of the Nation, They are incompatible with religion, ref●…ed with policy, there is no doubt but to wrestle with them now, is directly opposite to their reclaim, and cannot but continue their Alienation of, made from this government; Besides one of the principal pretences, whereby the heads of the rebellion have prevailed, both with the people, and with the foreigner, hath been the defence of the Catholic religion, And it is that likewise hath made the foreigner reciprocally more plausible with the rebel. Therefore a toleration of religion for a time not definite, except it be in some principal towns, and precincts, after the manner of some French edicts seemeth to me to be a matter warrantable by religion, and in policy of absolute necessity, and the hesitation in this point I fear hath been a greater casting back of the affairs there, Neither if any English papist, or Recusant, shall for liberty of his conscience transfer his person family, and fortunes thither, do i hold it a matter of Danger, but expedient to draw an undertaking, and to further population Neither if Rome will cozen itself by conceiving it may be some degree to the like toleration in England, do I hold it a matter of any moment but rather a good mean to take off the sciences and eagerness of the humour of Rome, and to stay further excommunications and ininterdictions of Ireland; but there would go hand in hand with this same course of advantage Religion. Indeed, where the people is capable thereof, is the sending over of some good Preachers, especially of that sort which are vehement and zealous persuaders, and not scholastical, to be resident in the principal Towns, allowing them some stipend out of her majesty's Revenues, as her Majesty hath most religiously and graciously done in Lancashire, and the great recontinuing and replenishing the college begun at Dublin, the placing of good men to be Bishops, the taking care of the versions of Bibles, Catechisms, and other books of instruction, into the Irish language and the like Religious courses, both for the honour of God, and for the avoiding of scandal, and in satisfaction here, by a toleration of Religion there. For instance, the Barbarism and desolation of the Country considered it is not possible they should find any sweetness at all of it (which hath been the error of times past formal and fetched far off from the State, because it will require running up and down for process of polling and exactions by fees, and many o●her delays and charges: and therefore, there must be an interim, in which the justice must be only summary; the rather, because it is fit and safe for a time, the Country do participate of a Marshal Government: and therefore I could wish in every principal town or place of habitation, there were a Captain or governor, and a Judge, such as Recorders and learned Stewards are here in Corporations, who may have a Prerogative Commission to hear and determine, Secundum saenam discretione, and as near as may be to the Customs and Laws of England, and that by Bill or Plaint, without original Writ, reserving from their sentence matter of freehold and inheritance to be determined before a superior Judge itener●…t, and both sentences, as well the bailiwick judge, as the itenerant to be reversed, if cause be, before the council of the Prince to be established with fit informations. For obligation and reward, it is true no doubt, which was anciently said that a State is contained in two words, Praemium and paena, and I am persuaded if a penny in the pound which hath been spent in paena. For this kind of War is but paena, a chastisement of Rebels without other fruit or emolument of this State, had been spent in praemio, that is, in rewarding, things had never grown to this extremity. But to speak forwards, the keeping of the principal Irish persons in terms of contentment, and without particular complaint; and generally the carrying of an even course between the English and the Irish, whether it be in competition, or whether it be controversy, as if they were one Nation, without the same partial course that hath been held by the governors and counsellors that some have savoured the Irish, and some contrary, is one of the best Medicines of that State. And as for the points of governing their Nobility as well in this Court, as there of Knighthood, if education of their Children there, and the like points of comfort and allurement, they are things which fall into every man's consideration. For the extirpating of the seeds of trouble, I suppose the main roots are but three. The first, the ambition and absoluteness of the chief of the Families and Sects. Secondly, the licentious idleness of their Kerns and soldiers thatly upon the Country by Sesses and such oppressions. And the third, the barbarous customs in habit of apparel in these Poets or heralds, that enchant them in savage manners and sundry other such dregs of Barbarism & Rebellion, which by a number of politic Statutes of Ireland, meet to be put in execution, are already forbidden unto which such addition: may be made, as the present time requireth. But the deducing of this Barbarism requireth a more particular notice of the state and manners there, ther. falls within my compass. For Plantations and Buildings I do find it strange, that in the last Plot for the population of Munster, there were limitations how much in demesnes, and how much in Farm and Tenantry, how many Buildings should be erected, how many Irish in mixture should be admitted; but no restraint that they might not build parsim at their pleasure, much less any condition, that they should make places fortified and defensible. The which was too much secureness to my understanding: so as for this last point, of Plantations, and Buildings, ●ere be ●wo considerations which I hold most material, the one of quickening; the other for assuring. The first is, that choice be made of such persons for the Government of Towns and Places, and such Undertakers be produced, as be men gracious and well-beloved, and are like to be well fellowed; wherein for Munster, it may well be, because it is not res intigra; but that the former Undertakers stand interessed, there will be some difficulty. But surely, in mine opinion, either by agreeing with them, or by overruling them by a Parliament in Ireland, which in this course of a politic proceeding, infinite occasions will require speedily to be held: it will be fit to supply fit qualified Persons for undertakers. The other, that it be not best, as heretofore, to the pleasure of the undertakers and adventurers, where, and how to build and plant, but that they do according to a prescript, or formilary. For first, the places both Maritine, and in Land, which are fittest for colonies and garrisons, as well for doubt of foreigners, as for keeping the Country in Bridell, would be found surveyed, and resolved upon; and then, that the Pattenties be tied, to build on those places only, and to fortify, as shall be thought convenient. And lastly, it followeth of course, in Countries of new Populations, to invite, and provoke inhabitants, by ample Liberties and Charter. A Letter of recommendation of his service to the Earl of Northampton, a few days before Queen Elizabeth's death, May it please your good Lordship, AS the time of the sowing of a Seed is known, but the time of coming up and disclosing is casual, or according to the Season: So I am witness to myself, that there hath been covered in my mind a long time, a Seed of affection and zeal towards your Lord●…, sown by the estimation of your virtues, and your particula●●●our and favour to my Brother deceased, and to myself, which Seed still springing, now bursteth forth into this possession. And to be pl●in in with your Lordship, it is very true, and no winds not noises of evil matters can blow this out of my head and he●rt, that your great capacity and love towards Studies and contemplations of an higher and worthier nature than popular, a matter ra●e in the World, and in a person of your I ordships' quality, a most singular, is to me a great and chief motive, to draw my affection and admiration towards you. And therefore, good my Lord, if I may be of any use to your Lordship, by my hand, tongue, pen, means, or friends, I humbly pray your Lordship to hold me your own, and there withal not to do so much disadvantage to my good mind, as to conceive this my commendation of my humble service proceedeth out of any straits of my occasions; but merely out of an election, and indeed the fullness of my heart: and so wishing your Lordship all prosperity, I continue. A Letter of offer of his service to his Majesty upon his first coming in. May it please your most excellent Majesty, IT is observed upon a place in the Canticles, by some, Ego sum Flos Campi & lilium Convalium, it is not said Ego sum Flos horti & lilium Montinum, because the Majesty of that person is not enclosed for a few, nor appropriated to the great. And yet notwithstanding, this royal virtue of access, which nature and judgement have planted in your majesty's mind, as ●ortall of all the rest, could not of itself (my imperfections considered) have animated me to have made oblation of myself immediately to your Majesty, had it not been joined with a habit of like liberty, which I enjoyed with my late dear sovereign Mistress, a Prince happy in all things, but most happy in such a successor. And yet further and more nearly, I was not a little encouraged not only upon a supposal that unto your majesty's cares, open to the air of all virtues, there might have come some small breath of the good memory of my Father, so long a principal counsellor in your Kingdom; but also by the particular knowledge of the infinite devotion, and incessant endeavours beyond the strength of his body, and the nature of the times, which appeared in my good Brother towards your majesty's service, and near on your Ma●esties part, through your singular benignity, by many most gracious and lively significations and favours, accepted and acknowledged beyond the merit of any thing he could effect. All which endeavours and duties for the most part, were common to myself with him, though by design between Brethren dissembled. And therefore, most high and mighty King, my most dear and dread sovereign Lord, since now the corner stone is laid of the mightiest Monarch in Europe; and that God above, who is noted to have a mighty hand in bridling the floods and Fluctuations of the Seas, and of people's hearts, hath by the miraculous and universal consent (the more strange, because it proceedeth from such diversity of causes) in your coming, in giving a sign and token what he intendeth in the continuance, I think there is no Subject of your Majesties who leaveth this Isla●●, and is not hollow and unworthy, whose heart is not set on fire, n●… only to bring you Peace-offerings, to make you propitious; but to sacrifice himself a burnt offering to your majesty's service: amo●●st which number, no man's fire shall be more pure and fervent. But how far forth it shall blaze out, that resteth in your majesty's employment. For, since your fortune in the greatness thereof, hath for a time debarred your Majesty of the fruitly virtue, which one calleth the principal, Principi●s est voritus maxima, &c. Because your Majesty hath many of yours which are unknown unto you, I must leave all to the trial of further time, and thirsting after the happiness of kissing your royal hand, continue ever, &c. A Letter to Mr. Fauls in Scotland, upon the entrance of his majesty's Reign. SIR, THe occasion awaketh in me a remembrance of the constant and mutual good offices which passed between my good Brother and yourself; whereunto, as you know I was not altogether a stranger, though the nature of the time and design between us Brethren made me more reserved: But well do I bear in mind the great opinion which my Brother (whose judgement I much reverence) would often express