THE ORACLES OF REASON: Consisting of 

1. A Vindication of Dr. Burnet's Archiologiae.  
2. The Seventh and Eighth Chapters of the same.  
3. Of Moses' Description of the Original state of Man, etc.  
4. Dr. Burnet's Appendix of the Brachmins' Religion.  
5. An Account of the Deist's Religion.  
6. Of the Immortality of the Soul  
7. Concerning the Arrians, Trinitarians and Councils.  
8. That Felicity consists in Pleasure.  
9 Of Fate and Fortune.  
10. Of the Original of the jews.  
11. The Lawfulness of Marrying two Sisters Successively.  
12. A Political Account of the Subversion of jewdaism, and Original of the Millenium.  
13. Of the Auguries of the Ancients.  
14. Natural Religion as opposed to divine Revelation.  
15. That the Soul is Matter.  
16. That the World is Eternal, etc.    
In several Letters to Mr. Hobbs and other Persons of Eminent Quality, and Learning.  
By Char. Blount Esq Mr. Gildon and Others.  
LONDON, Printed 1693.   

THE PREFACE.  
NAture, or that Sacred and Supreme CAUSE of all Things, which we term GOD, has furnished his Creatures with such Guides, as may best Conduct them to the several Ends of their Being's. To the Birds, Beasts and other Animals, which we generally hold Inferior to Mankind, he gave INSTINCT, as sufficient to direct them to all that is necessary for them. We may well therefore excuse them, if by that Guide they go not beyond a present Care of their Subsistence and Continuation, all which reaches not beyond the Body; because we can discover no other End of their Being (except what human Luxury has found out in their Destruction) but to Support that Being by Food, and to Preserve it by Propagation; and to this, Instinct is sufficient.  
But in Man we (at least) discover a farther and nobler End. Nature therefore must have given him another and a more sufficient Guide: For the Mind of Man (the Chief Ingredient of his Composition) is not bounded by present Objects, in which Instinct alone would serve. Futurity has always a share in its Thoughts, and its Faculties will be employed with a Care of those Things that are to come, from whence it may derive not only Advantage, Interest and Ease for the Body, but also Improvement, Happiness and Tranquillity for its self.  
But the things from which the Mind must gather, and of which Compose all these, are so vast in Number, and so Various and Obscure in their Natures, that without the Help of a very good Guide, it may make a Collection of Poisons instead of Medicines, and reap its Destruction, not Satisfaction; But the Omnipotent CAUSE, that had so well furnished Bruits, left not the Mind of Man without its Director in this Maze and Lottery of Things; he gave it Reason, as its sovereign Rule and Touchstone to examine them by, and to fit our Choice to our double Advantage of Body and Mind. Reason is the Light, that brings Day to those Things, that will contribute to, or oppose our Happiness; without which we should in vain grope in the Dark; and we should owe entirely to Chance what we obtained.  
'Tis true, Reason is not sufficient to bring us to a perfect Knowledge of all Things, but 'tis able to furnish us with enough to make us happy, and that is as much as we need care for. There is no necessity of our Skill in the inmost Nature of Things, but there is (since we are ordained to an eternity of Continuance) that we should know how to make Eternity Happy, since its Being so depends on ourselves; and since such a Knowledge is absolutely necessary, I can discover nothing that can give it us, but our sovereign Guide, Reason.  
REASON, therefore being the Supreme and Primitive Director of every Man, to infringe its Liberty of directing, is to invade the common Charter of Nature, and every Man's Right and Property; so that those that do so, are justly to be looked on as the Enemies of Humankind. But how that Character agrees with the Fiery Glory of the Zealots for Religion, I cannot comprehend, unless they can demonstrate, That Religion and Nature are directly Opposites.  
I am not ignorant that they pretend their Severity against Heterodox Books (that is, all that deviate from their Opinions) is the Effect of their Zeal for the Good of Mankind. But then they ca●not deny but that they make themselves the judges of that Good, and so make their Opinion the Standard, which is too particular for what they would have of so universal Extent; and will afford us no Refuge if they should lead us into an Error, which we may hereafter find (unless they deny that they can ●e deceived) and if they should do so, then may their Universal imaginary Good prove a Real and Universal Evil.  
If they would have us believe, that they hold every Man must be saved by his own, not another's Faith; they must grant every one the Liberty of believing and professing what his own Reason shall direct him; and that 'tis a Crime to oppose this Liberty, I mean by indirect Means, for I shall never quarrel at Reason if they can produce any. I must tell these Fiery Bigots, that their Practice and Doctrine being so Contradictory, gives a more effectual Blow at Religion, than all the Attempts of professed Atheists; for when these clash, they give too great Grounds to suspect a trick in the whole: And when so essential a Birthright of each Man is invaded, it must improve those Suspicions very much, and cause a narrower Enquiry into Things that might otherwise pass unregarded.  
We should not have so great cause to resent this Severity, if we might say of Religion and Eternity, as Pliny said of Providence,— Ridiculum est agere curam rerum humanarum, Quicquid est Summum, sed credi usui est Vitae.— That 'twas merely a political Trick for the Convenience of Government and human Life. Then indeed it would be something pardonable in these Gentlemen, that Patronise the Fire and Faggot so vehemently, to strive with so much Ardour for the reducing all to their own Fancy. Then the Profanation would not be great, of making what they really believed a Chimaera serve a Turn, and compliment a Faction or any Interest. I will easily excuse the ancient Founders of Paganism, for having recourse to Stratagems, to reduce men's Reason to particular Opinions, because they made use of them only to form Greatness to themselves, by imposing on the Predominant Frailties of the Vulgar Sort, in a thing they judged of no more Concern, than a temporal Convenience. 'Twas no ill Policy in them, when they perceived the Generality of Mankind would easily submit their Reason to every appearance of a Wonder, to fish for their Profit and Glory, with so eas●e a Bait. Alexander the false Prophet, mentioned by Lucian, found it turn to his Advantage, in gaining him so great an Interest in the People. And from this Topic Philostrates magnifies Apollonius. These in short, every new God and Prophet among them was to have, as Credentials of his Divinity, and a Right to the Zeal of his devoties. Some of these carried, I must confess, extraordinary Circumstances to gain 'em necessary Credit, as one (among several others) in those Marble Records found in the Temple of Aesculapius in Rome, viz. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.   
To this purpose in English. In those days there was an Oracle delivered to one Caius, that was blind, that he should come to the Sacred Altar, and kneel down, and should then go from the right side to the left, and place five Fingers on the Altar, and lift up his Hand and put it on his own Eyes: Which done, he plainly saw in the presence of all the People, who congratulated the Cure, that such great Miracles should be performed under our Emperor Anteninus.  
The Circumstances of this we●e very Remarkable, and there is nothing but the Blind Man himself that could carry on the Imposture, in pretending a Cure of a Disease he did not labour with, and for the Glory of their Gods the Romans always found some that would attest the highest Improbabilities by Authority, to influence the People with an Awe; as he that Swore he saw Romulus assumed into Heaven, in that Senate, that had been the Authors of his Death, but they were willing to grant him Immortality and Deity above, to be rid of him there, and at the same time give the People a Veneration for their Princes, when they s●● they passed from governing them to ●e Gods.  
But to return from this Digression, I could pardon these Heathens, because they had no Opinion of the Sacredness of what they imposed, and besides feared to trust Mankind with their Reason, lest they should discover the Imposture. But among Christians, whose Opinions in Matters of Religion, aught to be Sacred, and beyond the Fear of the nicest Scrutiny of Reason, to confine our Liberty of judging is too Arbitrary for Englishmen to ●ear. If these Gentlemen, with the Heathens, think this Method for their turn, I cant blame 'em; but if with us they believe Religion and Eternity a sacred Truth, and that every Man is so far interested in them, that his Enjoyment and loss of Eternal Happiness depends on his own Faith; let them leave every Man in his Native Right to Reason on what Concerns him so much, and bring nothing against us but what Reason affords them. For 'tis but fair that if I must venture my Life in any Cause, I have the Liberty of taking my own Methods of Security.  
This Liberty among us extends to the interpreting that sacred Repository of Truth, the Holy Scriptures, according to our own Reason; which is a Liberty that has been for many Years asserted to be the Right of every reasonable Man: This being granted, as indeed it can't be denied, it inevitably follows, that we ought to be allowed a Liberty of Declaring our Opinion and Interpretation, or else it could be of no use in Nature to us. And if this be the Right of every reasonable Man, how much more must it be of Men that to their natural Reason have the acquired helps of Learning, as Dr. Burnet must be granted to have, whom my ever Honoured and Learned Friend has so well, and with so much Evidence, vindicated in the first Letter of this Book. Nor is it through a vain Opinion that I can add any force to that incomparable Defence of his learned Advocate, that I presume to interest myself in the Doctor's Quarrel; but only to plead for that Liberty for him (and in him for every ingenious Man) which his great Opposers stand so much upon, against those Adversaries that would deny the same to them. I should never complain of their confuting him by fair Reason, for that is the Weapon of Mankind; but when they have Recourse to the wretched Refuge of rooted Argument, Power, and the say so of such and such, we have cause to complain of unfair Dealing, and that they press what they would not admit themselves.  
Let Reason be our judge, and we can never fear being Censured by it, for establishing its Sovereignty: Nor can the nicest Devotee that hath any deference to Reason deny, but that Dr. Burnet h●● discovered more Veneration for the great Prophet Moses, by reducing him to that noble Standard, and freeing him from all the Absurdities vulgar Apprehensions had cast on him, than those who stickle them, that involved him in 'em. In short, 'tis not Moses, but his Interpreters that the learned Doctor has exposed, and by consequence 'tis not that holy Lawgiver, but the blind Biggots of the old absurd Interpretation of him, that we have offended in publishing this in English.  
Let our Adversaries but consider that this Liberty I have been pleading for, and which the Doctor has made use of, is only to examine the Interpretation of Others, by the severe, yet just, Rules of Reason; which they will agree to be very reasonable, when they shall reflect, that the Passions and Interests of Men have not only emboldened them to misinterpret the Sacred Writ to their own Ends, but also to add to and detract from the very Text itself.  
Thus they have brought into Question several parts of the new Testament, and among others particularly the Epistle to the Hebrews, which in some Manuscripts is left out, and even in that of Beza, which is very ancient, 'tis put by its self at the End, like an Apocryphal piece.  
St. Jerom is a further Testimony of this, who having the Supervisal and Correction of the Latin Bible, assures us, that having recourse to the Greek, he found those Copies as defective, and as much altered by the Transcribers as those of the Latins.  
This liberty of Reasoning I have been so long pleading for, our severest Oponents will grant us in Philosophical and Historical Points, of which that part of this Book which relates not to Religion, is composed: I shall therefore say nothing in defence of them, nor obviate those Objections I foresee will be made against them by those, that do not consider, that we judge of things of that nature but by bare Appearances, and Probabilities. 'Twill be time enough to defend them when they are attacked. Nor shall I meddle with any other of the Letters that relate to Religion except one, the subject of which is so uncommon, the Reasons it contains so extraordinary, and the End it aims at so evidently gained, that I cannot but take notice of it. Not that I can be so vain to imagine, that my declaring myself of that opinion, will be any Advantage to the cause, or that what I can say, will in the least strengthen my Honoured Friends Arguments, which of themselves are invincible, but I consult purely my own satisfaction in running over some Particulars of the Subject of it; which though I am not vain enough to think, yet am I zealous enough to wish serviceable to the Honourable Person the Letter is directed to. I mean that about the Lawfulness of Marrying two Sisters.  
All the weight and force of the Arguments of this Subject seem to turn upon this one Point, viz. Whether the Marriage of two Sisters successively be against the Laws of God. This is the Rock that all the Defenders of the Affirmative depend on, and this they fix chiefly on Levit. 18.16, & 18. or some other Mosaic Prohibitions. So that if it be made evident that such a Marriage is not forbidden by the Law of God, the Bugbears of Custom (for those of the Laws of the Land as well as the Canon-Law evidently, from the proof of my ever Honoured and Learned Friend, depend entirely on this) will vanish; for if the Law of God be not infringed, I think there is no other consideration can reach the nicest scruple of the most severe Lady of Honour that has with it Sense and Reason, as I am assured the Admirable Astraea has. Tho this Point as well as the rest be already beyond contradiction cleared, yet I shall venture to attempt a Supererogatory Argument or two, as a tribute I owe to the truth, I so much approve of.  
First then to make any Law the Law of God, strictly taken (for in some sense every Law that tends to the temporary convenience or good of a people is so) it must have one quality, that is inseparable from the Nature of God, and (by consequence) of his Acts, viz. Immutability, that is it must be founded in nature, and always the same. So that what was the Law of God in the time of Abraham, could not cease to be so, or at least be opposite to his Law, in our time; and what God plainly and openly espoused in the time of Abraham, cannot but he supposed to be according to his Law: Now 'tis evident from the Sacred Scriptures, that Sarah Abraham's Wife was his Sister, by the Father, though not by the Mother, Gen. 20.12. And yet indeed she is my Sister, she is the Daughter of my Father, but not the Daughter of my Mother, and she became my Wife.  
Here was at least a half-blood, and something with a face very like Incest, and yet the Marriage justified by God himself, not only in the threats he used to Abimelech, if he returned not his Wife, and those Plagues he inflicted on Pharaoh and his House, Gen. 12.17. And the Lord Plagued Pharaoh and his House, with great Plagues because of Sarai Abraham's Wife: But also in the farther confirmation of it, Gen. 17.15, & 16. And God said unto Abraham, as for Sarai thy Wife thou shalt not call her Name Sarai, but Sarah shall her Name be. Now this alteration of her Name showed a particular favour she had found in being Abraham's lawful Wife, for God always altered or ordered the Names of those he particularly chose, as Abraham's, Jacob's, etc. And ver. 16. is a confirmation of my assertion, I will bless her, and give thee a Son also of her, and She shall be a Mother of Nations, Kings of People shall be of her.  
Certainly never was Marriage better confirmed than this, so solemnly approved by the God of Heaven, the God of Right and Just. And afterward God chooses to establish his Covenant with Isaac the Son of Sarah, not with Ishmael the Son of Hagar, though Hagar was not his Sister.  
Yet we find this very sort of Marriage so approved of by God in Genesis, forbid by Moses in Leviticus (that is if we will believe these Gentlemen, that persuade us that he intended the prohibitions of the 18th. of Levit. as to Marriage) for if, Thou shalt not uncover the Nakedness of thy Father's Daughter, be the same as, Thou shalt not marry thy Father's Daughter, and this be a Divine immutable Law, and by consequence so from the beginning, the very Case of Abraham is expressly condemned. Nay if this Levitical Prohibition be in this sense, and the Law of God too, then would there be a Divine Law expressly contradictory to the Will of God himself. Such absurdities do some men incur, whilst they pursue either some private design, or supinely interpret without a diligent and through comparison of the several Texts of Scripture.  
But before I proceed 'twill not be amiss in a line or two to show that this Standard I make of the Law of God, is not my own particular Fancy, but a Reality established by Christ himself. For he examining some of the Levitical Law, tells the Jews this was permitted for the hardness of your Hearts, but from the beginning it was not so, where he makes from the beginning the Test and Standard of that permissory Law, which must hold good too for the Prohibitions, both proceeding from the same cause, viz. the hardness of the Israelites hearts, or the depravity of their inclinations.  
But after all 'tis evident to me that there is no Prohibition of Marriage intended by that 18. Chap. of Leviticus, for I meet not with the Phrase of Uncovering the Nakedness, importing Marriage, in any part of Scripture, I mean absolutely and alone; and 'tis evident from the 20. Chap. where the same Prohibitions are repeated, that they are meant barely as to unlawful Copulations without Marriage; for first to what purpose would it be to forbid what never was done, or could indeed be supposed to be tolerated even among the Jews. For we never read of any Daughters that Married their Fathers, or Sons their Mothers knowingly; there was such a horror of this printed in the heart of man, that the very Heathens gave a punishment to Oedipus for the involuntary commission of it; and Periander killed his Mother for stealing his Embraces. Next there is not one Verse in the whole Chapter except the 18th. that has any relation to Marriage, and that indeed expresses the taking to Wife; which evinces the truth of what I assert, viz. that Uncovering the Nakedness, is not a Synonymous Expression for Marrying; else 'twould be perfect Nonsense in this 18th. Verse, which runs thus, Neither shalt thou take a Wife to her Sister, to vex her, to uncover her Nakedness besides the other in her life-time. Now if these Expressions were Synonymous, it would be thus, Neither shalt thou take a Wife to her Sister, to vex her, to take a Wife, etc. Besides it seems to imply a liberty of espousing two Sisters at once, though not of enjoying both, for uncovering the Nakedness is only an expression for bare enjoyment, without regard either to Marriage or not.  
If it be objected, that the Chapter should be all of a piece, and that either this Verse should not relate to Marriage, or the rest should, I answer, there is no necessity of that, for in all the Chapters in the Books of Moses, where several Laws are repeated, he does not observe, at least generally speaking, any order or method in that, but mixes things of no relation to one another, as is evident from the very next Chapter, where almost every Verse affords a new and different Prohibition. Besides according to this the Verses that follow the 18th. as well as those that go before, must be of the same, which would indeed be merry enough to make Moses forbid our Marriage with Beasts, or men's Marrying one another, which perhaps might reach one of Nero's Extravagant Actions, but none else. But the 20th. Chapter explains this annexing each particular punishment, to each particular transgression, whereas in this the punishment is put in general at the End, as ver. 29. For whosoever shall commit any of these abominations, even the souls that commit them shall be cut off from among the People. 'Tis a common thing in this Prophet to repeat his Prohibitions, and sometimes with a little variety. But methinks vers. 15. of this Chap. should put this beyond all-question, where 'tis thus, Thou shalt not uncover the nakedness of thy Danghter in Law, for she is thy Son's Wife, etc. The Verb Is being in the present Tense denotes the Son to be living.  
But for a concluding Proof that Marriage was not meant here, or that, if it was, not as an invariable Law of God, but only limited under such and such considerations, and by consequence only Temporary, and therefore wants that distinguishing mark given to the Divine Laws by Christ, let us compare vers. 16. of this 10th. Ch. of Levit. with Deut. 25.5, 6, 7, 8, 9, & 10. First, Leu. 1.18, 16. Thou shalt not uncover the Nakedness of thy Brother's Wife, it is thy Brother's Nakedness. Next, Deut. 25.5. If Brethren dwell together, and one of them die, and have no Child, the Wife of the Dead shall not marry without unto a stranger, her Husband's Brother shall go in unto her, and take her to him to Wife, and perform the Duty of a Husband's Brother to her. Nay in the succeeding Verses that is to the 11th. 'tis proved so evident a Duty, that he who would not comply with it was to be affected by public Authority, with a public Infamy. The firstborn was only to succeed to the Name of the deceased Brother, That his Name be not put out of Israel. Now if Marrying the Brother's Wife were contrary to the Law of God, and by consequence Malum in se, it could not be dispensed with to serve a mere Political turn, and that so trivial as this, especially since any other might perform it (if not a stranger, yet at least some other of the Family not so nearly related) and the Child so begotten would be as much the Child of the deceased, as if begot by his surviving Brother. Nay an Adoption might have kept up the Name, which seems to be the whole Aim of it, without dispensing with the Law of God on so small and inconsiderable an Account.  
So that upon the whole, if (as I think is evident) the Marriage of a Brother's Widow be not forbid, the ubi eadem Ratio, ibi idem Jus of the Canonists is quite out of Doors against the Marriage of two Sisters. And were I deceived in my Assertions in this particular (which I do not believe) yet can I see no reason why this blind Prohibition of the old Law should affect us any more than that of not wearing Garments of Linen and woollen, since the former is no more confirmed by Christ, than the latter, that is not at all. And great part of the Levitical Law was calculated for the Israelites in regard to their Rites, Customs and Inclinations, and are merely Political, which in their very nature can have no tye upon us.  
To conclude, if I have given the Scripture a contrary Interpretation to what it has received before, I can't help it; this I have chosen appears to me the natural result of the Words and Context, the other a plainly forced Exposition.  C. GILDON.  

