AN APPEAL From the COUNTRY To the CITY, For the Preservation of His Majesty's Person, Liberty, Property, and the Protestant Religion.  
Salus Populi, Suprema Lex.  
LAOPOLIS.  
LONDON, Printed in the Year MDCLXXIX.   

AN APPEAL From the COUNTRY to the CITY.  
Most brave and noble Citizens,  
As the City of London is the great Metropolis and Soul of our once flourishing and glorious Kingdom, so is it no small honour to you the Inhabitants thereof, to be Citizens of so brave a City. Wherefore 'tis the hopes of the whole Nation, that you have Spirits and Courage to act according to the Character you bear, that upon all necessary occasions you may vindicate the just Concerns of your City: In them we are all involved; with you we stand, and with you we fall; your example directs our conduct, and they who desire to lay you in ashes, are the only persons who would subvert our Religion and Property; for when you are once ruined, the next thing will be, Up Ahab, and take possession.  
Now Gentlemen, before we represent to you the estate of our misery, and ground of our jealousies and fears, 'tis our humble request, that those who have most Power amongst you, would so far trouble themselves, as to go to the top of your new raised Pyramid, and from thence take a Survey of that magnificent Pile of Building, whereof you are yet Masters: In which posture, to animate you with true English Spirits, be pleased to fancy to yourselves these following Objects, which you will infallibly see come to pass, when ever Popery prevails.  
First, Imagine you see the whole Town in a flame, occasioned this second time, by the same Popish malice which set it on fire before. At the same instant fancy, that amongst the distracted Crowd, you behold Troops of Papists, ravishing your Wives and your Daughters, dashing your little children's brains out against the walls, plundering your Houses, and cutting your own throats, by the Name of Heretic Dogs: Then represent to yourselves the Tower playing off its Cannon, and battering down your Houses about your Ears. Also casting your eye towards Smithfield, imagine you see your Father, or your Mother, or some of your nearest and dearest Relations, tied to a Stake in the midst of flames, when with hands and eyes lifted up to Heaven, they scream and cry out to that God for whose Cause they die; which was a frequent spectacle the last time Popery reigned amongst us. Fancy you behold those beautiful Churches erected for the true Worship of God, abused and turned into idolatrous Temples, to the dishonour of Christ, and scandal of Religion; the Ministers of God's holy Word torn in pieces before your eyes, and their very best Friends not daring even to speak in their behalf; Your trading bad, and in a manner lost already, but then the only Commodity will be Fire and Sword; the only object, Women running with their hair about their ears, Men covered with blood, Children sprawling under Horse's feet, and only the walls of Houses left standing: When those that survive this fatal day, may sigh and cry, Here once stood my House, there my Friend's, and here my Kinsman's; But alas that time is past! The only noise will then be, O my Wife, O my Husband, O my dearest Children! In fine, what the Devil himself would do, were he here upon Earth, will in his absence infallibly be acted by his Agents the Papists; those who had so much ingratitude and baseness to attempt the Life of a Prince so indulgent to them, will hardly be less cruel to any of his Protestant Subjects. 
Wake drowsy Subjects, and prevent your doom,  
Let England not be twice enslaved by Rome.  If the approaching ruin of the Father could open the dumb Son's mouth, than all that are either true Protestants, good Englishmen, or wellwishers to the Interest of this Nation, have now the same reason to speak and complain, when without a miracle our apparent ruin is at hand, the Sword already hangs over our heads, and seems to the supported by no stronger force than that of one single hair, his Majesty's Life. We in the Country have done our parts, in choosing for the generality good Members to serve in Parliament; but if (as our two last Parliaments were) they must be dissolved or prorogued, when ever they come to redress the Grievances of the Subject, we may be pitied, but not blamed. If the Plot takes effect, (as in all probability it will) our Parliaments are not then to be condemned, for that their not being suffered to fit occasioned it. The Plot is now got so far out of our Enemies reach, that no subtle evasion or trick can ever hope to extinguish it; wherefore they must either suffer all to come out, or begin by force to justify it, which we see they are going to do, by their endeavouring to get those worthy and brave Commanders banished, who (as they think) are the most likely persons to conduct and lead us up against any Popish Army; the Wolf hath nothing more to do, but to destroy the Shepherd, and then fall upon the naked Sheep. But Gentlemen, be not dismayed, the Lord of Hosts will be of your sides; for so long as you fight his Cause, he will fight your Battles; and if God be for you, who dares be against you? Fear nothing, but as your Interests are united, so let your Resolutions be the same; and the first hour wherein you hear of the King's untimely end, let no other noise be heard among you but that of Arm, Arm, to revenge your Sovereign's Death, both upon his Murderers, and their whole Party, for that there is no such thing as an English Papist who is not in the Plot, at least in his good wishes. Let not fear of losing part by your action, make you lose the whole by your patience: Think not to far better than the rest, by meddling less, for that Conquerors promises are never kept, especially coming from that sort of people, whose Maxim it is, never to keep their words with Heretics. Wherefore if ever a Popish Successor comes amongst you, let his promises of keeping your Religion and Laws, or of his Conversion, be never so plausible, credit 'em not; for if you do, you will infallibly be deceived, and in time find them to be but like the Bait to a Mousetrap. Or if you think to bind and fetter him by Laws, that will be no better than the wise men of Gotham's hedging in the Cuckoo; for when he (as all other Popish Kings do governs by an Army, what will all your Laws signify? You will not then have Parliaments to appeal to; He and his Council will levy his arbitrary Taxes, and his Army shall gather them for him: Therefore you may much easier prevent the Distemper at first, than remedy it when it has once got a head. Now Gentlemen, lest any amongst you should be ignorant either of your Enemies, or their Designs both against the King and Kingdom, be pleased to consider what follows, and then think how to prevent it.  