to me of your extraordinary sufficiency, dexterity, and temper, which he found in you, in the business and service of the King our sovereign Lord, This latter bred in m● an election, as the former gave an inducement form to make this signification of my desire, of a mutual entertainment of my good affection, and correspondence between us, hoping both that some good effect may result of it towards the King's service, and that for our particulars, though occasion give you the precedency of furthering my being, known by good note to the King: So we shall have some means given to requite your savours, and verify your commendations: And so with my loving recommendation good Mr. fowls, I leave you to God's goodness▪ From Grays-inn this 25 of March. A Letter of commending his love to the Lord of Kinlosse upon his majesty's entrance. My Lord, THe present occasion awaketh in me a remembrance of the constant amity, and mutual good offices which passed between my Brother deceased, and your Lordship, whereunto I was less strange than in respect of the time. I had reason to pretend, and withal, I call to mind the great opinion which my Brother, who seldom failed in judgement of person, would often express to me of your lordship's great wisdom and soundness, both in head and heart, towards the service of our Lord the sovereign King. The one of those hath bred in me an election, and the other a confidence to address my good w●ll, and sincere affection to your Lordship, not doubting, in regard that my course of life hath wrought me not to be altogether unseen in the matters of the Kingdom, that I may be in some use both in point of service to the King, and in your lordship's particular. And on the other side, I will not omit, to desire humbly your lordship's favour, in furthering a good conceit and impression of my most humble duty, and true zeal towards the King, to whose Majesty words cannot make me known, neither mine own, nor others. But time will, to no disadvantage of any, that shall fore▪ run his majesty's experience, by their humanity and commendations. And so I commend your good Lordship to God's providence and protection. From Grays-Inn●. &c. A Letter commending his love and occasions to ●ir Tho● Ch●lenor in Scotland upon his Majest●es en●…. SIR. FOr our present affairs, I am assured you conceive no insatisfaction; for you know my mind, and you know my means, which now the aptness of the time, caused by this blessed con●e●t, and peace will increase, and so our agreement according to your time be observed; ●or the present, according to the Roman adage that one cluster of grapes ripeneth best against another; so I know you hold me not unworthy whose mutual friendship you should cherish, And I for my part conceive good hope that you are like to be come an acceptable servan● to the King our Mr. not so much for any way made, which in my judgement will make no great difference; as for the stuff, and sufficiency which I know to be in you and whereof I know his Majesty may reap great service, and thereof my general request is, that according to that industrious vivacity which you use towards your friend, you will further his majesty's good conceit, and inclination towards one, to whom words cannot make me known, neither my own, nor others, but time will, to no disadvantage of any that shall forerun his majesty's experience by their testimony, and commenadtion, & though occasion give you the precedency of doing me this special good office yet I hope no long time will intercede, before I shall have some means to require your favour, and acqui●e your repo●● more particularly, having though● good to make Oblation of my most humble service to his Majesty by a few lines I do desire your loving care, and help by yourself, or such means as I refer to your discretion ●to delive● & presentthis to his majesty's hands, of which Letter I ●end you a copy; that you may know what you carry, and may take of Mr Mathews', the Letter itself, if you be pleased to undertake the delivery. Lastly, I do commend to yourself, and to such your courtesies as occasion may require this Gent. Mr. Mathew● eld●st son to my Lord Bishop o● Durham, an● my very good friend, assu●ing you that any cou●… t●at you shall use towards him, you shall use to a worthy young gent, and one I know, whose acquaintance you will much esteem, and so i ever continue▪ A Letter to Mr. Davies, then gone to the King at his first entrance. Mr. Davies, THough you went on the sudden yet you could not go before you had spoken with yourself to the purpose whereof I will now write. And therefore. I know not, but that it was altogether needless, save that I meant to show you, that i was not asleep. Besides, i commend myself to your love, and to the well using of my name, as in reposing and answering for me, if there be any biting or bibbling at it in that place, as in impressing a good opinion of me chiefly in the King of whose favour, I make myself comfortable assurance, as otherwise in that Court; and not only, but generally to perform to me all the good offices, which the vivacity of your wit can suggest to your mind, to be performed to one, in whose affection you have so great sympathy, and in whose fortune, you have so▪ great interest: So desiring you to be good to concealed Poets, I continue. Yours, &c. A Letter to Mr. Fauls, 28. March, 1603. Mr▪ faults, I Did write to you yesterday by Mr. Lake who was dispatched hence from their Lordships, with a Letter of revivour of those sparks of acquaintance between us in my brother's time, and now upon the same case, finding so fit a messenger, I could not fail to salute you, hoping it will fall ou● so happily, as that you shall be one of the King's servants, which his Majesty will apply here about us, where I hope to have some means not to be barren in friendship towards you. We all thirst for the Kings coming, accounting all this but as the dawning of the day, before the rising of the Sun, till we have his presence. And though his Majesty must be now Janus' Bysrons, to have a face to Scotland, as well as to England, yet Quod num instat agendum. The expectation is here, that he will come in state, and not in strength. So for this time, I commend you to God's goodness, and remain Yours, &c. A Letter to Doctor Morrison, a Scottish physician upon his ●aiesties coming in. Mr, Doctor Morrison▪ I Have thought good by this my Letter, to renew this my ancient acquaintance, which hath passed between us, signifying my good mind to you, to perform to you any good office, for your particular, and my expectation; and a firm assurance on the like on your part towards me, wherein, I confess you may have the start of me, because occasion hath given you the precedency in investing you with opportunity to use my name well, and by your loving testimony to further a good opinion of me in his Majesty, and the Court. But I hope my experience of matters here, will, with the light of his M●jesties favour, enable me speedily both to requite your kindness, and to acquir and m●ke good your testimony and report. So not doubting to see you here with his Majesty, considering that it belonge●● to your Art to feel pulses. And I assure you, Galen doth not set down greater variety of pules, then do vent here in men's hearts. I wish you all prosperity, and remain Yours, &c. From my Chamber at gray-inn, &c. A Letter to Mr. Robert Kenney upon the Death of Queen Elizabeth. Mr. Kenney, THis alteration is so great, as you might justly conceive some readiness of my affection towards you, if you should hear nothing from me, I living in this place; it is in vain to tell you with what wonderful skill and calm this wheel is turned round, which whether it be a remnant of her felicity that is gone, or a fruit of his reputation that is coming, I will not determine, for i cannot but divide myself between her memory and his name; yet we, account it but as a fair morning before sunrising, before his majesty's presence; though for my part, I see not whence any weather should arise, the Papists are conceived with fear enough, and hope too much; the French is thought to turn his practices, upon procuring some disturbance in Scotland, where Crowns may do wonders But this day is so welcome to that Nation and the time so short, as I do not fear the effect. My Lord of Sou hampton expect●th release by the next dispatch, and is already much visited, and much well-wished. There is continual posting by men of good quality towards the King; the rather, I think, because this Spring time it's but a kind of sport: it is hoped, that as the S●are here have performed the parts of good attorneys, to deliver the King quiet possession of his Kingdoms, so the King will redeliver them quiet possession of their places, rather filling places void, then removing men placed. A Letter to my Lord of Northumberland, mentioning a Proclamation drawn for the King at his entrance. It may please your good Lordship; 〈◊〉 Do hold it a thing formal and necessary for the King to forerun his coming be it never so speedy, with some gracious Declaration, for the cherishing, entertaining, and preparing of men's affections; for which purpose, I have conceived a draught, it being a thing familiar to me in my Mistress her times, to have my Pen used in politic Writings of satisfaction, the use of this may be of two sorts. First properly, if your Lordship think convenient to show the King any such draught, because the veins and pulses of this State cannot but be best known here; which if your Lordship should do, than I would desire your Lordship to withdraw my name, and only signify, that you gave some heads of direction of such a matter, to one of whose stile and pen, you had some opinion. The other collateral, that though your Lordship make no other use of it; yet it is a kind of po●t●acture of that which I think worthy to be advised to the King, to express himself according to those points, which are therein conceived, and perhaps more compendious and significant, then if i had set them down in Article▪ I would have attended your Lordship, but for some little physic I took; to morrow morning I will wait upon you: So I ever continue, &c. A Letter unto my Lord of Southampton, upon the Kings coming in. It may please your Lordship, I Would have been very glad to have presented my humble service to your Lordship by my attendance, if I could have foreseen that it should not have been unpleasing unto you; and therefore, because I would commit no error, I chose to write, assuring your Lordship, how credible soeve●, yet it is as true, as a thing that God knoweth, that this great change in me, hath wrought no other change towards your Lordship, than this, that I may safely be now, that which I was truly before. And so craving no other pardon, then for troubling you with this letter, I do not now begin to be, but continue to be, Your lordship's humble, and much devoted, FRAN. BACON. A Letter to the Lord of Northumberland, after he had been with the King. It may please your Lordship, I Would not have lost this journey, and yet I have not that I went for: For I have had no private conference to purpose, with the King; no more hath almost any other English. For the speech his Majesty admitteth with some Noble men, is rather matter of grace, than matter of business. With the Attorney he sp●…ing urged by the Treasurer of Scotland, but no more than needs must; after I had received his majesty's first welcome, and was promised private access, yet not knowing what matter of service your lordship's Treasurer carried; (for 〈◊〉 saw it no●,) and knowing that priviness in adver●i●em●nt is much, I chose rather to deliver it to Sir Thomas Horeskins, then to cool it in my hands▪ upon expectation of access, your Lordship shall find a Prince the furtherest from vainglory that may be. And rather like a Prince of the ancient form, then of the latter time, his speeches swift, and cursory, and in the full dialect of his