The Readers are desired to Correct the Erratas of the Press by their own sense these Chance afford us, having no time to peruse the whole. Pag. 3. l. 23. add the. Pag. 179. l. 2. for it read in. Pag. 180. l. 13. for and read could.   

A LETTER To my Worthy Friend Mr. GILDON IN VINDICATION OF Dr. Burnet.  
SIR,  
I Have, according to my Promise, sent you herewith the Seventh and Eighth Chapters, as also the Appendix, of the Great and Learned Dr. Burnet's Book, Archilogiae Philosophicae, published ●his Winter in Latin, and by him dedicated to his Most Sacred Majesty, and our Gracious Sovereign King William, being employed about other Things, I had not time to make the Translation myself, but transferred that Task upon— yet dare answer for the Exactness of the Version. As for the Piece itself, I think it one of the most Ingenious I ever read, and full of the most acute, as well as learned, Observations. Nor can I find any thing worthy an Objection against him, as some of the censorious part of the World pretend; who would have you believe it a mere Burlesque upon Moses, and Destructive to the Notion of Original Sin, wherefore by consequence (say they) there could be no necessity of a Redemption, which however I think no necessary Consequence: But for my part, either the great Veneration I have for the Doctor's extraordinary Endowments, or else my own Ignorance has so far bribed me to his Interest, that I can by no means allow of any of those Unjust Reflections the Wholesale Merchant's o● Credulity, as well as their unthinking Re●ailers, make against him. It is true, in the Seventh Chapter he seems to prove that many parts of the Mesaie History of the Creation appear inconsistent with Reason; and in the Eigh●h Chapter the same appears no less inconsistent with Philosophy; wherefore he concludes (as many Fathers of the Church have done before him) that the whole rather ●●●ms ●o have been but a pious Allegory, which Moses was forced to accommodate to the weak Understandings of the Vulgar (who were uncapable of Philosophy, or any higher Notions) thereby to imprint in them a true Sense of one Supreme God, and of his Power, as also of the Original of the World, wherewith all other Lawgivers began their Histories, as well as Moses. But that the World had a beginning about Six thousand Years since, as also the Degeneration of Minkind, our learned Author doth as strenuously affirm, as 'tis possible.  
Nor is Dr. Burnet the only ingenious Man either of this Age or Nation who has been, upon Enquiry, startled at some Passages in the Mosaic History: For Dr. Brown (so justly admired as well by Foreigners as his own Countrymen, upon the Account of his Knowledge in all Gentile sorts of Literature) does both in his Religio Medici and Vulgar Errors, betray his many Doubts and Scruples as well upon this Subject as others, in these very words— I confess (says the Doctor) there are in Scripture Stories that do exceed the Fables of Poets, and to a captious Reader sound like Garagantua or Bevis. Search all the Legends of times past, and the fabulous Conceits of these present, and 'twill be hard to find one that deserves to carry the Buckler unto little Samson; yet is all this of an easy possibility, if we conceive a divine Concourse, or an influence from the little Finger of the Almighty. In s●lf (says he) could show a Catalogue of Doubts, never yet imagined nor questioned, as I know of, which are not resolved in Scripture, at first hearing; not fantastic Queries or Objections of Air: For I cannot hear of Atoms in Divinity. I can read the History of the Pigeon that was sent out of the Ark, and returned no more, yet not question how she found out her Mate that was left behind. That Lazarus was raised from the Dead, yet not demand where in the Interim his Soul waited; or raise a Law Case, whether his Heir might lawfully detain his Inheritance bequeathed to him by his Death, and he, though restored to Life, have no Plea or Title to his former Possessions. Whether Eve was framed out of the left side of Adam, I dispute not; because I stand not yet assured, which is the right side of a Man, or whether there be any such distinction in Nature. That Eve was Edified of the Rib of Adam, I believe, yet raise no question who shall arise with that Rib at the Resurrection. Whether Adam was an Hermaphrodite, as the Rabbins contend upon the Letter of the Text (Genes. 1.27.) because it is contrary to Reason there should be an Hermaphrodite before there was a Woman, or a Composition of two Natures before there was a second composed. Likewise, whether the World was crea●ed in Autumn, Winter, Summer or the Spring, because it was created in them all: 〈◊〉 whatsoever Sign the Sun possesseth, those four Seasons are actually existent: It being the nature of this Luminary to distinguish the several Seasons of the Year, all which it makes at one time in the whole Earth, and successive in any part thereof. That there was a Deluge once, whether in the time of Deucalion or Noah, seems not to me so great a Miracle, as that there is not one always. How all kinds of Creatures, not only in their own Bulks, but with a Competency of Food and Sustenance, might be preserved in one Ark, and within the Extent of Three hundred Cubits, will not appear very feasible. There is also another Secret not contained in Scripture, which is more hard to comprehend, and put the honest Father (St. Austin) to the Refuge of a Miracle; and, that is, not only how the distinct pieces of the World, and divided Islands, should be first Planted by Men, but Inhabited by Tigers, Panthers and Bears? How America abounded with Beasts of pr●y and noxious Animals, yet contained not in it that necessary Creature, a Horse, is very strange. By what Passage those, not only Birds, but dangerous and unwelcome Beasts came over? How there be Creatures there which are not found in this triple Continent? All which must needs be strange, to us that hold but one Ark, and that the Creatures began their Progress from the Mountain Ararat: 'Tis a Paradox to me, that Methusalem was the longest lived of all the Children o● Adam; and no Man will be able to prove it, when from the Process of the Text, I can manifest it may be otherwise. Also that judas perished by hanging himself, there is no certainty in Scripture, the two Texts (Matth. 25. and Acts 1.18.) seeming to contradict one another. That our Fathers after the Flood, erected the Tower of Babel to preserve themselves against a second Deluge, is generally believed, yet is there another Intention of theirs expressed in Scripture: Besides it is improbable from the Circumstance of the Place, which was a Plain in the Land of Shinar. I believe there was a Tree, whose Fruit our unhappy Parents tasted, though in the same Chapter, where God forbids it, 'tis positively said, the Plants of the Field were not yet grown; for God had not then caused it to rain upon the Earth. I believe that the Serpent (if we shall literally understand it) from his proper Form and Figure, made his Motion his Belly before the Curse. I find the trial of the Pucillage and Virginity of Women, which God ordained the jews, is very fallible. Experience and History inform me, that not only many particular Women, but likewise whole Nations have escaped the Curse of Childbirth, which God seems to pronounce upon the whole Sex. Having perused the Archidoxes, and read the secret Sympathies of things, the Devil would dissuade my Belief from the Miracle of the Brazen Serpent, and make me conceit that Image worked by Sympathy, and was but an Egyptian Trick to cure their Diseases with a Miracle. Again, having seen some Experiments of Bitumen, and read many more of Naphtha, he whispered to my Curiosity, the Fire of the Altar might be natural; and bid me mistrust a Miracle of Elias, when he entrenched the Altar round with Water, since that inflammable Substance yields not easily to Water, but flames in the Arms of its Antagonist. And thus would he inveigle my Belief to think the Combustion of Sodom might be natural, and that there was an Asphaltic and Bituminous Nature in that Lake, before the Fire of Gomorrah. I know that Manna is now plentifully gathered in Calabria, and josephus tells me in his Days it was as plentiful in Arabia; the Devil therefore made me Quaere, where was then the Miracle in the Days of Moses, since the Israelites saw but that in his time, which the Natives of those Countries behold in ours? Brown's Religio Medici. Also in his Vulgar Errors, our same Author writes thus: — It hath puzzled the Inquiries of others to apprehend, and forced them to strange Conceptions, to make out how Eve should be deluded by a Serpent, or subject her Reason to a Beast, which God had subjected to hers? and how without Fear and Doubt she could Discourse with such a Creature, or hear a Serpent speak, without suspicion of Imposture. Others wonder at her simplicity, that when the Serpent told her the eating that Fruit would make them like Gods, she did not question the Beast, why he himself did not eat of it then. Brown, Vul. Err.  
Now as one observes very well, in relation to Divine Miracles, there is oftentimes great Errors committed in the manner of reading Scripture; as when that is taken in a general Sense, which ought to be particularly understood: As that of Adam, whom Moses made only to be the first Father of the jews, whilst others Hyperbolically make him to be the first Father of all Men. So likewise the Darkness at the Death of our Saviour, which some say was spread over the Face of the whole Earth: Others, and some able Interpreters, have only translated it, Upon all the Land of the jews, viz. Palestine, which the Hebrews always meant, when they said the Earth. So likewise the Star which Conducted the Wisemen upon the Nativity of Christ, some place in Heaven among the rest of the Stars; but others say, that could not be, for then other People had seen it as well as those few Wisemen, and Herod among the rest; who being troubled at this Report, and not being able to see it himself, calling the Wisemen to him privately (says the Evangelist) he enquired of them what time the Star did appear? And besides it marched before them like a Torch, and conducted them; so that it cannot be said to have been a fixed Star in the Heavens. Again, some will tell you, that the Fiery Army sent to the help of Elisha from Heaven was such, whom the Prophet himself saw, and yet his Servant that stood by him could not see. Likewise in the miraculous Sign which was given of Ezekiah's Recovery from his Sickness, when 'tis said,— That God brought back the shadow of those Lines that it had gone down in the Dial of Achaz back ten Degrees— Here some affirm, That the Sun went not back in the Heaven (as 'tis generally believed) but only in the Dial of Achaz; for, say they, if the Sun went back in the Zodiac, or that Degree of the Ecliptic standing still, which he was running that Day, the Primum Mobi●e came also backwards, and with it all the rest of the Spheres; if we say that he went back only in the Zodiac, and a tenth part of the Zodiac; then say they the Sun must needs return through a great many Signs of the Zodiac, and bring back with him past Months, yea, and Seasons of the Year. Besides, that this Sign was seen only in the Land of judah and not elsewhere, they pretend to prove from Ambassadors which were sent from Babylon to inquire after the Sign, which (say they) might have been seen in Babylon, as well as in judah, had the Sun gone back in the Firmament. Much to the same purpose they argue against the Miracle of the Suns standing still one whole Day in Gabaon at the command of joshua, alleging, That that long day extended not itself beyond the Country of Gabaon, or otherwise it must have been apparent elsewhere: And therefore they urge, That the Light of the setting Sun after he was himself gone down, was only the Reflection of his Beams, remaining as yet in the Atmosphere, which reverberated longer than ordinary upon the Mountain and City of Gabaon, by a favourable Situation of the Hills: In the North of Scotland they have at sometimes in Summer hardly any Night at all; and some Mathematicians write, that according to the Obliquity of the Sphere, there were some Days of six months' continuance, with them who live under the Parallel. Likewise concerning the Miracle of the jews, not wearing out their Garments or their Shoes in Forty Years time that they continued in the Wilderness; some pretend, that they feeding a Thousand Flocks in the Desert, made Cloth and Raiment of their Wool, as well as Shoes of their Skin and Leather, wanting neither Weavers, Tailors nor Shoemakers among 〈◊〉 numerous a Mob. Now lastly, others will not allow that the Flood of Noah was upon the whole Earth, but only upon the Land of the Ie●s; nor to destroy all Men, but only the jews: For● say they, God being offended at their Wickedness said, I will cut off Man whom I have created from the Face of the Earth, from the M●n to the Peast, from the creeping thing to the Fowl of the Heaven— Where they will have it, that the Hebrews by Earth ever meant their own, viz. Palestine; by the Man whom he had created, the jews, the Posterity of Adam; and by living Creatures the Gentiles matched among the jews: Besides Cattle, Birds and all creeping Things within the Land of Palestine, except only Noah and his Family. Now that this Flood was only in the Land of the jews, they argue; First, From the Causes of the Deluge, which were only the Sins of the jews: Secondly, From the words of Berosus, who hath written of the Ark (says josephus) in which the chief of our Family was preserved; not the chief of Mankind, but the chief of our Lineage, that is, the jews. Thirdly, From the Dove that was sent out and returned at Night with an Olive-branch free from Dirt or Slime and covered with green Leaves; whereas, say they, in all places where the Flood had been, the Trees were depressed and covered with Slime and Mud. They further tell you, That the World was said to be divided by Ph●leg, who was the Fifth in Descent from Sem, wherefore they question, how they could People China, America, the Southland, Greenland and the rest with Inhabitants? These and many more Scruples are raised by some nice and curious Enquirers; so that we see our Learned Dr. Burnet stands not alone by himself in his more refined and speculative Doubts. All which might easily be salved, were it not for that untoward Axiom in Philosophy, à Posse ad esse non valet consequentia: However as that Argument shows it may not be so, yet neither does it demonstrate it is not so. For God seldom altars or perverts the Course of Nature, however Miracles may be necessary sometimes to acquaint the World with his Prerogative, lest the Arrogance of our Reason should question his Power; a Crime no wise Man can ever be guilty of: Who climbling up from Cause to Cause, shall ever find the highest Link of Nature's Chain to be tied at the Foot of Jupiter's Chairs—  
The next Charge against our Author is for his disowning Original Sin, which I must ingeguously confess was ever a difficult Pill with me to swallow, my Reason stopping it in my Throat, and not having Faith enough to wash it down. There are some Persons, I know, who believe that Wars, Plagues, Fevers and all the Troop of natural Corruptions invaded the Earth by that imputation of the Sin of Adam, without discriminating between Natural and Legal Sin. For Wars, Plagues and Fevers, with whatever else of this sort troubles and afflicts Mankind, are the consequences of Natural Sin, which is the Wickedness and Imperfection of Nature. This will easily appear to such, who can suffer that ancient Cloud of Prepossession to be taken off, which dulls their sight; for who knows not that Wars had their Original from such, whom either greedy Desire of Prey, or cruel Thirst after Revenge, or sacred Ambition of Rule stirred up to take Arms? Then who hath not had experience of the Breeding and Inflammation of Plagues and Fevers, either by the natural Corruption of the Air, or by the Corruption of our natural Bodies? We have as many Witnesses of this Observation and Truth, as we have Statesmen and Physicians, therefore not from Adam's Sin proceed our Diseases, but from our own Corrupt and Rotten Natures; the innate Infirmity of Men being the chief and natural Calamity of Men. Nay it is not known that Adam who was the Criminal and Fountain (as they say) of so great Evils, was ever so much as troubled with the least Disease all those 930. Years which he lived; unless you will believe him, who relates, out of I know not what Author, that Adam died of the Gout, wherewith he was troubled from his Ancestors. Did Cain fall sick when he slew his Brother? No; he was very strong and lusty, he fled to the East of Eden, where he associated himself with a pack of Lewd Fellows; he set up for the Trade of Padding, then married a Wife, begot a Son, and built a City. Likewise the most excellent Poet falls out with his Gods, for that his Mistress (Eugenia) being perjured, kept the same Face which she had before, or rather became fairer and fairer: The same is also the constant complaint of the Elect in Scripture, That the Wicked prosper so much in this World. Wherefore to me it seems certain, that the Imputation of Adam's Sin is no ways an occasion of our Sufferings. I know there are some affirm, That if Adam had not sinned, Men should never have died; as if Immortality and Eternal Life, which nothing but a New Creation could beget, should have been bestowed on Men by Virtue of the First Creation, which by its own Nature is subject to Death and Corruption: And that those Men should not have died, who (as the Schools say) are naturally Corruptible, and were created Mortal. Some will here object and say, God told Adam, That on the Day he eat that Fruit, he should die the Death; from whence they gather, That if Death was given as a Punishment to Adam on that Day wherein he trangress'd the Law of God, then surely Adam would never have died, if he had never sinned: But that Consequence I deny; for although they die which kill, yet they who do not kill are not Immortal. Besides, to conclude this point, 'tis altogether inconsistent with God's Attributes of Mercy and Justice, to punish all Mankind for one single Persons sin, which we could no ways prevent or hinder, nor any but God himself, who permitted that Evil Spirit to Reign in him. The Roman Schools affirm the first Motions of Concupiscence to be no sin; because they are involuntary, and come upon us whether we will or no; then why should they think Original Sin to be really and truly a Sin in us, which is altogether as involuntary, and unchosen by us as Concupiscence? For how can another's sin, wherein we have no hand, be imputed to us? Eternal Death was not threatened to Adam for his sin, and therefore could not from him descend upon us, for that which was none of ours. The Death that Adam's Sin introduced is such as could have a Remedy or Recompense by Christ, but eternal Death hath no Recompense, nor can ever be destroyed, whereas temporal Death shall. If God should impute Adam's Sin so as to damn us for it, than all our Good we receive from God, is much less than the Evil, saith Dr. Taylor. If God will not give Men Heaven by Christ, he will not throw them into Hell by Adam; if his Goodness will not do the First, his Mercy and Justice will not suffer him to do the Last. Nor did any Church ever enjoin Penance or Repentance for Original Sin; wherefore it seems preposterous and unreasonable, that any Man should be damned for that, which no Man is bound to Repent. However I do no way find that Dr. Burnet does absolutely declare against Original Sin; but rather the contrary, acknowledging the Degeneracy of Mankind from its primitive State, which must be redeemed by the Seed of a Woman. All Extremes are dangerous, as walking upon the Brink of a Precipice or the like, and if he be not so violent in this Point; what others may only think he wants in Piety, may perhaps be really supplied in Charity: And what they only fancy they have in Piety, may be truly defective in Charity: An honest Augur is ever in most danger of his own Fraternity.  
But to proceed, it hath been a point very much disputed among several Politicians in the Commonwealth of Learning, who was the real and true Author of the Pentateuch. A late and great Modern Philosopher of this Nation declares, It is not an Argument sufficient to prove those Books were written by Moses, because they are called the Five Books of Moses; for, as much as Books often take their Titles from their Subject, as well as from their Authors. It's true, the History of Livy denotes the Writer, but the History of Tamburlaine is denominated from the Subject. We read in the last Chapter of Deuteronomy, v. 6 th'. concerning the Sepulchre of Moses, that no Man knoweth his Sepulchre to this Day, that is to say, to the Day wherein those Words were written; wherefore it is manifest that those Words were written after his Interment. But it may perhaps be alleged, That the last Chapter only, and not the whole Pentateuch, was written by some other hand, and the rest by Moses. Let us therefore consider, that which we find in the Book of Genesis (cap. 12. v. 6.) and Abraham passed through the Land to the place of Sichem, unto the Plain of Moreh, and the Canaanite was then in the Land; which must be the Words of one that wrote when the Canaanite was not in the Land, and consequently not of Moses, who died before he came into it. Likewise, Numb. 21. v. 14. the Writer citeth another more ancient Book, entitled, the Book of the Wars of the Lord, wherein were Registered the Acts of Moses at the Red-Sea, and at the Brook of Amon; which he would never have mentioned of himself, but could as well have given us an account himself of what he did in those places. Wherefore it is evident, That the Five Books of Moses were written by another Hand after his Decease. But yet it is rational to believe that Moses wrote the Volume of the Law, contained in the 11 th'. of Deuteronomy, and the following Chapters to the 27 th'. which he commanded to be written on Stones in Entry into the Land of Canaan. Also Moses himself delivered it to the Priests and Elders of Israel to be read every seventh Year to all Israel at their Assembly in the Feast of Tabernacles, as we may find in the 31 st. Chapter of Deuteronomy v. 9 th'. Nay, it may be also questioned, whether the aforesaid was that very Law which Moses delivered, since having been a long time lost, Helkiah pretended to find it again, and so sent it to King josias (2 Kings 22.8. and the 23.1, 2, 3.) so that we have only Helkiah's Word for it. The Book of joshua was also written long after Ioshua's time, which may be gathered out of many places of the Book itself: joshua had set up twelve Stones in the midst of jordan for a Monument of their Passage; of which the Writer saith (joshua 4.9.) They are there unto this day; which Expression, Unto this day, is a Phrase that signifieth a Time past. And the same is manifest by like Arguments of the Books of judges and Ruth, that they were written long after the Captivity, judges chap. 1.21, 26. chap. 6.24. chap. 10.4. chap. 15.19. chap. 17.6. and Ruth chap. 1.1. but especially judges 18.30.  
Now the Reason why I make mention of these things is only to show, That our most Reverend and Ingenious Author is not the first that has had scruples in this kind, and that he may well make an Enquiry into the Truth of some Passages of the History, when the very Historians themselves are so much doubted of by others; not but that we may pay a just deference to the Church, and yet at the same time raise scruples for information sake, the better to arm ourselves against our Antagonists.  
The next little Part or Epilogue of Dr. Burnet's Book, which we here present you with in English, is his Appendix concerning the Brachmin's Religion, and has reference to one of his former Chapters on the same Subject. I must confess his Notion of their Omnipotent Spider (though what I have read many Years since) was no less grateful to me, than the return of a Friend after a long Voyage. That thought of Resolving all things into himself, an Estate for Life that falls into the Landlord's hands. Sure no good Tenant needs fear a good new Lease the State of Man, if rightly well considered, is only wearing out our Threads of Life, in order to our Deaths. And he that weighs our Progress here, the great Vicissitudes without decay, since things may change, but ne'er annihilate, will find Penelope Telam Texere is our case: Dress and undress the Emblem of our Lives, till shrouded in our mortal Dishabillie, we wait the Morning for a different Dress; when the Celestial Drop as now enclosed, may to a different Viol be exposed. But I shall trouble you no more upon this subject, lest you should mistake it for the foolish Funeral Sermon of,  
SIR, Your ever Faithful Friend and Real Servant, BLOUNT. March 23. 1693.   