I.  
First then, That you may know who are your Enemies at this time: They are young beggarly Officers, Courtiers, overhot Churchmen, and Papists. The young Officer or Soldier his Interest makes him wish for a standing Army, not considering any further than his own Pay and Plunder, and so helps to ruin you that way. The Courtier endeavours to advance Taxes, oppress the people by vast and illegal Impositions, when looking upon his Prince but as his Ox, he fattens him upon his Neighbour's Pasture, only for his own eating. Overhot Churchmen are bribed to wish well to Popery, by the hopes (if not of a Cardinal's Cap) yet at least of a Command over some Abbey, Priory, or other Ecclesiastic preferment, whereof the Roman Church hath so great plenty. These are the men who exclaim against our Parliaments Proceedings, in relation to the Plot, as too violent, calling these Times by no other Name but that of 40 or 41. when to amuse as well his Sacred Majesty as his good People, they again threaten us with another 48. and all this is done to vindicate underhand the Catholic Party, by throwing a suspicion on the fanatics. These are the Gentlemen, who so magnify the Principles of Bishop Land, and so much extol the Writings of the late same spirited Prelate Dr. Heylin, who hath made more Papists by his Books, than Christians by his Sermons. These are those Episcopal Tantivies, who make even the very Scriptures Pimp for the Court, who out of Vrim and Thummim can extort a Sermon, to prove the not paying of Tithes and Taxes to be the Sin against the holy Ghost, and had rather see the Kingdom run down with blood, than part with the least hem of a consecrated Frock, which they themselves made holy. These are the persons who commend Oats and Bedlow, but yet find fault with their Evidence, when by crediting some part of the Plot, and suspecting the rest, by speaking three words for it, and two against it, they cunningly endeavour to invalidate the whole. Lastly, The chief and most dangerous of your Enemies are Papists, who to make sure of their own Game, allure all the three forementioned Parties to their side, by the Arguments aforesaid. Their design is to bring in Popery, which they can no ways effect, but either by a Popish Successor, or by the French Arms: The first of these we may ourselves prevent; and for the latter, if they conquer, they will undoubtedly conquer for themselves, and not for him that brought them in. And if we ever should be reduced to that extremity, either to submit to the French, or to our own Popish Successor, every man that hath any brains or generosity, will soon find it his interest of the two, rather to submit to a foreign Power, who hath not violated the Laws of Nature, in fight against his own Subjects, and who will also be less revengeful, and more likely to let us enjoy our own Religion and Liberties, than any Popish Successor will: Besides, 'tis natural for every noble Spirit, to bear a Cudgelling from another man's Servant with less regret, than from his own; however, God deliver us from both.   

II.  
