THE COMPARISON OF PINDAR and HORACE Written in French By Monsieur BLONDEL, Master in the Mathematics to the DAUPHIN.  
Englished By Sir Edward Sherburn Kt.  
LONDON. Printed for Tho. Bennet at the Half-Moon in St. Paul's Churchyard, MDCXCVI.   

TO THE READER.  
WHAT here is recommended to him, is a Parallel of the two Princes of Lyric Poesy, Inimitable Pindar, and Incomparable Horace. It was first designed by a French Gentleman, in his own Language, a Person well Versed in Mathematical Studies, nor less in Historical and Poetical Learning; and by him delivered in a Speech to the Premier Precedent Monsigneur de LAMOIGNON (that Illustrious Patron of good Arts and Sciences) in a full Assembly of the Beaux Esprits of Paris, nor without a general Applause. And the Interpreter has reason to believe, It may be no less acceptable in this English Dress to those of the Nation, who have any share of Native Ingenuity.  
He thinks it requisite further to add, that the Piece in its English Version is rendered much more useful to the Reader, than it was in the Original; For, whereas there are very frequent Citations through the whole Treatise, from the Greek and Latin; these in the French are set down without any Mark of Reference, to show from whence they were taken. Which defect is, in this English Edition, supplied by the Apposition of Numerical Figures, directing the Reader where to meet with them in their respective Originals. And may with the help of the additional Notes, be very advantageous to the Reader in General, more particularly to the Curious and Ingenious, who shall take the Pleasure, or the Pains to confer.  
He holds it unnecessary to forestall by a larger Preface the particular Ornaments of the Piece, He only adds, That it is Concise, Divertising, and Instructive. And so freely leaves it to the Unpreposessed judgement of the Discerning Reader.  
E. S.   

The Comparison, etc.  
My Lord,  
I Am very sensible that I have neither Wit sufficient, nor Ability capable, to speak home and decisively as to the Merits of two of the greatest Lyric Poets Antiquity ever produced, Pindar and Horace. Since to do it as I ought, 'twould behoove me to be as knowing in Poesy as themselves, to judge worthily of their Writings. Nevertheless, I own so blind an obedience to the Commands your Lordship hath been pleased to lay upon me to undertake their Comparison, that I believe I ought not to demur one moment, but tell you what the assiduous Lecture of their Writings, and some others of the Ancients, may have furnished me with, to present you upon this Subject.  
Pindar lived more than 450 Years before Horace; and was Son of a Flute-Player. Aelian reports, that a Swarm of Bees were his Nurses, as he lay exposed out of his Father's House, who suckled him with Honey instead of Milk.  
It is true that I have not met with that Exposure, save only in Aelian; and all else, that speak of that Accident of the Bees, recount it after another manner. Philostratus says, that Pindar was in his Cradle when that Prodigy happened to him. And Pausanias, that being young, and going from Thebes to Thespia in the great Heats, he was about Midday surprised with Sleep; and stepping out of the way to repose himself, the Bees came and wrought their Honey on his Lips; which was the first Signal of the Genius, and natural Inclination, of pindar to Poesy. For this Prodigy (which is said likewise to have happened to Plato and St. Ambrose)▪ hath always been looked upon as the Presage of an extraordinary Sweetness in Discourse.  
There is in the Greek Anthology an Epigram of Antipater, which says in a manner the same thing.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Not vainly did the labouring Bees essay  
On thy sweet Li●●, Pindar, their Sweets to lay.  
The Birth of Horace was not more generous than that of Pindar. He was Son of a Seller of Saltfish; and had the reproach of not being entirely freeborn. 
Quem rodunt omnes ●ibertino patre natum.  
Censured by All, Son of a Libertine.  In regard his Father, whom he calls Libertinum, was Son of a Freedman, or perhaps himself a Freedman; for the Word in the Latin signifies both the one and the other.  
Among other Things, he recounts of himself an Accident something like that of the Bees to Pindar, in that Divine Ode of his.  
Descend Coelo, etc. L. 3. Ode 4. Which, for the most part, he hath imitated out of that Poet; where he says, 
Me fabulosae Vulture in Appulo  
Altricis extra Limen Apuliae  
Ludo fatigatumque somno;  
Frond nova puerum palumbes  
Texere—  
As under Vulture's shady Hill, one Day  
Beyond Apulia's Bounds I lay,  
A Child, o'er-charged with Sleep and Play,  
Wild Doves (known Subjects of fond Fables!) strowed  
Me over with verdant Leaves—  But 'tis but a Fable by him invented, in imitation of that Accident of the Bees, which happened to Pindar; which, perhaps, was likewise but a Fiction.  
This is what I have to say of their Births. As for their Countries, Pindar was of Thebes, the Capital City of Boeotia, of which the Inhabitants always passed for gross witted and blockish among the other People of Greece, who usually called the Thebans the Swine of Boeotia; as Pindar himself testifies in the 6 th'. of his Olympionicks. Where he charges his Master of the Choir to cause these Verses to be well sung.  
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
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〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Aeneas make thy Chorus first recite  
Parthenian Juno's Praise; next them invite  
To tell, by our Truth-sounding Muse, how we  
Surmounted have that ancient Obloquy  
Of the Boeotian Swine.  
Horace was Native of Venusium, a small Town, on the Frontiers of Lucania and Apulia; whose Inhabitants were always reputed notorious Thiefs, perfidious Persons, and given to Pillage and Plunder from the very Time of the Brutians, of whom they were descended. For the Brutians, as Diodorus Siculus reports, were no other than a company of Slaves and desperate Wretches; who having assassinated their Masters, and pillaged and ravaged the Neighbouring-Countries, seated themselves at last on these Mountains; of which, by the Situation of the Place, and Force of Arms, they ever since kept the possession.  
To what I have said of the Countries of these two great Genii, I shall add, That both of them, in the course of their Lives, were engaged in troublesome Wars, and, with this Misfortune, to have been on the worse side. Pindar was terrified (as others) at the Descent Xerxes made into Greece, and shared part of the Infamy with his Countrymen, who made an early Accommodation with that King against the common Consent of all the Greeks. Insomuch, that after the general Defeat of the Barbarians, the Thebans were reckoned as Deserters, and looked upon as People who had abandoned the Common Safety of their Country.  
In like manner, the Family of Horace being under the Protection of the junii, our Poet became engaged, after the Death of julius Caesar, on Brutus his side; who gave him the Command of a Legion. But he s●ow'd no great Proofs of his Valour, having saved himself in the Battle at Philippi, by throwing away his Buckler; which was the greatest Infamy that could befall a Soldier. He himself acknowledges it. 
— Et celerem fugam  
Sensi, relictâ non benè Parmulâ.  L. 2. Ode 7. 
A hasty Flight I from Philippi took,  
My Shield, un-Soldier-like, forsaken.  For all the World knows with how great Care the old Soldiers preserved their Bucklers; and the Joy Epaminondas had before he died, when he was told his Buckler was safe by him. 'Twas the Command of the Spartan Women to their Children going to the War, to return home with their Bucklers, or upon them. And, in fine, it was one of the greatest Reproaches could be given a Man to call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A Shield-Quitter; as may be seen in divers Places of Aristophanes.  
As to their Manners, it may be said, there was nothing of Likeness between these our two Poets. And first, as to what relates to Piety, they were of v●ry different Sentiments. For Pindar was extreme devout and religious towards his Gods: And there may be seen divers Evidences thereof in many of his Odes; as when he says, 'Tis always good to speak well of the God▪ And elsewhere 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Absurd, it seems, to me at least,  
To call, by way of Raillery and jest,  
A Gourmandizer any of the Blessed.  In which other Poets had not that Temper as Pindar; and, particularly, Aristoph●nes, who vents a thousand Follies of the gourmandizing of the Gods, and more especially of Hercu●●s.  
Plato in his Dialogue, entitled Meno, calls Pindar Divine; and produces divers Testimonies from him, touching the Immortality of the Soul. Pindar (says he) maintains the Soul of Man to be immortal; That it ceases sometimes to act, by which they mean to die; and again is re-ingendred anew, but that it never perishes.  
There is, beside, a very fair Proof of his Piety in those excellent Verses of his, in the Second Ode of his Olympionicks, where he speaks of the Pleasures destined to the Heroes, and the Pains reserved for the Wicked in the Life to come. 
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〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Olymp. 2. 
The Wealthy, who true Virtue love,  
Know that incorrigible Minds,  
Whom nor the Fear of Future binds,  
Nor Punishment for Sin;  
Although their Crimes while here above,  
They against the Lash of justice screen,  
Shall find there's yet ordained by Jove  
A judge below, from whom shall come  
Of their Misdeeds th'inevitable Doom.  The like may be found in infinite other Passages.  
And there is sufficient grounds to make this appear, by the very Titles of those Pieces of his that are lost; as his Hymns, his Dithyrambs, his Paeans, and several other Works; which, for the most part, were no other than the Praises of the God's and Heroes. He dwelled at Thebes, near the Temple of the Mother of the Gods, whom he had in particular Veneration; and, as his Scholiast affirms, He much honoured that Goddess, being of an extraordinary Piety. He built at Thebes a Chapel in Honour of jupiter Hammon; for whom he caused a Statue to be made by Calamis, one of the most famous Statuaries of those Times, as may be seen in Pliny and Pausanias. The latter of which reports, that he saw at Delphos an Iron-Chair, in which Pindar used to sit when he came to the Temple, and which was preserved till his Time as a most precious Relic. But that which made the Piety of Pindar yet more resplendent, and (as Pausanias says) raised it to the highest pitch of Glory, was, That the Priestess of Apollo at Delphos, at the instant that Pindar entered into the Temple, invited him in the Name of that God, to come and dine with him; and commanded, that of whatsoever was sacrificed, there should be an equal share assigned to him, as to Apollo. And this occasioned that Belief, which then run through all Greece (as Plutarch reports) that the God Pan was seen on the Arcadian Hills, to divertize himself in Dancing, and singing one of Pindar's Songs, which they called a Paean.  
Pausanias' likewise tells a Story, that Pindar in the decline of his Age had a Vision of Proserpina, who reproached him, that she was the only Deity he had not honoured with a Hymn; but that she expected he should make her one when he came to be with her. Soon after which, dying, he appeared in a Dream to an old Kinswoman of his, and sung to her in Honour of that Goddess a Hymn; which his said Kinswoman, awaking, wrote down in the same Terms she heard it sung.  
But as for Horace, tho' in his Poem, entitled Carmen Saeculare, and other his Odes, there are many Passages in Praise of the Gods, and that in the Sixth satire of his First Book, he says, 
* Assisto Divinis, not to be here taken in any religious sense; meaning no more, than that he stayed to hear the ridiculous chat of your Diviners and Fortune-Tellers in the Grand Piazza, to close the other Diversions of the Day. Vid. Dacier Notis in Horat. Gallic.  Assisto Divinis, I assist at the Sacrifices. Yet 'tis certain, according to the judgement of those who believed they had penetrated into his veritable Sentiments, That he was not throughly persuaded of the Religion of his Times, nor the Credulity of the Vulgar, touching the Essence and Power of the Deity: Since on the contrary, as he himself says of himself, he was of the Gods. But 
Parcus Deorum Cultor & infrequens.  L. 1. Ode 34. A spare, and an unfrequent Worshipper. For notwithstanding what he says afterward, 
— nunc retrorsum  
Vela dare, atque iterare cursus  
Cogor relictos.  Ibid. 
Now I must backwards turn my Sails,  
Inforc'd the Course I left to run.  He treats of the Causes of his Conversion in a manner so Buffoon-like, that there is no Man but perceives he speaks not as he thinks! But in the Third satire of the Second Book, he disguises not the Matter, where speaking of a Superstitious Mother, who vowed to jupiter to plunge her Child (sick of a Quartan Ague) into the Tiber. He thereupon thus rallies her. 
— Mater Delira necavit  
Ingelida fixum ripa—  L. 2. Sat. 3. 
In the cold Flood the doting Mother killed  
Her Feverish Child.  Then ask the Question, how she came so out of her Wits? Answer is made, She was possessed, Timore Deorum, with the Fear of the Gods. And in the Fifth satire of the First Book, where he describes the Journey he made with Maecenas to Brundisium, and pleasantly rallies the Priests of Egnatia, who would persuade 'em, that in their Temple the Incense burned upon the Altar without the help of Fire. He says, 
— Credat judaeus Apella  
Non Ego; namque Deos didici securum agere aevum,  
Nec si quid miri faciat Natura, Deos id  
Tristes ex alto coeli demittere tecto.  L. 1. Sat. 5. 
Believe't the Jew Apella, but not I;  
For Gods, I know, live in security:  
Nor if some Wonder Nature does produce,  
Do the sad Gods from Heaven conveyed to us.  Which very well agrees with what he ingenuously acknowledges to his Friend Tibullus, in the Letter he writes 〈◊〉. 
Me pinguem & nitidum bene curata cute vises,  
Cum ridere voles, Epicuri de grege porcum.  L. 1. Ep. 4. 
Come, if thou'lt laugh; and see me Fat and Fine,  
Of Epicure his Herd, like a true Swine.   
We know nothing of Pindar's Education, more than that his Father, or Father-in-Law, 
* Scopelinus was neither Father, nor Father-in-law to Pindar, but his Kinsman; and was Father of a Son of the same Name with Pindar, and a Lyric Poet too; but nothing so eminent as this our Pindar; whose Father, according to Suidas, was Daiphantus, tho' some others (as he says) have reported his Name was Pagonidas; but that of Daiphantus seems to him the truer of the two.  Scopelinus, taught him early to play on the Flute: But perceiving the Genius of his Scholar was carried to something above that, he put him into the hands of a certain Lyric Poet, Lasus by name, to instruct him in Poesy. And that Pindar in a short time became therein more able than his Master. Suidas writes that he was Scholar to Myrto. And there are others who report he studied some time under the famous Corinna; to whom they gave the Surname of Divine, and the Tenth Muse.  
As to what concerns Horace, we have the particular Account of his Education from his Satyrs, where he takes a Pleasure to set himself out in his own Colours. In his Sixth satire he says 
Si neque avaritiam, neque sordes, nec mala lustra,  
Objiciet vere quisquam mihi; purus, & insons,  
(Vt me collaudem) si & vivo charus Amicis;  
Causa fuit pater his; qui macro pauper agello,  
Noluit in Flavi ludum me mittere—  
Sed puerum est ausus Romam portare docendum  
Artes, quas doceat quivis eques atque senator  
Semet prognatos.  L. ●. Sat. 6. 