The 7 th'. and 8 th'. Chapters of Dr. Burnet's Archiologiae Philosophicae, together with his Appendix to the same concerning the Brachmin's Religion, all Written Originally in Latin, and now rendered into English, by Mr. H. B.  

CHAP. VII. Concerning Moses' Description of Paradise as well as the Original State of Nature and Mankind in the beginning of the World.  
WE have hitherto made our Enquiry after the Originals of things as well as after a true knowledge of Paradise among the Ancients; yet still with reference to Sacred Writ, where it gave us any manner of light into the Subject, but think it altogether unnecessary to define the place or situation of Paradise; since in respect to the Theory of the Earth, 'tis much the same thing where you place it, provided it be not on our modern Earth. Now if you inquire among the ancient Fathers where the situation of it was, either they will have it to be none at all, or else obscure and remote from our understanding; some of them indeed term it an Intelligible Paradise, but confined to no one particular place; whilst others at the same time make it a sensible one; and here it is they first divided about it. Moreover, such as believe it to be a Sensible and Corporeal Paradise, place it either on this Earth, or out of it, (viz.) in the Air or in the Lunary Orb; when they who believe those happy Mansions to have been upon the Earth, place them either on this side the Aequator, under the Aequator, or beyond the Aequator or Torrid Zone; finally all that are of our opinion believe the true Paradise, which is now passed away did in reality formerly flourish upon the Earth, but nevertheless on such an Earth as was quite different from what we now inhabit. However these different opinions we have elsewhere more at large explained; especially that which carries Paradise beyond the Aequator, Torrid Zone, the Ocean and our Northern World. Not that this opinion pleases me above the rest but because it is demonstrated by the Calculations of the Ancients; and plainly evinces the Paradise we now pretend to place in Mesopotamia, to be only a Modern fiction. Besides, as to the Theory of the Earth, it does not in the least obviate a Local Paradise in any part of the Earth; since it supposes that in the Infant world even the whole inhabitable Globe was like a Paradise. Yet notwithstanding consequentially and agreeably to the Mosaic Hypothesis, which make● Mankind how numerous soever to have first received its birth only from one Man and one Woman, you may therefore (if you please) appropriate the name of Paradise to the original native soil and first habitation of these two; a place most wonderfully beautified as well with Trees as Waters; provided at the same time you grant to the other parts of the same Earth a Perpetual Spring, and those advantages which necessarily flow from it, (viz.) spontaneous fertility together with long life to its inhabitants; for that the World did in its first beginning enjoy all these blessings we have sufficiently demonstrated as well from the nature of the thing itself as from the testimonies of the Ancients. Ay but, say you, Moses mentions only one Garden which he calls 'Gan Eden or the Garden of Deliciousness; and seems to suppose that all the other Regions of that Earth enjoyed but one and the same common Lot with little variation from our modern Earth: Now to this I answer, That among the Ancients, but more especially the Orientals, there were two different ways of delivering their Divinity and Philosophy, (viz.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Popular and a hidden one; of which dubious sort of style the Holy Scripture seems to make use in the explaining natural things; sometimes accommodating itself to the capacities of the people, and sometimes to the real but more clouded truth.  
However, being resolved not in the least to deviate from the very literal sense without an absolute necessity; that is to say, unless the Nature of the thing does unavoidably oblige or enforce me to it; we must first inquire what is in this case the literal sense, and how much it will bear; as also, on the other side, what the Subject-matter will bear and what not; to the end that having thus fairly stated the case on both sides, we may be the better enabled to give a certain determination according to the merits of the cause as well as to disclose where the real truth lies hid.  
Now the History of Paradise (from whence we'll begin) according to Moses is thus: When God had in six days finished the Creation of the World, the seventh day he rested from all manner of work: And here Moses relates particularly each days Operation; but for the story of Mankind, as well Male as Female, of that he makes a peculiar Treatise by itself. Wherefore omitting the rest at present, let us, if you please, consider the Mosaic Doctrine upon these three subjects (viz.) Adam, Eve and the Garden of Eden; together with those things which are interwoven or adherent to them. As to the first man Adam, Moses says he was form, not out of Stones or Dragons Teeth, as others have feigned concerning their men; but out of the dust or clay of the Earth; and when his Body was form, God blew into his nostrils the breath of life, and man was made a living soul, Gen. 2.7.  
But after another manner and of other matter was the Woman built (viz.) with one of Adam's small bones; for as Adam lay asleep, God took away one of his ribs, and out of that made Eve. The words of Moses are these, And the Lord God caused a deep sleep to fall upon Adam, and he slept; and he took one of his ribs and closed up the flesh instead thereof: And the rib which the Lord God had taken from man, made he a woman and brought her unto the man for a wife, Gen. 2.21.  
So much for the forming of the first Man and first Woman according to the literal Reading. Now Moses has likewise given us a large account of their first habitation; he says that God made them a certain famous Garden in the East, or as others render it ab antiquo, of old; and gave it to them as a Farm to cultivate and inhabit; which Garden was a most delightful place, watered with four several Fountains or Rivers, planted with Trees of all kinds, as well those that bore fruit as those that were agreeable for their shade and aspect. Amongst which Trees in the midst of the Garden, stood two more remarkable than the rest, whereof one was called the Tree of Life, the other the Tree of Death, or of the Knowledge of Good and Evil. Why one was called the Tree of Life is not certain; perhaps because whoever had eat of it, would have from it received Immortality, as many conjecture. The effect of the other fatal experience has sufficiently taught us: Hino illae Lachrymae & infandus dolour: 'Tis for our first Parents eating the fruit of this Tree that all their Posterity now smarts; and is punished for a crime committed some thousands of years before they were born. But of this I'll here present you with a full relation.  
God upon pain of death prohibits Adam and Eve from tasting the fruit of this Tree; But it happened upon a time that Eve sitting solitarily under this Tree without her Husband, there came to her a Serpent or Adder, which, though I know not by what means or power, civilly accosted the Woman (if we may judge of the thing by the event) in these words, or to this purpose.  Serp. 
All Hail most fair one, what are you doing so solitary and serious under this Shade?  Eve. 
I am contemplating the beauty of this Tree.  Serp. 
'Tis truly an agreeable sight but much pleasanter are the fruits thereof. Have you tasted them my Lady?  Eve. 
I have not, because God has forbidden us to eat of this Tree.  Serp. 
What do I hear! who is that God that envies his Creatures the innocent delights of Nature? Nothing is sweeter, nothing more wholesome than this very fruit; why then should he forbid it, unless he were in jest?  Eve. 
But he has forbid it us on pain of death.  Serp. 
Undoubtedly you mistake his meaning: This Tree has nothing that would prove fatal to you, but rather something Divine and above the common force of nature.  Eve. 
I can give you no answer, but will first go to my Husband and then do as he thinks fit.  Serp. 
Why should you trouble your Husband about such a trifle? Use your own judgement.  Eve. 
Let me see, had I best use it or no? what can be more beautiful than this Apple? How sweetly it smells! but it may be it tastes ill.  Serp. 
Believe me 'tis a bit worthy to be eaten by the Angels themselves; do but try, and if it tastes ill, throw it away, and say I am a great Lyar.  Eve. 
Well, I'll try then; thou hast not deceived me; it has indeed a most agreeable flavour. Give me another that I may carry it to my Husband.  Serp. 
Very well thought on; here's another for you; go to your Husband with it. Farewell happy young Woman.— In the meantime i'll go my ways, let her take care of the rest.  
Accordingly Eve gave this Apple to the too uxorious Adam, which he likewise eat off; when immediately upon their eating of it they became both (I know not how) ashamed of their Nakedness; and sowing together Fig-leaves made them a sort of Aprons to cover their Pudenda. Now after these transactions God did in the Evening descend into the Garden; upon which our first Parents fled to hide themselves among the thickest of the Trees; but in vain, for God called out, Adam, where art thou? When he trembling appeared before the Almighty, and said, Lord, when I heard thee in this Garden, I was ashamed because of my nakedness, and hid myself amongst the most shady parts of the thicket. Who told thee, said God, that thou wert naked? Have you eaten of the forbidden fruit? That Woman thou gavest me brought it, 'twas she that made me eat on't. You have finely ordered your business, you and your wife! Here, you Woman, what is this that you have done? Alas for me, thy Serpent gave me the Apple and I did eat of it.  
This Apple shall cost you dear, and not only you but your posterity and the whole race of Mankind. Moreover, for this crime I will curse and spoil the Heavens, the Earth and whole Fabric of Nature. But thou in the first place vile beast shalt bear the punishment of thy craftiness and malice. Hereafter shalt thou go creeping on thy belly, and instead of eating Apples shalt lick the dust of the Earth. As for you Mrs. Curious, who so much love Delicacies, in sorrow shall you bring forth Children; you shall be subject to your Husband, and shall never depart from his side unless having first obtained his leave. Lastly, as for you Adam, because you have harkened more to your Wife than to me, with the sweat of your brow you shall obtain your food both for her and her Children. You shall not gather fruits, which, as heretofore, grew of themselves, but shall reap the fruits of the Earth with labour and trouble. May the Earth, for thy sake accursed, hereafter grow barren; may she produce thistles, thorns, tares, with other hurtful and unprofitable herbs; and when thou hast here led a troublesome laborious life, Dust thou art, to Dust thou shalt return. In the mean while let these Rebels be banished out of my Garden, and sent as Exiles into strange Lands; lest they also eat the fruit of the Tree of Life, and live for ever. However, for fear they should perish through the cold or inclemency of the Wether, the Almighty made them Doublets of the Skins of Animals, and being thus clad, he thrusts them out of Paradise. Finally, to prevent their return, he placed Angels at the entrance of his Garden, who by brandishing a Flaming-sword, and waving it on all sides guarded the passage that led to the Tree of Life.  
This is the Sum and Substance of Moses' Account concerning Paradise, and the first State of Minkind; which keeping always close to the Sense, I have explained in other words that we may more freely judge of the thing itself; as is it were written by a Modern Author.  
Now that there are in this Relation some things Parabolical, and, which will not bear a construction altogether, Literal, there are few but do allow. Nay, some proceed farther, and will have even the whole Discourse to be artificially figurative, in order to explain things that were really true (viz.) the new and degenerate Condition of Mankind; as also paradisiac State of Infant Nature, and its Degeneracy. For although in the beginning of the Discourse, this state of Paradise seems confined only to one Region, which is called 'Gan Eden, yet afterwards, when the Curse of Barrenness comes out, the whole Earth is brought in for a share. The Earth shall not for the future bring forth her increase of her own accord, nor any of her Fruits without Tillage and Husbandry; but hereafter, saith the Lord, with the Sweat of thy brow shalt thou get those things that are necessary for Life and Sustenance. Whence 'tis evident, that before this Alteration of Curse, the whole Earth yielded her Increase without Planting or Labour; for otherwise by this Curse nothing had been made new, nothing had been changed in the Face of Nature. Besides from another thing it plainly appears, that one small Country or some few Acres of Land, such as is a Garden, could not alone enjoy this Fertility, together with those other Privileges as well of Air as Soil; but that the whole inhabitable Globe did partake of them in the primitive State of things. For suppose Adam had continued Innocent, how would there have been room for his Posterity within the enclosures of one Garden? Or admit you will have them all shut up there, like so many unfledged Birds in a Nest, what must have been done with all those other vast Tracts of Earth? Should they have stood Empty, Desert, and without Inhabitants?  
Nature itself does not allow of that, neither is it becoming the Divine Wisdom. From all these things we may conclude what is very agreeable to Reason (viz.) That Moses puts the part for the whole, and laid one Example before the Eyes of the People instead of a greater number; because it was more suitable to the Genius and Understanding of the Vulgar to conceive a pleasant Garden or single Field, than that the whole Globe of the Earth should put on a new Face and new Nature entirely different from what we now enjoy. But let us proceed in the Road we have begun.  
The aforesaid Relation consists of five or six parts, whereof the first is, concerning the Birth and Formation of the first of Mankind. The second, the Description of the Garden Eden. The third is, the History of the two Trees of Life and Death. The fourth treats of the Serpent's Conference with Eve. The fifth about the Wrath of God and his Curse for eating the forbidden Fruit. Lastly, the sixth contains the Expulsion of these first of Mankind out of the Almighty's Garden, as also how God made them Coats of Skins, and placed Angels with flaming Swords at the Entrance of his Garden; together with other things hereto belonging.  
Great is the force of Custom and a preconceived Opinion over human Minds. Wherefore these short Observations or Accounts of the first Originals of Men and Things, which we receive from the Mouth of Moses, are embraced without the least Demur or Examination of them. But had we read the same Doctrine in another, for Example, in a Greek Philosopher, or in a Rabbinical or Mahometan Doctor, we should have stopped at every period with our mind full of Objections and Scruples. Now this difference does not arise from the Nature of the thing itself, or of the Matter in hand, but from the great Opinion we have of the Faithfulness and Authority of the Writer, as being divinely inspired.  
All which we willingly acknowledge, neither do we in this occasion doubt of our Author's Authority, but with what intent it was that he wrote these Things, and what kind of Style he has made use of, whether Plebeian or Philosophical; I say, Plebeian and not Fabulous, although this last word might have been used, did we speak of a Profane Author. Now of Fables, some are pure Fictions; others are built upon some Foundation, but beautified with Additions and acquired Ornaments. Besides there are some Relations that have Truth at the bottom, but not in every particular point of them; only as to the substance of the thing, and drift of the Author. As in Christ's Parable of Dives and Lazarus, and in many things which are related concerning the Day of Judgement, as to the outward shell and form. Such kind of Relations I think ought not to be termed Fables, but sometimes Parables, and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hypotheses adapted to the Vulgar. And if in this rank you place the Narration we have now in hand, preserving always the good Name and Honour of the Author, I shall not think it amiss.  
But let us, if you please, first examine some Articles herein.  
As to the Temporal Rise of Mankind, I have ever held it most certain and undoubted: and that upwards of 5000 Years, according to the account given us by Sacred Chronology. But out of what Matter the first of Mankind, whether Male or Female was composed, is not so easily discovered, nor of so great importance to know. If God had a Mind to make a Woman start from one of Adam's Ribs, 'tis true it seems to be a Matter not very proper, but however, out of any Wood, Stone or other Being God can make a Woman: And here, by the by, the Curious ask whether this Rib was useless to Adam, and beyond the number requisite in a complete Body?  
If not, when it was taken away, Adam would have been a maimed Person, and robbed of a part of himself that was necessary. I say necessary, for as much as I suppose that in the Fabric of a Human Body nothing is superfluous, and that no one Bone can be taken away without endamaging the whole, or rendering it in some measure imperfect. B●t if on the other side you say this Rib was really useless to Adam, and might be spared; so that you make him to have had only twelve Ribs on one side, and thirteen on the other; they will reply that this is like a Monster; as much as if the first Man had been created with three Feet or three Hands, or had had more Eyes or other Members than the use or compleatness of an human Body requires. But in the beginning all Things were made with Number, Weight and Measure, that is to say, with all imaginable Exactness.  
For my part, I do not pretend to decide this dispute, but what more perplexes me is, how out of only one Rib the whole Mass of a Woman's Body could be built? For a Rib does not equal the hundredth, perhaps not the Thousandth part of an entire Body. If you answer that the rest of the matter was taken from elsewhere, certainly Eve might much more truly be said to have been form out of that borrowed matter whatever it was, than out of adam's Rib. I know very well that the Rabbinical Doctors solve this business quite another way; for they say, the first man had two Bodies, the one male and the other female, whose sides stuck together, or (as some will have it) their Backs; that God cut them asunder, and having thus Cloven Eve from Adam, gave her to him for a Wife. Plato has in his Symposium something very like this Story, concerning his first man Androgynus, who was afterwards divided into two parts, Male and Female. Lastly, others conjecture (which is not improbable) that Moses gave out this original of Woman to the end he might breed a mutual Love between the two Sexes as parts of one and the same whole; and that by this means he might more effectually recommend to his people his own institution of Marriage (which does unite them a second time) as if it had been imprinted in nature itself. But leaving this Subject I will hasten to something else.  
Now the second Article treats of God's Garden in Eden, watered with four Rivers arising from the same Spring. Which Celestial Garden mentioned by Moses some will have to be the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, jupiters' Garden in Plato, and that in both places the History or Allegory is the same, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to the secret meanings of Moses, as Eusebius saith, and I am so much the more wi●ling to embrace these secret meanings in Relation to the Garden of Eden, because there is no place in the whole World wherewith all the distinguishing Marks and Characters of this Garden may agree, for not to speak of that continual serenity of the Air, and spontaneous fertility of the place, even the very Rivers themselves afford a most perplexing, and as yet undecided Controversy both to Divines and Geographers as well Ancient as Modern.  