Nation, and in speech of business short, in speech of discourse large, he affecteth popularity, by gracing such as he hath heard to be popular and not by any fashions of his own, he is thought somewhat general ofhiss favours, and his virtue of access, is rather, because he is much abroad, and in press▪ then that he giveth easy audience he hasteneth to a mixture of both Kingd m●s, ●nd Nations, faster perhaps than policy will b●are. I told your Lordship once before my opinion that we thought his Majesty ra●her asked counsel of the time passed then of the time to come, but it is yet early to be s●und in any settled opinion: for other perticularities i refer conference, having in those generals gone further in so tender an Argument, than i would have done, were not the Bearer hereof so assured, So i continue &c. A Letter to the Earl of Salisbury, touching the solicitors place, at what times he stood but in doubtful terms of favour with his Lordship. It May please your Lordship, I Am not privy to myself of any such ill deserving towards your Lordship as that i should think it any mpudent thing to be a suitor unto your favour in a rea●o●able m●tter, your Lord●●●p being to me, as with your good favour you cannot cease to be: but rather it were a simp●e, and arrogant part in me to forbear ●t, t●s thought Mr. Atto●rney shall be chief justice of the Common place in case Mr. Solicitor rise. I would be glad now at last to be solicitor, Chiefly because I think it will increase my practice wherein God blessing me a few years, I may amend my state, and so after fall to my studies, and ease, whereof the one is requisire for my Body, and the other serveth to my mind, wherein if I shall find your lordship's favour I shall be more happy than I have been, which may make me also more wise, I have small store of means about the King, and to sue myself is not fit, and therefore I shall leave it to God, his Majesty, and your Lordship; for I must still be next the door, I thank God in these transitory things, i am well resolved: So beseeching your Lordship not to think this Letter the less humble because it is plain i rest. A Letter to the Earl of Salisbury, upon sending him one of his books of advancemeat of Learning. It may please your good Lordship, I Present your Lordship with a work of my vacant time, which if it had been more, the work had been better; it appertaineth to your Lordship, Besides, my particular respect, in some propriety, in regard you be a great governor in the Province of Learning; and that which is more, you have added to your place affection towards Laarning, and to your affection judgement: of which, the last I could be content were for the time less, that you might the less exquisitely censure that which I offer unto you. But sure I am, the Argument is good, if it had lighted on a good Author. But I shall content myself, to awake better Spirits, like a Bell-ringer, which is first up to call others to Church: So with my humble desire of your lordship's good acceptance, i remain Yours, &c. A Letter to the Lord Treasurer Buckhurst, upon the like Argument. May it please your Lordship. I Have finished an argument touching the advancement of Learning which I have dedicated to his Majesty the most learned of a sovereign temporal Prince, that time hath known; and upon reason not unlike, I humbly present one of them Books to your Lordship, not only as a chancellor of the University: but as one that was excellently bred, in all learning which I have ever noted to shine in all your speeches, and behaviour, and therefore your Lordship will yield a gracious aspect to your first lover, and take pleasu ein the adorning of that, wherewith yourself is so much adorned, and so humbly desiring your favourable acceptation thereof, with signification of humble Duty to remain, &c. Yours, &c. A Letter of the like argument to the Lord chancellor Egerton. May it please your good Lordship. I Humbly present your Lordship with a work, wherein as you have much commandment over the Author, so your Lordship hath also great interest in the argument; for to speak without flattery few have the like use of Learning, or like judgement in Learning, as I have observed in your Lordship, hath been a gteat planter of learning, not only in these places in the Church, which have been in your own gift: but also in your commendatory vote, no man hath more constantly held detur digniori, and therefore both your Lordship is beholding to learning, and your Lordship which maketh me presume with good assurance that your Lordship will accept well of these my labours, the rather because your Lordship in private speech, hath often begun to me in expressing your admiration of His majesty's learning, to whom I have dedicated this work, and whose virtue, and perfection in that kind did chiefly move me to a work of this nature, and so with signification of my humble duty, and affection towards your Lordship, I remain. A Letter of expostulation to the attorney general Sir Edward Cook. Mr. attorney. I Thought best, once for all, to let you know in plainness what i find of you, and what you shall find of me, to take to yourself a liberty to disgrace, and disable my law, my experience, my discretion, what it please you, I pray think of me I am one that know, both my own wants, and other men's, and it may be perchance that mine may amend, when others stand at a stay, and surely I may not endure in public place to be wronged without repelling, the same to my best advantage, to right myself, you are great, & therefore have the more enviours, which would be glad to have you paid at another's Cost, since the time I missed the solicitors place (the rather I think because your means) I cannot expect that you or I shall ev●r serve as attorney, 〈◊〉 sol citor but either to serve with another upon your remove, or to step into some other course: so as I am more free than ever I was from any occasion of unworthy conforming myself more than general good means or our perricular go●… usage shall provoke, & if you had not been short sighted in your own fortune as I think you might have had more use of me; out that tide is past, I write not this to show my friends what a brave letter I have writ to Mr. Attorney I have none of those humours: but that I have written, is to a good end, that is, to the more decent carriage of my Mrs. service, and to a particular better understanding out of another. This Letter if it shall be answered by you in deed & not in word, I suppose it will not be worse for us both. else it is but a few lines lost, which for a much smaller matter I would adventure, So this being to yourself I for my part rest. A Letter to my Lord of Salisbury touching the solicitors place. It may please your good Lordship. I Am not ignorant how mean a thing I stand, for desiring to come into the solicitors place; for I know well, it is not the thing it hath been, time having wrought alteration, both in the profession, and in the special place; yet because I think it would increase my practice, & that it may satisfy my friends, & because I have been voiced to it I would be glad it were done, wherein I may say to your Lordship in the confidence of your poor Kinsman and of a man by you advanced. Tuidem fer opem qui spem dedisti, for I am sure it was not possible for a man living to have received from any other more significant, & comfortable words of hope, your Lordship being pleased to tell me during the course of my last service that you would raise me, & that when you were resolved to raise a man you were more careful of him then himself, & that what you had done for me in my marriage, was a benefit to me but of●…●…nse to your Lordship; & therefore I might assure myself you would not leave me there with many like speeches, which I know well my duty, then to take any other hold of, than the hold of a thankful remembrance, & I know & all the world knoweth that your Lo●dship is no de●…er of holy-water, but noble, & real, & on my part I am on a sure ground, that I have committed n●thing that may deserve any alteration; and if I cannot observe you as I would, y●ur Lordship will impute it to my want of experience, which I shall gather better when I am once settled; and therefore, my hope is your Lordship wi●… finish a good work, and consider that ●ime groweth precious, and tha I am now vergentibus annis: and although I know your for une is not to need an hundred such as I am. yet I shall ever be ready to give you my best and first fruits, and to supp●y as much as in me ●yeth a worthiness by thankfulness. A Letter to the Lord chancellor of the like Argument. It May please your good Lordship. AS I conceived it to be a resolution both with his Majesty, and among your Lordships of his council that I shnuld be placed solicitor, and the solicitor removed to be the King's Sergeant, so I most humbly thank your Lordships, furtherance, and forwardness therein, your Lordship being the man that first devised the mean, wherefore my humble request unto your Lordship is, that you would set in with some strength to finish this your work, which assure your Lordship, I desire the rather because being placed I hope by for many favours, to be able to do y a some better service; for as I am, your Lordship cannot use me nor scarcely indeed know me, not that I think I shall be abl● to do any greater matters: but certainly it will frame me to use a more industrious observance and application to such as I honour so much as I do your Lordship, and not I hope without some good offices which may deserve your thanks, And herewithal good my Lord I humbly pray your Lordship to consider that time groweth precious with me, and that a married man is seven years elder in his thoughts the first day, and therefore what a discomfortable thing it is for me to be unsettled still; for surely were it not that I think myself born to do my sovereign service, and therefore in that station I will live and die, otherwise for my own private comfort it were better for me that the King did blot me out of his Book, or that I should turn to endeavour to serve him in some other kind, then for me to stand thus at a stop, and to have that little reputation which by my industry I gather to be scattered and taken away by continual disgraces, every new man coming above me, and sure I am i shall never have fair promises, and hope from all your Lordships; For i know not what service, saving that your Lordships all told me were good, and i would believe you in a much greater matter, and if it were nothing else i hope the modesty of my suit deserveth somewhat; For i know well the solicitors place is not as your Lordship lest it, time working alteration somewhat in the profession, much more in that special place, and were it not to satisfy my wife's friends, and to get myself out of being a Common gaze, and a speech, i protest before God I would never speak word for it. But to conclude as my honourable Lady was a mean to make me to change the name of another, So if it please you to help me as you said to change my own name, I cannot be but more, and more bounden to you, and I am much deceived if your Lordship find not the King well inclined, as for my Lord of Salisbury forward and affectionate. A Letter to the King touching the solicitors place. It may please your excellent Majesty. HOw honestly, ready I have been, most gracious sovereign, to do your Majesty humble service to the best of my power, and in manner beyond my power, as I now stand I am not so unfortunate; but your Majesty knoweth; for both in the Commission of union, the labour whereof for men of my profession, rested most upon my hands, and this last Parliament in the Bill of the subsidy, both Body and preamble, in the Bill of attainders both Tresham, and the rest in the matter of purveiance in the ecclesiastical petitions, in the grievances, and the like, as I was ever careful, and not without good success, sometimes to put forward that which was