If I'm not Covetous; if to my Face  
None e'er can charge me I'm Debauched, and Base,  
If I live innocent, (that I may take  
The freedom to commend myself) and make  
The Friendship of the best; all this I own  
To my good Father: Who though Poor, and low,  
Would not to Flavio's Counting School send me,  
But boldly brought me young to Rome, to be  
Instructed in those Arts each Noble Knight  
Would have his Sons learn.  And after this commending the Honest Equipage that was allowed him, he says, 
— Vestem servosque sequentes  
In magno ut populo si quis vidisset, avitae  
Ex re praebere sumptus mihi crederet illos  
Ipse mihi custos incorruptissimus, omnes  
Circum doctores aderat. Quid multa? Pudicum,  
Qui Primus virtutis Honos, servavit ab omni  
Non solum Facto, verum opprobrio quoque turpi.  Ibid. 
Had any seen my clothes, the Train allowed  
Of Slaves to follow me through Rome's vast Crowd,  
They would have thought some fair Inheritance  
Was left me to defray the great Expense.  
My Father was my Tutor's Overseer,  
Advised me to be Modest, and Sincere,  
Virtue's prime Honour! And so kept me still  
Free from the Act, and the Reproach of ill.  Never was Child more dutifully Grateful toward a Parent than Horace was, as he admirably proves it, where he says, 
— Si Natura juberet  
A certis annis aevum remeare peractum  
Atque alios legere ad fastus quoscunque parents  
Optaret sibi quisque: Meis contentus, honestos  
Fascibus & bellis nolim mihi sumere—  
Nil me poeniteat sanum patris hujus—  Ibid. 
If Nature should persuade me to call back  
The Age that's past, and a new Birth to take  
From Nobler Parents; I would leave that Pride  
To others; with my own content abide.  
Nor wise, repent I such a Father had.   
It may likewise be said in general of these two Poets, that they were both very honest Men, considering the Manners and Customs of the Times they lived in; though as to particulars, there were some Virtues, and some Defects more or less remarkable in the one, than in the other. They were both naturally Amorous, both passionate Affectors of Glory. They made no difficulty of praising themselves, for those little Vanities give oftentimes a good Grace in Poesy, and aught to be permitted to such great Wits as they were. They were both admired in their Ages, by all those who were good Judges of what was commendable, though they were ill treated many times by the ignorance of the Vulgar.  
We have no sufficient knowledge of the particular Actions of Pindar to make a certain Judgement of his good Qualities, nor can we make any reasonable Argument thereupon, but from the high reputation he acquired in his Life time, and the admirable Sentiments he hath left us so happily expressed in his Odes, where Virtue is always exalted, and Vice painted in all its Deformity.  
His Discourses are so full of moral Sentences, and honest Thoughts, that 'tis impossible such graceful Sentiments should proceed from a Soul ill-formed, or meanly persuaded of the Principles of Honour. There are Thoughts of so high a Flight, that many have believed he drew them from their Divine Source, the Holy Scripture. At lest 'tis the Opinion of Clemens Alexandrinus, who in the third Book of his Pedagogue will have it, that Pindar was assisted by reading of the Proverbs of Solomon; and maintains, that in that part of his Works where he says, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
Sweet are the stolen joys of Love.  He had in view that Passage in the ninth Chapter of the Proverbs, where he speaks of the lewd Woman, who sits in the Door of her House upon a Seat in the high place of the City to call them that pass by the way; and to the Fool she says, stolen Waters are sweeter, and Bread eaten in secret is more pleasant. And I wonder that the same Clemens Alexandrinus takes no notice of that other Expression of Pindar. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. Ode 8. 
Things of a Day we are: What's one? What's none?  
Dream of a Shadow, nothing else is Man.  Which he hath so visibly drawn from the Books of Solomon, and where he hath put nothing of his own, but the Antistrophe, which is familiar to him, calling Somnium Vmbrae, the Dream of a Shadow, which Solomon terms, Vmbram Somnii, The Shadow of a Dream. 'Tis the same Expression, which Sophocles (as his Scholiasts report) hath so happily imitated in his Ajax, where he makes Ulysses say, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
I see weare nothing else but empty things,  
Imaginary Being's, and vain Shadows.  What does not Pindar in several places say of Justice? 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
justice the sure Foundation of all States!  What says he not of Valour? As when he cries out, 
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〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;  Olym. Od. 1. 
Great Dangers the Faint-hearted not admit;  
Since of necessity we Life must quit,  
Why should not Generous Spirits rather try  
By daring perilous Attempts, to die,  
Than to inglorious Age their Lives extend,  
And in sad Night their Days ignobly end?  As to Ingratitude, he says, 
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〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
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〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
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〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. Ode 2. 
Ixion to a Wheel fast bound  
That's ever turning round;  
Is by the Gods bid to declare  
To Mortals who ungrateful are,  
To render the respects in justice due  
To those they once their Benefactors knew.  Which Virgil in the sixth of the Aeneids, hath briefly imitated. 
Discite justitiam moniti, & non temnere Divos▪  
Admonished, Justice learn, nor Gods despise.  As to Sincerity he tells us, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. Ode 2. 
The just and true tongued Man, is he  
That's fit for any Government;  
Whether a Monarchy it be,  
Or State to which the Vulgar's bent,  
Or a Republic, where the best  
And wisest, rule the rest.  We find in Athenaeus a Prayer made by Pindar to jupiter, which shows the sweetness of his Manners, and the desire he had to pass his Life virtuously. 
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〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
O Jove! O Muses! Say what shall I do  
To live beloved of you,  
And spend my Hours in Ease, and Singing too?  Or as his Imitator Horace speaks, 
— Nec turpem Senectam  
Degere, nec Cythara carentem.  Lib. 1. Ode 31. 
Old Age but not dishonoured grant,  
And that my Lyric Lyre I never want.  Whereupon Casaubon says, That Pindar made a kind of Divinity of that Euthymia, or sweet Life. Cui optat (says he) curae esse, id est, ut honestâ voluptate frui possit; whom he implores to be kind to him, and grant him the Fruition of honest Pleasures.  
I should never have done, should I go about to report all the virtuous Expressions in Pindar. And we are obliged to believe that a Man speaking in the manner he did, spoke as he thought; for otherwise he could never have failed of giving himself the Lie in some part or other of his Works. It being true what he affirms, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Olymp. Ode 13. 
Impossible it is to hid  
Our innate Manners—  Because, 
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〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ibid. 
Foxes and Lions ne'er lay by  
Their Natural Craft and Cruelty.  Or as Horace hath it, 
Naturam furcâ expellas licet, usque recurrit.  Lib. 1. Epist. 10. 
Tho Nature with a Fork away you force,  
'Twill still return to its old Course.   
The Honesty and Humanity of Pindar appears throughout all his Works, and 'tis that which gave occasion to that handsome Discourse of Agias in Plutarch his Symposiacks, Where having censured the Banquets or Dinners of Homer as hungry and thirsty Treatments, the Masters of whose Feasts, (or as he calls them Kings) treat their Guests worse than our common Italian Hastes, upbraiding them (even in the time of Fight, when they are encountering their Enemies) with their Debauched Behaviour, and reckoning up how many Glasses each of them drunk off at Dinner. How much better (says he) are the Pindaric Feasts, where the Heroes meet together and share their equal Entertainments soberly. This seems truly a Community and Union of loving Friends, the other a kind of a discordant meeting of Men seemingly friendly, yet not participating in any common Civility even at their Meals.  
As to Horace we can say in the first place; he was a very great Lover of his Pleasures; and that very likely he was of an agreeable Conversation, and consequently not displeasing to the Ladies of his Time, which he himself seems to hint at in these Verses. 
Quem tenues docuere Togae, nitidique Capilli  
(Vt scis) immunem Cynarae placuisse rapaci.  Lib. 1. Epist. 14. 
Fine clothes, and perfumed Locks, taught me the way  
Scot-free to please rapacious Cynara.  He cherished his Liberty to such a degree, that he could never suffer himself to be constrained or made Captive, not even by Augustus, who would have had him for his Secretary. As for Maecenas to whom he owed so many Obligations, he had for him all the tenderness and grateful respect that was possible. Nevertheless see how he writes to him. 
Quod si me nolles usquam discedere; reddes  
Forte latus nigros angusta fronte capillos,  
Reddes dulce loqui, reddes ridere decorum, &  
Inter Vina, fugam Cynarae moerere protervae.  Lib. 1. Epist. 7. 
If you'd ne'er have me leave you, give me then  
My former Strength, and my black Curls again  
On my low Forehead; my sweet Chat renew,  
My graceful Smiles, and mirthful Raillery too,  
And th' amorous Vain to mourn the loss, in fine,  
Of my coy Cynara, o'er a Glass of Wine.  After this, bringing in the Fable of the Fox which could not get out of the Granary where he had fed himself fat, and the Weasels advice to make himself as lean as he was when he crept in at the little hole. He adds, 
Hac ego si compellar Imagine, cuncta resigno.  
If by this Fable urged I am, no more:  
Whatever you have given me, I restore.  And 
Inspice si possum donata reponere laetus.  
See how your Gifts I gladly can lay down.  As to the Beauty of his Morals, it appears in a thousand Passages of his Writings; and we should be forced in a manner to copy them all entire; should we go about to show all we find in him to represent the Idea of an honest Man. He testifies he is himself fully persuaded of the Honesty of his Manners, when he says, 
Non patre praeclaro, sed vita & pectore puro.  Lib. 1. Satyr. 6. Not nobly born, but pure of Life and Heart. And elsewhere, 
At fides, & ingenii,  
Benigna vena—  Lib. 2. Ode 18. But of firm Faith, and of no niggard Wit. His frequent Sentences, the Praises of Virtue and the Virtuous, and the perpetual Blame of things Vicious, and an infinity of noble and elevated Sentences scattered through his Odes, sufficiently testify the truth of what I say; but his Ingenuity, and the free Acknowledgement he makes of his Defects in his Satyrs, in a manner ravish me, as well as the justness of his sense every where throughout. Never Man expressed himself more delicately upon Friendship. 
— Amatorem quod Amata  
Turpia decipiunt caecum vitia, aut etiam ipsum  
Delectant—  
Vellem in Amicitiâ sic erraremus, eique  
Errori nomen virtus posuisset honestum.  L. 1. Satyr. 3. 
Fond Lovers in their Mistresses espy  
No Blemishes, but blindly pass them by.  
Or take Delight in them—  
I wish that Error in our Friendship were,  
And Virtue on that Error would confer  
The Name of Honest.—  Elsewhere he handsomely decries those who are of too severe a Humour. 
— Eheu!  
Quam facile in nosmet legem Sancimus i●iquam.  
Nam vitiis nemo sine nascitur—  Ibid. 
— Alas!  
How easily on ourselves hard Laws we pass!  
For without Vices no Man's born.—  And speaking of some Peccadillo's, with which he might be reproached, and of the Care he took to root them out of his Mind. He says, 
— Mediocribus & quéis  
Ignoscas vitiis teneor, fortassis & illinc  
Largiter abstulerit longa aetas, Liber, amicus,  
Consilium proprium; neque enim cum Lectulus, aut me  
Porticus excepit, desum mihi.—  L. 1. Sat. 4. 
I cannot say, I wholly blameless live,  
Small faults I have, which you may well forgive:  
Of which, Time, Books, Friends Counsels, and my own,  
Have rid the greatest part: For when alone,  
Or walking, or in Bed I musing lie,  
I am not wanting to myself.—  How many excellent things has he of Frugality in the second satire of his second Book? Against Avarice in the first satire of his first Book? Against the Sottish Vanity of the Nobility in the sixth? Against Adulterers in the second? Against other Crimes in the third satire of his second Book, and every where else?  
In fine, all that he says strikes the Mind, and makes an Impression not possible to be resisted; since his gallant manner of treating in jest things the most serious and grave, penetrates much more easily, and more efficaciously than the severity of Precepts, which of itself is but odious, and as he says, 
— Ridiculum acri  
Fortius & melius magnas plerumque seca tres.  Lib. 1. Satyr. 10. 
— The Great, a Joke  
Better reclaims, than sharply to provoke.  I shall not instance any thing further upon this Subject, since there needs not so many Proofs to support a Truth confirmed by the judgement of all honest Men; who had always a Love and Admiration for Horace. Nor was there any of the great Wits of his Time who were not desirous to have a share in his Friendship. Virgil first introduced him into the Acquaintance of Maecenas who would never after live without him. Augustus' called him Lepidissimum Homuncionem, his pleasant little Man, and would have made him his Cabinet Secretary.  
It appears not that Pindar ever spoke ill of any Man, and though he had many Enemies who gave him some trouble while he lived, we find not that he ever sought to be revenged of them. He comforts himself against their Malignity by only saying, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. Od. 1. Envied than pitied is the better State. And he praises those who never harkened to Detractors and Backbiters. 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. Od. 2. 
Then whom cannot be known  
A more inextricable Pest;  
A like pernicious to their own  
And others Interest;  
True Foxes; crafty to molest.  He mocks at their vain Efforts, comparing himself: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. Od. 2. 
Immersable as Cork I keep  
Upon the broad Seas wavy Deep.  'Tis true he sometimes shows them his Teeth, as when he says, 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ibid. 
To love a Friend, is Friendships due,  
An Enemy, while such, I shall pursue  
By all the ways I can, him to undo.  But he reproves himself elsewhere for it, saying, There comes always Misfortune to ill Tongues. And in another place he avows 'tis his Endeavour to avoid the bitings of the reproachful, for that he remembers he once saw the Poet Archilochus in a horrible Perplexity. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. Od. 2. 
I saw Archilochus, unknown,  
Into Vexatious turmoils thrown,  
Eat with outrageous railing grown.  Which is the same thing Horace has said, 
Archi●ochum proprio Rabies armavit jambo.  
Rage armed Archilochus with keen Jambies.   
As for Horace, no Man ever had a Wit more apt for Raillery: and he seldom let's pass an occasion when offered to exercise his Talon that way. I speak not of his Satyrs, which he made expressly to be nipping and biting. Nay even in his Odes he cannot resist the natural inclination he has to Satirize, as may be seen in these, 
Parcius junctas quatiunt Fenestras,  L. 1. Od. 25. And, 
Audivere Lyce Dii mea vota—  L. 4. Od. 13. And in this where the Raillery is so fine, 
Beatus ille qui procul negotiis—  Epod. 2. Sometimes he carries the Satire to excess, as in that Ode against Canidia, 
At O Deorum—  Epod. 5. 
jam jam efficaci—  Epod. 17. And against Cassius Severus, 
Quid immerentes—  Epod. 6. Against Mena the Freedman of Pompey. 