Those Rivers are by Moses called Pishon, Gishon, Hiddekel and Perath, which the Ancient Authors interpret by Ganges, Nile, Tigris and Euphrates. Nor do I truly think without some reason; for Moses seems to have proposed nothing more to himself than the bringing four of the most celebrated and most fertile Rivers of the whole Earth to the watering of his Garden. Ay but, say you, these four Rivers do not spring from the same source, or come from the same place; 'tis true, nor any other four Rivers that are named by the Interpreters. Wherefore this Objection 〈◊〉 every where hold good as well against ●●e Ancient as Modern Writers. But although you should reduce these Rivers, only to two as some do, to Tigris and Euphrates, yet neither have these two Rivers the same Fountainhead, but this is really and truly an Evasion rather than an Explanation, to reduce, contrary to the History of Moses, a greater number of Rivers to a smaller; only that they may the more conveniently be derived from the same Spring; for these are the words of Moses, but there Comes a River out of Eden to water the Garden, and from thence it divides itself into four Branches: The Name of the first is Pishon, etc. Gen. 2.10. Whereby it is apparent that either in the entrance or Exit of the Garden, there were four Rivers; and that those four Rivers did proceed from one and the same Fountainhead in Eden. Now pray tell me in what part of the Earth is this Country of Eden, where four Rivers arise from one and the same Spring? But do not go about to say that only two came from that Fountain of Eden, and that the other two arose from the Tigris and Euphrates where they split near the Sea, and make as it were a Bifrontic Figure. Since this does by no means answer the words of Moses. Besides, he mentions in the first place Pishon and Gishon, and afterwards Tigris and Euphrates as lesser Rivers; whereas you on the contrary will have those to be derived from these last 〈◊〉 Rivers of an inferior order; which is a manifest distorting the Historical Account. But to end all these Difficulties or Controversies concerning the Originals and Channels of the Rivers that watered Paradise, you will perhaps at last say that the Springs as well as the courses of Rivers have been changed by the Universal Deluge. And that we cannot therefore be now certain where it was they formerly broke out of the Earth, and what Countries they passed through. For my part I am much of your opinion, provided you confess there happened in the Deluge such a fraction and disruption of the Earth as we suppose there did; for from only an Inundation or Superabundancy of Waters such a change could never possibly happen. Besides, according to what Geography or Hydrography will you have Moses to describe these Rivers Antidiluvian, or Postdiluvian? If the latter, there has happened no considerable alteration of the Earth since the time of Moses or the Flood; if the former, you then render Moses' description of the Earth altogether superfluous, and unuseful to find out the situation of Paradise. Lastly, 'tis hard to conceive that any Rivers, whether these or others, can have subsisted ever since the very first beginning of the World, whether you have regard to their Waters or to their Channels. The Channels of Rivers used to be made by little and little as well as by a daily attrition, for if they had been made, as Ditches and Furrows are, by Earth dug out and heaped up on each side, or at least on one side, there would certainly have been every where seen great Banks and Heaps of Earth. But we plainly perceive that this is only fortuitous; forasmuch as they often run through Plains, and the River-banks are no more than levelly with the adjacent Fields, besides whence cou●●d there be had water at the first foundation of the World to fill these Channels? If you say that on the third day when the great Bed of the Ocean was made the smaller Channels of the Rivers were also; and as the greatest part of the Waters of the Abyss fell into the Gulf of the Seas; so the remaining part descended into these other Channels, and therewith form the Primitive Rivers, admitting this, yet the Waters would be not only as Salt as those of the Sea, but there would be no continual Springs to nourish these Rivers; insomuch that when the first stream of Water had flowed off, there being no fresh Supplies of Water to succeed it, these Rivers would have immediately been dried up: I say because there were no perpetual Springs, for whether Springs proceed from Rain, or from the Sea they could neither way have rose in so short a time; not from Rain for it had not as yet Reigned, neither was it possible that in the small space of one day the Waters of the Abyss should run down from the most Inland places to the Sea, and afterwards returning through ways that were never yet opened by them, should strain themselves through the Bowels of the Earth, and ascend to the heads of their Rivers. But of Rivers we have said enough, let us now proceed to the rest.  
We have in the third place a very strange account of a Serpent that talked with Eve, and enticed her to mistrust God. I must confess we have not yet known that this Beast could ever speak, or utter any sort of voice, besides hissing. But what shall we think Eve knew of this business? If she had taken it for a dumb Animal the very Speech of it would have so frighted her that she would not have durst to stay and enter into a Conference with it. If on the other side, the Serpent had from the beginning been capable of talking and haranguing, and only lost his Speech for the crime of having by his seducements corrupted the Piety and Faith of Eve; certainly Moses would have been far from passing over in silence this sort of Punishment, and instead of that have mentioned so small a Penalty as that of licking the dust. But besides all this, pray will you have the particular Species of Serpents, or all the Beasts of the Field that were then in Paradise to have been endued with the faculty of speaking like the Trees in Dodona's Grove? If you say all, pray what offence had the rest been guilty of, that they also must lose the use of their Tongues? if only the Species of Serpents enjoyed this privilege, how came it about that so vile an Animal, and by nature the most averse and remote from Mankind, should before all his other fellow Bruits deserve to be Master of so great a favour and benefit as that of Speech?  
Lastly, since all discoursing and arguing include the use of Reason, by this very thing you make the Serpent a Rational Creature. But I easily imagine those who are great sticklers; for the Literal Interpretation will solve this difficulty another way: For, say they, under the shape of this Serpent was hid the Devil, or an Evil Spirit, who using the Mouth and Organs of this Animal, spoke to the Woman as it were with an human voice. But what Testimony, with Authority, have they for this? The most literal reading of Moses, which they so closely adhere to, does not express any thing of it; for what else does he seem to say, but that he attributes the seducing of Eve to the natural craftiness of the Serpent, and nothing else? For, these are Moses' words: Now the Serpent was more cunning than any Beast of the Field that the Lord God had made: (Afterwards continues he) The Serpent said to the Woman, yea, hath God said—. But besides had Eve heard an Animal, by nature dumb, speak through the means of some Evil Spirit, she would instantly with horror have fled from the Monster. When on the contrary she very familiarly receved it; they discoursed and argued very amicably together, as though nothing new or astonishing had happened; again, if you say, that all this proceeded from the ignorance and weakness of a Woman, 'twould on the other side, have been but just, that some good Angels should have succoured a poor Ignorant weak Woman, those Just Guardians of human affair● would not have permitted so unequal a conflict; for what if an Evil Spirit, crafty and knowing in business, had by his subtlety overreached a poor silly Woman, who had not as yet seen the Sun either rise or set, who was but newly come of the Mould, and wholly unexperienced in all things? Certainly a Person who had so great a price set on her head, as the Salvation of all Mankind might well have deserved a Guard of Angels: Ay, but perhaps (you'll say) the Woman ought to have taken care not to violate a Law established upon pain of death: The day you eat thereof, you shall surely die, both you and yours; this was the Law. Die! what does that mean, says the poor ignorant Virgin, who as yet had not seen any thing dead, no not so much as a flower; nor had yet with her eyes or mind perceived the Image of death (viz.) Sleep or Night. But what you add concerning his Posterity and their Punishment that is not at all expressed in the Law. Now no Laws are ever to be distorted, but especially not those that are penal. The punishment of the Serpent will also afford no inconsiderable question if the Devil transacted the whole thing under the form of a Serpent; or if he compelled the Serpent to do or suffer those things, why did he pay for a crime committed by the Devil. Moreover as to the manner and form of the punishment inflicted on the Serpent (viz.) that for the future he should go creeping on his Belly, it is not easy to be explained what that means. Hardly any one will say that the Serpent did before walk upright, or after the manner of fourfooted Beasts; and if on the other side from the beginning he crept like our Modern Snakes, it may seem ridiculous to impose on this Creature as a Punishment for one single Crime, a thing which by nature he ever had before. But let this suffice for the Woman and Serpent, let us now go on to the Trees.  
I here understand those two Trees which stood in the middle of the Garden, (viz.) the Tree of Life, and the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil. The Tree of Life was (they'll tell you) so called, for that it would give Men a very long life. But by what follows in the same Relation we find that all our Forefathers before the Flood did without the help of this Tree attain to a very great Age. Besides, if the Longaevity or Immortality of Men had depended only upon one Tree, or its Fruit, what if Adam had not sinned? how could his Posterity, when they were diffused over the face of the whole Earth have been able to come and gather Fruit out of this Garden, or from this Tree? Or how could the product of one Tree have been enough for all Mankind? As to the other Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil, it does not so plainly appear what was its virtue, or from whence it received that name: It seems by I know not what juice or other virtue, to have instilled into them a new sense of shame and modesty; or, as it is expressed of Nakedness, as though before the Fall they had been wholly void of bashfulness in Venereal Pleasures; yet now adays in things of that kind even the most innocent have some sense of shame. I know not what St. Austin means, when he says, that in the first state and innocence of Mankind, Women would have conceived and brought forth without violating their Claustrum Virginale, the feed being immitted, and the Offspring coming forth through the Pores, as do Virgins Monthly Purgations, and that the whole Act of Generation would have been performed without any sting or transport, just as one hand rubs another. If these things were taken-exactly according to the Rules of Nature and Philosophy they would be very difficult to solve. But God seems to intimate quite another Virtue in this Tree, when he says, Behold Adam is become as one of us, knowing good and evil (viz.) by the force and Virtue of the Fruit which he had eaten. Now certainly whatever heat or transport arises from a vicious, inordinate Motion, is so far from making us like God, that it on the contrary renders us but the more dissimular to him.  
Having thus therefore spoken sufficiently concerning the Trees, let us next proceed to the rest: Now after the eating this Apple, Fig or whatever other Fruit it was, our Parents made themeselves Aprons: For, says the Text, they sewed together Fig-leaves, and therewith made themselves Aprons. From whence you may deduce the Original of the Tailor's Trade, but where had they Needles? And where their Thread that very first Day of their Creation? since the Thread-makers Art was not yet found out, nor yet the Art of Working in Iron. All which Questions may perhaps be thought a little too free, but the thing itself requires us to deal freely, when we are seeking for naked Truth. When they had thus made themselves Aprons, God gave them likewise Coats made of the Skins of Animals: But here again we run into other Difficulties, wherefore to soften the Thing, let us suppose an Angel to have been in the place of God, that 'twas an Angel who killed and flayed the Animals, or pulled off their Skins whilst they were yet alive and Innocent. Notwithstanding this too smells more of the Butcher or Executioner, than of an Angel. Besides, through this Butchery some entire Species of Animals must necessarily have perished; for 'tis not believed that from the beginning there were more than two of each kind created, and one alone, without another for its Consort, could never have produced any Offspring. After all this what follows? Why God expelled our Parents thus clothed out of Paradise, and placed at the Entrance of the Garden, Cherubims with a great two-handed flaming Sword, that continually waved about the same, for fear lest either by open force or by stealth they might have repossessed themselves again of those happy Mansions. Now is there any one of the Interpreters that will put an exact literal Construction upon these Things? that will make Angels to have stood like Sentinels, with drawn Swords before the Doors of the Garden, for I know not how many Ages, as Dragons are feigned by the Poets? To have guarded the Apples of the Hesperides? But how long did this Angelical Corpse du Guard last? To the Flood, I suppose, if not longer. So that you here suppose the Angels to have been for above Fifteen Hundred Years employed in keeping a Garden. Sic vacat exiguis Rebus adesse Deos? How much easier would it have been, in a place so well watered as Paradise, to have Fenced the Garden about with a River? which to Adam and Eve, who were as yet ignorant of the manner either of Building, or conducting Boats and Vessels, would have been a more than sufficient Obstacle: But these, and other Things of this Nature, lest they should be thought to savour of Malice, I had rather leave for others to reflect upon.  
Thus have we in short run over the chief Heads of the History of Paradise; the only thing now remaining to be considered, is, in how short a time all these things are said to have been transacted, in one Days time, or perhaps, but in half a Day. Divines suppose Adam to have consummated his Marriage with Eve the first Night; afterwards, say they, if Eve, whilst she was yet Innocent, had conceived her first Born, she would have likewise brought him forth Innocent and Free from all blemish of Sin: Whence also his whole Progeny, in Relation to the Father's side, would have continued unspotted with it. But there is none of that sort of Progeny unspotted, or so much as half pure, we are all of us tainted with the same Blemish, have all the ●ame Disease. Wherefore we must necessarily suppose all these Things to have been done on the sixth Day of the Creation, before their lying together, or the Embraces of their Nuptial Bed. How many therefore, and how great Things must we heap on this one Day! We will, if you please, briefly run them over. That Day did God create all manner of Cattle, all manner of wild Beasts, and all sorts of creeping Things: Lastly, he created Adam; and when he had created all these things, he brought each kind of Animal before Adam, that to every one of them he might give a name according to their several Faculties. As for me, what Language Adam could speak the first Hour or Day of his Nativity, I am wholly ignorant of; but however it be, since there are so many different Ranks and Familles of Animals, to weigh and consider well the Nature of each, and afterwards to give them a name adapted to it, seems a Task that requires no small time. Again, when all this work was in some manner finished, God cast Adam into a deep sleep, and whilst he was snoring, took from him a Rib out of which he built a Woman: The same Day these new born Man and Woman commit Matrimony without Contract, or the formal Preliminaries of Wooing. And that very same Day Mistress Bride being, to I know not what intent, pleased to ramble among the Groves of the Garden, happened to meet with the Serpent: This Serpent begins a Discourse with her; they argue on one side and tother, about a certain Tree and eating, or not eating a certain Fruit. She at length overcome by his Reasons, or seducing Expressions, eats of this Fruit; and not only that, but carries it to her Husband, who likewise eat of it. Upon this there happens a great alteration, they cast their Eyes on each other's Nakedness, are ashamed, and make themselves Aprons of Fig-leaves sewed together.  
When things being in this Posture, God Almighty in the Evening descends into the Garden; they conscious of their own Gild fly away, and abscond themselves among the Trees and shady Coverts; but all in vain; for God Summons the Criminals, they appear, and upon Examination of the whole Cause, he Decrees to the Man, Woman and Serpent the several Punishments they had merited. Lastly, to fulfil all parts of the Punishment, our Parents are cast out of Paradise, and sent into Exile: When several Angels being placed at all the Avenues of the Garden, they are forced to wander alone among the Woods, and take up their Lodging among the Wild Beasts. All which things we read to have been done within the small space of one day; truly a very considerable and very numerous piece of business. But I cannot bear to see, that in so short time all Things were inverted and put into a total Disorder; and that the whole Nature which had but just now been composed and polished, should, before the first time of the Suns setting, fall to Ruin and Confusion: In the Morning God said all things were good; and in the Evening of the same Day, all things are accursed. Alas! how fleeting and unconstant is the Glory of Things created! A work that was six days e'er it could be elaborate and brought to perfection, and that by an Omnipotent Architect to be thus in as few Hours ruined by so vile a Beast. Now this is a faithful Account of Matter of Fact contained in the History of Paradise and Creation of Mankind, as also of the time wherein each Part of the said History was produced: All which things when I revolve in my Mind, which is wholly unbyass'd and ready to comply on every side, where right Reason and the Love of Truth conduct me: I cannot be angry with those of the Fathers and ancient Writers who have endeavoured to convert these things into Symbols, Parables or ways of discoursing adapted to the Vulgar. But am angry with Celsus, who calls this account an old Wive's Tale; upon which Origen tells him very well by way of answer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that these things were spoken in a figurative Sense. However Celsus himself does in what follows acknowledge that the fairest Interpreters both among the jews and Christians were ashamed of the literal Sense, and therefore accommodated them to Allegories. Hence you may see, that in the first Ages of the Christian Church (at which time Celsus lived) as also among the jews before Christ's Birth, the more candid Interpreters deviated from the literal Reading of Moses' History. And really it seems a very cruel and very hard thing in this Respect that God should be said to have tormented, nay and ruined Mankind for so small a Fault, and that too committed through the Levity of a Woman's Mind. Wherefore some are of an Opinion (which I am not much averse to) That Moses laid so vast a Punishment on so small a Crime, only to the end he might procure the greater Difference and Authority to his own Laws, which often Decree with the strictest Severity things Frivolous, and in their own Nature, Indifferent. For who would not fear to violate the most petty, inconsiderable Precept that comes in the Name of God, if the eating of one Forbidden Apple could bring perdition to all Mankind? But upon these and the other Articles in Moses' Narration, let every one enjoy his own Sentiments, provided he do not destroy the Foundation.  
Now by Foundation I here mean the Doctrine of the Temporal Rise of Mankind, as well as of this Earth, the Degeneration of both; and that Mankind will be redeemed by the Seed of a Woman. In this blind State of Mortality we are all prone to Error; and among the Duties of Charity, 'tis not the least for us to indulge and succour one another when we are Erroneous. For my own part, I call God to Witness (who knows our most secret Thoughts) that in this or any other Writing I never proposed more to myself, than the promotion of Piety founded upon Truth. Neither do I in this Discourse about Paradise, and the Origination of Mankind affirm any thing positively, but with Modesty and Submissiou, that I may the better Fathom the Judgements 〈◊〉 discreet, wellminded Persons. Wh● 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 but with me consider the Usage and Genius of the Primitive Ages, more especially among the Oriental Nations (whose Custom it was to deliver their Decrees and Doctrines by Symbols, Similitudes and Parables) if they do not concur with, will yet at least not be prejudiced against those who explain ancient Things after this manner.   