In the next place, to discover to you how long this Plot hath been on foot; I must acknowledge, that there is some coherence between the beginning of the late Civil Wars, and this our present Age; for as well then, as now, the ambitious Popish and Trench Faction were the chief, nay the only Incendiaries which set us all in a Flame; the Catholic Cause, like the Chestnut in the Fable, hath ever since Queen Mary's Reign been in the Fire: wherefore as the Fox made use of the Ape's, so both then and now the Papists make use of the Episcopal and Court-Parties claw, to take it out; the first of these they allure to their assistance, by the fright of Presbytery; the latter, by the apprehension of a Republic: although nothing is less designed, or more improbable. Secretary Windebank's many Orders (which stand recorded at this day) to secure the Roman Catholics from the execution of all Penal Laws against them, in the late King's time, are a sufficient evidence, that they then received no less countenance, than now: and for that vain pretence of their Loyalty to the late King, nothing will appear more ridiculous, if we consider, I. That they had no other Party to expect any advantage from, for that no Government but Monarchy, can in England ever support or favour that Religion; neither (notwithstanding their many offers) could they ever be entertained or received by the Parliament-Party, unless 'twas under a disguise, which many for that purpose made use of: So as their Loyalty and good Service paid to the King, was merely in their own defence, well knowing, that the foundation of those Commotions, was only in opposition to their Party: who as well then, as now, had a desire to run the hazard of a War. 2ly. and lastly, Their Fidelity to their Sovereign appeared in its true colours, when they were so earnest with Oliver to accept of the Crown; which showed, that since nothing but a Crowned Head could do good to the Popish Religion, they did not care who wore it, so long as it was but worn. Now in acquainting you herewith, I do in effect show you what is at this time acting amongst them, for 'tis the same Play, though an old one newly revived: and as that which the Papists then acted, was laid upon the fanatics, so was the like to have been done in this present. Plot; in order whereunto, just before the discovery of the same, they had seized upon, and imprisoned one Mr. Claypole, for having (as they pretended) a design to murder His Sacred Majesty; thinking, when it was once reported abroad, that he andthe Old Oliverian Party had a conspiracy to take away the King's Life, then in the mean while the Papists themselves might safely do it, (as we see they had at that time, viz. August 1678, resolved upon) and that then it would all have gone upon the Non-Conformists score; for however there was never any person living more generous and obliging to the King's whole Party, than this very man the Lord Claypole was, when he bore that Honour; yet he having married Oliver Cromwell's Daughter, rendered him a sit subject to put this tick upon: which by Dr. Oates' discovery of the Plot, came to light, the Evidence against him vanished, and the poor Gentleman released. Much such another design was that of the Papists in Scotland, who first by their Counsels procured the poor Inhabitants to be oppressed, and then sending their disguised Priests and Emissaries amongst them, encouraged the poor silly Natives to Mutiny against those oppressions, hoping yet by this second Stratagem to cast the Plot upon the Presbyterians: for not only Dr. Oats mentions this in his Evidence, but we all know the Papists themselves were so well assured of this Rising, before it happened, that at the disbanding of this late Popish Army, many of the Officers and Soldiers had secret orders not to sell their Horses, but to be in a readiness, for that they should have occasion to use them again within a fortnight; and so it happened, for within less than a fortnight after the disbanding, the Rebellion broke out in Scotland: So well acquainted were the Authors of this mischief, with the time when it would happen. Now this Insurrection was in two respects advantageous to the Catholic Party; for first, among Foreigners and Strangers who were not acquainted with the depth of their Intrigues, it seemed to cast the Plot upon the Non-Conformists; and 2ly. being beaten by the King's Forces, (whereof no other was to be expected) it might make both them and us less apt to rise upon any account whatsoever. But here give me leave to present you with one observation, which is, that if this had been a Fanatical Plot, the same Party would certainly have risen in England, at the same time when their Brethren of Scotland were in Arms, the encouraging of one another being of more consequence to both, than the expectation of the others success.   

III.  
After the Catholics had thus brought the Father's Head to the Block, and sent the young Princes into Exile, let us reflect upon their usage of them in France, and see whether the kindness that the French Catholics then paid to our King, was sufficient to bring us into that Misery wherein we are immersed, by so entirely espousing the French and Papists Cause, even almost to the destruction of the Protestant Religion, and ruin of all Christendom besides. Did their banishing of His Majesty, and slighting of him whilst he was amongst them, deserve this kindness at our hands? What charitable Christians are we grown, thus to return good for evil? I must confess they did ever treat his R. H. with some Respect, as finding him to retain more favourable inclinations both towards their Religion and Government, than His gracious Majesty did; whose understanding and wit, as it made him contemn their Superstitious Idolatry and Fopperies; so did his lenity and good nature, render their Tyranny altogether odious in his sight: besides, if His Majesty had then discovered in himself the least inclinations to Popery, it might in all probability have rendered the Crown of England unaccessible. However, I cannot but ascribe great part of our present Calamities, to his Highness' Education in that Arbitrary and Popish Government: With what eagerness have we assisted them in their Conquests, even to the defamation of our own Honour, and violation of our public Faith with all the rest of Christendom? We first made Them an Idol, and now we worshipped it; we first taught them the Art of Navigation, and now are ready to strike Sail to them ourselves. Not any new invention that is of use either in building Ships, or making Ordnance, can be discovered here, but immediately we charitable English (for fear we should be too strong for them) must communicate it to our dear Brethren the French. Nor have we been altogether unkind to the rest of our Neighbours, when by procuring a general Peace, we have plucked the Thorns out of their feet, to put 'em in our own; made a Peace for them, in order to bring a War upon ourselves. I confess, when I think how faithful we have been to the French in all these late Wars, as also how much Service our English Cannon (whereof we have too great plenty) did them at their Siege of Valenciennes, 
Phil. Com. l. 6. c. 2.  I cannot but call to mind Commines relation of King Lewis the Eleventh's bribing our English Council, paying at that time yearly Pensions to the Lord Chancellor, Master of the Rolls, Hastings Lord High Chamberlain, Lord Howard, and all other persons who had any power or Interest with their Master King Edward; for is something of this nature did not prevail amongst us, His Majesty would never have adhered to any but the Dutch, whose perpetual Interest it is to keep the Crown upon his Head, for that nothing would so much advantage France, and ruin Holland, as to have England become a Commonwealth; when like Rome and Carthage, being continually clashing together, the French might in time ruin both.   