good, sometimes to keep back that which was good, sometimes to keep back that which was worse, So your Majesty was pleased kindly to accept of my service and to say to me, such conflicts were the wars of Peace, and such victories the victories of Peace, and therefore such servants that obtained them were by Kings that reign in peace no less to be esteemed the conquerors in the Wars, in all which, nevertheless I can challenge to myself our sufliciency: but that I was diligent, and reasonable happy to execute those directions which I received either immediately from your royal mouth or from my Lord of Salisbury at that time it pleased your Majesty, also to assure me, that upon the remove of the than attorney I should not be forgotten: but be brought into ordinary place, and this was after confirmed nuto me by many of my Lords, and towards the end of the last term the manner also in particular ●poken of that is, That Mr. Solicitor should be made your majesty's Sergeant, and I solicitor; For so it was thought best to sort with both our gifts, and faculties for the good of our service, and of this resolution both Courtand Coun●ry took knowledge; Neither was this my invention or project of mine own, but moved from my Lord, I think first from my Lord chancellor, whereupon resting, your Majesty well knoweth I never opened my mouth for the greater place, although I am sure, I had two circumstances that Mr. Attorney that now is could not all adge: the one, nine years' service of the Crown: the other, being cousin german to the Lord of Salisbury: for of my father's service I will not speak, but for the less place, I conceive &c. But after this Mr. Attorney Habbard was placed, I heard no more o● my preferment, but it seemed to be at a stop to my great disgrace and discontentment. For (Gracious sovereign) if still when the matters are stirred, another shall put in before me, your Majesty had need to work a miracle, or else I shall be a ●ame man to do you services. And therefore, my most humble suit unto your Majesty is, That this which seemed to me intended, may speedily be performed; and I hope my former service shall be but as beginnings to better, when I am better strengthened. For sure I am no man's heart is fuller, I say not, but many may have greater hearts; but I say not fuller of love and duty towards your Majesty, and your children, as I hope time will manifest against envy and detraction if any be. To conclude, I humbly c●ave pardon for my boldness. A Letter to the Earl of Salisbury, of courtesy upon a newyears gift. It may please your good Lordship, HAving no gift to present you within my degree proportionable to my mind, I desire nevertheless to take the advantage of a Ceremony to express myself to your Lordship, it being the first time, I could make the like acknowledgement out of the person of a Suitor: wherefore, I most humbly pray your Lordship to think of me, that now it hath pleased you by many effectual and great benefits, to add the assurance and comfort of your love and savour to the precedent disposition which was in me, to admire your virtue and merit. I do esteem whatsoever I have, or may have in this world, but as trash, in comparison of having the honour and happiness to be a near and well accepted Kinsman, to so rare and wor●hy a counsellor, governor, and Patriot. For having been a studious is not a curious observer, as well of Antiquity of virtue, as of late Peace, I forbear to say to your Lordship what I find and conceive: but to another I would think to make myself believed. But not to be tedious in that which may have the show of a compliment. I can but wish your Lordship many happy years, many more than your Father had: but even so many more, as we may need you more: So I remain. Yours, &c. A second Letter to the chancellor. May it please your Lordship. HAving finished an argument touching the advancement of learning which I have formerly dedicated to his Majesty, I humbly presume (once more) to present one of them Books to your Lordship, not only as a chancellor of the University: but as one that was excellently bred, in all learning which I have ever noted to shine in all your speeches, and behaviour, and therefore your Lordship will yield a gracious aspect to your first lover, and take pleasu●e in the adorning of that, wherewith yourself is so much adorned, and so humbly desiring your favourable acceptation thereof, with signification of humble Duty to remain. Yours &c. Another Letter to the Lord chancellor touching the former Argument. My Lord, AS I conceived it to be a resolution both with his Majesty, and among your Lordships of his council that I should be placed solicitor, and the Sollici●our removed to be the King's Sergeant, so I most humbly thank your lordship's furtnerance, and forwardness therein, your Lordship being the man that first devised the mean, wherefore my humble request unto your Lordship is, that you would set in with some strength to finish this your work, which assure your Lordship, I desire the rather, because being placed I hope by for many favours, to be able to do you some better service; for as I am, your Lordship cannot use me nor scarce●y indeed know me, no▪ that I think I shall be able to do any greater matters: but certainly it will frame me to use a more industrious observance and application to such as I honour so much as I do your Lordship, and not I hope without some good offices which may deserve your thanks, And here withal good my Lord I humbly pray your Lordship to consider that time groweth precious with me, and that a married man is seven years elder in his thoughts the first day, and therefore what a discomfortable thing it is for me to be unsettled still; for surely were it not that I think myself born to do my sovereign service, and therefore in that station I will live and die, otherwise for my own private comfort it were better for me that the King did blot me out of his Book, or that I should turn to endeavour to serve him in some other kind, then for me to stand thus at a stop, and to have that little reputation which by my industry I gather to be scattered ●nd taken away by continual disgraces, every new man coming above me, and sure I am i shall never have fair promises, and hope from all your Lordships; For i know not what service saving that your Lordships all told me were good, and i would believe you in a much greater matter, and if it were nothi●g else i hope the modesty of my 〈◊〉 deserveth somewhat. For i know well the solicitors place is not as your Lordship lest it, t●me working alteration somewhat in the profession, much more in that special place, and were it not to satisfy my wife's friends, and to get myself out of being a Common gaze, and a speech i protest before God I w●u●d never ●peak word for it. But to conclu●e as my honourable Lady was a mean to make me to change the name of another So if it please you to help me as you said to change my own n●me, I cannot be but more, and more bounden to you, and I am much deceived if your Lordship find not the King well inclined. So remaining, Yours, &c. An expostulatory Letter to Sir Vincent Skinner. SIR, I See that by your need esse delays, this matter is grown to a new question wherein for the matter itself, if it had been stayed at the beg●nning my Lord Treasurer, and Mr. Chancellor I should not s● muc● have ●tood upon it, For the great and daily travails which I take in his majesty's service, either are rewarded in themselves, 〈◊〉 ●hat they a●e but my duty, or else may deserve a much greater matter: Neither can I think amiss of any man that in furtherance of the King's benefit moved the doubt, that knew not what warrant you had. But my wrong is, that you having had my Lord Treasurers, and Mr. Chancellors Warrant for payment of above a month since, you I say, making your payments be like upon such differences, as are better known to yourself, then agreeable to due respect of his majesty's service, have declared it all this time, otherwise than I might have expected, either from our ancient acquaintance, or from that regard which one in your place may owe to one in mine: by occasion whereof, there ensueth unto me a great inconvenience, That now my name in a sort must be in question amongst you, as if I were a man likely either to demand that which were unreasonable, or to be denied that which is reasonable; and this must be, because you can pleasure men at pleasure. But this i leave with this, that it is the first matter wherein i had occasion to discern of your Lordship, which I see to fall to this, That whereas Mr. Chancellor the last time in my man's hearing, very honourably said, that he would not discontent any in my place, it seems you have no such occasion. But my writing to you now, is to know of you where the stay now is, without being any more beholding to you, to whom indeed no man ought to be beholding in those cases in a right course, and so I bid you farewell. Yours, &c. A Letter to Mr. Davies, His majesty's attorney in Ireland. Mr. attorney, I Thank you for the Letter, and the discourse of this new accident you sent me, as things than appeared, I see manifestly the beginning of better or worse: but methinks, it is first a tender of the better and worse following. But upon refusal or difficult, I would have been glad to have seen you here; but I hope occasion reserveth our mee●ing for a vacation. I would have more fruit of conference to requite your Proclamation, which in my judgement is wisely and seriously penned, I send you another with us, which happened to be in my hands, when yours came, I would be glad to hear often from you, and be advertized how things pass, whereby to have some occasion to think ●…me good thought, though I can do little, at least it will be a continuance in exercise of friendship, which on my part remain 〈◊〉 reased by that I hear of your service, and the good respect, I find towards myself. And so I continue, Yours, &c. A Letter to Mr. Pierce Secretary to the Lord Deputy of Ireland. Mr. Pierce, I Am glad to hear of you as I do and for my part you shall find me ready to take any occasion to further your credit and preferment; and I dare assure you though I am no undertaker to prepare your way with my Lord of Salisbury for any good fortune which may befall you, You teach me to comp●a●n of business, whereby I write more briefly, & yet I am so unjust as that which I allege for my own excuse, I cannot admit for yours. For I must by expecting, exact your Letters with this fru●t of your sufficiency, as to understand ●ow things pass in that kingdom: and therefore, having begun I pray continue. This is not merely curiosity, for I have ever (I know not by what instinct) wished well to that un olished part of this Crown, And so with my very loving commendations, I remain. Yours, &c. A Letter to Mr. Murrey of the King's Bed Chamber. Mr. Murrey, IT is very true, that his Majesty most graciously at my humble request knighted the last Sunday my Brother in law, a towardly young Gentleman; for which favour, I think myself more sound to his Majesty, then for the benefit often Knights. And to tell you truly, my meaning was not that the suit of this other Gentleman Mr. Temple, should have been moved in my name. For I should have been unwilling to have moved his Majesty for more than one at once, though many times in his majesty's Courts of justice, if we move once for our friends, we are allowed to move again for our Fee. But indeed my purpose was that you might have been pleased to have moved it as for myself. N●verthelesse since it is so far gone, and that the gentleman's friends are in some expectation of success. I leave it to your kind regard what is further to be done, as wa●ling to give satisfaction to th●se which have put me in trust, and loath on the other side to press ab●ve good manners. And so with my loving commendations, I remain Yours, &c. A Letter to my Lady Pagington, in answer of a Message by her