CHAP. VIII. Concerning the Original of Things, as they are Expounded in the First Chapter of Genesis; together with the Manner of Interpreting Moses' Hexaemeron, that is to say, his Account of the Creation performed in Six Days.  
WHAT Reflections we have made in the foregoing Chapter about the Originals of Things, chiefly respect Mankind, as also their Causes and primary State. But the Original of Things inanimate and the Universe, as Moses describes it in the First Chapter of Genesis, seems no less contrary to the Theory of the Earth. This Account therefore which Moses gives us of the World, being much ancienter than all those others before mentioned, we ought to examine it the more diligently, and so to compose or dilute these Controversies by a friendly Interpretation, that Truth (which is alike necessary to each of them) may at the same time inviolably preserved.  
The Hexaemeron and Theory ('tis true) agree in their first Foundation of Things: For as they both suppose the Chaos to have been the matter out of which the World was Built. So they likewise agree in their general Order, making the World to have been first inanimate, and then afterwards animated. But, as to the rest, for Example, the Form an Limits of the created World, as also the manner, time and other Things, they do not a little differ; all which we must now at large examine.  
'Tis First, therefore to be observed, what Form and what Limits of the World the Hexaemeron has proposed to its self. Now 'tis well known, that betwixt the Learned and the Vulgar there are two different Systems of the World, whereof one supposes the Sun to be the Centre, and t'other the Earth. Quaere then upon which of these two Systems is Moses' Hexaemeron grounded? 'Tis most certain, that Moses has begun his Work from the Earth, as the Basis or Foundation of the whole Machine; and that he did not produce the Sun (according to what he says) till the 4th Day, at which time the Structure of the Earth and Sea was already finished. The Sun was not therefore the Centre of the whole Work, since it had no Being till the work was half brought to Perfection. Besides, as well the Sun as the rest of the heavenly Bodies, are by Moses represented to have been created merely for the use of the Earth, and in a manner but as so many servile Bodies, whose only business was to measure out to us the Days, Years and the rest of the several Season. But according to the other Hypothesis, the Sun and fixed Stars are not only very great, but also very noble Bodies; bearing the first Rank amongst the various Parts of the Universe, and being as it were the Foundations of that prodigious Mass. 'Tis evident therefore from both these Reasons, that Moses has followed the popular System; that which most pleases the People, which most flatters our Senses, is believed and comprehended, or at least seems to be comprehended by the greater number: And in so doing he rightly consulted the public Safety; when neglecting Philosophy, he adhered to more serious Counsels and Reasons of greater weight.  
Secondly, Since it is evident that the Earth was the Centre of this Mosaic Chaos, 'tis next to be enquired after, how far upwards thi● blind and confused Mass did reach. The Hexaemeron truly seems to suppose that this Chaos filled and possessed the whole Universe how great soever, together with all the Heavens and Regions of the Air, which way soever they were diffused; as also that the brightest and most resplendent Stars were composed of this chaotic Matter, neither that there were any before the Birth and Creation of this our Earth. Which is what the very Letter of the Hexaemeron seems to import, and absolutely contradictory to the Nature of Things, as well as to all Philosophical Reasons. 'Tis most certain that the fixed Stars are fiery Bodies; that they do not all rest upon the same Superficies; being some more remote from the Earth, and more profoundly immersed in the Heavens, than others; and that upon this score there can be no common Centre assigned to all of them at least, to believe our modern Earth (a blind and sordid particle of the Universe, inferior to each of the fixed Stars, as well in bulk as in dignity) to be the Heart, the most noble and most vital Part of so vast a Body, is altogether irrational and repugnant to the Nature of Things. I speak it again with Indignation, that to say, or almost to think, that this Earth, the Dregs, the mere Scum of Nature, is the Supreme Head of all Things, and as it were the first born Product of the whole Creation cannot be without an Abuse and Scandal, as well to the Operator as to the Work. Besides if that earthyly Chaos had been extended throughout the vast Face of the Universe, and that this Earth were the only Centre in which all the grosser parts convened, the same Earth or middle Body, being the common Recepticle of all the grosser Parts, would have grown up to a bulk infinitely bigger, than this little Earth of ours. For that the sublunary Chaos (or which reaches to the Moon) is of itself sufficient to make up this Earth; and if to this you add the whole visible Heaven, and those spaces above the Heavens, which are not obvious to our Senses, but surpass all our imagination: Neither the Sun nor any visible Body is of so great a magnitude as would be that Body composed in the midst of the Chaos. Moreover, that as well the corporeal as the incorporeal World is more ancient than this inhabitable Earth, may in some measure be proved out of Ecclesiastical Authors, if we strictly examine the thing.  
Many Fathers of the Christian Church were of Opinion, that before the Earth or Mosaic World, there had been Angels for many Ages unknown to us; and some also mention the same of the highest Heaven or Firmament. But this Opinion of the Angels is a thing more positively asserted, and by a greater number. Not to speak of Origen, St. Basilius says this in his Hexaemeron; Chrysostom. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Gregorius Nazianzenus Orat. 38. and in other Places. johannes Damascenus. l. 2. Orth. Fid. cap. 3. joh. Philoponus, de Creatione mundi, lib. 1. cap. 10. ult. Olympiodorus upon job. 38. and others of the Greeks have taught the same; not a few also of the Latins have been of this Opinion. Hilarius, l. 12. de Trin. St. jerom, Ambrose (in Hexam. l. 1. c. 5.) Isidorus Hispalensis, Beda and others. Accordingly these are St. Ierom's own words upon the subject— Our World has not yet seen Six Thousand Years; and what Eternity's, what vast Tracts of Time, what inexhaustible Fountains of Ages ought we to suppose have been before it, in which the Angels, Thrones, Powers and other Virtues have served God. In the Book de Trinitate (whether it was written by Novatian or Tertullian) as well the Angelical World as the spaces above the Firmament, are said to have been made before the Mosaical World, in these words; Although in the higher Regions (viz.) those above the Firmament itself he did before institute Angels, spiritual Virtues, Thrones and Powers, as also create many other vast Tracts of the Heavens, etc. Insomuch that this World appears rather to be the last Work of God, than his sole and only one. To which Passage adds Damelius.— Novatian was not only of this Opinion, but also St. Jerom together with all the Greeks, that the Angels were sooner instituted, (viz.) before any part of the Creation of our present World. Lastly, Cassian tells us, That this was the common Opinion of the Catholics in his time; which was at the beginning of the fifth Age: Whereof (says he) none of the Faithful doubt. And having more fully explained this generally received Opinion, he afterwards adds, 'Tis most certain and undoubted, that God created all those Celestial Powers before that Temporal beginning of the Creation. But to remove all doubt concerning the preexistence of Angels, we have the very words which the Lord himself spoke to job, chap. 38.4, etc. Where were thou when I said the Foundations of the Earth: when the morning Stars sang my praises, and all the Sons of God shouted for joy? Whereupon says Olympiodorus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 'Tis plain from this Passage, that in the Creation of the World the Angels were first made. Forasmuch as these words certainly employ that before the Foundations of the Earth were laid, there were Angels, and that they sang praises to God at the first Building of our World. Likewise if you take the Morning Stars according to the very Letter, it is most certain that the Stars and Heavens also preceded the Foundation of our Earth.  
Besides, St. jerom makes intellectual Being's pre-existent to the World by those Passages of Scripture, where something is said to have been done, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Tit. 1.2. 2 Tim. 1.9. or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Cor. 2.7. before the World began. Nor is there less included in this Expression, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Pet. 1.20. Ephes. 1.4. john 17.5. and 24. Before the Foundations of the World were laid. Which does not denote a bare Eternity, but the Periods and Foundation of this World. Before both which did exist the Soul of the M●ssias, and the Mystery of the Christian Oeconomy. But to return again to the Angels.  
Lastly, We can evince the same by the Sacred Oracles and Authority of the Fathers, as well as by Reason and Arguments. The Fall of the Angels was before the Creation of the World, therefore they were before created, and that for some Ages. For really 'tis not at all probable that the most excellent Creatures were made of so frail a nature, as that on the very day of their birth they should fall into evil and misery; neither is it consistent with the Deus, Opt. Max. the kind Father of all Intelligent Being's, to place the most noble part of his work in so slippery a station, that no sooner had their Maker taken his hand from off them, but they immediately fell headlong into destruction; damned to the utmost of torments, and a most dismal Hell. Which being thus stated, let us pass on from the Angels to the Corporeal World; wherein we are first to observe, That if the Angels had not any ways been united with matter, nor had from it received any pleasure, or any sort of perception, it could scarce have been possible that they should have been wrested from their habitations and first state: For pray where were the places that these pre-existent Angels did inhabit? Basilius says, they dwelled in the Heavens and Light● Many of the Ancients did (as is well known) attribute to the Angels, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, thin Bodies, and not gross Terrestrial ones like ours. And the second Nicene Council would have this Doctrine proposed out of the Book of john Bishop of Thessalonica, to be confirmed; these are the words: Concerning the Angels, Archangels, and their Powers, to which I also join our own souls: This is the opinion of the Catholic Church; that they are 'tis true intelligible, yet not wholly Incorporeal and Invisible, as you Gentiles say, but endowed with a thin and Aerial or Fiery Body; as it is written, Who makes his Angel's Spirits, and those that minister unto him a flaming fire. This we know to have been the opinion of many Holy-fathers', amongst whom are Basilius, Surnamed the Great, St. Athanasius, Methodius, and those that follow them; not that they suppose Angels to be Bodies, but like human Souls to be invested with Bodies; yet not such as are moulded up of the same Clay, with our Modern ones, but thin and pure like Air or Fire: Of the same nature as those we shall one day have, when we come to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 equal to the Angels.  
Lastly, those who interpret that passage, Gen. 6.2, etc. of the Angels joining themselves with the Daughters of Men (which not a few of the Fathers and others do) must necessarily assert that the Angels have Bodies, proper and agreeable to their own nature, from all which we may conclude that together with the Angels some Celestial Matter did exist before the Earth. But of whatever kind this thin, subtle and lucid Matter was it could not exist by itself, and before the remaining part of the Mass of Matter. For all Matter was together, and at once produced out of Nothing. Neither ●ay we conceive the action of the Creation as divided into parts and distant ages; whilst the rest of the Regions and Tracts of the World remained empty. For my part if an Atom, or the smallest Particle of Matter existed before the Mosaical Epocha, I am of opinion that the whole Mass of the Universe did the same; and by the same Rule, if that Angelical Matter, or Vehicle of the Angels preceded the beginning of the Earth, all Matter in general did (as the Greek Fathers argue) in some measure precede it; but its disposition and order according to its different parts, situations and forms have by the Decree of Providence been from time to time varied sometimes after one manner, and sometimes after another. Thus by the Authority of the Fathers we have hitherto treated of the pre-existence of Angels and of Matter itself, as it hath a connection with the Angels; let us now therefore return to the nature of things, and to the visible World; for in the Corporeal we have as many Arguments to confirm the same antiquity of Matter; and to sufficiently demonstrate that the Mosaical Epocha of about six thousand years, does not comprehend the Original of the whole Universe, but the Age of our present Earth, and the time since it was form out of its Chaos. If we again consider the Phaenomenaes' of the Heavens, and the Companies of both erring and fixed Stars, we shall easily believe that so numerous a progeny, and which was worthy of a better Parent, could not be the offspring of one Earthly Chaos; nor admit of their Ages and Histories being included within the limits of so small a time, wherefore let us, if you please, call to mind a thing which is now no longer doubted of (viz.) that the Earth is a Planet; and that besides the Earth there are many Planets of the same nature, as well as of a like matter and form. All which, 'tis probable, have had the same manner and principle of birth; that is, every one out of its own Chaos. Moreover, since the Creation of the Earth, we have not seen the birth of any one new Planet; for which reason certainly they are all either older than the Earth, or as old now. If you grant the former, 'tis all we desire; and if you make them of the same age with the Earth, you must suppose as many Chaos' as there are Primary Planets since; for example, 'tis certain, that jupiter who wheels about his own Satellites or Tendours, is a Centre to himself, and does not any ways depend on our Earth, as do none of the rest, except it be the Moon. Again, the fixed Stars seem ancienter than the Planets, and to be each of them the Centre of its own Orb or Vortex; as many Systems therefore must be constituted in the Heavens as there are fixed Stars; which being very great both as to number and bulk, would swallow up this little point of Earth, as if it were less than nothing; wherefore whoever has any favour for the Heavens, and is an unbiased observer of God's Works, will not easily consent to have their Originals deduced from the Earth, or dependent on it.  
Lastly, 'tis probable that the Planets were formerly fixed, and that the Earth itself ought to be numbered in the same rank, 'twill be no easy matter for you to solve the Originals of the Planets by any other Hypothesis; at least, not if they have fire in their Centre, which 'tis very probable they have. Besides we sometimes see the face of the Sun overgrown with thick spots, and perceive him for some days pale, obscure, and as it were in the pangs of death; but he that is sick may die; and what happens to one may happen to others of the same kind (now all the fixed Stars are homogeneous) therefore the fixed Stars are perishable. Now a fixed Star perishes, and is extinguished when being crusted over with a thick shell of scurf which it cannot break through, it degenerates into an obscure and opake body, such as is a Planet. Finally, the new Stars that have of late years appeared in the Heavens, have not, 'tis probable, I mean in respect to their Originals, had any connection or communication with the Earth; neither have the Comets, which, although in some things they are dubious and hard to be explained, do to me seem nothing else, but (as one may say) the dead bodies of the fixed Stars, unburied, and not as yet composed to rest, they like shadows wander up and down through the various Regions of the Heavens, till they have found out fit places for their residence, which having pitcked upon they stop their irregular course, and being turned into Planets move Circularly about some Star. Whereas, if according to another Hypothesis, Comets are held to have been just the same from the beginning, they take such vast Tours, make such immense Circles and Periods, that no man can prove we ever saw the same Comet twice in one and the same part of its circuit. These and the like Phaenomenaes' of the Heavens can hardly without using some violence to the Laws of Nature be reduced to an Epocha of six thousand years. We should much rather confess that our Earth had not the same Original, nor is of the same age with the whole Universe, whether Intellectual or Corporeal. Nor is it to be wondered at, that Moses did not distinguish them, or treat of the Original of the Universe apart, from that of our Sublunary World; since the common people never distinguish these things, nor have any separate Idea of them. The greatest part of Mankind esteems the remaining part of nature, and of the Universe only as an Appendix of our World or Earth, worth nothing of itself, but created merely for our use and benefit. 'Twas therefore not without much reason, that our most wise Law giver left it to the Philosophers as their business, that when human understanding was through age, use and observations come to a greater maturity, they might digest the Works of God into another Method adapted to the Divine perfections and nature of things. But enough of this Subject, let us now proceed to something else.  
Thirdly, Moses in his Hexaemeron mentions a famous Phaenomena whereof we have not any appearance, I mean his Waters above the Firmament, in the making or disposing of which he tells us God spent one entire day; which is no less time than he employed about the Sun, Moon and all the Host of Heaven! 'Tis true, these Noble Bodies deservedly claim to themselves twentyfour Hours labour, but to an obscure unknown thing we cannot but grudge so much work. Let us make a search therefore after these invisible Waters, let us inquire what are the places they now possess, or where they have formerly resided. Moses says, they were placed above the Firmament; but the Sun with the rest of the Stars he mak●s to be in the Firmament: Thus he places those Waters above all the Stars, and the Starry Heaven, nevertheless of these and all things else he supposes the Earth to be the Centre; but since the Waters are heavier than the Celestial Matter, and than even the very air itself, how is it possible for them to stay in the highest Regions, not being sustained by any intermediate Bodies of a grosser kind? St. Austin in this matter forbids us having recourse to the Divine Omnipotence when in treating on the same subject he thus very gravely and much to the purpose admonisheth us, neither let any one say, that according to the Almighty Power of God to whom all things are possible, we ought to believe that the Waters, thus heavy as we know and feel them to be, are diffused above the Heavenly Body in which are the Stars; for now we ought to examine by his Scriptures, how God has instituted the natures of things, not how he is pleased to operate according to his Miraculous Omnipotence; and this agrees with what he has more generally taught us elsewhere, God does after such manner administer all the things he has Created, that he suffers them to be exercised and governed by their own motions. Let your judgement then go according to these Rules. Besides, suppose these I know not what kind of Waters had been above the highest Heavens, what had it signified to the people to know this Mystery? 'tis remote from Moses' custom, and what he proposed to himself to relate in his Hexaemeron invisible, abstruse things which were of no use when known; He in that only traces the Phaenomenaes' of the visible World, which strike upon the eyes of all people, and make them sensible that there must be a Creator; whereas those things which are no way apparent, as they need no Author, so neither do they require any explanation. And therefore some have thought it proper to interpret these Waters above the Firmament, as it were watery Clouds, and to that end they establish two Firmaments, an upper and a lower; the former is that where the Stars reside, the latter that wherein the Vapours, Clouds and Meteors roll about; that is to say, they call by the name of Firmament, the space that lies between the Earth, and the middle Region of the air. But according to this solution, pray what did God Almighty create the second day, a little extension or space? The distance which is between us and the Clouds; but that distance did before exist, being not only extended to the middle Region of the Air, but even to the very highest Heaven; whether you suppose the newly Created Light, or the Chaos to have been interposed. What a business than is it to create distance; besides to create distance the second day which did exi the first? Neither is there according to this Proposition any solid fence or enclosure admitted in the fluid Heavens. But that we may further confute this Interpretation, let us hear Moses's own words: The second day (says he) God said let there be a Firmament in the midst of the Waters, and let it divide the Waters from the Waters; that is the Superior from the Inferior, these Waters therefore as well the one as the other did exist before this Interaqueous Firmament was made. For there can be no bound or separation but of things that do already exist. Tell me then what or where were these Superior Waters before this Separation was made, they seem to have before been one continued Mass, and after to have been by this partition divided into two different Stories. But before all this there were neither Rain nor Clouds; if therefore you will have these to be the Superior Waters this does not answer Moses' words. Finally, 'twould be preposterous to suppose Clouds before the Earth; or to imagine these coagulations of Vapours, which perish and are renewed each day, considerable enough to take up the sixth part of the Almighty's vast Work. The thing in short comes to this; the vulgar do not comprehend the natural Generation of Rain by the condensation of Vapours, but fancy's rain is sent down from Heaven by a Divine Impulse, or comes immediately from God, Moses to favour this opinion goes and makes a common Receptacle for the Waters above the Heavens; so that God by opening or shutting his Flood gates might at his pleasure keep up or let down the Rain; this I take to have been the mind and intent of the Sacred Author as to his Super celestial Waters. And this is the best way to keep up the dignity of Moses, if whenever he deviates from the Physical Truth, we suppose him to do it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by adapting his History of the Creation to the capacity and use of the common people. Thus also when he treats of light in the first day of the Creation, that Phoenomena is equally uncapable of being explained by any Physical reason; but lest God should seem to work three days in the dark, Moses thought it was convenient to produce light at the beginning of the work. But what sort of a light was it? A light without any source, without any original from whence it might be derived. Yet light, to argue Philosophically, always flows from some Centre wherein is the Heart and Principle of its Motion. Nevertheless in this Account of the Creation, Light is produced before any distinction of the Heavens into Orbs or Vortex's. Besides, according to the literal reading, God seems to have rested from his work in the Night time, as Men are used to do; but I do not see how another Haemisphere either Celestial or Terrestrial could be perfected, if there was any intermission of the work, and God acted only where there was light. But the Vulgar never regard these little Niceties, nor do they dream of Antipodes or another Hemisphere; conceiving the World to be like a Tent, whose covering is Heaven, and foundation the surface of the Earth. Next comes the third Days Task, wherein the Original of the Ocean is described, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, purely according to the Capacity of the Vulgar, in these words, Let the Waters be gathered together unto one place, and let the dry Land appear. Now the dry Land he called Earth, and the gathering together of the Waters he called Seas; this gathering together of the Waters to uncover the Face of the Earth, which lay hid under the Abyss, could not be effected any more than two ways (viz.) either by an accumulation of the Waters in certain places, so as that others might remain empty; or else by hollowing the Earth, which was under the Abyss, in certain places, so as that the Waters might subside there. But that accumulation could not make the Channel of the Ocean, wherefore all the Interpreters say, it was made by a hollowing of the Earth, and that the Waters being drawn down, and aggregated there, the Earth was deprived of them in other places. They also tell you, that the Mountains were made of this work (viz.) with the Earth, which was dug out of this Channel of the Sea, and heaped up in diven places. Now what can be plainer than this Original of the Ocean and Mountains, provided you do not too much play the Critic, and forbear too nice a scrutiny: These things therefore must have pleased and satisfied the People who do not trouble themselves about niceties. But if any one has a Mind to make a more exact Enquiry into these Things, he may if he plases, consult what is written on this Subject in Theor. l. 1. c. 8, 9 and last; in which last Chapter by various Reasons and manifest Tokens, it is demonstrated that neither the Channel of the Ocean, nor the first inhabitable dry Land, could proceed from this Original. But it would not be worth my while to repeat the same here, or to add any more upon this Subject.  
So much for the first three Days of Moses' Creation, in which if our Author had passed by the first and second Days Task (viz.) that glimmering Light and those Waters above the Firmament; and had put his ninth verse immediately after his second, his World or inhabitable Orb had been never the more deficient: But because he had resolved (at least as I suppose) to hold and consecrate the seventh Day for a Sabbath, it was necessary for him to spin out his Creation to six Days: That with the remembrance of the World's being finished, and after the Example of God's resting from all manner of Work, the seventh Day might be for ever solemnly observed. But the Tasks of each of these days are extremely unequal, the first days work would have been finished in the twinkling of an Eye; and so in my Opinion the second: Whereas the third days Task would have been a vast and tedious piece of Business. First to cut out so large a Channel as is that of the Sea; then to draw off all the Waters that covered the Surface of the Earth, or rather to force them down into that Channel; I say force, since they would not fall down towards the Sea of their own accord, there being as yet no Channels to convey the Rivers, nor Descents of the Earth to c●rry them down in those places where the new Mountains or heaps of Earth newly dug up were fixed, the Waters would be thrown off, and the same proportion of them fall down into the Pit of the Sea: But in all other places if no violence were used to them, they would remain unmoveable upon the Face of the Earth. However, although you suppose them to have run down with the same rapidity as Rivers do. Yet from some of the most Inland Places, 'twould be several Days Journey to the Sea. The fourth days Task seems no less laborious (viz.) the Sun, Moon and Stars: Good God, how many and vast Bodies did that one day produce and perfect! Even in the making each of the Planets there ought to be six Days employed, as well as about this of ours, they being of the same Form (and as we have Reason to believe) their Ornaments and Equipage not very unlike: Besides, according to the order of Things in the Creation, they being terrestrial Bodies, ought all to have been thrown into the third days work; especially the Moon, which could scarce be torn from its Centre the Earth, and transferred into another Glass. But Moses follows the Philosophy of the Vulgar, and joins the Moon with the Sun, as though they were of like Nature and Magnitude. Lastly, the fifth and sixth Days Tasks consisted of great variety: In these two days were built the Bodies of all the Birds, all the Fishes and all the Beasts, both great and small that were produced out of the Earth and Waters. Now adays the Bodies of Animals arrive more slowly at perfection; nor do I wonder at it, since they are so artificially composed. But seeing the Bodies of Animals even to the smallest are of so exquisite a Form and Composition, I shall never be induced to believe that the Earth, the common Mother of all things, was from the beginning of the World, as ruinous an ill shapen Mass as now it is. But this by the by.  
St. Austin would have all those Things that are said to be the work of six Days, to have been created in one Moment; although Moses divided them into Classes and different Times that he might the better help the imagination of the People, to comprehend the first Originals of Things. God Almighty did in my Opinion create out of nothing in one moment, and by one individual act, all Substance, whether intellectual or corporeal. Nor did St. Austin in that come wide of the mark.  
But here is not (in the reality of the thing) spoken of Substance in general, but only of the terrestrial World; and not of its Creation, but its Formation. As for the Creation of all Things out of nothing, or out of no pre-existent Matter, 'tis what cannot be doubted, as also that they were not from Eternity; (for we cannot form to ourselves any Idea of a thing created from Eternity) but to prescribe the divine Creation so short an Epocha, as the limits of Six Thousand Years, 'tis what I never durst. I had rather leave that together with several other Things amongst the hidden secrets of God.  
Now these short Annotations upon the Account Moses gives us of the first Creation of Things, seems to imply that it was not this Sacred Author's design to represent the beginning of the World, exactly according to the Physical Truth (which would have been of no use to the common People who were uncapable of being made Philosophers) but to expound the first Originals of Things after such a method as might breed in the Minds of Men Piety, and a worshipping of the true God. And forasmuch as all the ancient Nations (viz.) the Chaldaeans, Phaenicians, Egyptians, etc. had each of them their several Accounts of the Creation of the World, placed as an introduction before their Histories or Systems of Divinity; so Moses in like manner being to write Laws and Institutions for the Israelites, thought it convenient also to prefix, as an introductory Preface, an Account not only of the Original of his own Nation, but even of the whole World. However, whereas the Heathens Accounts of the Creation were frequently stuffed with Fables, and I know not how many Gods and Goddesses, to the very great Corruption of Religion, he laying aside all those Fooleries has handled this Subject with a great deal of Purity and Innocence. When that he might tear up the very Roots of Idolatry, he represented the Heavens, Sun, Moon and Stars, which were the chief Deities of other Nations, not as eternal or created on their own account, but as subservient to this sublunary World, as well as to the use of Mankind.  
This to me seems the Scope of our Holy Writer; but if we seek only after pure naked Truth, and a physical Theory, we must go quite upon another Foundation; that is, we must (if I am not mistaken) suppose the World, which began near upon six Thousand Years ago; to have been no other than the sublunary Orb, or our Earth together with its Sky; and that Chaos from whence it arose, not to have been universal or diffused over the vast spaces of the Heavens, but contained within the aforesaid bounds, which are whatever is below the Moon. Likewise the Primitive Earth did not arise out of that Chaos in the same Form as M●ses had represented it: For his Description of it was just according to what the People had before their Eyes, which was the Post diluvian and modern one; nor could he without a great many far fetched obscure terms, and a long Chain of Arguments, have ascended to its first Form, and have brought the Thread of both down to his own Times. In short, neither the Sun nor Stars were composed out of this terrestrial Chaos; but Moses having made Man to be the Head and under God the supreme Lord of all things, he represented the whole Universe as it were created and compiled purely for his sake. This to me seems the Reason of both the physical and ethical Account of the Creation, for so I call the Mosaical Relation, since it seems not to have been Instituted so much 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In the mean time, if to other People's Optics this appears in a different view, I do not desire to trouble or disturb any one in their Opinion. Let every one please and hug himself in his own. But we are all bound to make use of that Portion of Reason God Almighty has distributed to each of us, till we have some more clear Light to illuminate us from Above.   