IV.  
Having but now mentioned Commines, give me leave to insert another Story of his, 
Phil. Com. l. 5. c. 6.8.  which may be very much to our purpose, to show you that when God designs the destruction of a King or People, he makes them deaf to all discoveries, be they never so obvious. This account is concerning the Duke of Burgundy, who being at War with Lewis the XI. of France, entertained as his chief Minister and Favourite the Earl of Campobache, upon whom he bestowed great Gifts, committing to his care his whole concerns: But this Earl having no sense either of Honour or Gratitude, took the advantage of his Masters the Duke's troubles, and set up a resolution to destroy him. For which end and purpose, he began underhand to treat both with the Duke of Lorraine, and with divers of the King's Officers that were Quartered in Champagne, near to the Dukes Camp. Now to the Duke of Lorraine he promised so to order the martyr, that this Siege of his Masters (the Duke of Burgundy) against Nancy, should take no effect; for he would take care that such things as were necessary either for the Siege or Battery, should be wanting: which promise he was able to perform, for that the principal charge thereof was committed to him, neither had any man so great Authority as he, in the Army under the Duke of Burgundy. But to the King's Officers he promised either to kill his Master, or take him Prisoner, demanding for his recompense thereof, the charge of those 400 Lances which he had then in keeping, with 20000 Crowns in ready money, and some good Earldom in France. Now whilst the Earl of Campobache was plotting these Treasons, one Cifron a Gentleman belonging to the Duke, and that was acquainted with this Earl's Conspiracy, happened (in attempting to relieve the Town of Nancy) to be taken Prisoner by the Duke of Burgundy, who was set down before it: Whereupon this Cifron being condemned to die, in hopes of a Pardon, offered that if the Duke would give him Audience, he would reveal a secret to him which concerned his Life; whereof certain Gentlemen (to whom Cifron had told this) went to advertise the Duke; with whom at their arrival they found this Earl of Campobache, come thither (as was supposed) on purpose to be always ready, fearing left Cifron, to save his own Life, should have any such intent to reveal the Conspiracy. The Duke returned this Answer to the Gentlemen, who brought him the Message, That the Prisoner used this delay only to respite his own Death, and commanded them that he should discover what he knew to them; which way the Earl of Campobache well approved of. Upon this Cifron replied, That he would communicate it to no man but the Duke of Burgundy himself: So that he was again by the Duke's special command led out to Execution; but in his way thither, he desired divers Gentlemen once more to acquaint their Master from him, that it was such a Secret that the Duke would not for a Duchy but know. Many hearing this, went again to entreat the Duke to vouchsafe him a hearing, but this treacherous Earl, keeping the Duke's Chamber door, would not permit these Gentlemen to enter, saying; That the Duke had resolved to hear no further from him; wherefore he dispatched away new Messengers to the Provost, to hasten his Execution. Thus was this Cifron hanged, to the utter ruin of the Duke of Burgundy, his House, and his Dominions; so infatuated was his understanding. After this our wicked Earl began to put in practice his Treachery, for the which purpose he agreed first with a French Wakeman or Physician dwelling in Lions, called Mr. Simon of Pavia; and afterwards with the King's Ambassador in Savoy: neither of which ways succeeding, he offered to flee with all his Forces from his Master to King Lewis; but the King detesting such. Treasons of a Servant against his Master, sent by the Lord Conté to acquaint the Duke of Burgundy with it: But the Duke (as if he had been himself in the Plot against his own Life) was so sottish and stupid a Prince, that he received this second warning with no more sense than the former, saying, That if this discovery were true, the King (being his Enemy) would never have advertised him thereof; wherefore he ever after that loved the Earl rather better than before. But this folly of his was justly rewarded; for in a short time after, when the Duke of Burgundy and the Duke of Lorraine were engaged, this Earl of Campobache, with many of his Forces, revolted to the Enemy, whereby the Duke of Burgundy's Forces were routed, and he himself actually slain. Never did Prince fall more unpityed than this Duke did; nor did his people know which most to blame of the two, either he who began this Conspiracy, by his wickedness, or the Duke himself, who gave it success, by his folly: The application of which Story, I shall leave for you to make.   

V.  