Lupus & Agnis.  Epod. 4. And in divers others, of all which one may say, 
— Hic nigrae succus loligenis, haec est  
Aerugo mera.  L. 1. Sat. 4. 'Tis not but that he knew how to praise when he pleased and he does it with an inimitable Grace in several places of his Odes. True it is that Persons of Quality in his Time, were extremely delicate as to praise, and it behoved the Incense that was offered to be exquisite if received, 
— Aptus acutis  
Naribus horum hominum.  L. 1. Sat. 3. But this was true principally in respect of Augustus, who could not endure your dull ordinary Praises, but would wince at them, to use the term of our Poet. 
Cui malè si palpere recalcitrat.  L. 2. Sat. 1. And therefore he is not praised by Horace but in few places; and one may say, He does it not but upon occasion, and without dreaming on't. Nevertheless his Praises are so fine, and delivered with such force, that there can be nothing more high or great, as may seen in the Letter he writes to that Emperor. Cum tot sustineas— There is likewise a touch of marvellous Praise for Augustus, in the Letter he wrote to Quintius, where he says, 
Si quis Bella tibi terra pugnata marique▪  
Dicat, & his verbis vacuas permulceat aures:  
Tene magis salvum populus velit, an populum tu,  
Servet in ambiguo, qui consulit & tibi & urbi  
jupiter: Augusti laudes agnocsere possis.  Lib. 1. Epist. 16. 
Wars fought by Sea and Land should one recite,  
And with this Wish thy empty Ears delight,  
If more the People Thee, or People Thou  
Wish safe and happy; that ambiguous Vow  
May Jove who takes of Rome and Thee the Care,  
Keep still ambiguous: 'Tis not you can share  
Such Praises; who'll not see These Caesars' are.  In the fifth Satire of his second Book, he make Tiresias speak thus, 
Tempore quo juvenis Parthis horrendus, ab alto  
Demissum genus Aeneâ, terraque marique  
Magnus erit.  L. 2. Sat. 5. 
A Youth, who from Aeneas draws his Birth,  
Feared by the Parthians, then, o'er all the Earth  
Grows great and powerful.  And in the first, he makes Trebatius thus speak to him: 
— Aude  
Caesaris invicti res dicere.  L. 2. Sat. 1. 
— Dare  
Unvanquished Caesar's Glories to declare.  To the end he might give him this Answer. 
— Cupidum, Pater optime, voces  
Deficiunt, neque quivis horrentia Pilis,  
Agmina, nec fractâ pereuntes enspide Gallos',  
Aut labentis Equo describere vulnera Parths.  Ibid. 
— This my Good Father, still  
I'm harping at; but my Wit fails my Will.  
For 'tis not every Man that can display  
Of Martial Troops the terrible Array,  
Describe of vanquished Gauls the Fight, or tell  
How wounded Parthians from their Horses fell.  Where it appears he knew very well to raise himself up to the Heroic, when the Subject required it. Can there be any thing said more great of a Mortal Man than this? 
Coelo tonantem credidimus jovem,  
Regnare, praesens divus habebitur  
Augustus—  L. 3. Od. 5. 
We once believed the Thundering jove  
To govern Heaven with his Nod.  
The present Age does now approve  
Augustus for an Earthly God.  Can there be any thing seen more obliging for Maecenas than the Answer our Poet gives to the importunate Person who would have insinuated himself into the Family and Service of that great Minister of State by corrupt and underhand dealing. 
Domus hac nec purior ulla est  
Nec magis his aliena malis—  L. 1. Sat. 9 
No House than that's from base Intrigues more free,  
Or more a Stranger to such Ills—  There are many other passages of the same height and vigour.  
Come we now to that nobleness of Mind and that disinteressed concern, which was much greater in Horace than in Pindar. Upon which 'twill not be amiss to call to mind that Pindar was not born of Parents over well accommodated in the World, and that Horace had lost the greatest part of the Estate his Father left him after the Death of Brutus, as appears by these Verses of his, 
Vnde simul primùm me demisere Philippi,  
Decisis humilem pennis, inopemque paterni  
Et laris & fundi, paupertas impulit audax  
Vt versus facerem.—  L. 2. Epist. 2. 
After Philippi's fatal Day was lost,  
And I with it; all my poor fortunes crossed,  
The small Estate my Father left me gone,  
Bold Poverty to write first urged me on.  And yet they found the means both the one and the other to make their Fortunes: But by ways very different. For Horace was not at all Covetous, and Pindar on the other side naturally loved Money; as his Scholiasts expressly affirm, and as may be seen in divers places, calling it sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the best of Things, otherwhiles, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Olymp. 2. Bright Star and veritable Light to Man. Upon which Score he employed his Talon to acquire Wealth, selling his Compositions for ready Money, as he himself says, speaking to his Muse. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. Od. ●● 
Muse! Since thou hast agreed  
For a Price: proceed,  
And see thy Song thy Bribe exceed.  Which he declares without being ashamed on't; since the Custom had been before established by Simonides and others as he seems to testify in the beginning of the second Ode of his Isthmioniques, where he says, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.—  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Isthm. Od. 2. 
Time was, O Thrasibulus! When  
The Muses freely Chanted of Brave Men  
The Glorious Acts; of all the Nine not one,  
Was Covetous, or Mercenary known.  
Now such Terpsichore herself appears;  
Who never sweetly sings, but when she wears  
A Mercenary Mask of Gold.  
It was not so of old.  
See what that sordid Spartan Maxim can! 
Pindar names not the Author of this Sentence: But his old Greek Scholiast (as I find him particularly cited by Schmidius in his Comment upon this place) declares from the Authority of Alcaeus, that his Name was Aristodemns, a Spartan, without Fortune, or Friends; of which he could not be seemingly long destitute, if he had throughly inculcated his Principle into that State. These Times having clearly demonstrated it, to have been a more certain and necessary Political, than Poetical Improvement.   
" 'Tis Money, Money makes the Man.  But contrariwise there is nothing seen in all the Works of Horace but Generosity. He mocks at the Covetous in a thousand places. He commends every where Frugality and Moderation: He appears always content with his present Fortune, and always ready to resign what he has from her. 
Laudo manentem; si celeres quatit  
Pennas, resigno quae dedit, & mea  
Virtute me involvo, probamque  
Pauperiem sine dote quaero.  Lib. 3. Od. 29. 
I praise her while she stays; if she'll be gone  
Her Presents I resign: And in my own  
Virtue wrapped up, scorning her fickle Power,  
Seek honest Poverty without a Dowry.  And when he asks any thing of Maecenas, he does it with so much spriteliness and address, that he seems to ask nothing, as 
Pauperemque dives  
Me petit: Nihil supra  
Deos lacesso, nec potentem Amicum  
Largiora flagito,  
Satis beatus unicis Labinis.  
Tho Poor, I'm courted by the Rich; nor more  
Of the Gods ask I: Nor pretend  
For greater Favours from my powerful Friend,  
Happy enough in my mean Sabine Store.  Where he well knows to put in practice what he advises Scaeva in a Letter he writes him, giving him Precepts how to manage the design he had to fasten himself to a great Person; telling him 
Coram Rege suo de Paupertate tacentes  
Plus poscente ferent.  L. 1. Epist. 17. 
Who 'fore his great Friend speaks not of his Want,  
Gets more than they that ask.—  'Tis very easy to perceive he was rather Prodigal than Covetous, as may be judged by the Checks he gives himself for his lavish Humour. It appears by divers Odes that he often treated his Friends; and that he sometimes invited Maecenas to Dine with him. He invites Torquatus by a Letter to come and Sup with him, and bring his Friends along with him, whom he pleasantly terms his Shadows, saying, 
— Locus est & pluribus umbris.  
He had room enough for many such.  He knew besides how to serve his Friends, and th● Complaint he makes that he had not a moment of time at his own Disposal whilst he stayed at Rome, shows clearly the facility and readiness he had to employ himself on their Behalves. His Recommendations are ingenious and pressing as in that Letter to Tiberius, Septimius Claudi— By which he presents to him Septimius, who desired to be entertained in his Service; and in another to Iccius wherein he recommends to him one Grosphus, where he says so truly, 
Vilis Amicorum est Annona bonis si quid  
Dost—  
Of Friends the Bounty's vile and scant,  
That let's Good Men to suffer Want.  But what above all shows the Noble Humour of Horace, is the Pleasure he took in Building; for which he blames himself under the Name of Damisippus, as one undertaking things above his Power to perform. 
Aedificas: hoc est longos imitaris, ab imo  
Ad summum totus moduli Bipedalis.  L. 2. Sat. 3. 
Thou hast a Vain of Building; tho' but low,  
Scarce two foot tall; yet lov'st to make a show.  Where we may observe by the way, that Horace was but little of Stature; or as he himself says, Corporis exigui, which answers to the Word Homuncio, by which Augustus used to call him.  
What Stature Pindar was of I know not; but 'tis certain, he in many places of his Works commends little Men, as when he speaks of a Wrestler. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Isthm. Od. 4. 
He was not of Orion's mighty size,  
Compared with him, he well might be disdained:  
Yet with an Adversary joined, the Prize  
Of Victory by strength of Arms he gained.  And when he speaks of Hercules in these Terms, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ibid. 
Alemena's brave Son was of Stature low,  
Not as the Giantlike Antaeus, tall,  
But of a Heart inflexible to Foe,  
And of a Strength, made all opposed it fall.  
From Cadmian Thebes to Lybia's fertile Soil,  
He to Antaeus' Palace went;  
And undertook the desperate Toil  
That giant's bloody Custom to prevent,  
Of fixing upon Neptune's sacred Fane,  
The Heads of his sad Guests inhospitably slain.  It appears that Horace was something Choleric, by the Rebuke he gives himself for it under the Name of Damasippus — Non dico horrendam Rabiem: And by another place where he acknowledges, 
Irasci celerem, tamen ut placabilis essem.  L. 2. Sat. 3, Apt to be Choleric, but soon appeased. Which is not the sign of an Ill Disposition; since such as easily take fire, are ordinarily frank of Nature, and without any Gall.  
What is of greatest resemblance between our two Poets, is, That they were both of a Complexion very Amorous; We find by Athenaeus that Pindar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Was beyond measure Amorous. And he gives us a Song of his, where Pindar abandons himself too Love. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Come my Dearest, while we may  
Let●s Live, and Love's Commands obey,  
Nor vex our Thoughts with Antic Saws,  
And practice of severe, unseasonable Laws:  The same Athenaeus tells us of another upon the subject of Theoxenus his dearly beloved, of whom h● says, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Who on Theoxenus fair Eyes  
Shall fix his Look, nor feel the sweet Surprise  
Which ravished Senses own;  
Must have a Heart of Steel or Stone,  
Or what is worse yet, None.  Whence may be concluded, how much we ought to regret the loss we have suffered by the privation of th● greatest part of his Works, since by this Scantling the smiling Gaieties, the Graces and the Cupids are no● only to be found in the Odes of Sapph and Anacreo● but that Pindar sometimes made a shift to lay by tha● Majestic Severity which appears in his Works now left us.  
What shall I say of so many Odes of Horace? 
Spirat adhuc Amor  
Vivuntque commissi calores  
Fidibus.—  
Where Love still breathes, and the sweet Fire  
Lives sparkling by his Charming Lyre.  And where he seems to have drained himself of all h● could think amorously tender? As that which Scaliger so commends, Donec gratus eram tibi. Or of these others, 
Qu●● multum gracili—  
Quem tu Lydia Telephi.  And a hundred more, 
Quae Venus—  
Quinta parte sui Nectaris  
Imbuit.  Lib. 1. Od. 3. 
Where Venus pleased the Quintessence  
Of her sweet Nectar to dispense.  I cannot yet but declare the horror I conceive of these two Poets most disorderly Love of Boys, (though in their Times, according to the Custom of those Countries, that detestable Sin was very ordinary) and the care they took to preserve to their last Breath the Character of amorous Persons. Pindar died in the Arms of his beloved Theoxenus; and Horace before his Death, caused several Glasses, or Mirrors to be plac●d on every side of his Chamber, that he might at once see divers Lascivious Postures, and entertain himself to the last with voluptuous Thoughts.  
And this is all I can remark of their Manners; as to what concerns the Conduc● of their Lives, they were both of them extremely crossed and traversed by those that envied them, before they could arrive to that degree of Reputation they came to. A●lian reports, That Corinna at Thebes carried away five Times from Pindar the Prize of Lyric Poesy through the ignorance of the Judges. And Pausa●ias (in Baoticis) tells us, That he saw at Tanagra the Statue of the said Corinna, with a Diadem on her Head, in token of that Victory; and that it seems to him she got not the better of Pindar otherwise than because what she wrote was in the Aeolic Tongue, which was the Language peculiar only to th● Populace or Vulgar sort, and that Pindar made use of th● Doric Dialect, which was most spoken by the Nobles an● Gentry. Add to this, that Corinna was very Beautiful, as one may judge (says he) by her Statue, and the Picture● which the Citizens of Tanagra caused to be drawn for her in their Porticoes.  
Athenaeus speaking of some kind of forced Verses, which they called Griphes; to which some of the Ancients applied themselves, as may be seen in Simonides his Egg, his Wings, and his Hatchet, and divers other Fragments of Antiquity, says, That Pindar drew upon himself the jealousy and Aversion of the Poets of his Time, for having composed an Ode which he calls, 
Yet Pindar was not the first who wrote an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Poem; for Lasus Hermonensis before him, as Athenaeus and Suidas testify, wrote Dithyrambs, and Hymns wherein the Letter Σ was not to be found particularly in that entitled. The Centauris, and another in praise of Ceres, of which last the first Verse is produced by Heraclides Ponticus, being this, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. See Cae'ius Calc●gni●us in his particular Treatise De ●udicio Vocalium, in Answer to Lucian's Piece upon the same Subject. Guraldus Dialog. 9 and Vossius de Poetis Graecis, c. 4.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; that is to say, made without a Sigma; because, he says, 'twas thought impossible they could leave out tha● Consonant, or that th●y had no esteem for that kind of P●●sie. And Strabo to show that the Sacrifices to Cybele, and those to Bacchus, were equally understood by the Name of Coryban●es, produces a Dithyramb which Pindar had made without doubt to mock those other Poet, of which the beginning is as follows. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Of old, O Mortals! In the Dithyramb,  
Low Words, and the adulterate S were damned.  Which agrees with what Dionysius Halecarnassaeus elsewhere says of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which Pindar perhaps calls a Theban Remnant ever since the Times of Cadmus and the Phoenicians) That they willingly put no S into their Verses, because of its hissing sound. And perhaps it is from hence that the double Σ, in the Attic Dialect, came ordinarily to be changed into Γ, and which gave occasion to that agreeable process of the Consonants in Lucian.  