AN APPENDIX Concerning the Modern BRACHMINS IN THE INDIES, Together with their generally received Opinions.  
HAving already spoken of the Modern Brachmins in the Indies (whom, besides the near resemblance of their Studies and Customs, we have several other Arguments to show they are descended from the ancient Race) I think it may be neither impertinent nor unpleasant to add some few Words here by way of Appendix, about their Opinions, concerning the Originals and Revolutions of Things; which Opinions are, 'tis true, neglected by most People, because they are delivered in a mythological way; and that Truth is very much clouded with Fables.  
Under the name of Indies, we here comprehend, besides the Chineze Empire, and Kingdom of Indostan, or Dominion of the Great Mogul; the Kingdoms of Siam, of the Malabars, of Cochinchina, of Coromandel, and whatever others are known to us in the East, that have in some measure shaken off their Barbarity. Now in each of these are a certain sort of Philosophers or Divines, and in the Kingdoms of Indostan, Siam and the other adjacent Parts, there are some who seem to be the Progeny of the ancient Brachmins, being different and distinguished from the rest of the People by their Manner and Way of Living, as well as by a Doctrine and Language wholly peculiar to themselves. They have a certain Cabala, or Body of Learning, which they receive by Tradition from one to the other. Now this Body of Learning does not treat of each little Point or Nicety in Philosophy, as our modern Philosophers used to do; but like the natural Theology of the Ancients, it treats of God, of the World, of the Beginning and Ending of Things, of the Periods of the World, of the Primitive State of Nature, together with its repeated Renovations. All which Opinions are by some more plainly, by others more obscurely and fabulously, delivered; but that they were of old spread amongst these Nations, is plain from several Footsteps of them at this day remaining. For a Specimen whereof, we will give you some short Remarks out of our late Voyages, upon several Heads of this now barbarous Theology, or Philosophy: Nor is it of Moment with what Kingdom or Country we begin.  
The Mogul's Kingdom called Ind●stan is extremely large, and has been visited by several Europeans, whose Credit and Authority are sufficient to make them be believed. There are in this Kingdom, besides Mahometans, those they call Gentiles or Pagans; among which Gentiles is a certain Tribe or Order of Men, who bear the Title, and perform the Offices of Sages, Priests or Philosophers. They have a Language peculiar to themselves, which they call Hanscrit, or the pure Tongue; in this Language they have some very ancient Books, which they call Sacred, and say were given by God to the Great Prophet Brahma; as formerly the Law of the Israelites was to Moses. Athan Kircher gives you an Alphabet of this Brachmin's Language, written by the Hand of Father Henry Roth, who for several Years in the Indies applied himself to the Learning of Brachmins. And in this they not only write and conceal their Divinity, but also their Opinions in Philosophy of all Kind's: besides the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which are Opinions of a very ancient Date. They likewise Philosophise after the manner of the Ancients, upon the Creation of the Universe, together with its End and Destruction; for they explain these Things by the Efflux or Emanation of all things from God, and by their Reflux or Restoration into him again: But this they propound in a Cabalistical Mythological way. For they ●eign a certain immense Spider to be the first Cause of all Things, and that she, with the Matter she exhausted out of her own Bowels, spun the Web of this whole Universe, and then disposed of it with a most wonderful Art: whilst she herself in the mean time sitting on the Top of her Work, feels, rules and governs the Motion of each part. At last, when she has sufficiently pleased and diverted herself in adorning and contemplating her own Web, she retracts the Threads she had unfolded, and swallows them up again into herself; whereby the whole Nature of Things created vanishes into nothing.  
After this manner our modern Brachmins represent the Birth, Order and Perishing of the World. Nor does this much differ from the Opinions of the Ancients we have above mentioned (lib. I. cap. 7. page 63, 64, etc.) provided, that taking off the fabulous Shell, we go to the Kernel. If you have leisure to read a larger Account of the Indostan Gentiles, 'tis what you may find in Henry Lord, F. Bernier, and other Travellers, who have more diligently enquired into their Literature.  
In the Kingdom of Siam, which Borders upon the Empire of the Mogul, there is the same Progeny of the Brachmins. Guido Tachard, one of the Jesuits Society, who waited upon the French Ambassador to the King of Siam, has given us this Account of their Philosophy or Theology. They say, That the first Men were of greater Stature, and longer Lived than we now adays are; as also, that they lived many Ages free from Distempers. That this Modern Earth, pa●ched with a long Heat, will at length be consumed by Fire, the Ocean being dried up, the Mountains melted, and the whole Surface of the Earth being made level. This I find in our aforesaid Author, with more of the same in others; all which a late Poet has compiled and facetiously explained in these Versicles.  
Stolidus Regni Mysta Siami,  
Octoginta dat perituro  
Saecula mundo. Tunc qui tantum  
jam fuerit uno fervidus Oculo,  
Septem pandet lumina Phoebus,  
Qu●is aequor●as ebibet undas.  
Qu●is immensum vindice flammâ  
〈◊〉 O bem● Sed duo calidis.  
Q●● 〈…〉 favil●is  
Einos homines ova creabunt.  
Qui foecunda semine cultum  
Iterum poterunt reddere mundum.  
Quem non salsis Neptunus aquis,  
Alluet unquàm, tantum rigui  
Undique fontes, Dulcesque lacus,  
Irrorabunt molliter herbas.  
Et perpetuo verè Beatos  
Spargent variis floribus agros.  
The Siamese Brachmins' not only say, that this modern Earth must perish, and that by Fire; but even that out of its ashes a new Earth must arise; and, without a Sea, that is to say, such a one, as St. john the Prophet saw, Apoc. 21.1. and without the yearly Vicissitudes of the Seasons, being blest with a perpetual Spring; such another Earth as we have described in the Fourth Book of our Theory, Cap. 2. 'tis really a most wonderful thing that a Nation half barbarous should have retained these Opinions from the very times of Noah: for they could not have arrived to a Knowledge of these things any ●ther way, than by Tradition; nor could this Tradition flow from any other Spring, than Noah, and the Antediluvian Sages. But out of what Author or Siames' Traveller the Poet has taken these Things, I have not yet been able to learn. Moreover the Kingdom of Choromandel, on the Southrens Coast of the Indies, has its Brachmins: whose Manners and Doctrine have been with no small Diligence enquired into by Abraham Rogers, who wrote the Book called— janua aperta ad Arcana Gentilsimi. Having Himself lived many years there. Now they affirm that there are several Worlds which do at one and the same time exist in divers Regions of the Universe: and that there are several successive ones; for that the same World is destroyed and renewed again according to certain Periods of Time. They say also that our Terrestrial World began by a certain Golden Age, and will perish by Fire. Lastly, they retain the Doctrine of the Ouum Mundanum comparing the World to an Egg; as did the ancients both Greeks and Barbarians: Finally, to the Kingdom of Choromandel is Contiguous that of the Malabers; where Father Robert Nobilius, Founder (as 'tis said) of the Maudarian Mission, has spent no small part of his life; learned as well in the vulgar Indian Language, as in that of the Branchmins; then he is said to have written a great deal concerning the Theory of the Brachmin, but I know not to what language: for I have not yet happened to light upon any of his writings; neither have I any Accounts of this or the rest of the Countries of the Indies to be depended upon, to furnish me with their Opinions, either from eye or ear witnesses.  
We have likewise before mentioned the Chinese, a People of great Antiquity, but among the Ancients unknown, as to matter of Learning, they have this in Common with the rest of the Orientals, that they compare the World to an Egg, and will have it to be born of one. In like manner they say, their first Man, whom they call Puoncuus, was born of an Egg; whether you will suppose, that by it, they mean the Chaos or the Primitive Earth; and although they do not seem to have derived their Philosophy or History from the Brachmins yet they set so great a value on their Letters, and secret Alphabet, that as things sacred, and of a very great Antiquity, they use to inscribe them on their Idols. As for the Mahometans, who are spread at large over the East under several different Dominions, I pass by them, as men of an upstart, ignorant kind what an Egyptian Priest formerly told— Solon (You Greeks, always Boys; not one of the Greeks ever comes to be Old) May changing names, be much more properly said to them. Nor does the Egyptian give an ill reason for what he says— Your are young in your Minds; for in them is no tenant of the Ancients, that comes by ancient Tradition: you retain no Learning that is grey with old Age. These things exactly square with the Mehometans, wheresoever they are dispersed, they retain nothing of Ancient Wisdom; for the Ambition of extending their D●minions, has taken from them all manner of Love or Desire of Learning. Even in Persia itself, where formerly flourished the Mystical Philosophy of the great Zoroaster, and the Magis, at this day remains nothing worth taking notice of. The aforementioned Henry Lord relates, that when the Saracens overran all Persia, having beaten and slain the King jezdegird about the Year of our Lord 628. Some of the Persians who could not bear● the yoke of a new Slavery and new Religion, transported themselves and their effects by Sea into India: And that having sworn Allegiance to the Indian Kings, they each of them freely exercised their own Religion, and ancient way of living. The same Author relates some opinions Generally received by these Persians transplanted into India, concerning the Original Age, and End of the World: But they are so stuffed with Fables, that they hardly seem worth while to repeat. This must be observed in General, of the Modern Pagans, that there are (its true) now remaining amongst them some Footsteps of the most ancient Tenants, which come to them by Tradition from their Ancestors, but quite overwhelmed with Trash and Filthiness, being for the most part clogged with fabulous Additions, even to the degree of being nauseous; insomuch that when you come to manly Arguments, they are of no manner of Validity. I cannot but pity the Eastern World, that the place which was the first Habitation of wise men, and one day a most flourishing Emporium for Learning should for some ages past have been changed into a wretched Barbarity.  
Tantaene Animis coelestibus irae.  
I pray God grant that we may not undergo the same Vicissitude, and that in his Anger he may not withdraw that Light we now enjoy in the West, but that it may be more and more diffused on all sides, till the Knowledge of God shall have filled the Earth, as the Waters fill the Sea.  