There are four several Arguments, which many times prevail with Princes, to be incredulous of all pretended Conspiracies against themselves. The first is drawn from their being in, or made privy themselves to part of the Plot, but not the whole. The second, From their own good nature and clemency. The third, From the nature of the Evidence. And the fourth, From the Nature and Interest of the pretended Conspirations. To begin then with the first: When the Prince hath been made acquainted with the Design of introducing a new Government, or new Religion, but not with the Design of taking away his own Life, this sometimes hath prevailed with him not to believe, that the same Party with whom he himself is in a Conspiracy, should have any such other Plot against his Life, But this I hope is not our case, for that no Religion or Government can be so much for his Majesty's advantage, as that which is established amongst us: Since in Popery, although his Majesty would be made absolute over his Subjects, yet his slavery to the Pope would be so great, that as well his Liberty as his Revenues would be much less than now. For besides the vast sums of Money that would then go from the Exchequer to the Church, I dare boldly affirm, that had his Majesty been never so absolute, he could not in this time have squeezed more money from the Subject, than he hath already received in Taxes since his coming in; and that must have been done by a standing Army, which would make him odious, and eat up half his profit. 'Tis policy in the Prince not to take away all at one, but to leave a Nest-Egg, if he designs they should lay again; but for the Church of Rome, who ever reads our Chronicles will find, that no Schoolboys have been greater slaves to their Masters, than many of our English Kings were to the Pope; and those who were above his discipline, the Romish Church ever found some way or other to cut him off, either by setting his own people against him, as they did by King john, or by some infallible Catholic Poison, or by some bloody Godfrey Dagger. King Edgar for his Incontinency was enjoined by Dunstan Abbot of Glassenbury, not to wear his Crown for seven years, to which he was forced to submit. King Henry II. to expiate the Murder of Thomas Becket, (committed by his Countries) was forced to walk barefooted three miles to visit his Shrine, and then to receive fourscore lashes upon his bare back from the Monks. King john for opposing Pope Innocent III. was (after interdicting the Realm for six years and three months) forced to render his Crown to Pandulphus the Pope's Legate, and take it again in Fee-farm at the Rent of a thousand Marks yearly; nor did this satisfy the Popish malice, for he was at last poisoned in Swinsted. Abbey by one Simon a Monk. Furthermore to let you see, that in the time of Popery Princes lived not so peaceably as now, be pleased to observe, that betwixt the Conquest and our Reformation, seven of our English Kings were murdered, viz. King john, Richard I. Edward II. Richard II. Edward V. Henry VI and Richard III (not to mention the Emperor Henry VII. who was poisoned in the Eucharist by one Bernard a Monk, nor Henry III. of France, stabbed by Clement the Monk, nor Henry IV. of France, stabbed by Raviliac, or those many hundred Examples of this nature, which I could produce out of other Chronicles.) So that what ever Prince considers these things aright, I think he can have no Interest to introduce Popery, unless he desires either to be whipped by a Monk, or stabbed or poisoned by a Jesuit; for in such a case, 'tis the Jesuits that govern, and not the King.   

VI  
The second Motive which may incline a Prince to disbelieve the report of a Plot, is from his own good nature and clemency, which makes him not expect any ill from those to whom he has been so kind. But this is a fallacious way of arguing; for a Prince who would preserve himself against Conspiracy, is to have an eye rather upon those he has obliged, than those he has offended, for those that are offended, have not such frequent opportunities, nor such easy accesses to him as the other have; and for their disposition, it is much alike, the desire of dominion being as great if not greater than the desire of revenge. We see therefore, that where any great Conspiracy has been made, it has been most commonly begun by such as were most familiar with the Prince, and most in his favour; for so it was in the Conspiracy of Perennius against Commodus, Plautianus against Severus, Sejanus against Tiberius; all which were Favourites, and highly obliged by their several Emperors. So that what ever Prince trusts too much to the friendship of his dearest Favourites, nay to his own Brother, may sometimes find himself deceived. The Earl of Campobache (whom I mentioned before) had received Favours, sufficient to have obliged him more faithfully to his Master the Duke, than he afterwards proved. Brutus was as dear, and (many think) as nearly related to Caesar, as any Brother, but yet we see he had a hand in his Murder. The nearer a Friend is, the nearer is he to be my Heir, therefore the more likely to wish my death. Friends are oftentimes as dear to us as our Relations, therefore the Laws of Kindred may as well be violated as the Laws of Friendship, than which, nothing is more usual. Who betrays you in your Bed? Your Friend; for your Enemy is not admitted to your House. Who betrays you in your Estate? Your Friend, for your Enemy is not made your Trustee: So that nothing is more dangerous than a blind Friendship. The Turks well know, how much more prevalent Interest is amongst Brothers than Affection, which makes the Laws of their Empire, take so severe a course with the Grand Seigneurs younger Brothers. How many Princes have been ruined by their next impatient Heirs, nay even sometimes by their own Sons! That most prodigious Empire which Tamburlaine the Great had acquired, how was it torn in pieces, and destroyed by a division betwixt his two Sons? Did not Cain kill Abel? And was not joseph sold into Egypt by his Brethren? Had not Agrippina her Wakeman, wherewith the poisoned her own Husband the Emperor Claudius? And was not she herself afterwards killed by her own Son Nero? If (as we often see) little petty Interests make one Brother wish the other's death, how much more prevalent will the Interest of a Crown be? nay of two Crowns, viz. one here, and another hereafter in Heaven, promised him by an old Fellow with a bald Pate, and a spade Beard: Si violandum est jus, violandum est Regnandi gratià. And besides all this, when a Successor observes, that the Life of one single Person, not only keeps him from three Kingdoms, but also makes him, his Family, and whole Party, be banished and persecuted, you must needs acknowledge, that he lies under a great temptation to violate the sixth Commandment: Which things being considered, together with that Law which wipes off all Attainders, whether of Treason or Murder, by the descent of the Crown, I cannot but think, that a Prince's good Nature, renders him secure only in his own conceit, and not in reality. We all know, that his R. H. hath held correspondence with Cardinal Norfolk, and other the Pope's Nuncio's, about introducing Popery; and we are likewise informed, that Popery was to be introduced by the King's Death: So how a man could be privy to the Effect, without being acquainted with the Means, seems very prodigious.   