As for Horace, 
Quem rodunt omnes Libertino Patre nature.  Lib. 1. 〈◊〉 6. 
— By All  
Snapped at for being but a Freed-mans' Son▪  As he says of himself; it may be very well presumed he wanted not Envy, and that he was forced to surmount many Difficulties before he could see himself in a condition to be able to say, 
Et jam dente minus mordeor invido.  L. 4. Od. 3. And now I'm less bit by an envious Tooth. By which I conceive he means his close Enemies; such as swarm in great men's Houses, Where (as Lucian say●) ●eign Suspicions, Envy, Lies and Slanders, whe●e great Hopes beget great jealousies, and raging Hatreds, and the continual application of searching out means to ruin others.  
Such Enemies as these, were they did Horace the greatest Mischief; who was a Person, upon whom they durst not with impunity openly attempt any thing; and whom they had reason to fear, for what he says of himself, 
Foenum habet in Cornu, fuge.  
He carries Hay on's Horn, avoid him—  And, 
Cave, Cave, namque in malos asperrimus,  
Parata tollo cornua.  Epod. 6. 
Take heed, take ●eed, I against the ill  
Have Horns prepared, and ready still.  And again, 
Si quis atro dente me petiverit,  
Inultus ut flebo Puer?  Ibid. 
If any wrongs my Fame, shall I  
Childlike sit down and pule and cry?   
But if our Poets were hardly dealt withal by the Envions, they were sufficiently recompensed by the Honours, and Favours they received from Persons of Quality; for they were caressed in their Times by those of the highest degree. For as Horace says, 
— Tamen me  
Cum magnis vixisse invita fatebitur usque  
Invidia—  L. 2. Sat. 1. 
Yet this by Envy must be needs confessed,  
I've lived still with the Greatest, and the Best.  And what a Joy was it to find, 
Quod monstror digito praetereuntium  
Romanae fidicen Lyrae.  
That with the Finger he was pointed at  
As Rome's famed Lyric.  He knew the Greatness of his own Merit, while he says, 
Sume superbiam  
Quaesitam meritis, & mihi Delphica  
Lauro cinge volens Melpomene comam.  L. 3. Od. 30. 
Assume the Pride which thy just Merits raise,  
And Crown my Head, my willing Muse, with Delphic Bays.  Pindar says no less of his own Works, which he thinks fit to style 〈◊〉. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Of flowing Nectar a rich Tide,  
By the free Muse's Bounty still supplied.  Sometimes he says, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. 3. 
Hopes I assume that after Times,  
Will with immortal Glory grace my Rhimes.  And then again speaking of them assures us, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. 6. 
Not Winter's Wrath, when he his stormy Showers,  
From breaking Clouds like Armies powers,  
Nor blustering Winds with their impetuous Rage  
Can ever in o'erwhelming Floods engage.  Which Horace hath happily imitated in this Ode. 
Exegi Monumentum are perennius  
Regalique situ Pyrimidium altias  
Quod nec imber edax, non Aquilo impotens,  
Posset diruere, etc.  L. 3. Od. 30. 
A Monument which Brass shall yet outlast,  
And Kingly Pyramids for height outvie;  
Which neither eating Showers, nor Boreas Blast,  
Nor Time itself shall ruin; raised have I.  They knew well enough their own value. Wherefore Pindar to that purpose ingeniously answered one (as Plutarch reports) who to flatter him said, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  — I study to spread abroad your Commendations upon all Occasions, and endeavour to afford you the means of speaking Truth. 'Twas his only Wish, to enjoy long the Fruit of that Reputation, and the Honour he received from Persons of Merit.  
To this we may add, his Reputation was so great after his Death, that the Lacedæmonians, and long after them Alexander the Great, having taken the City of Thebes, saved all the Descendants of Pindar from Slavery, and his House from Burning, by placing this Inscription on the Door. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Burn not the Poet Pindar's House. I had almost forgot to tell to this purpose what is reported, That the Athenians publicly paid a Fine or Mulct which those of Thebes had set upon Pindar for having praised the City of Athens, calling it 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The mighty City Athens, of all Greece  
The Bulwark.  Upon which, I cannot sufficiently admire the strange Humour of those two Republics, who mortally hated one another in their Prosperity, and yet in their Misfortunes rendered to each other those Services which they could not have expected from their best Friends.  
To return to our two Poets. Pindar flourished in Greece, when Honour, Virtue, Wealth, and Arts were in their greatest Splendour. He appeared several times in the public Assembly of the Olympic Games, where as Lucian says of Herodotus, He received in one place the Universal Applause of all Greece, not published by ●●e Mouth of a single Crier, or Herald, but by those of as many Towns, as had sent People to that Assembly.  
As for Horace 'tis enough to say he lived in the Time of Augustus, and had, as he himself says, the Approbation 
Romae principis Vrbium.  
Of Rome the Queen of Cities.  As much as to say, That of the Whole World.  
He seems to me, among other things to have had a great Advantage over Pindar, in that he chose himself the Subjects he had a mind to treat of, and by that could give a free Field to his Genius to range in, as to the Matters he made choice of. Whereas Pindar was under a Constraint, having been always obliged to praise Persons who for the most part were but of mean Merit. Which gave occasion for those Parechases or Digressions, of which I shall speak hereafter.  
And in Truth, it was requisite the Works of Pindar should have something extraordinary, or rather Divine, to have pleased as they have done, by only singing of Praises; which ordinarily to us, appear as flat, as Satyrs are agreeable, by reason of that little principle of Envy which is in us, which makes us believe Men take from us what is given to another by praising him, and give to us what is taken from another by dispraising him. For 
Vrit enim fulgore suo qui praegravat arts  
Intra se positas—  L. 1. Epist. 2. 
Who by his Lustre others Merits foils,  
Becomes the Hate of those beneath him.—   
There was a time nevertheless, when Pindar was not of that high Esteem. For we find in Athenaeus, that in the Time of Eupolis the Comedian, the Works of Pindar were fallen into Oblivion, by reason of the little liking was commonly had of things worthy. And Casaubon says, that Eupolis deplored the Corruption of the Wits of his Age. Quod mollia & lascivae aliorum Poetarum Erotopaegnia, Pindaricae Musae, hec est, foedam Plumbi scoriam puro puto A ro ant●ponerent. i e. Who preferred the Soft and Lascivious Erotopaegnia of other Poets, before the Works of the Pindaric Muse, that is, more valued the dross of Lead, than pure Gold.  
And yet there was little more than a hundred Years between Pindar and Eupolis; who according to Suidas perished in a Naval Fight in the Peloponnesian War. Upon which occasion a Decree was made by the People of Athens, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That a Poet should be dispensed with from going to the Wars.  
And this is seen in some places of Aristophanes, who lived about the same time as Eupolis; where his Scholiasts say, He mocks at your Dithyrambic Writers, and particularly at Pindar, as in this place, where speaking of the Clouds, he makes Socrates to say, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Aristoph. in Nubibus, Act. 1. Scen. 4. 
These feed the Learned Sophists, wise Physicians,  
Maintain your Thuriomantists, sage Diviners,  
Your Fiddling Sparks, and Poets Dithyrambic,  
Who utter mighty Words to little purpose, etc.  And else where that Poet takes a Pleasure to form Dithyrambic Cadences out of several Shreds or Pieces taken from divers places of Lyric Poets, and turning them into ridicule; as in these. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Moist Clouds impetuous Course dazzling the Sight.  Upon which his Scholiast says, The Poet speaks against those that writ ●●●●●rambs, and in another place, he more expressly mocks a● Pindar upon those frequent words of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in this place. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Upon which the Scholiast says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He mocks at Pindar.  
And here we might take occasion to discourse of the Grecian Games, of their Institution, and the fruit of those Exercises which are so well explained by Solon in Lucian his Anacharsis. I might speak of their first Authors, the Rewards of the Conquerors; who according to Pindar, were reputed happy for all their Lives. And the time of their Celebration; particularly of the Olympics which have given Name to the Olympiads so often mentioned in Chronology, which Celebration was performed during the 45 Days of Intercalation, proceeding from the Account of the Excess of 4 Solar Years above 4 Lunar ones, each of 12 Lunations. There are several other things we might discourse of touching the Errors of the Ancients as to that Supputation, and of the different Mutations of the Epoche's or their Terms until the time of the Golden Number, or the Enneadecateride of Meton, upon which the Ancient Poets made such pleasant Raillery, whilst they feigned the Gods to have gone Supperless to Bed, having a whole Day attended for the Smoke of the Sacrifices, which the reformed Calendar put off to another time, but the Digression would be too great.  
I shall not at all tell you of the Measures of Lyric Verse, their Strophes and Antistrophes, Epods, Systems and Antisystems. I might yet have many things very curious to treat of upon occasion, touching the Modes of the ancient Music, upon which the Odes of Pindar are composed: And I might Discourse concerning the Report of agreement they might seem to have with our manner of singing at this Day; and examine whether the Doric Mode answer to our A mi la, etc. Diatonick, as Glarean and Galileo (Father of the great Mathematician) are of Opinion; or to D la re sol, and the Lydian to L F ut fa, and I might by that explain that Verse of Horace, 
Modo summa  
Voce, modò hác resonat quae chordis quatuor imâ.  Lib. 1. Sat. 3. But to avoid prolixity, I shall only say what Plutarch reports in his Book of Music, which is. That Plato admitted the Doric Mode in his Republic, as being more Masculine and Warlike than the other Modes, and by reason of its severity more proper to restrain the Extravagancies of Youth, than the Lydian and the Phrygian being too soft. And he commends the Poesy of Pindar composed for the Dance which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Pindaric Tuna, which agrees with what Clemens Alexandrinus tells us, That Pindar invented a sort of Dance, and is confirmed by Athenaeus.  
But I think my Lord! It may be now time to speak of the Works of our two Poets. Pindar besides his Olympia, Pythia, Isthmia, and Nemaea, which we have, (to which four Books the Ancients gave the Name of Period) had composed divers other Works which are now lost, and of which we have no Remains, but some Fragments scattered in Eustathius, Athenaeus, Strabo, Philo-Iudaeus, Pausanias, Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, Plutarch, Stobaeus, Suidas, and some others. Of which see the account as given by Suidas. Pindar (says he) wrote 17 Books in the Doric Dialect, as his Olympionica, and Pythionica, Prosodia, Parthenia, Enthronismi, Bacchica, Daphniphorica, Paeanes, Hyporchimata, Hymni, Dithyrambi, Scolia, Encomia, Threni, Dramata Tragica, Epigrammata Heroica, and an Exhortation in Prose to his Countrymen the Greeks.  
In this Catalogue of Suidas we cannot but wonder he should only mention his Olympionica, and his Pythionica, without taking notice of his Isthmica, and his Nemeaea; and we may do well here to observe, that he calls, Olimpionica and Pythionica, which almost all the printed Books call Olympia and Pythia. Which last is an Error, which Casaubon has corrected in his Lections upon Theocritus, speaking occasionally upon the words Olympionica and Pythionica, where he says, Quas ego voces censeo esse reponendas in front singulorum Librorum Pindari, pro eo quod nunc Legimus Olympia, Pythia; male opinor; non enim ludos laudare Poetae est, ut loquuntur, intentio, sed ipsos victores. i e. Which Words I am of opinion ought to be inserted in the Title Pages of each of Pindar's Books, instead of what we there read Olympia, and Pythia; unduly as I think, for it is not the Poet's Intention to praise the Games, but the Victors in those Games.  
These four Games, as we have already said, were called Periodus or the Period, by way of Excellency; for though most of the considerable Towns of Greece held Assemblies for the Celebration of their particular Games, and had great Concourse of Combatants and Spectators, from all parts, there were four yet infinitely more celebrious than the rest, which they called Sacred, to wit, the Olympian which were held at Pisa in Elis in honour of jupiter, the Pythian, at Cirrha in Phocis near Delphos in honour of Apollo; the Isthmian▪ at the Isthmus of Peloponnesus near Corinth and Sicyonia, in honour of Neptune; and the Nemeaean in the Valley of Nemeaea near Argos, in honour of jupiter. The Combatant who had been Victor in all these four Games (which they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to gain the Period) teceived thereby so great an Honour, that Pindar often compares it to that of the Gods, and Cicero makes no difficulty to say, That among the Gr●eks 'twas the same as to have Triumphed among the Romans.  
Suidas says the Lyric Poets called Prosodia the Poems that were sung at the solemn Feasts of the Gods: 
Prosodion.  And Casaubon upon a place in Athenaeus, where there is a Speech made of the Prosodia, says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Carmen ab iis cantari solitum, qui ad Apollinem accedebant, Apostolicus mod●s is est, qui convenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 erant apud Graecos praefecturae nauticae nomina, i e 〈◊〉 Prosodion was a Song used to be sung by tho●● 〈◊〉 made their Address to Apollo. The Apostolion belonged to those they called Apostoli, 
Apostolion.  who were the Officers among the Greeks, who directed the Affairs of the Marine.  
Which I understand after this manner. That the Prosodion was apparently that which they sung in going to the Temple of Apollo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Apostolion what was sung, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the Company of the Galleys going out to Sea.  
The said Suidas says the Parthenia were Songs made in honour of Virgins, 
Parthenia.  or the Eumenideses, for both the one and the other are meant by the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He calls the Paeans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, as we may say in Latin Fausta's Acclamationes, Songs of Joy, good Wishes and Acclamations, or Benedictions, and he makes of them two sorts: One which they sung in honour of Mars before the Combat, and which they called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the other after the Victory. Which yet in another place he delivers after another manner; that the Ancients sung two sorts of Paeans, one to Mars before the Battle, and another to Apollo after it. And 'tis upon this the Scholiast of Sophocles speaks, upon these Verses in his Oedipus Tyrannus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—. That they who are in Health, make Sacrifices, and sing Paeans, for their being freed from Sickness; and they who are stricken with Sickness make Complaints of their Maladies. For as Suidas in another place says, The Paeanism is that which is sung for being delivered from the Evils they are threatened with.  
I have likewise found in several Authors, 
Paean.  that the Paean was not composed by the Ancients but for the Gods only. And one of the principal Heads of the Accusation Demophilus made against Aristotle at Athens, was that of Impiety, with which he was charged for having made that excellent Ode we find in Athenaeus, and Diogenes Laertius, in honour of one Hermias Tyrant of Aternae, which Demophilus maintained to have been a Paean, tho' Aristotle made the contrary appear by several Reasons, of which the principal was, that there wanted in it the Acclamation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is, as one would say, the very mark of a Paean.  