sent. Madam, YOu shall with right good will be made acquainted with any thing which concerneth your Daughters if you bear a mind of love and concord; otherwise, you must be content to be a stranger unto us. For I may not be so unwise as to suffer you to be an Author or occasion of dissension between your Daughters and their Husbands, having seen so much misery of that kind in yourself. And above all things I will turn back your kindness, in which you ay you will receive my wife if she be cast off. For it is much more likely we have occasion to receive you being cast off, if you remember what is passed. But it is time to make an end of those follies. And you shall at this time pardon me this one fault of writing to you. For i mean to do it no more till you use me, and respect me as you ought. So wishing you better than it seemeth, you will draw upon yourself, I rest Yours, &c. A Letter to Mr. Matthews, imprisoned for Rel●gion. Mr Matthews, Do not hink me forgetful or altered towards you: but if I should say that I should do you any good. I should make my power more than it is. I do hear that which I am right ●orry for, that you grow more impatient and busy then at first, which maketh me to fear the issue of that, which seemeth not o stand at a stay. I myself am out of doubt, that you have been miserably abused when you were first seduced, and that which I take in compassion, others may take in severity, I pray God that understands us all better than we understand one another continue you, as I hope he will at the least within the bounds of loyalty to his Majesty and natural piety towards your Country, and I entreat you much to meditate sometimes upon the extreme effect of Supersti●ion in this last Powder Treason, fit to be tabled and pictured in the Tables of meditation as another Hell above the ground, and well justifying the Censure of the Heathen that Super●●ition is far worse than Atheism, by how much it is less evil to have no opinion of God at all, than such as are impious towards his divine Majesty and goodness. Good Mr. Mathews, receive yourself back from these courses of perdition, and being willing to have written a great deal more I continue, Yours, &c. Sir Thomas Bodley's Letter to Sir Francis Bacon, about his Cogita & v●sa, wherein he declareth his opinion freely touching the same. SIR, ASsoon as the Term was ended, supposing your leisure was more than before, I was coming to thank you two or three times, rather choosing it by word then by letter, but I was sti●… disappointed of my purpose, as I am at this present upon an urgent occasion, which doth time last to Fulham, and hath made me now determine to impart my mind in writing. I think you know I have read your Cogita & visa, which I protest I have done with great desire, reputing it a token of your singular love, that you joined me with those your chiefest friends, to whom you would commend your first perusal of your draught. For which, I pray you give me leave to say but this unto you. First, that if the depth of my affection to your person and spirit, to your works and your words, and to all your abilities were as highly to be valued, as your affection is to me, it might w●…k with yours arm in arm, and claim your love by just desert. But there can be no comparison where our states are so uneven, and our means to demonstrate our affections so different; insomuch as for my own, I must leave it to be prized in the nature that it is, and you shall evermore find it most add●cted to your worth. As touching the subject of your Book you have set a foot so many rare and noble speculations, as I cannot choose but wonder (and I shall wonder at it ever) that your expense of time considered in your public profession, which hath in a manner no acquaintance with any Scholarship or Learning, you should have culled out the quintessence, and sucked up the sap of the chiefest kind of Learning. For howsoever, in some points you do vary altogether from that which is, and hath been ever the received Doctrine of our Schools, and was always by the wisest, as still they have been deemed of all Nations and Ages adju●ged the truest, Yet it is apparent, that in those very points, and in all your Proposals and Plots in that book, you show yourself a Master-Workman. For myself, I must co●…esse and I speak it ingenue, that for the matter of learning I am not worthy to be reckoned in the number of Smatterers. And yet because it may seem, that being willing to communicate your Treatise with your friends, you are likewise willing to listen to whatsoever I, or othe●…can except against it. I must deliver unto you for my pr●… 〈◊〉 I am one of that crew that say there is and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…r greater holdfast of certainty in your Scien●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 your ●…course will seem to acknowledge. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ill success and errors of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you know as well they do proceed of the 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 ●…e 〈◊〉 ●…d doth obey his Physician, in observing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or by mis-in●…tion of their own indisposi●…. For 〈◊〉 are able in this kind to explicate themselves, or by reason their disease, are by nature uncurable which is incident you know to many sorts of maladies, or for some other hid cause which cannot be di●covered by course of conjecture, howbeit, i am full of this bel●ese 〈◊〉 as physic is ministered now a days by physicians it is much to be ascribed to their negligence or ignorance or other touch of my imperfection, that they speed no better in their practice, for few are found of that profession so well instructed in their Art, as they might by their receipts which their art doth afford, which though it be deffective in regard of such perfection, yet for certain it doth flourish with admirable remedies, such as tract of time hath taught by experiential events, and are the open high way to that principal knowledge that you recomend. As for alchemy and magic, some conclusions they have, that are worthy the preserving, but all their skill is so accompanied with subtleties, and guils, as both the Crafts, & Craftmasters are not only despiseo, but named with derision, whereupon to make good your principal affection methinks you should have drawn your examples, from that which is taught in the liberal sciences not by picking out cases that happen very seldom, and may by all confession be subject to reproof, but by controlling the generals, and grounds, and eminent positions, and aphorisms, which the greatest Artists, and Philosophers, have from time to time defended. For it goeth for currant amongst all men of learning, that those kind of Arts which Clerks in times past did term Quadra vi nliis, confirm their Propositions by infallible demonstrations. And likewise in the trivials, such lessons and directions are delivered unto us, as will effect very near, or as much altogether, as every Faculty doth promise, now in case we should concur, to do as you advise, which is to renounce our common Notions, and cancel all our Actions, Rules, and tenants, and so to come Babes, ad regnum naturae, as we are willed by Scriptures to come, ad regnum toelorum, there is nothing more certain in my understanding, then that it would instantly bring us to Barbarism, and after many thousand years, leave us more unprovided of theorical furniture, than we are at this present, for that were indeed to become very Babes, or Tabula rasa, when we shall leave no impression of any former principles, but be driven to begin the world again, and to travel by trials of Action and sense (which are your proofs by particulars) what to place in intellectu, for our general conception, it being a maxim of all men's approving, in intellectu, nihil esse quod non prius fuit in sensu, and so in appearance it would befall us, that till Plato's year be come about, our insight of Learning would be of less reckoning then now it is accounted. As for that which you inculcate, of a knowledge more excellent the now is among us, which experience might produce, if we would but assay to extract it out of nature by particular approbations, it is no more upon the matter, but to ●…cire us unto that, which without instigation by a natural instinct men will practise of themselves; for it cannot in reason be otherwise thought, but that there are infinite Members in all parts of the World. For we may not in this case confine our cogitations within the bounds of Europe, which embrace the course that you purpose, with all the diligence and care that ability can perform, for every man is born with an appetite of knowledge, wherewith they cannot be so glutted but still as in Dropsies they thirst after more. But yet why they should harken to any such persuasion, as wholly to abolish those set●ed opinions, and general Theores, to which they attained by their own and their Ancestots experience, I see nothing yet alleged to induce me to th●nk it. Moreover I may speak as I should suppose with good probability, that if we should make a mental survey what is like obe effected all the World over those five or six inventions which you have selected and imagine to be but of modern standing, would make but a slender show amongst so many hundreds of all kinds of natures which are daily brought to light by the enforcement of wit, or casual event, and may be compared, or partly preferred above those that you have named. But were it so here th●t all were admitted, that you can require for the augmentation of our knowledge, and that all our Theorems, and general Positions were utterly extinguished with a new substitution of others in their places, what hope may we have of any benefit of Learning by this alteration. Assuredly, as soon as the new are brought, with their additions by the inventors and their followers, by an interchangable course of natural things they wilfal by degrees to be buried in oblivion, & so on continuance to perish out right, & that perchanc● upon the ●ike to your present pretences, by proposal of some means to advance all our knowledge to an higher pitch of perfectness. For still the same defects that Antiquity found will reside in Mankind. And therefore, other issues of their actions, devices, and studies are not to be expected, than is apparent by Records were in former times observed. I remember here a Note which Paterculus made of the incomparable wits of the Grecians and Romans in their flourishing state, that there might be this reason of their notable downfall in their issue that came after; because by nature, Quod summo studio petitum esse ascendit in summum difficisque in perfecto mora est: insomuch, that men perceiving that they could go no further, being come to the top, they turned back again of their own accord, so saking these Studies hat are most in request, and beraking themselves to new endeavours as if the thing that they sought had been by prevention surprised by others. So it fared in particular with the eloquence of that Age, that when their successors found that hardly they could equal, or by no means excel the predecessors they began to neglect the study thereof, and both to write and speak for many hundred years in a rustic●ll manner, till this latter revolution brought the wheel about again, by inflaming gallant spirits to give the onset afresh, with straining and striving to climb unto the top and height of perfection, not in that gift only, but in every other skill in any part of Learning. For I do not hold it an erroneous conceit to think of every Scierce, that as now they are professed, so they have been before in all preced●nt Ages, though not alike in all places, nor at all times alike in one and the said place, but according to the changings and ●winings of times, with a more exact and plain, as with a more rude and obscure kind of teaching, And if