VII.  
Thirdly, Most Princes believe or disbelieve the Information which is given them of a Plot, according to the nature of the Evidence, and credit of the Informants. First, For the nature of the Evidence, what is it? That they had a Design to murder the King, and introduce Popery. What is there improbable in all this? Was there never any Prince murdered before by a Conspiracy? Was there never any Attempt before, to introduce into a Country a new Religion? Why then have we so many Laws made to prevent such a thing, if it seems so improbable ever to be done? When the Romans forbore to make any Law against Parricide, it was out of a presumption that it would never be acted: But we all know, that these are things which the Papists have several times before attempted amongst us; witness the Gunpowder-Treason, the Invasion of the Spaniards in 88 and their many Attempts both against Queen Elizabeth's and King James' Persons. So that I cannot apprehend any thing strange in their Relation: The only miracle that appears to me is, that any one (but those that are in the Plot) should question the truth of it; especially when they consider the wonderful manner of its discovery, wherein the Providence of God appeared most remarkable, that still as one man's Evidence has been censured, a fresh Witness hath risen up to supply and strengthen the former. Had this Plot been a forged Contrivance of their own; they would at the very first discovery of it, have had half a dozen or half a score crafty Fellows, ready to have attested all the same thing; whereas on the contrary, (notwithstanding we are now on a burning scent) we were fain till here of a late to pick out by little and little all upon a cold scent, and that stained too by the tricks and malice of our Enemies: So that had we not had some such good Huntsmen as the right Noble Earl of Shaftsbury, and our late Secret Committee, to manage the Chase for us, our Hounds must needs have been baffled, and the Game lost. In my whole life-time, of all the Histories I have ever read or heard of, I do not remember to have met with any action more bold or gallant, than was that of Dr. Oates' Discovery; for one single man (as he did) to fly in the face of so prevailing a Party as they were, without any second to back him; to persist and justify his Evidence, after the many discountenances were at first showed him; to accuse persons of that high quality, power and revenge, when Everard had before been denied the benefit of the Sun, and kept close prisoner in a Dungeon four years together, only for coming over to discover, that the Papists beyond Sea had a design to bring in Popery here: When Justice Godfrey had been murdered, only for acquainting the Council with what he told him; and yet for him to adhere to his Information, certainly nothing could be more bold or brave. How many and how great discouragements hath this Discovery met with: First, When the Lord of Danby was so long acquainted with it, and concealed it time enough for the Plotters to convey away both their Persons and Papers. Secondly, The Visit of her R. H. to see the Princess in Flanders, at the first breaking out of the Plot, in which Voyage many Priests, Jesuits and Plotters, made their escape. Thirdly, The conveying away all Coleman's Letters, which treated of these two last years. Fourthly, The getting France to recede three several times backward and forward from his own Evidence. Fifthly, The suffering Priests to have access to tamper with the condemned Plotters in Newgate, to make them deny all, and with a Lie in their mouths die as innocent as the Child unborn. Sixthly, These frequent Dissolutions and Prorogations of Parliaments, to prevent the Trial of the Lords. Seventhly, Suffering Sir Philip Floyd, Clerk of the Council, at the Trial of Wakeman, to come and testify against the King, in behalf of the Prisoner, what he heard at the Council-Table, a place where all things that are done, aught to be kept secret, and so had this, had it not been in favour of Wakeman. Eightly, The freeing Wakeman, and questioning the truth of that very same Evidence, whereon the same Judge had hanged so many before: But however my Lord Chief Justice and the Jury had so good an opinion of his Innocence, yet Sir George himself had not so, as appears by his flying away beyond Sea, so soon as ever his Trial was over. These and innumerable other Discouragements hath the Plot met with, which being observed, together with the due circumstance of the Evidence, I think no man that is not in the whole or part of the Plot himself, can doubt the verity of it. Indeed at the first many thought to cast a suspicion upon what Oats and Bedlow informed, as being two persons of an idle life and conversation; but how ridiculous is this? As if such Rogues would trust such a Villainy with honest men, or any but those that had been as bad as themselves; you might as well expect a Highwayman should go and acquiant my Lord Chief Justice, or my Lord of Canterbury, when he meant to commit the next Robbery; but a bad shift is better than none at all. So that from the nature of the Evidence, or credit of the Informants, no man can take exception against the Information either of Dr. Oates, Mr. Bedlow, or any of the rest, to whom Mr. jennison hath lately given no small credit, in discovering the four Villains, that (as Mr. Oates had said) were to have assassinated his Majesty at Windsor.   