They which came after Aristotle were no such rigid Observers of that Ceremony, which passed from the Gods to Heroes, and from them to Mortal Men, by the Flattery of the Athenians, who were the first that caused one to be sung in honour of Demetrius the Son of Antigonus, and another after that, in honour of Ptolemy King of Egypt.  
Macrobius in the 17th Chapter of his first Book of Saturnals, produces a very curious Origine of that Acclamation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for they are both used, because Apollo is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to heal, or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from his shooting off Letiferous Shafts; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a feriendo, to strike; or, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from his mitigating of Pains.  
Athenaeus, as to the Origine of this Word, recounts a very pleasant Story. He says, That Latona having brought her Children from Chalcis in Euboea to Delphos, resolved to repose herself near the Cave where the Serpent Python had his Den; whence that Serpent issuing out with fury to devour her, she was thereupon so extremely affrighted, that snatching up Diana in her Arms, she hastily fled away, and got upon a Stone, which serves (says he) as a Basis to the Statue of that Goddess, and whereupon was engraven the whole Story of that Accident, and Apollo being happily present, armed with his Bow and Arrows, distressed Latena cries out several times, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. Shoot Child, Shoot. And from thence came that Acclamation ordinarily made use of by those who are in danger.  
Plutarch in his Book of Music says, There is great difference between a Paean and the Hyporchema, 
Hyporchema.  as may be seen (says he) by the Works of Pindar, who hath composed both the one and the other. Those Works of Pindar which are styled Hyporchemata, I call, Songs for the Dance. For as much as the Ancients have written they were the same with the Carmen Saliare of the Latins; which according to the Interpretation of Dalecampius upon Athenaeus, Saltantibus accinebatur, Was Sung to the Dancers. Or, as Lucian says, Were Songs composed for the Dance of the Persons in the Chorus, and called Hyporchemata; although Casaubon thinks otherwise, and calls them Saltationes Voci subservi●ntes, Dances composed to the Voice. But 'tis easy to reconcile that Diversity by what the same Athenaeus in another place says, The Hyporchema was a kind of Dance, where the Persons, whether Men or Women who composed the Chorus, Danced Singing: And that among those Dances the most considerable were Prosodia, Apostolia, the Parthenia, and the like; for as for the Hymns, and particularly those to Venus and Bacchus, as likewise the Paeans, some of them (says he) were danced, and others were not.  
Where it may be noted that these Songs we have but now spoken of, (which were sung in Processions, or in public Shows, and Ceremonies, or at Naval Imbarkments) were not only sung, but that there were Dancers likewise who shown several Gestures and Motions as Signs and Marks expressive of the sense and meaning of the Things that were sung. And he (says Athenaeus) who made any Gestures or Motions not answerable to the Subject or Sense of the Letter, or danced without measure, or ●ut of just Cadence was hissed at. Whence it came (says he) that this kind of Dance was called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as one would say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A Dance after the Air or Sense of the Song. Or, as he says in another place, an imitation of the Things expressed by the Letter of the Air or Song.  
He further says, 
Dances proper to Theatrical Poesy.  As there are three sorts of Dances proper to Theatrical Poesy, that is to say, the Tragical, the Comical, and Satyrical; so likewise there are three kinds proper to the Lyric Poesy, to wit, 
Dances proper to Lyric Poesy.  the Pyrrick, the Gymnopedike, and the Hyporchematike The Pyrrhic has much of resemblance with the Satirical, being both Danced with a quick and swift Motion, the Pyrrhic being a Warlike Dance. The Gymnopedike, has some relation to the Tragical, which they call Emmelia, as being serious, and that there is a kind of Gravity, and Majesty in both of them; the Hyporchematike, or Comical, which they call Cordax, in regard they have both of them something more Jolly and Frolic. I make use of that Term to express the Ridicule of the Cordax, which sometimes went to a vicious excess, and at length passed for Infamous among the Greeks, by reason of the dishonest and Lascivious Gestures of the Dancers. Of which Horace seems to take notice when he complains, 
Motus doceri gaudet jonicos  
Matura Virgo, & fingitur artibus.  L. 3. Od. 6. 
Virgin's Mature, jonick Measures try,  
And Supple Joints in wanton Gestures ply.   
I could wish we had the Works of Pindar which are lost, that we might know the true difference between those he had composed in honour of one and the same Deity, as between the Daphnephoria, the Paeans, and Prosodia, which were all made in honour of Apollo, or between the Bacchicks and the Dithyrambs which were made in honour of Bacchus whom they called Dithyrambos, because he was born by two Gates, that is, from the Belly of his Mother, and the Thigh of jupiter. Perhaps they differed not but in the Cadences and Measures of the Verse, or other Expressions; at least it appears throughout, that the Dithyrambs were full of Figures extremely swelling, great Dictions composed of several others, and a sense perpetually embroiled and intricate, in so much as not easily to be understood. For as Suidas writes, The Composers of Dithyrambs spoke not but of Things elevated as of the Clouds and Meteors, and in Terms made up of compound Words, and ways of speaking new, hardy, and extraordinary, as Horace says, speaking of Pindar, 
Seu per audaces nova Dithyrambos  
Verba devolvit, numerisque fertur  
Lege solutis.  L. 4. Od. 2. 
Whether new Words he rowls along  
Through hardy Dithyrambs, or forms his Song  
In such a numerous Strain,  
As does all Laws disdain.  Which comes to what Aristophanes says, who calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Charlatans' who endeavoured to puzzle their Auditors with mighty Words, and vain Discourses in the Air. And as his Scholiast adds the Dithyrambic Poets made use of compound Elocutions and extremely embroiled. Which occasioned the Proverb, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Thou hast no more Sense than a Dithyrambic Poet.  Which is applied to Things very difficult to be understood.  
I observe these Dithyrambs were well esteemed of, while comprised within the Bounds of reasonable and moderate Expressions. But were looked upon as ridiculous, when carried on to Excess, as we have seen above in those Remnants and Pieces which Aristophanes has maliciously tacked together in his Clouds; where his Scholiast says, that the Dithyrambs were not made but to ruin good Poesy.  
At least they believed not they could be suffered any where but in a Society of Drunkards, as Philochorus in Athenaeus declares, That the Ancients sung not Dithyrambs in any of their Libations or Sacrifices, but only in those they made to Bacchus, and when they were well whetted. And we have some Verses of Archilochus to this Purpose. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
A Dithyramb I have to sing,  
In Praise of Bacchus our Great King,  
When a large Draught of Sparkling Wine  
Hath Thunderstruck these Brains of mine.  Which comes up to that Fragment we have of Epicharmus who forbids, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, There should be any Dithyrambs for your Water-Drinkers.  
There is yet another sort of Poetry in the number of those attributed to Pindar, which was not Sung but in their Cups; and these were the Scolia's of the Ancients, which Suidas calls, 
Scolia, what kind of Poesy.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as one would say, Drunken Catches; of whom the Inventor according to Pindar in Plutarch, was one called Therpander, and 'twas principally at Nuptial Festivals that these kind of Songs were made use of. And as the Ancient Greeks did eat lying, and not sitting as we do, they dressed for that purpose several little Beds round about a Table, upon which the invited Guests lay down, and at the end of Dinner a Branch of Myrtle was given to him that was at the end of the Table, who immediately began to sing some little Sentences or Pieces of Love in Verse, and after that gave the Branch to him that was next him, who having sung his Song, gave it to another, and so it passed from Hand to Hand till it came to the Master of the Feast; and as it passed from one to another, it made a round about the Table, which they called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a winding or turning March, by reason of the little Beds set round the Table, and from thence the Sonnets had the Name of Scolia's.  
I call them Sonnets after the manner of Suidas, who says, The Scolion was a Song of few Verses, which was ordinarily made in praise of some brave Action, or in dispraise of some Vices; for as Casaubon says, Verissimum est Scoliorum Argumenta fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & vitae praecepta sunt, quae pleraque illorum facta ex dictis septem sapientum quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 olim dicta sunt, quia moris erat ea cantare in Convivis, i. e. It is most certain that the Arguments or Subjects of these Scholia's were instructive to Life, and were full of Moral Precepts. They were for the most part taken out of the Say of the Seven Wise Men, which were heretofore called Adomenes, because it was the Custom to sing them at Feasts. Which is confirmed by what Suidas and Aristophanes report of Pericles, who had written the Laws of Athens in form of little Songs after the manner of Scolia 's, to the end they might be sung, and so be more easily remembered; and is further verified by a number of Scolia's in Athenaeus.  
That Author says moreover, as does likewise Suidas, That there were three different Manners of Singing at the Table; the first when all the Company sang together one and the same Song; the second when they sang round one after another; and the third, when they only who were skilful Songsters sung each of them a Song, and that Interruption (says he) which was made passing from one skilful Songster to another, leaving the rest of the Guests vacant, and going a Traverse, or Skipping, gave the Name Scolion to that manner of Singing.  
I shall say nothing of that Great Scolion of Pindar, which he made in Praise of the Corinthian Courtesans; nor of that Eustathius speaks of in his Comment upon the Odysseys, That there were two kinds of Scolia 's, whereof one they called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or rallying, made purposely to mock at the Vicious; and the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Serious, in Commendation of Virtue and Virtuous Persons. Among the last he puts those which they called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Lugubria, which were sung at the Solemnity of the Dead by those of the Family, about the Funeral Pile. I have read in an Interpreter of Athenaeus that these Scolia's were like those Verses which from the Italians we at present call Stanzas, Sonnets, and Madrigals.  
But I may seem to have been too long upon this Matter, and that 'tis time to return to our Subject.  
See therefore the Judgement Quintilian has given of Pindar's Poesy in the first Chapter of his Tenth Book, where he says, Novem vero Lyricorum longè Pindarus princeps, Spiritus magnificentia, sententiis, figuris, brevissima rerum verborumque copiâ, & veluti quodam Eloquentiae flumine, propter quae Horatius eum credidit nemini imitabilem, i. e. Pindar is far beyond any, Prince of the Nine Lyric Poets, for the Height and Majesty of his Thoughts, the Gravity of his Sentences, the Beauty of his Figures, the Copious Brevity of his Words and Matter, and as it were a Flood or Torrent of Eloquence; for which Horace thought him inimitable.  
It seems Quinctilian took all this Discourse from Dionysius Halicarnassaeus his Book de construction. verbonim where he thus speaks, Pindar is Admirable for the choice of his Words and Thoughts, he has Grandeur, Harmony, Affluence, Order, and vigour of Expressions, and all that, accompanied with a certain grave yet close Delivery, mixed with an agreeable sweetness; is marvellous for his Sentences, his Energy, his Figures, his address in describing manners, his Amplifications, and Elocution, and above all for the Honesty of his own Manners, which appears in all his Writings, where his Temperance, his Piety and the Greatness of his Mind shine throughout.  
By which it appears to me, that Author was perfectly acquainted with the Character of Pindar, for he has omitted nothing that could be considered in his Works, where the Sublime (of which Longinus has written) is in its greatest Lustre, and of which Horace says, 
Multa Dircaeum levat aura Cycnum  
Tendit Antoni! Quoties in altum  
Nubium tractus.  L. 4. Od. 2. 
When for a noble Flight he does prepare,  
Raised on a mighty Tide of favouring Air,  
The Theban Swan with Soaring Wings,  
Up 'bove the Cloudy Region springs.  Athenaeus likewise never speaks of Pindar, but he gives him this Epithet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The great-voiced Pindar.  
And now it might be proper for me after what these Men have said, to hold my Tongue; but my Lord! I cannot forbear telling you of some Passages in Pindar, which I never yet could read without being extremely concerned. As where he describes the Joy the Good Old Aeson had when he reviewed his Son jason, and beheld him to be a Person so well made and accomplished, after he had mourned for him as Dead. 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. 4. 
As soon as entered, his old Father's Eye  
Straight found him out; and a glad Shower let fly  
Of joyful Tears, to see a Son so brave,  
So beautiful; who well the Prize might have  
From all of Humane Race.  Or when he recounts the brave Action of Antilochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who undertook by his own Death to save the Life of his Father Nestor, where the Relation is so tender, so touching, and so lively, as Dionysius Halicarnassaeus notes, That they seem not the things told, but the very actions themselves, as if done in our Presence. There is no body but trembles for the poor Nestor, to see him distressed in his Chariot, stopped by the wounding of one of his Horses, and pursued by Memnon with his Lance a tilt; but who would not at the same time be struck with equal Joy and Grief to see Antilochus so courageously oppose himself against him, and die combating for the Life of his Father? 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. ●●. 
Th' Entreaties of his Father weighed not he,  
Firmly resolved, the Godlike Youth remained,  
By his own Death, his Father's Life to free;  
And in the brave Performance fell, yet gained  
The highest Honour that was ever known,  
Of children's Piety to Parents shown.  Can any thing be seen more soft than what he says of the Birth of Aristaeus. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Hours upon their soft Knees took  
The Newborn Babe; and as he lay,  
Sweet Nectar gave the Child to suck,  
And fed him with Ambrosia.  See how richly he commends the Excellent Sculptures of the Rhodians? 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Olymp. 7. 
The Noble Statues their fair Streets adorn,  
Seem (not as framed, but born)  
To Live, and Move.  With what Force and Vigour does he describe the Hostile Desolation of a fruitful Land? 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  10. 
Th' inhospitable Epian King, too soon  
Beheld his Country overrun  
With Fire and Sword; his City sacked by Foes  
As merciless as Those;  
And sunk into Misfortune more than low,  
A sad Abyss of Misery and Woe.  With what agreeableness does he paint the Joy of an Old Man at the Birth of a Son to inherit his Estate? 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Ibid. 
As when an Aged Person gets a Boy  
On a Young Wife, his Solace, and his joy..  
How does he spring into n●w Youth again!  
Seeing a Son Born, likely to maintain  
His fair Estate: For at one's Death, no pain,  
No Thoughts so odious, and distracting are,  
As leaving Riches to an unknown Heir.  And the Shame and Grief of the Combatants overcome in the Pythian Games? 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. 8. 
No Pleasure take they to the Pythian Plain,  
Where they were foiled, to return back again,  
Nor willingly to their own Homes repair,  
Since they to cheer their Parents Hearts despair  
With mirthful jollity, still 'fore their Eye  
They seem their Conquering Rivals to espy,  
And shun the sight of them: With Shame pursued,  
And the Calamity of Men subdued.  The Description he gives of Mount Aetna hath something of Divine, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. 1. 