To the most Ingenuous and Learned Dr. Sydnham at his House near the Pestle and Mortar in the Pall Mall.  
SIR,  
THE last time I had the happiness of your Company, it was your Request that I would help you to a sight of the Deists Arguments, which I told you, I had sometimes by me, but then had lent them out, they are now returned me again, and according to my promise I have herewith sent them to you. Whereby, you'll only find, that human Reason like a Pitcher with two Ears, may be taken on either side; However, undoubtedly in our Travails to the other World the common Road is the safest; and though Deism is a good manuring of a man's Conscience, yet certainly if sowed with Christianity it will produce the most profitable Crop. Pardon the haste of SIR,  
Your most obliged Friend and Faithful Servant, C. BLOUNT. Rolleston, May 14 th'. 1686.     

A Summary Account OF THE DEISTS RELIGION.  

CHAP. I. The Deists Opinion of God.  
Whatsoever is Adorable, Amiable and Imitable by Mankind, is in one Supreme infinite and perfect Being, Satis est nobis Deus imus.   

CHAP. II. Concerning the manner of Worshipping God.  
FIrst, Negatively; it is not to be by an Image for the first Being is no sensible, but intelligible: Pinge sonum; puts 〈◊〉 upon an impossibility no more can an infinite mind be represented in matter.  
Secondly, Nor by Sacrifice; for sponsio non valet ut alter pro altero puniatur; However no such sponsio can be made with a bruit Creature; nor if God loves himself, as he is the highest Good can any External Rite, or Worship reinstate the Creature, after sin in his favour, but only repentance, and obedience, for the future; ending in an Assimulation to himself, as he is the highest Good, and this is the first error in all Particular Religions; that external things or bare opinions of the mind, can after sin propitiate God; hereby particular Legislators have endeared themselves, and flattered their Proselytes into good opinions of them, and mankind willingly submitted to the cheat; Enim facilius est superstitiosè, quam justè vivere.  
Thirdly, Not by a Mediator; for, first it is unnecessary; Miserecordia Dei being sufficiens justitiae suae. 2 lie, God must appoint this Mediator, and so was really reconciled to the World before. And 3 lie, a Mediator derogates from the infinite mercy of God, equally as an Image doth from his Spirituality and infinity.  
Secondly, Positively, by an inviolable adherence in our lives to all the things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by an imitation of God in all his imitable Perfections, especially his goodness and believing magnificiently of it.   

CHAP. III. Of Punishments after this Life.  
A Man that is endued with the same Virtues we have before mentioned need not fear to trust his Soul with God after death: For first, no Creature could be made with a malevolent intent, the first Good who is also the first Principle of all Being's hath but one affection or Property, and that is Love; which was long before there was any such thing as Sin. 2dly, At death he goes to God, one and the same being, who in his own nature for the sins of the Penitent hath as well an inclination to Pity as Justice, and there is nothing dreadful in the whole Nature of God, but his Justice, no Attribute else being terrible. 3 lie, Infinite Power is ever safe and need not revenge for self-preservation. 4 lie, However Veri simile est, similem Deo a Deo, non negligi.   

CHAP. IU. The Probability of such a Deists Salvation before the credulous and ill living Papists.  
1. TO be sure he is no Idolater, the jew and the Mahometan accuse the Christian of Idolatry, the Reformed Churches, the Roman, the Socinian the other Reformed Church●●, the Deists the Socinian, for his Deus factus; but none can accuse the Deist of Idolatry, for he only acknowledges one Supreme Everlasting God, and thinks magnificently of him.  
2dly, The Morality in Religion is above the mystery in it; for, 1. The Universal sense of Mankind in the Friendships' men make, showeth this; for who does not value good Nature, Sincerity and Fidelity in a Friend, before subtlety of understanding; & Religio & quaedam, cum Deo Amicitia: An unity of nature and will with God, that is the Root of the Dearest Friendships. Then, 2 lie, it is an everlasting rule that runs through all Being's, Simile a simili amatur, God cannot love what is unlike him. Now, 3 lie, here lies our trial, here is the scene of our obedience, and here are our conflicts with our Passions, if this be true than the credulous Christian that believes Orthodoxly, but lives ill, is not safe.  
3dly, If the Deists errs, he errs not like a fool but secundum verbum after enquiry, and if he be sincere in his Principles, he can when dying appeal to God, te bone Deus quaesivi per omnia.  
Notae Aliquot: 

1. The Grand Arcanum of Religion among the Pythagoreans was, that the object of Divine Worship is one and invisible; Plutarch citys this in the Life of Numa, as the Dogma of Pythagoras, and accordingly his Followers used no Images in their Worships.  
2dly, The Heathens, notwithstanding their particular and Topical Deities, acknowledged one Supreme God, not jupiter of Crect, but the Father of Gods and Men, only they said this Supreme God being of so high a nature, and there being other intermediate Being's betwixt God and Mankind, they were to address themselves to them as Mediators to carry up their Prayers, and bring down his Blessings; so as the opinion of the necessity of a Mediator was the foundation of the Heathen Idolatry; they could not go to the fountain of Good itself. The Popish Religion stands on the same foundation; whereas the greatest goodness is the most accessible, which shows that Popery was a Religion accommodated to the Sentiments of Mankind from precedent Religions, and not to Infallible Reason drawn from the eternal respects of things; and Reason being the first relation of God, is first to be believed, not depending on doubtful fact without us, but full of its own light shining always in us.  
3dly, It was the common sense of the wisest Philosophers, that things were good antecedent to all human Compacts; and this opinion, Pyrrho in Sextus Empericus argues against, also Mr. Hobbs hath of late revived in the world Pyrrho's Doctrine, though without reason; for as there are immediate Propositions, to which the understanding (sine discursu) assents, as soon as proposed, so are there things good and just which they will at first view, without deliberation approve of and chose also, (viz.) the Veneration of an Almighty invisible Being, referring of ourselves to him, with a (fiat voluntas tua) abhorrence of breach of contract with man, of a lie, as a violation of truth; so as, in my judgement, there is a sanction arising from the nature of things, before any Law declared amongst men; that there is a generosum bonestum hid in all our Souls is plain, from the Epicurean Deists themselves, for they labour to have their Vices imputed rather to a Superiority of their reason above that of others, than to a servitude of their reason to their own passions; which shows vice is naturally esteemed a base and low thing. This appears from the Legislators of the world, as Numa, Zamlox●, etc. à jove Principium, there they did begin, well knowing human compacts were too weak to balance and restrain the passions of human nature; offenders presuming to escape unpunished, and rightly enough were all Laws but human compacts. In two cases which ordinarily happen in human life, (viz.) when the fact is unevident, or when the Magistrate is too weak to punish. Hence is Grotius his description of the law of Nature, Lex est, etc. The Law is a combination of the Virtuous to punish the Vicious. Here the Obligation must be lodged, and this appears in the Satyrs of the Poets, in the complaints of the Philosophers, and in the several ages of the World against the manners of Mankind; for without Virtue God is only a name amongst men, and no man without it can hope well of God.  
4 lie. I remember Plutarch speaking of Aristides' Justice complains thus, men have commonly three Affections or Opinions of the Gods; the first that they think them blessed; the second, that they fear them; and the third, that they reverence them: They account them blessed, because they're Immortal; they fear them, because of their Power; and reverence them because of their Justice; yet of these three men most desire Immortality, whereof our nature is uncapable: Also Power which dependeth upon fortune, the only Divinity man is capable of; they neglect, and undervalue, in that God is inimitable by us: And this is the difference betwixt Corporeal and intellectual Love; If the object of my Love be external beauty, a person or a face, that I cannot imitate; but if an Idea of Perfection, and Intellectual Beauty, that I may be assimulated to, and partake of, besides the soul in Intellectual love suffers not with the object it loves as in a Corporeal love it doth; because that its object the Sovereign God never suffers; and this is the chief true conversion which frees us from all evils, the Mors Philosophorum, which Porphery●peaks ●peaks of. Others are rolled as upon Cylinders from one appearance of good to another, and live in a perpetual storm; for 'tis not the change but the choice of our Object that makes us happy.  
5 lie. Antoninus says, if the question be put to us, what is thy art or profession, our Answer should be, to be good; as God made the world; not for his own good (who was infinitely happy before) but for his Creatures good: So our Religion must necessarily be this, to do good to his Creatures; for therein we concur with the will of God, and it is a grand truth, very proper for the Immortal Deist to consider, that all vice and wickedness is but a denial and disowning of God, to be the Supreme, Infinite Good; my Pride denies he has ever been good to me; my lust believes the low and base matter can with its pleasures make me happier than he can with all his goodness; my envy would not have him good to others, but would have him contract and shrink up himself from his Creatures; and lastly, my malice and revenge hates his Creatures, if they be but once imagined my Enemies, and would destroy those whom his goodness first and would have still to exist.  
6 lie and Lastly, Campanella in his Book De Sensu Rerum, observes, Aristotelem dicentem Deum non habere cum hominibus amicitiam (quoniam non est proportio finiti ad infinitum) Majestatem non bonitatem Dei considerasse.      