VIII.  
The fourth and last Argument (which may sometimes prevail with the Prince to disbelieve any report of a Conspiracy) is taken from the Nature and Interest of the pretended Conspirators: but neither of these motives can pretend to influence our Prince into a disbelief of this Popish Plot: for first, as to their Nature and Principles, we all know that in one of their own Councils, viz. the Lateran, were introduced those two Hellish Tenants of murdering Kings, and eating their God: But the Papists will tell you, that they do not murder Kings, for the Pope he first deposes them at Rome, and then if they kill him, they kill but a private person: We all likewise know, that 'tis held an act of Merit amongst them, to murder an Heretic, witness their Massacre of the poor Protestants at Paris: and to murder a Husband, a Brother, or any such near Relation that is an Heretic, the greater is the Merit, by reason of the self-denial and injury done to ourselves, in the loss of so near a Friend; but to murder an Heretic King, (especially where there is a Popist Successor) they hold to be the greatest of all merits, even sufficient to canonize him for a Saint, by reason of the vast advantage will thereby accrue to the Popish Religion, not doubting but that the rest of the Kingdom will, Regis ad exemplum, soon after turn Papists. Having thus therefore showed them to be prepared with Principles, sufficient to undertake any such Villainy, let us in the next place examine their Interest, as it stands at this time, where we shall find, that their Interest does unavoidably excite them to murder his Sacred Majesty: For first, They know he cannot long subsist without a considerable sum of Money, which he must receive either from their Party, or from the Parliament: Now for them to supply him with so vast a sum, is a Charge, that (you may well imagine) they would desire to get rid of, if they could, though by the King's Death: On the other side, for the Parliament to supply him with Money, that they know cannot be done, but by taking off the Heads of their Faction, excluding their Succession, and consenting to such Laws as must of necessity ruin them: Besides, his Majesty hath already permitted the executing so many of their Party, as they never can or will forgive it. All which put together, with the great expectation they have from a Popish Successor, will make them vigorously and speedily attempt the King's Ruin, unless he suddenly prevents it, by adhering to his Parliament, and ruining them first. If his Majesty would be pleased for one Month to think himself Henry VIII. and we his Subjects for the same time (forgetting we are Protestants) do by the Papists, as they would do by us, were they in our condition, what would become of Portugal and Brussels? even Rome itself would tremble at us. Something must speedily be done; and if we will not begin with them, they will begin with us: for all the favour His Majesty can show them, will not satisfy that greater expectation which they have from a declared Popish King. So that nothing does more justify the Plot, than their corrupt Principles, and present Interest; which will make them (being sure to have the succeeding King on their side) rather venture to push for it now, and run the hazard of the People's revenge, than suffer any longer the inconvenience of an English Parliament, or danger of the next Successor being a Protestant.   

IX.  
Having thus therefore showed you the danger wherein His Majesty's Person now is; give me leave in the next place, to inform you Gentlemen, wherein is your greatest danger, both in relation to your City, and yourselves: First then, as to your City, the chiefest danger whereunto it is obnoxious, is that of Fire; for wheresoever the jesuits Interest prevails, they will above all things desire the Burning of London: first, because it is the only united Force able to withstand Arbitrary Government; and without that, Popery can never prevail. Secondly, it is the only place where by reason of their excellent Preaching, and daily Instruction in the Protestant Religion, the people have a lively sense thereof, and doubtless will not part with it to pleasure a Prince; but perhaps rather lose their Lives by the Sword in the Wars, than by the Faggots in Smithfield. Thirdly, it is too powerful for any Prince, that governs not by the Love of his People, which no Popish Successor can expect to do. We read in our English Chronicles, that Henry the 3d. of England threatened to burn the City of London, for their taking part with the Parliament and Barons, who at that time made War upon the King, for his too great countenancing of Foreigners. Also in our great Fire of London in 66. (if you will believe either Mr. Bedlow's Relation, or the Account which was then given in to the Committee of Parliament appointed for that purpose) many were actually taken a Firing it, and brought to Authority; but all let slip away, and none hanged for it, but one poor Frenchman, who contrary to the Judge's persuasion, would violently accuse himself. There is one most eminent great Papist, who in the time of that Fire pretended to secure many of the Incendiaries, but secretly suffered them all to escape: who this person was, is already mentioned by Mr. Bedlow: for a Popish King, or a Popish Successor, cannot but rejoice in the Flames of such a too powerful City. Secondly, the greatest danger accrueing to your Persons, as well as to the whole Kingdom, upon the King's untimely death, will proceed from a confusion and want of some