From Aetna's Caverns Deep and Low,  
Inaccessible Springs of Unquenchable Fire,  
In boiling Torrents upward flow:  
These Floods of Flame, as they by Day aspire,  
Like Cloudy Vortices of Smoak appear.  
By Night the flaming Deluge grows more clear,  
Dreadfully bright, when from the Mountains vast  
And glowing Furnaces out cast,  
A burning Stream of melted Rocks  
And liquified Quarries  
Down to the Sea with horrid Cracks,  
Its blazing Current carries.  Which Virgil hath imitted in the 3d of his Aeneids after this manner. 
— Sed horrificis juxta tonat Aetna ruinis  
Interdumque atram prorumpit ad Aethera nubem,  
Turbine fumantem piceo, & candente favilla,  
Attollitque Globos flammarum, & sidera lambit.  
Interdum scopulos avulsaque viscera Montis  
Erigit eructans, liquefactaque saxa sub auras  
Cum gemitu glomerat, fundoque exestuat imo.  
Hard by with horrid Ruins Aetna roars,  
Dark Clouds now with hot Cinders forth it pours,  
Now Pitchy Fumes rising in rapid Curls,  
And Globes of Flame high as the Stars it hurls.  
Hard Rocks, its Entrails, from its Sides now rends,  
And melted Stones with Fiery Belchings, sends  
Up into Air: Now dreadful Groans expires  
From its deep Gulfs exestuating Fires.  Which is one of the Places Phavorinus (in Aulus Gellius) says Virgil had not put his last Hand to, and where he finds much to say against it, but chief for taking upon on him to imitate Pindar. Ejusmodi sententias & verba molitus est, ut Pindaro quoque ipso, qui nimis opima pinguique esse facundiâ existimatus est, insolentior hoc quidem in loco ' tumidiorque sit, i.e. He seems to have attempted the same Words and Expressions as Pindar, who had an Eloquence esteemed too Rich and Pompous, and in this place to have outgone him in Terms more insolent, and more swelling.  
It is worth seeing what Pindar says of Fortune, 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Olymp. 12. 
Fortune of Humane State the Fostress! Thou  
Swift-sailing Ships (the Seaman's joy) dost guide  
Through the Seas boisterous Tide,  
On Earth now wasteful Wars dost manage; now  
O'er Peaceful Counsels dost preside.  And speaking of the Graces he says, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Olymp. 14. 
What e'er amongst Men, Delightful is and Sweet,  
Blessed Graces! Is your due.  
In them, if Wisdom, Beauty, Splendour meet,  
All this they own to you.  Horace hath imitated very nearly the Verses of Fortune in his Ode. O Diva gratum quae regis Antium. And those of the Graces, which he attributes to the Muses, in this, Descend Coelo & dia age Tibia— As likewise that excellent place of Pindar, 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Olymp. 2. 
Actions or just or unjust, past and gone,  
Not Father Time who has all Acts begun,  
Can ever make or render them undone.  Which he turns so happily after this Manner, 
Cras vel atrâ  
Nube polum, Pater occupata  
Vel sole puro; non tamen irritum  
Quodcunque retro est efficiet, neque  
Diffinget, infectumque reddet  
Quod fugiens semel hora vexit.  L. 3. Od. 29. 
To morrow jove may cloud the Skies,  
Or make a smiling Sunshine rise;  
But all his Power can ne'er make void  
The Thing that has been once enjoyed,  
Nor ere again reduce to nought  
What the past Hours have with them brought.  And several other excellent Passages, whence Horace and Virgil seem to have drained his Sublime Sentiments, and rich Expressions, being ravished and carried away with another's Enthusiasm, in the same manner (says 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, S. 11. ex edit. Langban.  Longinus) as the Priestess of Apollo upon the sacred Tripod, is possessed with the Spirit of that God.  
'Twould take up too much time should I enter upon the particularising what is observable in the Works of Pindar, and speak of the Austerity of his Diction, his Sentences, his Figures, and particularly his Hyperbata, his Metaphors, his Allegories, his Hyperboles, which so much enrich his Thoughts, as likewise of those graceful Words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tempest-footed and indefatigable, which leave us the penetrating Ideas of the lightness and swiftness he speaks of.  
I shall only tell what Quinctilian reports of the Hyperbole in the 8th Chapter of his 10th Book, where he says, Exquisitam figuram hujus rei deprendere apud principem Lyricorum videar, in libro quem inscripsit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Is namque Herculis Impetum adversus Meropas qui in Insulâ Co dicuntur habitasse, non igni, nec Ventis, neo Mari, sed fulmini dicit similem fuisse, ut illa minora, hoc par esset, i. e. I find an Exquisite Example of this Figure, in the Prince of Lyric Poets, Pindar, in one of his Hymns, where speaking of the impetuous Assault made by Hercules against the Meropes, Inhabitante of the Island Chios, he assimilates the Action not to Fire, Winds, or the Sea, but to Thunder; the others seeming less, this only equal to it.  
And what Dionysius Halicarnassaeus hath upon the Subject of the severity of his Diction in his Book of Demosthenes his Eloquence, where having explicated at large what he calls austere Harmony, he concludes, that the Diction of Aeschylus among the Tragic Poets, and that of Pindar wholly and entirely among the Lyrics, may afford sufficient Examples.  
The same Author in his Book of the Construction of Words, says, 'twill suffice to mention only Pindar among the Poets, and Thucydides among the Historians, for they are two, who have most happily made use of that Harmony and austere Construction in Discourse; begin we (says he) with this Dithyramb of Pindar, etc. And after having recited the Verses of the Poem, he adds, There is no Man who sees not but that the Expression is Strong, Nervous, Sententious, Grave, and very Severe, which is heard and goes off without Distaste, and agreeably strikes the Ear.  
These are the Beauties of Pindar; for which, in an Epigram of the Greek Anthology, he is sometimes called, 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Leonid. in Anthol. L. 3. The Servant of the Sweet-voiced Muses. And again, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Antipat. L. 3. Anth. Gr. The Muse's Trumpet, sounder of grave Hymns. Which gave occasion of this further Encomium, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Antipat. Anth. G● L. 4. 
Far as a Trumpets sound outgoes the Flute,  
So far all others yield unto his Lute.  Upon which Score Horace writes, 
Monte decurrens velut Amnis, imbres  
Quem super notas aluere ripas,  
Fertur, immensusque ruit profundo Pindarus ore.  L. 4. Od. 2. 
As when a Torrent pouring from some Hill,  
Which Rains have made beyond its Banks to swell;  
So Pindar his impetuous Vein, that knows  
No Bounds, with a deep, noisy Current flows.  And Longini●, That Pindar seems sometimes to set all on Fire with his Vehemence. 'Tis true yet what the same Longinus immediately after says, That that Ardour of his was sometimes ill-quenched, and fell unhappily. As much as to say, That amidst the great Beauties of Pindar, there were some Defects taken notice of by the Critics, of which we shall reckon up the most considerable.  
The first is, that Faftus of Words, and that perpetual height of Expressions, full of excessive Hyperboles, as we have already remarked out of Favorinus, speaking of the Judgement he gave upon Virgil, That Pindar 's Eloquence was too rich and swelling.  
And truly there is in Pindar some Fashions of speaking so hardly, and so far from our common use, that a Man can hardly consider of them, without finding them ridiculous. As when having excessively praised one of his Combatants, and fearing he might be thought to have said too much, he leaves off. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Olymp. 8. Lest Envy should throw Stones at him. And when he praises another for having been Victorious, he uses this Expression, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Isthm. 2. He fell upon the Golden Knees of Victory. After the same manner having spoken of another Victor in the Olympic Games, he adds, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Olymp. 6. 
Know, Sostratus his Son hath in this Shoe,  
A happy Foot.  And some others of the like Nature which are, as I have said, very far from the Notion of Sublime, in our manner of speaking. And we can give no other reason for't, but that of the Mode and Gusto of the Times. But to condemn all upon that Principle, were to be too quick, and to do like those who having never been out of their own Homes, cannot without Laughter look upon strange fashioned clothes.  
What besides they find ill in Pindar's Works, are the enormous Digressions or Excursions he makes, which have for the most part so little of Rapport to the principal Subject of the Ode, that they appear like large pieces of Cloth of Gold sowed to some Stuff, of less value.  
Upon which, 'Tis to be remembered what heretofore we have said, That Pindar had occasion to praise Persons who were ordinarily but of mean Merit, and therefore had not much to say of them. So that he was obliged to search for Matter abroad, upon which he might elevate his Thoughts; forasmuch as those wretched Combatants he praised, would have long Odes for their Money; and 'twas in this, that the Artifice of Pindar principally appeared, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
To speak great Things on little Subjects.  Which he calls, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Effect of an extraordinary Genius: And upon this Subject I cannot forbear to say what sometime hath come into my Mind, that in all likelihood Pindar at his Leisure composed upon several sort of Cadences his different Works in Praise of the Gods and Heroes: And that when a Victorious Combatant came to ask him for an Ode, he went to search among his Compositions for a Piece that was most proper, and would be most suitable for the Person he was to praise, either in respect of his Country, or the place of his Victory, his Beauty, Age, or some other thing that might serve him as a Connexion to put together what he had formerly prepared, with that he had thought to say upon the account of him he was to speak of.  
In the mean while, his Transitions are so just, that his Artisice therein appeared not at all, and is what he acknowledges in divers places. As for Example, at the end of that long and admirable Narration of the Argonauts which is in the 4th of his Pythioniques, where he says, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pyth. 4. 
But to our Subject; whence w'have strayed too long,  
Time calls back our Excursive Song;  
Which on a short return hath hit,  
To teach to others Dextrous Wit.  And in another place, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Olymp. 2. 
Shafts in my Quiver of Invention, store  
I have, but only fitted for the Wise:  
Whose Sense, the Vulgar never can explore,  
But need Interpreters to undisguise.   
They take notice likewise of some Faults of Pindar in Chronology; as where he recounts the taking up of Pelops, to the Palace of jupiter, where, says he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ganymede afterwards arrived, instead of saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where Ganymede had been before; because Ganymede was elder than Pelops according to their Genealogies reported by Diodorus Siculus, who writes, That Paris was the Son o● Priam, he of Laomedon, whose Father was Ilus, to whom Ganymede was Brother; and in another place, That Menelaus was the Son of Atreus, whose Father was Pelops, where it may be observed that Paris and Menelaus being of the same Age, and there being but two Generations from Menelaus to Pelops, and three from Paris to Ganymed, it follows that this should be Elder than the other, and consequently that Neptune his taking up of Pelops must be a long time after that of jupiter his Rape of Ganymede for his Beauty.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Olymp. 10▪ 
By Aid of favouring Venus raised above  
The Stroke of Death, and made the joy of Jove.  
Pausanias (in Achaicis) takes notice of another Parachronism of Pindar, where he says, It seems to me that Pindar was not altogether so knowing of what concerned the Temple of the Ephesian Diana, whilst he Writes, It was built by the Amazons when they made War against Theseus' Prince of Athens; for that Temple was famous long time before the jonians passed into Asia. True it is, the Amazons marching in that War from Thermodoon, offered their Sacrifices to that Goddess there, as they did likewise in their Flight from Hercules, and before that when defeated, and pursued by Bacchus, they fled to that Temple as Suppliants; but they never were, or can be said to have been Builders thereof.  
If we had those Poems of Pindar, which they call Threni, we should see whether it be true what Dionysius Halicarnassaeus says, That Simonides was more happy than Pindar, in describing sad and Lugubrious Subjects, in as much as he mourned not in such Magnific and Swelling Expressions as he, but in much more pathetical. But as those Works are lost, we must acquiesce, and leave it to the judgement and sufficiency of that Author.  
I find there are some Learned Persons who discommend the beginning of the first Ode, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The best of Things is Water; and like not, that being to make a highly-elevated Comparison, he should use that of Water, which is too vile and low to produce any Idea of Grandeur in our Thoughts. That of Gold which follows after, has (say they) some excuse for the Passion this Poet had for Riches; but they find not any proportion between Water and the Sun to join them together, which has a seeming resemblance of Truth according to our Principles and manner of reasoning at this Day.  
This Objection nevertheless, will not appear very considerable, if we make but this Reflection, That Pindar sent that Ode into Sicily to a Tyrant of Syracuse, where they followed the Doctrine of Empedocles, who about that time had immortalised himself by his Works, by his Life and his voluntary fall into the flaming Gulf of Aetna: For one of the Principles of that Philosopher's Doctrine, was this, That Water was the Origin and Source of all the Works of Nature.  
So that Pindar could not make use of a Comparison more happy or more efficacious than that of Water, to comprehend what was great and elevated to the Sicilians, who regarded that Element as the Principle, which had given them their Being.  
And these, my Lord, are the Defects which some have charged Pindar with, which are no other than little Moles in a Beautiful Body, as Horace says, 
— Velut si  
Egregio inspersos, deprendas corpore naevos.  Which in my Sense, make in his admirable Works, what Shadows do in Painting, which heighten and set off with greater Lustre the Beauties and Colours of the Piece: Or, as 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, §. 25. ex Edit. Langbain. Or § 26. ex Edit. Tan. Fabri.  Longinus says, As Dissonances in Music are suffered, to give the greater relish and more agreeable sweetness to the perfect Accords. They are, to speak truly the inevitable Effects of that Sublimity of Thought and Diction, which according to the Sentiment of that Author, can never be entirely pure; and where as in a great and rich store, there will be a necessity of losing or neglecting something.  
I call these Faults Negligences, for such are those of Pindar, which will never hinder him from always meriting to be Crowned with Phoebean Laurel, and bearing away the Prize from all the Lyric Poets, though the Style of some of them be more even, and less defective: For that, evenness of Style can never enter into Comparison with that Majestic Force, (though something uneven) in the Style of Pindar.  
And this 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, L. seu §. 29. according to the Langbain Edition.  Longinus makes clearly appear, when having examined the Faults of Homer, and declared that Apollonius, in his Argonauticks, is without Defects, he cries out, and asks, Whether there be any one would rather be Apollonius than Homer? Bacchylides than Pindar? jon of Chios, than Sophocles? And after adds, These first are without Defects, and never trip, or stumble in their Writings, whereas the others sometimes fall, by reason of the Violence that Transports them beyond their power to regulate, or remedy.  
And I further observe, that Longinus judiciously joins together these three Heroes of Greek Poesy, Homer, Pindar and Sophocles as the three Coryphaei in every kind of Poesy, the Epic, Lyric and Tragic; and who according to the Judgement of Aristotle, chose Subjects the most Sublime, and handled them the most nobly.  