the question should be asked, what proof I have of it, I have the Doctrine of Aristotle, and of the deepest learned Clerks, of whom we have any means to take any notice, that as there is of other things, so there is of Sciences, Ortus & interius, which is also the meaning, if I should expound it of Nihil novum sub sole, and is as well to be applied, ad facta, as ad dicta, ut nihil neque dictum neque factum quod non & dictum, & factum prius. I have further for my warrant that famous complaint of Solomon to his Son, against the infinite making of Books in his time, of which in all congruity it must needs be understood that a great part were observations and instructions in all kind of literature, and of those there is not so much as one petty Pamphlet, only some parts of the Bible excepted remainig to Posterity. As than there was not in like manner any footing to be found of millions of Authors that were long before Solomon, and yet we must give credit to that which he affirmed, that whatsoever was then or had been before, it could never be truly pronounced of it. Behold this is new. Whereupon I must for my conclusion infer, seeing all the endeavours, study, and knowledge of Mankind in whatsoever Art or Science, have ever been the same, as there are at this paesent, though full of mutabilities according to the changes and accidental occasions of Ages and Countries, and Clerks dispositions, which can never be but subject to intention and commission, both in their devices, and in their practices of their knowledge, if now we should accord in opinion with you. First, to condemn our present knowledge of doubts and incertitudes, which you confirm but by averment without other force of argument and then to disclaim all our Aximes and maxims, and general assertions that are left by tradition from our Elders to us, which (for so it is to be intended) have passed all probations of the sharpest wits that ever were. And lastly, to devise, being now become again as it were Abecodarii, by the frequent spelling of particulars, to come to the notice of the true generals, and so afresh to create new principles of Sciences, the end of all would be that when we shallbe dispossessed of the learning which we have, and our consequent travails, will butly he as in a Circle to conduct us to the place from whence we set forward, and bring us to the happiness to be restored in integrum, which will require as many Ages as have marched before us to be perfectly achieved. And this I wri●e with no dislike of increasing our knowledge with new found devices, which is undoubtably a practice of high commendation, in regard of the Benefit they will yield for the present; that the world hath ever been, and will assuredly continue very full of such devisours, whose industry that way hath been very obstinate and eminent that way, and hath produced strange effects, above the reach, and the hope of men's common capasi●ie, and yet our Notions and theorems have always kept in grace both with them, and with the rarest that ever were named among the learned, by this you see to what boldness I am brought by your kindness, that if I seem to be too saucy in this contradiction, it is the opinion that I hold of your nobled disposition, and of the freedom in these cases that you will afford your special friend that hath induced me to do it, and though I myself like a carrier's horse cannot bank the beaten way in which I have be●e trained, yet such is my Censure of your Cogitata, that I must tell you to be plain, you have very much wronged yourself, and the world, to smother such a treasure so long in your Coffer, for though I stand well assured for the tenor and Subject, of your main discourse, you are not able to empanel a substantial Jury in any university that will give up a verdict to acquit you of error, yet it cannot be gainsaid, but all your treatise, ever doth abound with choice conceits of the present state of learning and with so worthy contemplations of the means to procure it as may persuade with any student to look more narrowly to his business, not only by aspiring to the greatest perfection of that which is now a days divulged in the sciences, but by diving yet deeper into (as it were) the bowel●s, and secrets of nature, and by enforcing of the powers of his judgement, and wit to learn of St. Paul consectari meliora dona, which course would to God, (to whisper so in your ear you had followed at the first, when you fell into the Study of such a Study, as was not worthy such a student, nevertheless being so as it is, that you are therein settled, and your Country soundly served, I cannot but wish with all my heart, as I do very often that you may gain a fit reward to the fu●l of your deserts, which I hope will come with heaps of happiness and honour. From Fulham, Feb. 19 1607. T. B. POST SCRIPT. SIR, ONe kind of boldness doth draw on another, insomuch, as methinks I should offend not to signify, that before the transcript of your Book be fitted for the press, it will be requisite for you to cast your eye upon the stile, which in the framing of some periods, and in divers words and phrases, will hardly go current, if the Copy brought to me, be just the same that you would publish. Sir, Clouds of misery darkens so much such as are not in the sunshine of prosperity, as they prevail with many good Natures, furnished with commendable judgement, to give wrong Censures of them. I am one of those that cannot justify myself so far, as not to be liable to reproof; yet I am of that rank that cannot stoop to the stroke of every malicious tongue. But in you I have found such abundance of favour, who never knew me, but in my tide of ebb, that I must needs leave this with you, as & Record to witness my shame and reproach, if I be ingrateful for it, so far as either abilities of body, or goods of fortune may extend to perform. And hereunto he sets his hand, that resolves to live and die, Your faithful friend to serve you, A. B. THE CHARACTERS OF A Believing Christian, in Paradoxes, and seeming Contradictions. I. AChristian is one that believes things his reason 〈◊〉 comprehend, he hopes for things which neither be no●…y man alive ever saw: he labours for that which he know●… he can never obtain, yet in the issue, his belief appears not to be false, his hope makes him not ashamed, his labour is not in vain. II. He believes three to be one, and one to be three, a Father not to be elder than his Son, a Son to be equal with his Father, and one proceeding from both to be equal with both; he believes three ersons in one nature, and two Natures in one Person. III. He believes a Virgin to be a Mother of a son, and that very son of hers to be her maker. He believes him to have been shut up in a narrow room, whom Heaven and Earth could never contain. He believes him to have been born in time, who was and is from Everlasting. He believes him to have been a weak Child carried in Arms, who is the Almighty, and him once to have died, who only hath life, and immortality in himself. IV. He believes the God of all Grace to have been angry with one that have never offended him, and that God that hates sin to be reconciled to himself, though sinning continually, and never making or being able to make him satisfaction. He believes the just God to have punished a most just person, and to have justified himself though a most ungodly sinner, He believes him freely pardoned, and yet a sufficient satisfaction was made for him. V. He believes himself to be precious in God's sight, and yet loathes himself in his own. He dares not justify himself even in those things wherein he can find no fault with himself, and yet believes God accepts him in those services wherein he is able to find many faults. VI. He praises God for his justice, and fears him for his mercy. He is so ashamed as that he dares not open his mouth before God and yet he comes with boldness to God, and asks him any thing he needs. He is so humble as to acknowledge himself to deserve nothing; but evil, and yet believes that God means him all good. He is one that fears always, yet is as bold as a lion. He is often sorrowful, yet always rejoicing, many times complaining, yet always giving of thanks, He is the most lowly minded, yet the greatest inspirer, most contented, yet ever craving. VII. He bears a lofty, spirit in a mean condition, when he is ablest he thinks meanest of himself. He is rich in youth, and poor in the midst of riches. He believes all the world to be his, yet he dares take nothing without special leave from God, He Covenants with God for nothing, yet looks for a great reward, He loseth his life and gains by it, and whilst he loseth it, he saveth it. VIII. He lives not to himself, yet of all others, he is most wise for himself, He denieth himself often, yet no man loveth himself so well as he. He is most reproached, yet most honoured. He hath most afflictions, and most comforts. Ix.. The more Injury his Enemies do him, the more advantage he gains by them. The more he forsakes worldly things, the more he enjoies them. X. He is the most temperate of all men, yet fares most deliciously, he lends, and gives most freely, yet he is the greatest usurer, he is meek towards all men, yet inexorable by men, He is the best Child, Husband, Brother, Friend, yet hates Father, and Mother, Brother, and Sister. He loves all men as himself, yet hates some men with a perfect hatred. XI. He desires to have more grace than any man hath in the world, yet is truly sorrowful when he seeth any man have less than himself, he knoweth no man after the flesh yet gives all men their due respects, he knoweth if he please man he cannot be the servant of Christ, yet for Christ his sake he pleaseth all men in all things. He is a Peace maker, yet is continually fighting, and an irreconcilable Enemy. XII. He believes him to be worse than an infidel that provides not for his family, yet himself lives, and dles without Care. He accounts all his inferiors, yet stand; stiffly upon authority. He is severe to his Children, because he loveth them, and by being favourable unto his Enemy, he revengeth himself upon him. XIII. He believes the angels to be more excellent Creatures than himself, and yet counts them his servants. He believes that he receives many good turns by their means, and yet he neither prays for their assistance, nor offers them thanks, which he doth not disdain to do to the meanest Christian. XIV. He believes himself to be a King how mean soever he be. How great soever he be, he thinks himself not to good to be a servant to the poorest Saint. XV. He is often in prison yet always at liberty. A Freeman though a servant. He loves not honour amongst men, yet highly prizeth a good name. XVI. He believes that God hath bidden every man that doth him good, to do, so he yet of any man is the most thankful to them that do aught for him, He would lay down his life to save the soul of his Enemy, yet will not adventure upon one sin to save the life of him who saved his. XVII. He swears to his own hindrance, and changeth not, yet knoweth that his Oath cannot tie him to sin. XVIII. He believes Christ to have no need of any thing he doth, yet maketh account he doth relieve Christ in all his acts of Charity. He knoweth he can do nothing of himself, yet labours to work out his own salvation, he confesseth he can do nothing, yet as truly professeth he can do all things, he knoweth that flesh, and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God, yet believeth he shall go to Heaven both body, and soul. XIX. He trembles are God's word, yet counts it sweeter to him then honey, and the honey-comb and dearer than thousands of Gold, and silver. XX. He believes that God will never dame him, and yet fears God for being able to cast him into Hell. He knoweth he shall not be saved by nor for his good works, yet he doth all the good works he can. XXI. He knoweth God's providence is one all things, yet is so diligent in