eminent and interessed person, whom you may trust to Led you up against a French and Popish Army: for which purpose no person is fitter than his Grace the Duke of Monmouth, as well for quality, courage and conduct, as for that his Life and Fortune depends upon the same bottom with yours: he will stand by you, therefore ought you to stand by him. And remember, the old Rule is, He who hath the worst Title, ever makes the best King; as being constrained by a gracious Government, to supply what he wants in Title; that instead of God and my Right, his Motto may be, God and my People. Upon the death of Alexander the Great, when there was so great a confusion amongst the Officers about choosing a Successor to the Empire, no other expedient could be found out to pacify the uproar of the Multitude, but the choosing of King Philip's illegitimate Son Aridaeus, who notwithstanding he was a man but of reasonable parts himself, might (as they thought) perform that Office well enough, by the help of his wife Protector Perdiccas. I confess upon the News of his Grace's Banishment, the Countries were much surprised, and the more, for that we all knew they could have no Interest or advantage by his absence, till His Majesty was near his end. Which puts me in mind of the Story that josephus relates concerning Herod; viz. that Antipater (to secure to himself the Crown) having by his treachery and false accusations prevailed with Herod to banish his two innocent Sons Alexander and Aristobulus, as also in his life-time to declare Antipater for his Successor, did after that, the better to confirm his Title, exasperated Herod to put them both to death; which was no sooner done, and Antipater freed from the Jealousy of their Succession, but he begins to think Herod himself had lived too long: wherefore entering into a Conspiracy with Herod's own Wife, as well as with Pharoas and many others, he decreed to poison him: yet not being willing to be present himself at the execution of it, (for fear of some popular Tumult) he absented himself and went to Rome. But providence discovering this Plot to Herod, it soon after cost Antipater his Life; and may all such Traitors succeed accordingly.  
These things (most worthy Citizens) I have presumed to offer to your perusal, in respect that upon the death of any King, your Lord Mayor (then in being is the only Magistrate in the Kingdom that retains any Office of power capable of serving the Subject: You are the persons who must revenge our Sovereign's violent death; which if ever it should happen, the Country's one and all would be ready to assist you: But Heaven defend us from the occasion; God preserve the King, and send your City to prosper: which is the constant and hearty Prayer of,  
Your Friend and Servant, junius Brutus    

Postscript.  
AS well to justify part of my preceding Discourse, as to acquaint you with the pernicious Tenants of the Church of Rome, how dangerous they are both to Prince and People, I have here inserted some few of their Canons, which all Papists are obliged to believe and submit to.  
Canons which the Romish Church holds, to the Ruin and Dishonour of Princes, are these which follow.  

1. The Emperor is the Bishop of Rome's Subject, and the Bishop of Rome may revoke the Emperor's Sentence in Temporal Causes.  
2. Prince's Laws, if they be against the Canons and Decrees of the Bishop of Rome, be of no force nor strength.  
3. All Kings, Bishops, and Noblemen, that believe or suffer the Bishop of Rome's Decrees in any thing to be violate, be accursed, and for ever culpable before God, as Transgressor's of the Catholic Faith.  
4. The Bishop of Rome may Excommunicate Emperors and Princes, depose them from their States, and disengage their Subjects from the Oaths and Obedience to them, and so constrain them to Rebellion.   
These and many more there are to the same purpose; wherefore that Prince, who thinks himself so weak as to need a Governor, who thinks himself too Rich, or desires to be a Slave to an old Bardasso, let him turn Papist.  

More Romish Canons, fitting to be considered by all Abby-Landed men.  

1. The Goods of the Church may in no wise be alienated, but whoseever receiveth or buyeth them, is bound to restitution, and if the Church have any Ground that is little or nothing worth, yet it shall not be given to the Prince; and if the Prince will needs buy it, the sale shall be void and of no strength.  
2. It is not lawful for the Bishop of Rome to alienate or mortgage any Lands of the Church, for any cause whatsoever; except it be Houses in Cities, which be very chargeable to support and maintain.   
So that if any men (who have Estates in Abby-Lands) desire to beg their Bread, and relinquish their Habitations and Fortunes to some old greasy bald-pated Abbot, Monk, or Friar, then let him Vote for a Popish Successor and Popery; for when once that Religion is established amongst us, these Canons will all come in play; and the Pope will then tell you, (whatsoever he may pretend at first) that his Predecessor had no Right to give away what belonged to the Church. And this Mr. Coleman well knew, when he promised himself no less than to be once Master of the Earl of Bedford's Estate: but unluckily the Gallows prevented it, in making him a Saint before his time.  
He that desires to be further satisfied about these Canons, let him look into Dr. Burnet's late excellent History of the Reformation, and there he shall find the Original and Authentic Quotations, which were too tedious here to insert.  
FINIS.