Come we now to the Works of Horace; he hath left us four Books of Odes, one of Epods, two of Satyrs, two of Epistles, and one of the Art of Poetry, dedicated to the Piso's. He calls those of his Odes Lib●os Carminum, because the Word Carmen in Latin answers to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Greeks, who call the Lyric Poet's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Some Grammarians believed that the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which they term 
* See the reason of the Word in Scaliger de Poetica, l. 1. c. 44. Quia post cantiones ad Aras Deorum expletas, accedebat aliquis, sacra certis versiculis clausurus.  Clausular's) had taken its Name from the inequality of the Verse, in which they are written, in regard the Greeks called Epods, or Clausular's the short Verses which follow just under the longer. Others seeing the best Ode in the Book of Epods, which is against Canidia, to speak nothing but of Enchantments, which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek, conceive the Name to have passed from that Ode to the whole Book: And others lastly have concluded the Book of Epods to be as it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if composed after, or as I may say, over and above those of the Odes. There are those who take the Carmen Saeculare out of the Body of his other Books, and make it a separate Work of itself.  
The two of Satyrs have that Title given them for that as Horace seems to confess, 
Sunt quibus in Satira videar minis acer.  
There are who think in Satire I'm too sharp.  They are called likewise Libri Sermonum, Discourses, because speaking of them in another place, he says, they are, 
— Sermoni propiora—  
Nearer to common Talk, or familiar Entertainment.   
There is something wanting in the Epistles; and though there are some Specimens which are without any Breach, by reason the beginning of one Epistle is joined to the end of another; yet the common Sense shows clearly, that many times they are both defective. That to the Piso's de Arte Poetica, which Horace for the most part hath taken from Parianus Neoptolemus, is an accomplished Piece; it has been anatomised by Fabricius, who has reduced to a certain Order the Precepts here and there scattered in that Treatise.  
You see, my Lord! By this Discourse, we have a larger Subject given us to treat of these Pieces of Horace, than those of Pindar, for the reason we have already delivered, that the greatest part of the latter's Works are lost. And that by what we have left of him, he seems to have been constrained to spend his Wit upon the praises of particular Persons; whereas Horace had the Liberty to choose his Subjects the most proper to his own Genius and Humour.  
I know full well there hath been an infinite number of things advantageously said of him and his Works; and that the greatest Persons, both Ancient and Modern, have rendered of him Illustrious Testimonies. But I should be too tedious, should I go about to report them all in this place; I shall therefore content myself to tell you only what Quinctilian, who in my Opinion is a sufficient Judge, hath delivered of him.  
And in the first place, as to its Satyrs, he immediately gives him the advantage over Lucilius, Multo est tertior Lucilio, ac purius magis Horatius, & ad notandos mores praecipuus. Horace (says he) is much more Polite and Neat than Lucilius; and for describing of Manners most admirable.  
For his Epods. jambus (says he) non sane à Romanis celebratus est ut proprium opus, à quibusdam interpositus, cujus Acerbitas in Catullo, Bibaculo, Horatio: Quamvis illi Epodos intervenire reperiatur, i. e. The jambick never passed with the Romans for a particular sort of Poetry. Some have inserted it among other Verses. Of which, the force and Acerbity may be seen in Catullus, Bibaculus and Horace: Tho it appears they were sometimes intermixed in Epods. Where we see he calls Epods what others term Clausulars; that is to say, those short Verses interposed after the longer, which they call iambics.  
But as for his Odes, or Lyrics, he prefers him before all that ever wrote in that kind. At Lyricorum idem Horatius ferè solus legi dignus, nam & insurgit aliquando & plenus est jucunditatis, & gratiae, & variis figuris & verbis faeliciter audax, i. e. Of all the Lyrics, there is none but Horace only who merits to be read, for he sometimes rises full of pleasing Graces, and is most happily bold in the variety of his Expressions and Figures.  
It will be very difficult to add any thing to that Judgement; which not only places Horace above all the Lyrics, but enters into the Particularities of his Perfections. It seems to me as if he would say, Horace has spoken upon all the Matters that can enter into Lyric Poesy, and that he has Divinely treated of them: That he raised himself in the greatest Subjects almost as high as Pindar, but maintained them more uniformly, without falling, as may be seen in these Excellent Odes. 
Descend Coelo & dic age Tibia.  L. 3. Od. 4. 
Coelo tonantem credidimus jovem.  L. 3. Od. 5. And, 
Odi profanum Vulgus & arceo.  L. 3. Od. 1. That in the middle sort of Style he has inimitable Charms, as in that Ode which Sealiger is so much taken with. 
Quem tu Melpomene semel.  L. 4. Od. 3. And that other, 
Non visitatâ aut tenui ferar.  L. 2. Ode 20. There are other Odes of a Compsotion more severe, as these, 
Intactas Opulentior.  L. 3. Od. 24. 
Tyrrhena Regum Progenies.  L. 3. Od. 29. 
Delicta Majorum immertus lues.  L. 3. Od. 6. We have him in others, where he seems to be full of a Spirit of Fury, which Longinus would call, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Phoebean Raptures.  
Quo me, Bacche, rapis?  L. 3. Od. 25. 
Quo quo scelesti ruitis?  Epod. 7. Others that seem to have been dictated to him by the Graces: As, 
Vlla si juris tibi pejerati.  L. 2. Od. 8. 
Nox erat, & coelo fulgebat Luna sereno.  Epod. 15. I have already spoken of his Amorous, and his Satirical Pieces; but I can never be weary of praising the Sweetness of those where there is something of sad, and mournful, as, in that to Maecenas. 
Cur me querelis exanimas tuis.  L. 2. Od. 17. And that other to Virgil, upon the Death of Quinctilius Varus, 
Quis desiderio sit pudor aut modus?  L. 4. Od. 24. And to speak the Truth, I find all that is graceful, and pleasant, in Horace; and I never take him up to read him in any part, but I meet with something that seems to me to be new; and that I discover not some fresh Beauties and Graces which I never perceived before.  
And 'tis that part of his Works where one may admire the Fecundity and Sublimity of his Invention, the Riches and the Hardiness of his Expressions, the Purity of his Diction, which is infinitely more modest and correct than that of Pindar. Horace likewise lived in an Age wher● his insolent Figures were not permitted, and he could not say as Martial afterwards did. 
Nobis non licet esse tam disertis  
Qui Musas colimus Severiores.  His Sentences are so frequent, and so strong and vigorous, and expressed in terms so majestic, that 'tis impossible they should not touch to the quick; and one may see by all that we have already said, that he had enriched his Mind by all the fairest Lights he could get by the Lecture of good Books, or the Conversation of Honourable Company which was the thing Pindar wanted.  
His Satyrs and his Epistles are not of a Style so elevated as his Odes, but on the contrary, he seems to have affected the abating and diminishing of its force expressly. Extenuantis cas consulto. As if he purposely designed the extenuating it, and thereby make his Verses appear sine nervis, less strong and nervous.  
In which the justness of his Judgement appears above all those who have attempted to write Satyrs. For, in my Opinion, 'tis not they who speak great Words, or make the most noise, that touch the nearest. I love an Author that reasons and toys familiarly with us, and who, as Persius says of Horace, 
— Admissus, circum praecordia ludit.  
With sportive Art,  
He tickles you about the Heart.  Upon which I cannot but wonder at the Judgement of Scaliger, who prefers juvenal before him; 
* Versus longe meliores quam Horatiani, Sententiae acriores, Phrasis apertior.  Whose Verses (says he) are much better than Horace 's, his Sentences more sharp, and his Phrase more open.  
Which I must needs refer to his chagrin Humour, who could not laugh at any thing, and had been long accustomed to cry aloud, and speak injuriously. But need I wonder that Scaliger should attack Horace? Scaliger, I say, who dared to blame Euclid, and Archimedes, in whom he was confident he had found Paralogisms, but with the Success, or rather Shame and Grief that all the World knows. What he says elsewhere, Juvenalis ardet, Persius jugulat, Horatius irridet, i. e. juvenal is fiery, Persius plays the Cutthroat, Horace mocks and Laughs, is something of a better Sense; however an old Commentator upon Horace hath said, That the Satire of Horace is a Mean between that of Lucilius, and juvenal, Nam & asperitatem habet qualem Lucilius, & suavitatem qualem Juvenalis, as having the Asperity of Lucilius, and the sweetness of juvenal.  
I cannot but be troubled to find that the Authority of Scaliger hath drawn after him that of Lipsius. Who, after having declared that divers Persons were offended that Scaliger should prefer juvenal before Horace, says this, At ille, me judice, inter multa certi & elegantis judicii, nihil verius protulit, i. e. Among the many things he hath delivered of a solid and exquisite judgement, there is nothing, in my Mind, he ever pronounced of greater Truth. And I am not satisfied with the honourable Amends he elsewhere makes Horace, by saying, That he is, Placidus, lenis, quietus, monet saepius quam castigat, sed ita praeclare hoc ipsum, ut in ea parte & arte, nihil possit supra eum, i. e. Pleasant, Gentle and agreeable, Admonishes oftener than Corrects; and this he does with so much Art, and so Nobly, that nothing can be said to go beyond him.  
For in my Opinion 'tis to judge after the Flemish or the Holland Fashion, of the Delicateness, and Politeness of Manners, to say as he in another place does, Hoc ipsum maxim Satyrae proprium videtur, tangit vitia, objurgat, inclamat, raro jocos, saepius acerbos sales miscet, i. e. It seems the most proper Character of a Satire to strike at Vices, to chide and upbraid, to cry out, seldom to joke, and oftener to intermix sharp and bitter Railleries.  
'Tis in these Satyrs Horace displays the best of that Learning he had acquired by the Study of Philosophy: He is not pleased as juvenal, to put himself into Passion incessantly, but contrarily Discovers Truths by Laughing. 
— Ridendo dicere verum  
Quid Vetat?—  And takes off the Mask from Craft, Covetousness, Cozenage and Hypocrisy, by his Reasonings which are always just, and issuing from a Spirit perfectly sound and purified.  
His Narrations there, are marvellous, his Descriptions fine and delicate. I take a singular Pleasure in reading over and over the Treatment of Horace, and that troublesome Fellow, in the 9th Satire of his first Book. I can never be tired with that Description of the Amorous Person, who consulted whether he should return to his Mistress, who called him back, after she had thrust him out of Doors? Which Horace hath taken almost Word for Word from Terence his Eunuchus, That of the Soldier of Lucullus, of Vulteius Mena, of the Sorceries of Canidia in the Eighth Satire of his first Book, are admirable. I speak not of those little Stories so delicate and delightful, which he has taken from Aesop's Fables, as that of the Stag and Horse, that of the Frogs, that of the City and the Country Mouse, and a hundred other pr●tty Descriptions, which he touches with an Air so gallant, and a turn so easy, that 'tis impossible to look upon them without being extremely pleased. I should be forced to Transcribe all his Works, should I undertake to report all the Places and Passages that merit to b● praised and commended.  
'Tis not yet but that the Critics find some thin● to except against; and for myself, I could say (if ● might speak my Mind freely) that Horace has fallen into that Excess which Longinus call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fury out of Season, in those Verses in his Art of Poetry where he says, 
Debemur morti nos, nostraque; sive receptus  
Terra, Neptunus' classes aquilonibus arcet,  
Regis opus: Sterilisve diu palus aptaque remis,  
Vicinas Vrbes alit est grave sentit aratrum.  
Se cursum mutavit iniquum frugibus amnis,  
Doctus iter melius. Mortalia facta peribunt.  
Ourselves and all our Works, are Death's Debt,  
Whether the Sea into the Shore we let.  
And for our Navy against the Northern Wind▪  
A Secure Port, a Kingly Work! We build,  
Or drain a Sterrile Fenn, where Men late Rowed,  
And make it cultivated, Food to yield  
The Neighbouring Towns; teach Tiber that o'erflowed  
The tilers Toils, a better Course to find:  
All Mortal Deeds shall perish and have end.   
See the best Verses in the World, which speak of the greatest things that humane Art or Power can undertake, viz. To make new Ports, to drain Marshes, and turn the Course of great Rivers, which Horace calls Regis Opus, a Kingly Work; and which the vast Expense, the great Care and Travail of Men intended to have made Immortal; nevertheless all these by the common Fate of Things find an end.  
Will you not say that to answer the Comparison worthily of these Emphatical Expressions, Horace should tell you of something extraordinary and surprising; and yet this great Preparation ends at last in a Consolation only for the Decease of some wretched Dictions, or Words departed out of the World of common usage.  
— Cadentque  
Quae nune sunt in honore vocabula—  
Words that once graceful were, shall fall despised.  
I cannot but further take notice of the passionate Transport some Learned Critics of this latter Age, have against Horace upon the Subject of his Judgement on the Verses and Railleries of Plautus, where he Writes,  
At nostri proavi plautinos & numeros &  
Laudavere sales: Nimium patienter utrumque  
Ne dicam stulte mirati. Si modo ego & vos  
Scimus inurbanum lepido seponere dicto  
Ligitimumque sonum digitis callemus & aure.  De Arte Poetica. 
Plautus' his Numbers and his Jests, of old  
Our Grandsires praised, and both admired (I'm Bold  
To say't) too patiently, and fond. Now,  
Since you and I know to distinguish how  
Scurrility, and Wit, differ; and can  
A well turned Verse by th' Ear, and Finger  
Scann.  
Hereupon Scaliger with his ordinary Emphasis cries out, Quis adeo est aversus à Musis, ut lepore, & salibus Plauti & Laberii non tangatur? Horatij judicium sine judicio est, i. e. Who can be so averse from the Muses, as not to be touched with the Facetiousness and Jests of Plautus and Laberius? Horace his Judgement is without Judgement.  
Lipsius says no less, Neque praeter rem amare se dicit elegantes & Vrbanos Plauti sales; nec Venusini illius aliter censentis versus unquam sine indignatiuncula legere, i. e. Not without reason (says he) I love the Elegant and Witty Urbanities of Plautus, nor can I ever read the Verses of that Venusine, who judges otherwise, without some kind of Indignation.  
Besides these, hear how mischievously pleasant Turnebus is upon the same Subject, In hujus Plauti salibus aestimandis accedo potius sententiae veterum ingenuorum Remanorum, quam Flacci Venusini Hominis, & Libertino Patre Nati, i. e. As to the Estimation of Plautus his Jests, and witty Railleries, I rather adhere to the Opinion of the Ancient Ingenuous Romans, than to the Censure of that Venusine Flaccus, the Son of a Freedman. As much as to say, That Horace did not well enough understand the Latin Tongue, because he was not Born at Rome, but the Son of a Libertine.  