his calling, and business, as if he were to cut out the thread of his fortunes. He believes before hand that God hath purposed what he shall be, and nothing can make him to alter his purpose, yet prays and endeavours, as if he would force God to save him for ever. XXII. He prays and labours for that which he is confident God means to give, and the more assured he is, the more earnest he prays, for that he knows he shall never obtain, and yet gives not over. He prays, and labours for that which he knows he shall be no less happy, without he prays with all his heart not to be led into temptation, yet rejoiceth when he is fallen into it, he believes his prayers are heard even when they are denied, & gives thanks for that which he prays against. XXIII. He hath within him both flesh, and spirit, yet he is not a double minded man, he is often led Captive by the law of sin, yet it never gets domminion over him, he cannot sin, yet can do nothing without sin. He can do nothing against his will, yet maintains he doth what he would not. He wavers and doubteth, yet obtains. XXIV. He is some times so troubled, that he thinks nothing to be true in Religion; yet if he did think so, he could not at all be troubled, He thinks sometimes that God hath no mercy for him, yet resolves to die in the pursuit of it. He believes like Abraham against hope, and though he cannot answer God's logic, yet with the woman of Canaan, he hopes to prevail with the rhetoric of importunity. XXV. He wrestles and yet prevails, and though yielding himself unworthy of the least blessing he enjoys, yet Jacob like, he will not let him go without a new blessing. He some times thinks himself to have no grace at all, and yet how poor and afflicted soever he be besides, he would not change conditions with the most prosperous man under Heaven, that is a manifest Worldling. XXVI. He thinks sometimes that the Ordinance of God do him no good, yet he would rather part with his life, then be deprived of them. XXVII. He was born dead, yet so that it had been murder in any to have taken his life away. After he began to live, he was ever dying. XXVIII. And though he hath an eternal life begun in him, yet he makes account he hath a death to pass through. XXIX. He counts self murder a hainour sin, yet is ever busied in crucifying the flesh and in putting to death his earthly Members, not doubting, but there will come a time of glory where he shall be esteemed precious in the sight of the great God of Heaven and Earth, appearing with boldness at his Throne, and asking any thing he needs, being endued with humility, by acknowledging his great crimes and offences, and that he deserveth nothing but severe punishment. XXX. He believes his soul and body shall be as full of glory, as them that have more, and no more full, than theirs that have less. XXXI. He lives invisible to those that see him, and those that know him best do but guess at him; yet those many times judge more truly of him than he doth of himself. XXXII. The world will sometimes account him a Saint, when GOD accounted him a hypocrite, and afterwards when the World branded him for an Hypocrite, than God owned him for a Saint. XXXIII. His death makes not an end of him. His soul which was put into his body, is not to be perfected without his body; yet his soul is more happy, when it is separated from his body, than when it was joined unto it. And his body though torn in pieces, burnt in ashes, ground to powder, turned to rottenness, shall be no loser. XXXIV. His Advocate, his Surety shall be his Judge; his mortal part shall become immortal, and what was sown in cor●…ption, shall be raised in incorruption and glory, and a finite Creature, shall possess an infinite happiness. A Confession of the Faith, Written by Sir Francis Bacon, Knight, Viscount of St. Alban, about the time he was solicitor general to our late sovereign Lord King James. I Believe, That nothing is without beginning, but GOD, nor Nature no Matter, no Spirit, but one only, and the same GOD, That GOD as he is eternal, Almighty, only wise, only God in his Nature: so he is eternally Father, son, and holy Spirit in Persons. I believe, That God is so holy, pure, realous, that it is impossible for him to be pleased in any Creature (though the work of his own hand) so that neither Angel, Man nor World, could stand, or can stand one moment in his eyes, without beholding the same in the face of a Mediator. And therefore, that before him, with whom all things are present, The lamb of God was slain before all Worlds, without which Eternal council of his, it was impossible for him to have descended to any work of Creation, but should have enjoyed the blessed and individual Society of three Persons in God, head only for ever; but that out of his eternal and infinite goodness and love (purposing to become a Creator, and to communicate with his Creatures he ordained in his eternal council, That one Person of the God head should in time be united to one Nature, and to one particular of his Creatures, That so in the person of the Mediator; the true sadder might be fixed, whereby God might descend to his Creatures; and the Creatures might ascend to God: So that by the reconciliation of the mediator, turning his Countenance towards his Creatures (though not in the same degree) made way unto the disposition of his most holy, and sacred will whereby some of his Creatures might stand and keep their State, others might fall, and be restored into their state, but yet remain in Being, though under wrath and corruption, all in the virtue of the Mediator, which is the great Mystery and perfect sentry of all God's ways with his Creatures, & unto which all his other works and wonders, do but serve and refer. That he chose (according to his good pleasure) Man to be that Creature, to whose Nature the Eternal Son of God should be united, and among the Generations of men elected a small flock, to whom the participation of himself, he purposed to express the riches of his glory. All the ministration of Angels, damnation of devils and Reprobats, and universal administration of all Creatures, and dispensation of all times have no other end; but as the ways and Ambages of God, to be furthet glorified of his Saints, who are one with the Mediator, who is one with God. That by virtue of his eternal council (touching a Mediator) he descendeth at his own good pleasure, and according to times & seasons to himself known, to become a Creator) and by his eternal Word created all things, and by his eternal Spirit doth comfort and preserve them. That he made all things in their first estate good, and removed from himself the beginning of all evil and vanity, unto the liberty of the Creature; but reserved in himself the beginning of all restistitution, and the liberty of his grace using (Nevertheless) and turning the falling and descension of the Creature, which to his Presciens was eternally known to make way to his eternal council, touching a Mediator and the Work, he purposed to accomplish in him. That God created Spirits, whereof some kept their standing, and others fell. He created Heaven and Earth, and all their Armies and Generations, and gave unto them constant and everlasting Laws, which we call Nature, which is nothing else but the Laws of Creation; which Laws (Nevertheless) have had three changes or times, and are to have a fourth and last. 1. The first, When the matter of Heaven and Earth was created without forms. 2. The second, The interim of every day's work. 3. The third, By the Curse, which notwithstanding was no new Creation, but a Privation of part of the first Creature. And the last end of the world, the manner where of is not yet revealed. So as the laws of Nature which now remain and govern Inviolably till the end of the world begin to be in force when God first rested from his works, and ceased to create. But received a revocation (in part) by the curse, since which timey the changed not. That, notwithstanding God hath rested, and ceased from creating since the first Sabbath, yet nevertheless he doth accomplish and fulfil his divine will in all things great, and small, singular, and general, as fully and exactly by providence, as he would by miracle, & new creation, though his work be not immediate, & direct, but by compass, not violating Nature which is his own law upon his Creatures. That as at the first the soul of Man was not produced by Heaven or earth but was breathed immediately from God: So that the ways and proceedings from God with Spirits are not concluded in Nature, that is in the laws of Heaven and Earth, but are reserved to the law of his secret will, and grace wherein God worketh still, and resteth not from the work of Creation, but continnueth working till the end of the world, what time that work also shall be accomplished, and an eternal Sabbath shall ensue. Likewise that whensoever God doth break the law of Nature by miracles (which are ever new Creatures) he never cometh to that point or pass, but in regard of the work of Redemption which is the greater, and whereunto all God's Saints and martyrs do refer. That God created man in his own likeness or Image in a reasonable soul, in innocency, in freewill, in sovereignty That he gave him a law and commandment which was in his power to keep, but he kept it not. That Man made a total defection from God, presuming to imagine, that the commandment and pro●i●ition of God were not the rules of good and evil, but that good and evil had their Principles and Beginnings, to the end, to depend no more upon God's will revealed, but upon him and his own light as a God, than the which, there would not be a sin more opposite to the whole law of God. That (Nevertheless) this great sin was not originally moved by the malice of man, but was intimated by the suggestion and instigation of the devil who was the first defected Creature, who did fall of malice and not by temptation That upon the fall of man death and vanity upon the Justice of God, and the Image of God was defaced, and Heaven, and Earth which was made for man's use were subdued and corrupted by his fall. But then that instant and without intermission of time after the words of God's law became through the fall of man frustrate, as to obedience there succeeded the greater word of the promise, the righteousness of God might be wrought by faith. That as well the law of God as the word of his promise induce the same for ever, but that they have been revealed in several manners according to the dispensation of times for the law was first imprinted in that remnant of light of nature which was left after the fall being sufficient to accuse, than it was more manifestly expressed in the written law, & was yet more opened to the Prophets, & lastly expounded in the true perfection of the son of God the great Prophet, and interpreter of the law. That likewise the word of the promise was manifested & revealed. First by the immediate revelation & inspiration after the figures which were of two Natures. The one, of the Rites and Ceremonies of the Law; the other continual History of the old World, & Church of the Jews, which though it be literal, is true; yet it is pregnant of a perpetual allegory and shadow of the work of redemption, to follow the same Promise or Evangell, was more clearly revealed and declared by the Prophets, and then by the Son himself. And lastly, by the holy Ghost which illuminateth the Church to the end of the World. That in the fullness of Time, according to the promise and oath of God, of a chosen Image descended the blessed Seed of the Woman, Jesus Christ the only begotten Son of God, and saviour of the Word, who was conceived by the holy Ghost, and took flesh of the Virgin Mary. That the Word did not only take flesh, or was joined to flesh, but was flesh, though without confusion of substance or nature: so as the Eternal Son of God, and the ever blessed Son of Man was one Person: So one, as the blessed