But the Learned Heinsius is of another Judgement, who speaking of Horace says, Ejus vernae melius de Plauto judicabant, quam qui nunc familiam in literis tuer● hac aetate creduntur: Et qui nec saeculi quo vixit, & quo, cum Poesis tum Latina Lingua ad supremum culmen ac fastigium evecta fuit, ignorare potuit judicium, vir tantus, & quod rei caput arbitror Principibus qui inter se quotidie de iis judicabant, intimè familiaris & amicus, i. e. His Slaves were able to judge better of Plautus, than they who at this Day are accounted the Patrons of Learning. So knowing a Person could not be ignorant of the Judgement of the Age he had lived in, wherein both the Latin Poesy and Language were at the height, and (which I take to be an Argument above all) familiarly conversant with Princes, who were daily discussing that point with him as their Friend.  
There is another who says, Horace spoke not of Plautus but out of Envy; 'tis janus Parrhasius, ingenio Plautus fuit perurbano, & maxim festivo, quod non absque suspicione livoris elevatus ab Horatio.  
What is it then that could compel Horace to speak so disadvantageously of Plautus? Plautus (say I) who has been so commended by the Ancients; and in whom we find so many handsome, and agreeable things. Proficiscine id potuit (says Petrus Victorius) à judicio depravato? Quod amissus magna ex parte tunc foret lepos la●ini Sermonis, a● puritas illa venustasque inquinala, i. e. Can this proceed from a depraved Judgement? Or that the Delicacy of the Latin Tongue, its Purity and Gracefulness was contaminated?  
I am unwilling to say so; for that were to do an injury to the Reputation of an Age, which was every way the most Gallant, the most Polite, and the most Illuminated of all that preceded, or since succeed it.  
Nor shall I attribute the Cause to the different Humours of these two Poets, as Famianus Strada hath done, Cum alter garrulus & facetus, alter iracundus foret & taciturnus, as if one were Jovial and Facetious, the other Chagreen and Silent, since we have reason rather to call Horace the Father of all pleasant Gallantry, for the infinite number of agreeable Gentilesses, which are to be met with in his Poems, whence Augustus was used to call him his Pleasant little Man.  
There is more reason therefore to attribute that Judgement of Horace to the Gusto of that Age, which was an Enemy to all unhandsome Buffoonery. For as the same Strada says, Decorum Horatiani saeculi, à liberiori ac populari genere joculandi abhorrebat.  
And really there is no appearance that Horace had an intent directly to blame Plautus an Author so celebrated, if all the Ingenious Men of those Days were of a different Opinion. He had a Wit too fine and discerning, to advance a Proposition so hardy, had he not known it would have been received with Approbation.  
And 'tis no wonder if Wits accustomed to those delicate Lyric Cadences, of Sapph, Alcman, Alcaeus, Stesichorus, and other Greek Poets, whom Horace hath so happily imitated in his own Tongue, should not find in the ill-concerted measures of Plautus his Verses, that Gusto and that sweetness which their Ancestors were taken with; for that in their Times, they had not met with any more just. It is not strange, I say, that under an Emperor, (and he a Learned one) Men should take no more Pleasure in hearing the impertinent Turns, the laboured Points, and insipid Railleries, which charmed the ordinary Vulgar in a Democratical State, which nevertheless in Plautus his Days had some show of Novelty.  
It was not perhaps necessary I should have made so long a Digression in defence of Horace his Reputation, that was too well established in his own Times, when even the Ignorant could better judge of his Works, than the most learned Critics of these Days.  
In fine Horace had this Advantage in his Life time, as to enjoy the Fame of the present, and not fear the Judgement of future Times, and was not (as Famianus Strada said of Alexander Farnese) one of those Illustrious Unfortunate, who needed to die to avow their Merit, which Envy had debased during their Lives.  
And this high Reputation which hath lasted till now through so many Ages past, will yet continue, not only as he says, 
— Dum Capitolium  
Scandet cum tacitâ Virgine Pontifex.  But as long as there are People who shall understand the Latin Tongue; or shall have a Gusto or Relish of what is excellent.  
This is, my Lord! What I had to say touching Pindar and Horace. Pindar has some things more surprising than Horace, and comes nearer, as we may say, to what is Divine. His Works have a Natural Liberty. It seems the only force of his Genius hath produced them without the aid of any Foreign Succour; as he himself Glories while he says, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
He's Wise, whom Nature hath much knowing made.  And he speaks but undervaluingly of those who are forced to be taught by others. 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
They who are taught to learn a Babbling Trade  
Like Crows, with their harsh Croaks, vainly invade  
Jove's Divine Bird.  Which makes his Character appear extremely glittering and highly elevated. For as 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, S. 2.  Longinus Writes, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Sublime aught to be born with us, and is not to be learned.   
But for Horace, he hath a larger extent of Knowledge than Pindar, more Equalness, more Sweetness, and Jovialness, and much fewer Defects. His Thoughts likewise are very noble, and his Diction much more correct and pure.  
He is like Pindar Bold, and adventurous in his Expressions, and many times much more happy. This Quality is one of the most resplendent in Horace, whom for that reason Quinctilian calls foelicissime Audac●m, Most happily daring: And is that which by Petronius is styled Horatij curiosa Foelicitas, Horace his curious Felicity.  
In fine, my Lord! Besides all the Qualities necessary to Poets and Orators, there is a certain happy hardiness of Expression, without which (as one may say) Discourse hath neither Life nor Soul. 'Tis that which Enchants the Reader, and there is nothing but Nature can give it.  
But who, my Lord! can better know this than yourself? Who have it as a constant Companion, even in your familiar Entertainments, and are notless happy in your Expressions, than just in your Thoughts.  
But this is not a place to undertake your Eulogies; and 'tis too long that I have abused your Honourable Patience by thus entertaining you. Without further wearying you by a recital of your own Praises, 'tis enough for me to let you see by my Obedience to your Commands, what I have been able to do in making this Parallel of Pindar and Horace, and to show with how much Zeal, dutiful Respect, and Submission, I am,  
My LORD, Your Lordship's most Humble and most Obedient Servant. B.  
FINIS.   

OMISSA. The following Notes are inserted, for the better explaining of some, either not fully, or doubtfully Expressed in the foregoing Treatise.  

PAGE 1. Pindar Lived more than 450 Years before Horace.  
TO make this out, it will be requisite to hear what other Authors say touching this Matter. Suidas reports, That he flourished in the 65th. Olympiad. Others, as Lilius Gyraldus in his 9th. Dialogue de Poetis, and Gerardus Vossius de Poetis Graecis, c. 4. conceive him rather to have flourished in the 75th. Olympiad, at which time Xerxes made his memorable Descent into Greece, Pindar being then (as Suidas testifies) about 40 Years of Age. So that Gyraldus and Vossius, with fair probability conjecture what Suidas delivers of his flourishing in the 65th. Olympiad, ought rather to be taken for the Time of his Birth, which reconciles the two different Computations. And this is approved by Petavius in his Doctrina Temporum, Part the 2d. Page 562. where, against the 65th. Olympiad he notes Pindarus nascitur, and is followed by Helvicus. The great Emendator of Times, joseph Scaliger, in his Eusebian Animadversions, concludes from the Supposition of his being 40 Years of Age in the 75th Olympiad, that he was born in the 1st. Year of the 67th. Olympiad, that is in the Year of Iphitus (the Restaurator of the Olympic Games after Hercules) 257. and in that of the World 3465. and this is all the certainty we can meet with as to his Birth. But julius Firmicus might have cleared this Matter, had he set down the Day and Year, as well as the Configurations of the Signs and Planets, in that Scheme of his Nativity he hath left us, wherein is represented Saturn in the 9th. House, in the Sign Gemini. Mercury, Venus and Mars in Partile Congress in his Horoscope, under the Sign Libra, jupiter diametrically respecting the same in the Sign Aries, and the Sun in the 2d. House under the Sign Scorpio. Which Geniture, to use Firmicus his Words, Divinum Poetam Lyrici Carminis reddit, qui Choreas Libero & Rythmos, sed & rara Religiosi Carminis modulatione componat, i. e. Renders a Divine Lyric Poet, who makes Dances and Rhimes to Bacchus, but with a rare Modulation of Religious Verse. Gyraldus yet refers this, In ejus potius Studium & Naturae Corporis Habitum, quam in Astrorum Coitiones Motusque Ibid. ut supra.   

PAGE 3. Pindar was of Thebes.  
THO' he be here said to be of Thebes, the place of his Birth is yet controverted; for Stephanus de Vrbibus, affirms he was Born in a small Village called, Cynocephalus, within the Theban Territories, which his Scholiasts likewise confirm. Nevertheless, he may well be said to be of Thebes, as being born within its Dominions. As Virgil though born at Andes, a small Town not far from Mantua, is called the Mantuan Poet; and with as much Justice may Pindar be called the Theban Poet, having in Thebes fixed his Habitation and Family.   

PAGE 3. Horace was Native of Venusium:  
THIS shows where Horace was born, but not when, which the Reader may expect to be as well satisfied in. He was Born the 6th. of the Ideses of December, L. Aurelius Cotta, and L. Manlius Torquatus being Consuls, as Suetonius in his Life testifies, and is asserted by Eusebius in the last Book of his Chronicon ad Numerum MCCCCLII. which was in the Year from the Building of Rome 698. in that of the World, 3919. and in the 178th, Olympiad, by which it may easily appear how much Pindar was his Devancier.   

PAGE 6. He d'welt at Thebes near the Temple of the Mother of the Gods.  
THE Ruins of this House, and the adjoining Temple, were remaining to be seen in Pausanias his Time, who wrote his Description of the Grecian Antiquities, in the Days of Hadrian the Roman Emperor. Vide illum in Boeolicis.   

PAGE 6. He built a Chapel, and dedicated a Statue to Jupiter Hammon.  
Pausanias' adds, that besides the Chapel and Statue he dedicated to jupiter Hammon in Thebes, he wrote a Hymn in Honour of that God, which Hymn he further says, was extant in his Time, being engraved in a Triangular Pile affixed to the Altar, which Ptolemaeus the Son of Lagus had dedicated to that God. He wrote likewise and sent other Hymns in praise of the said jupiter Hammon into Libya, to be there consecrated in the Temple of the Ammonians, in Boeoticis, p. 565.   

PAGE 35. Pindar Died in the Arms of his Beloved Theoxenus.  
THE Manner of his Death is thus expressed by Valerius Maximus in his 9th. Book, c. 12. Pindar (says he) going one Day to the Theatre or Gymnasium to see some Sports or Exercises; ●inding himself heavy as with Sleep, leaned his Head in the Bosom of his Dear Theoxenus, and so Died, but not known to be Dead, till the Keeper of the Gymnasium coming to lock up the Place, could not rouse him. Adding, That so sweet a Death, and so pleasant an End of Life he believed was granted by the Benignity of the Gods to so Excellent and Elegant a Poet. The Time of his Death is much controverted; for Suidas, says, he Died in the 55th. Year of his Age, in the 3d. Year of the 78th. Olympiad. Others report he Died not till the 80th. Year of his Age, which sell to be in the 85th. Olympiad. But Scaliger in his Eusebian Animadversions takes notice that in the 7th. Ode of his Isthmioniques, he makes mention of Strepsiades, who was in the Peloponnesian War, which begun (says he) in the 88th. Olympiad. So that reckoning either way, he can neither be said to have Died in the 55th, or the 80th. Year of his Age. Notwithstanding this uncertainty of the Time of his Death among the Ancients, Omnino Necesse est (says Scaliger) in magna Senectute Diem Supremum obivisse. It is altogether necessary to believe he departed this Life in a very Old Age. However and whensoever he Died, he was honourably Buried in the City of Thebes, a Monument being erected for him in the Hippodrome there, which was standing in Pausanias his Time.   

PAGE 41. The Athenians paid publicly a Fine or Mulct set upon Pindar.  
THEY not only paid that Fine set upon him by his Countrymen, but as Pausanias in Atticis witnesses, had so great an Esteem for him, that they made him several rich Presents, and ordered a Statue to be erected for him in their City. Upon which, the Learned Muretus in his 4th. Book of Various Lections, c. 1. adds, from a certain Epistle of the Orator Aeschines, that they sent him double the Sum of the Fine set upon him, and caused a Brazen Statue to be cast to perpetuate his Memory, which Statue was seen in Aeschines his Time placed before the Regal Portico in Athens, Pindar sitting in a Chair in his Pallium, a Diadem on his Head, holding a Lyra in his Hands, and a Book lying open upon his Knees.   

PAGE 52. Seu per Audaces nova Dithyrambos Verba devolvit, etc.  
THIS Citation taken out of the Ode whose beginning is, Pindarum siquis studet aemulari, was here meant, and doubtlessly intentionally first writ by Horace in Applause of Pindar. I find yet a Learned, but Sour Critic, Erasmus Schmidius in the Preface to his Edition of Pindar (by which Work he hath very highly merited) to be of another Opinion, for speaking of his own Pains in dilucidating and making easy the seeming Difficulties appearing in the Pindaric Odes; he says, a Reader, by them may not only be taught to understand, but (with the Assistance of a very indifferent Muse) imitate him. Quod ●nvidus Horatius (they are his own words) ut Lectores ab elegantiss●mo Poeta deterreret, ne furta sua fortè deprehenderent, hyperbolicè negat. i e. Which Envious Horace, that he might deter his Readers from the Lecture of so Elegant a Poet, lest happily they should discover his Thefts, hyperbolically denies. But let impartial Critics determine of the Equity of the Censure.   

PAGE 35.  
AS the Time of Horace his Birth hath by the Author of this Piece been omitted, so likewise hath he passed by that of his Death. This the Reader may understand, according to the Testimony of Suetonius in his Life, happened upon the 5th. of the Calends of December, Caius Marcius Censorinus, and Caius Asinius Gallus being Consuls, in the 59th. Year of his Age, and from the Foundation of Rome 746 Years; and of the World the 3976th Year, Ten Years before the Birth of our Saviour, having declared Augustus Caesar his Heir, and was Buried in the Esquilian Gardens, in a Monument close adjoining to the Sepulchre of Maecenas his sometime Illustrious Patron.   
FINIS.   

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COnquest of Granada.  
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State of Innocence.  
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Assignation.  
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Wild Gallant.  
Rival Ladies.  
Aurenge Zebe.    

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SHE would if she could.  
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Macbeth.  
Epsom-Wells.  
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Sir Foplin Flutter.  
Villain.  
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FINIS.