Virgin may be truly and catholicly called Dei Para the Mother of God. So one as there is unity in universal Nature. Not that the soul and body of Man so perfect, for the three heavenly Unities (whereof that as the second) exceed all natural Unities; that is to say, the unity of God and Man in Christ and the Church, the holy Ghost being the worker of both these latter unities. For by the Holy Ghoct was Christ incarnate & quickened in the flesh, and by the Holy Ghost is Man regenerate and quickened in the Spirit. That Jesus the Lord became in the flesh a Sacrifice for sin, a satisfaction and price to the justice of God, a meritor of glory and the Kingdom, a Pattern of all righteousness, a Preacher of the Word which himself was, a finisher of the Ceremonies, a corner stone to remove the sepa●ation between Jew and Gentile, an intercessor for the Church, a Lord of Nature, a conqueror of death, and the power of darkness in his Resurrection. And that he fulfilled the whole council of God, performed his whole sacred office, and anointing in Earth, accomplished the whole work of Redemption, and restitution of man, to a state superior to the Angels, whereas the state of his Creation was inferior, and reconciled and established all things, according to the eternal will of the Father. That in time Jesus the Lord was born in the days of Herod, and suffered under the government of Pontius Pilate, being Deputy of the Romans, and under the high Priesthood of Caiphas and was betrayed by Judas, one of the 12. Apostles, and was crucified at Jerusalem, and after a true and natural death, and his body laid in the Sepulchre, the third day he raised himself from the bonds of death, and arose, and showed himself to many chosen witnesses by the space of many days. And at the end of those days, in the sight of many ascended into Heaven, where he continueth his intercession, and shall from thence at a day appointed, come in great glory to judge the World. That the sufferings and merit of Christ, as they are sufficient to do away the sins of the whole World, so they are only effectual to such as are regenerate by the Holy Ghost, who breaketh where he will of free grace (which grace as a seed incorruptible) quickeneth the Spirit of Man, and conceiveth him a new the Son of God, and a Member of Christ. So that Christ having man's flesh, and Man having Christ's spirit there is an open passage and mutual imputation whereby sin & wrath is conveyed to Christ from man, and merit and life is conveyed to Man from Christ, which Seed of the Holy Ghost, first figureth in us the Image of Christ, slain or crucified in a lively faith, and then reigneth in us the Image of God, in holiness and charity, though both imperfectly and in degrees far differing, even in God's elect, as welll in regard of the fire of the spirit, as of the illumination, which is more or less in a large proportion; as namely in the Church before Christ, which yet nevertheless was partakers of one and the same salvation, and one and the same means of salvation with us. That the work of the Spirit, though it be not tied to any means in Heaven or Earth, yet it is ordinarily dispensed by the preaching of the Word, the administration of the Sacraments, the covenants of the Fathers upon the children, prayer, reading, the censures of the Church, the society of the godly, the crosses and afflictions, Gods benefits, his judgements upon others, Miracles, the contemplation of his Creatures. All which things, some be more principal. God usethas the means of Vocation or conversion of his elect not derogating power to call immediately by his grace, & at all hours & moments of the day (that is) of man's life according to his good pleasure. That the word of God whereby this will is revealed continued in revelation & tradition until Moses & that the Scriptures were from Moses time, to the times of the Apostles & Evangelicts in whose ages after the coming of the Holy Ghost the Teacher of all truth the book of the Scriptures is shut and closed up, to receive any new addition, and that the Church hath no power over the Scriptures to teach or command any thing contrary to the written word, But is as the Ark, wherein the tables of the first Testament were kept and preferred (that is to say) the Church hath only the Custody, and delivery of the Scriptures committed unto the same together with the interpretation of them. That there is an universal or Catholic Church of God dispersed over the face of the Earth, which Christ's Spouse and Christ's Body being gathered of the Fathers of the old world of the Church of the Jews, of the Spirits, of the faithful, dissolved of the Spirits of the faithful militant, and of the names yet to be born, which are already written in the Book of life. That there is a visible Church distinguished by the outward works of God Servant, and the receiving of the holy doctrine, with the use of the mysteries of God, and the invocation and sanctification of his Holy Name. That there is also a Holy succession of the' Prophets of the new. Testamen, and Fathers of the Church from the time of the Apostles and Disciples which saw our Saviour in the flesh unto the consummation of the work of the ministry, which persons are called of God, by gift or inward anointing and the vocation of God followed by an outward calling or ordination of the Church. I Believe that the souls of those that die in the Lord are blessed and rest from their labour and enjoy the sight of God, yet so as they are in expectation of the further revelation of their glory in the last day. At which time, all flesh of man shall arise and be changed and shall appear and receive from Jesus Christ his eternal Judgement, and the glory of the Saints shall then be full and the kingdom shall be give, to God the Father from which time all things shall continue for ever in that being and estate which then they shall receive: So as there are three times (if times they may be called) or parts of Eternity. The first, The time before beginning, when the godhead was only without the being of any Creature. The second, The time of Mystery, which continueth from the Cretion to the dissolution of the World. The third, The time of the Revelation of the Sons of God, which time is the last, and is without change. A Prayer made and used by the late Lord chancellor. eternal God and most merciful Father in Jesus Christ, in whom thou hast made. Let the words of our mouths, and the meditations of our hearts be now and ever gracious in thy sight, and acceptable unto thee O Lord, our God, our strength, and our Redeemer. eternal God, and most merciful Father in Jesus Christ; in whom thou hast made a Covenant of grace and mercy with all those that come unto thee in him, in his name and mediation we humbly prostrate ourselves before thy throne of thy mercy's seat acknowledging that by the breach of all thy holy laws and commandments we are become wild Olive branches, strangers to thy covenant of grace, we have defaced in ourselves thy sacred Image imprinted in us by Creation; we have sinned against heaven and before thee, and are no more worthy to be called thy children, O admit us into the place even of hired servants. Lord thou hast formed us in our mother's Wombs, thy providence hath hitherto watched over us and preserved us unto this period of time O stay not the course of thy mercies and loving kindness towards us; Have mercy upon us O Lord for thy dear son Christ Jesus sake, who is the way, the truth, and the life. In him O Lord we appe●l from thy justice to thy mercy, beseeching thee in his name, & for his sake only thou wilt be graciously pleased freely to pardon, and forgive us all our sins and disobedience, whether in thought, word, or deed committed against thy divine Majesty; and in his precious bloodshedding, death, and perfect obedience, free us from the guilt, the stain, the punishment and dominion of all our sins, & clothe us with his perfect righteousness; there is mercy with thee O Lord that thou mayst be feared: yea, thy mercies swallow up the greatness of our sins, speak peace to our souls and consciences, make us happy in the free remission of all our sins and be reconciled to thy poor servants in Jesus Christ, in whom thou art well pleased: Suffer not the works of thine own hands to perish, thou art not delighted in the death of sinners, bat in their conversion. Turn our hearts, and weshall be turned, convert us and we shall be converted; illuminate▪ the eyes of our minds and understanding with the bright beams of thy holy Spirit, that we may daily grow in the saving knowledge of the heavenly mystery of our redempsion, wrought by our dear Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, sanctify our wills and affection by the same Spirit, the most sacred fountain of all grace and goodness, reduce them to the obedience of thy most holy will in the practice of all piety toward thee, and charity towards all men. Inflame our hearts with thy love, cast forth of them what displeaseth thee, all infidelity, hardness of heart, profaneness, hypocrisy, contempt of thy holy word and ordinances all uncleanness, and whatsoever advanceth itself in opposition to thy holy will. And grant that hencefor●h, through thy grace we may be enabled to lead a godly, holy sober, and christian life in true sincerity and uprightness of heart before thee. To this end, plant thy holy fear in our hearts, grant that it may never depart from before our eyes, but continually guide our feet in the paths of thy righteousness, and in the ways of thy commandments, increase our weak ●aith, grant it may daily bring forth the true fruits of unfeigned repentance, that by the power of the death of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, we may daily die unto sin, and by the power of his resurrection, we may be quickened, and raised up to newness of life, may be truly born a new, and may be effectually made partakers of the first resurrection, that then the second deach may never have dominion over us. Teach us O Lord so to number our days, that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom; make us ever mindful of our last end, and continually ●o exercise the knowledge of grace in our hear●s, that in the said divorce of soul and body we may be translated here to that Kingdom of glory prepared for all those that love thee, and shall trust in thee, even then and ever, O Lord let thy holy Angels pitch their ●ents round about us, to guard and defend us from all the malice of Satan, and from all perils bo●h of soul and body, Pardon all our unthankfulness, make us daily more and more thankful for all thy mercies and benefits daily poured down upon us. Let these our humble prayers ascend to the throne of grace, and be granted not only for these mercies, but for whatsoever else thy wisdom knows needful for us, and for all those that are in need, misery, and distress, whom Lord thou hast afflicted either in soul or body, grant them patience and perseverence in the end, and to the end. And that O Lord not for any merits of thy Son, and our alone Saviour Christ Jesus; to whom with thee, and the holy Spirit, be ascribed all glory, &c. Amen. Imprimatur. JA: CRANFORD. ERRATA. PAge 2. line 21. for ●ege read regal, p. 7. l. 9 for my r. suit, p. 10. l. 23. so wast r. wast, p. 12. l. 7. for is ready, r. is not ready. p. 14. for my r. any, ibid● 28. for not r. but, p. 21. l. 17. for that part r. in that part, p. 28. l. 8. for worst r▪ wast, p. 31 l. 8. for as no, r. as a new, ibid l. 20, for upon the r. upon your, p. 32. l. 11. for moved to think r. moved so to think, p. 35. l. 7. for here r. there, p. 36. l. 3. read as to pretend not only a desensive war as in times past, but a whole reconquest, ibid l. 10. for respect, r. therespe●●, p. 48. l. 8 for verosity r. vivacity, p. 73. l. 27. for was good, r. not good. The Reader will also meet with some stight errors, as purpose for propose, remission for commission, and such like.