For Mr. Hobbs, to be left with Mr. Crook, a Bookseller, at the Sign of the Green Dragon without Temple-Bar, near St. Clements-Church.  
Ludgate-Hill, 1678. Concerning the Arrians, Trinitarians and Councils. SIR,  
BY your Permission, and Mr. Crook's Favour, I have had the Happiness to peruse your incomparable Treatise of Heresy in Manuscript, wherein you have certainly given us a more accurate and faithful Account of the Nicene Council, together with their particular Grounds and Reasons for each distinct Article of their Faith in the Nicene Creed, than is any where else to be met with. How grateful this Discourse of yours will be to the Quicunque Men, I shall not presume to determine, since I am sure Mr. Hobbs is as much above their Anger, as they are below his Resentments. You yourself have very well observed, when Reason is against a Man, a Man will be against Reason; and therefore 'tis no wonder to see, from several Interests, so many several Opinions and Animosities arise: This made the Arrians and Trinitarians so zealously endeavour to supplant one another; this made Constantine at first espouse the Arrian Interest to Mount the Throne, as the present Lewis XIV did the Interest of the Hugonots; and afterwards thinking to weaken or at least to balance that Power that raised him, strike in with Athanasius and the Trinitarians for a time, as our present Lewis hath since done the like with the Popish and Jusuitical Party against his Protestant Subjects. For Mankind ever lived and died after one and the same Method in all Ages, being governed by the same Interests and the same Passions at this time, as they were many Thousand Years before us, and will be many Thousand Years after us.  
It must be confessed, the Arrians were so powerful a Sect in the Roman Empire (especially the Eastern Part of it) that the Followers of the Nicene Council were not equal to them, either in Number, Splendour, Interest or Riches. If you will believe the learned Petavius and others, they did offer to be tried by the Fathers that preceded the Nicene Council: For at that Council, they were rather condemned by a Party than by the general Consent of the Christian Church; because Constantine, out of above Two thousand Bishops then assembled, excluded all but Three hundred and eighteen; nor were those perhaps (for Accounts vary) all Bishops, that made up this great Council. They were all of a Judgement at first, and so rather Parties than Judges; the Arrians had not the Freedom to dispute their Cause: And the Emperor Constantine was afterwards so ill satisfied with their proscription, that he soon recalled Arrius, and a little before his Death was baptised by an Arrian Bishop. Constantius and Valens were professed- Arrians (and not to mention the Gets) Valentinian, Theodosius and other Emperors protected and honoured them, both with civil and military Commands.  
The Arrian Doctrine was not only confirmed by Eight Councils several times assembled at Tyre, Sardis, Syrmium, Milan, Selucia, Nice, Tarsis, and particularly at Ariminum (where six hundred Bishops were of their Opinion, with only three which held the contrary) but they also punished others their Adversaries, who were of a contrary Opinion to them, with Confiscations, Banishments and other grievous Punishments. Now whether the Power of their Party, the Riches of their Churches, the Magnificence of their Worship (as the first that brought Music into the Church) or the same of their Learning, and pretensions to Reason (which is always an inviduous Plea) did raise Jealousy and Hatred in the Emperors against them, as also rendered them odious to the Trinitarians; or what most contributed to their first Depression and Persecution, I know not: Since to persecute for Religion, was by the Trinitarians (Athanasi●s, Hillary and others) then accounted an Arrian and unchristian Tenet. It is not to be doubted, but that, after the days of Theodosius, Reason of State did most prevail towards their Subversion, left they should join with the Goths, who at that time possessed of Italy, Spain, Afric and other Provinces, were formidable to the Bizantine Empire. Notwithstanding whatsoever it was, 'tis easy to comprehend that the Depression of them did facilitate the Conquest of the Goths; and if you will credit Salvian, the Goths were very pious in their Way, mild to the Conquered, just in their Dealings; so that the Wickedness of the Christian Rulers of Provinces, their Exactions upon the People, and Insolence of the Foreign Soldiers, whereby they ruled, made even the Trinitarians themselves willingly submit to their Dominion, and prefer it before that of the Eastern Emperors.  
As for the Trinitarians of those Times, I must confess, I cannot but esteem them as Enemies to all human Learning; for they had Cannons forbidding them to read any Ethic Books, and a Zeal which disposed them to destroy all they met with of that kind. Thus we may well suppose them universally ignorant, except some few; and as the Pastors, so were the People. Their Religion also consisted rather in an outside Service, than inward Piety and Knowledge; their Faith was in a manner implicit, the Mysteries of Religion (for such I call the Doctrine of the Trinity and its Dependencies) were scarce ever mentioned to them in Sermons, much less explicated. Hence the Vulgar became prone to Embrace Superstition and credit Miracles, how ridiculous and fabulous soever: Visions, Allegories and Allusions to Texts, were convincing Arguments; and no Demonstration like to a feigned Story and Legend, or what might be Interpreted a Judgement upon an Heretic.  
Amongst the Trinitarians were a sort of People who followed the Court Religion, and believed as their Prince ordained, living then unconfined by the Dictates of the then declining Church: And though the Trinitarians had resolved upon, and subscribed to the Nicene Council, and embraced those Forms of Speech which are now in use, yet did they not understand what was meant by them. The Latin Church allowed of Three Persons, and not of three Hypostases; the Greek Church allowed of three Hypostases, and not of three Persons. As difficult was it for them to Explicate Vsia or Essence; which hard words produced a subdivision amongst them, consisting of Nestorians and Eutychians. The Nestorians believing the Deity of Christ, held that he was made up of two distinct Persons, and so perfect God and perfect Man. The Eutychians averred, that Christ had but one Nature, and that upon the Hypostatical Union, the Deity and Humanity were so blended together, by Confusion of Properties and Substances, that one Person endued with one Will did emerge thence. Now these two Sects were of great Power in the Eastern Church, and though they were both condemned in the third and fourth General Councils, yet did they spread far and near, through Palestine, Egypt, the Kingdom of Abyssines, and all Persia over: Each of them had their Patriarches, Bishops and Churches contradistinct from the Melchites, who adhering and subscribing to the Council of Chalcedon (which all the Imperial Clergy did) were called Melchites, that is to say, Men of the King's Religion. The Authors of the Nestorian and Eutychian Sects were Learned and Potent Bishops: Eutychius was Patriarch of Constantinople, and with him joined Dioscorius Patriarch of Alexandria, Severus Patriarch of Antioch, and jacobus Baradaeus, from whom the jacobites are at this day denominated. Nestorius' was also Patriarch of Constantinople, and his Sect very much diffused.  
The Truth is, such were the Ignorance of the People, and Debaucheries of the Ages at this time, that if a Man did but live a pious strict Life, with great Mortification, or outward Devotion, and were but an Eloquent Preacher, he might in any place of the Eastern Empire have made a Potent Sect instantly. And to show how ignorant the Clergy were at the General Council of Chalcedon, in the time of Marcianus the Emperor, we find that the Greek Tongue was then so little understood at Rome, and the Latin in Greece, that the Bishops of both Countries (in all 630.) were glad to speak by Interpreters: Nay, in this very Council of Chalcedon, the Emperor was fain to deliver the same Speech in Greek to one Party, and in Latin to the other, that so both might understand him: The Council of jerusalem, for the same Reason, made certain Creeds both in Greek and Latin: At the Council of Ephesus, the Pope's Legates had their Interpreter to Expound the Words; and when Caelestine's Letters were there read, the Acts tell us, how the Bishops desired to have them Translated into Greek, and read over again, insomuch that the Romish Legates had almost made a Controversy of it, fearing lest the Papal Authority should have been prejudiced by such an Act; alleging therefore, how it was the ancient Custom to propose the Bulls of the Sea Apostolic in Latin only, and that that might now suffice. Whereupon these poor Greek Bishops were in danger not to have understood the Pope's Latin, till at length the Legates were content with Reason, when it was evidenced to them, that the major part could not understand one word of Latin. But the pleasantest of all, is, Pope Caelestine's Excuse to Nestorius, for his so long delay in answering his Letters, because he could not by any means get his Greek construed sooner. Also Pope Gregory the First ingeniously confesseth to the Bishop of Thessaly, that he understood not a jot of his Greek; wherefore 'tis probable, the Proverb of honest Accursius was even then in use,— Graecum est, non Legitur— and this was the Condition of Christianity in which justinian the Emperor found it, A. C. 540. So that, as Monsieur Dallied has demonstrated with how little certainty we can depend upon the Fathers, I think I may safely aver, there is as little Trust to be reposed in General Councils, who have been Guilty of so much Ignorance and Interest, as well as so frequently contradicting one another: And to say, that Councils may not Err, though private Persons may, is (as Mr. Hales well observes) all one as to say, that every single Soldier indeed may run away, but the whole Army cannot.  
Sir, Your Treatise having revived these Meditations in me, I hope you'll pardon me if I have been too prolix; and though I am not so vain to pretend to offer these Collections, or indeed any thing, for Mr. Hobb's Instruction, who is of himself the great Instructor of the most sensible Part of Mankind in the noble Science of Philosophy; yet I may hope for the Honour of your Correction wherein I am Erroneous, the which will for ever oblige,  
SIR, Your most unfeigned Humble Servant, C. BLOUNT.  
Pardon, Sir, I beseech you, my sending this trifle, called Anima Mundi, being commanded to do it by one, whom 'tis my duty, as well as my happiness, to obey.   

To my Dear Friend Mr. Harvey Wilwood. That felicity consists generally in Pleasure.  
YOU often profess yourself an Epicurean, but sacrifice your health in pursuit of a mistaken happiness; the pleasure the wise Epicurus placed happiness in was of another kind, 'twas more tempered with Reason; but hear what he says, and then judge how far you are his Disciple. Felicity seems plainly to consist in Pleasure, this is first to be proved in general than we must show in what Pleasure particularly it consists.  
In general, Pleasure seems to be, as the beginning so the end also of a happy life, since we find it be the first Good, and convenient to our, and to all animal Nature, and is that from which we begin all Election and Avoidance, and in which at last we terminate them using this affection as a rule to judge every good.  
That Pleasure is the first and connatural good, or (as they term it) the first thing suitable and convenient to Nature, appeareth from that, every animal assoon as born, desires Pleasure, and rejoices in it, as the chief good, shuneth pain as the greatest ill, and to its utmost ability repels it. We see that even Hercules himself tormented by a Poisonous Shirt could not withhold from tears. Thus does every undepraved Animal, in its own nature judging incorruptly and entirely.  
There needs not therefore any reasoning to prove, that Pleasure is to be desired, Pain to to be shunned, for this is manifest to ones sense Fire is hot, Snow white, Honey sweet: we need no arguments to prove this, it is enough that we give notice of it, for since that if we take away from man all his senses there is nothing remaining; it is necessary that what is convenient or contrary to nature, be judged by nature herself, and that Pleasure is expetible in itself, and Pain in its self to be avoided; for what perceives or what judges, either's to pursue or avoid any thing, except Pleasure and Pain.  
That Pleasure as being the first thing convenient to Nature, is also the last of Expetibles, or the end of good things, may be understood even from this, because 'tis Pleasure only for whose sake, we so desire the rest, that itself is not desired, for the sake of any other but only for its self; for we may desire other things to delight or please ourselves, but no man ever demanded a reason, why we should be delighted, certainly no more than for what cause we desire to be happy, since Pleasure and Felicity ought to be reputed, not only in the same degree, but to be the very same thing, and consequently the end, or ultimate, and greatest good, on which the rest depend, but itself depends on time.  
This is farther proved, for that Felicity is, no otherwise than because it is that state, in which we may live most sweetly, and most pleasantly, that is with the greatest pleasure that may be; for take from life this sweetness, jucundity, pleasure, and where I pray will be your notion of Felicity? Not of that Felicity only which I termed Divine, but even the other esteemed human? which is no otherwise capable to receive degrees of more, or less, or intention, and remission, than because addition or detraction of Pleasure may befall it.  
To understand this better by comparing Pleasure with Pain; let us suppose a man enjoying many great incessant Pleasures, both in Mind and Body, no pain hindering them, nor likely to disturb them; what state can we say is more excellent, or more desirable than this? For in him who is thus affected, there must necessarily be a constancy of mind, fearing neither death nor pain, because death is void of sense; pain if long, uses to be light, if great short; so as shortness makes amends for its greatness, lightness for its length. When he arrives at such a condition, as he trembles not at the horror of the Deity, nor suffers the present pleasures to pass away, whilst his mind is busied with remembrance of past, or expectation of future good things, but is daily joyed with the reflecting upon them, what can be added to better the condition of this person?  
Suppose on the other side, a man afflicted with as great pains of Body, and Griefs of Mind, as man's nature is capable of, no hope that they shall ever be eased, no pleasure past, present or expected; What can be said or imagined more miserable than he?  
If therefore a life full of pains be of all things most to be avoided, doubtless the greatest ill is to live in pain, whence it follows that the greatest good is to live in pleasure: Neither indeed hath our Mind any thing else wherein as its centre it may rest all Sicknesses, and troubles are reduced to pain, nor is there any thing else which can remove Nature out of her place, or dissolve her.  
That Pleasure wherein consists Felicity is Indolence of Body and tranquillity of Mind. There being two kinds of Pleasure, one in station or rest, which is a placability, calmness and vanity, or immunity from trouble and grief: The other in motion, which consists in a sweet movement, as in gladness, mirth, or whatever moves the sense delightfully with a kind of sweetness and titilation, as to eat and drink out of hunger and thirst: It may be demanded whether, in both, or in either, and in which consists Felicity? We say that Pleasure wherein Felicity consists, is of the first kind, the stable, or that which is in station, and so can be no other than indolence of Body, and tranquillity of Mind. Or not pained in Body, and not troubled in Mind.  
This Doctrine would make any one a Disciple of Epicurus, that will govern himself according to the rules of Reason; and for the rest, my Friend, as they are Brutes in quitting their best pretence to Humanity, so I shall no more trouble myself about their manner of life, than I would about that of their Brethren of the Forest, or have indeed any more regard to 'em. Let not the complaisance your good nature infects you with, betray your Reason to the importunities of Fools, but rather disoblige them than yourself, and  
Your Real friend, R.A. RICHARDSON.   

To Madam— Of Beneficence, Gratitude.  
YOU condemn Epicurism and Profuseness, and at the same time Caress Avarice, Ingratitude. You rail at the folly of men of sense, and make none but Fools your Friends. Let your Enemy Epicurus, better instruct your life, or set some bounds to your tongue. There are Virtues (says Epicurus) allied to Justice, for that they have regard to other persons, though they are not (as Justice is) prescribed by Laws and Covenants, yet they import out of decency a certain obligation like that of Justice.  
The first is Beneficence, or the doing good to others, whereunto those are obliged who are able to assist, or relieve others, either with their Hand or Purse. 
Not to pass as Pyrrho is reported along without any regard to the mischance of his Friend Anaxarchus, that was fallen into a Ditch, though he that could defend such sordid incompassion deserved, to be so left.  If they deny the assistance of their Hands, they are censured as barbarous, cruel, inhuman: if that of their Purse, they are thought the same, as also sordid, tenacious, covetous and the like. But if they assist others, they are accounted courteous, civil, kind, as also liberal, magnificent, etc. so that they are obliged for their own sakes to do good to others so far as may be without prodigality.  
For those that practice this Virtue procure to themselves good will, and (what most of all conduces to a quiet living) dearness and tender estimation from others; they who use it not ill will, and (what most occasion a troublesome life) contempt and hatred. Take heed therefore you omit not to be Beneficent, at least in small matters, that so you lose not the advantage of being accounted ready to gratify others even in great.  
Not without reason did I say formerly it is not only more honourable, but also more delightful to give than to receive benefits; because the giver thereby makes himself superior to the receiver, and reaps moreover the interest of thanks; and there is not any thing that Joys a man more than Thanks. A Beneficent person is like a fountain, which if you should suppose it to have a reasonable soul, what joy would it not have at the sight of so many Cornfields and Pastures, which flourish and smile as it were with plenty and verdure, and all by the diffusion of its streams upon them?  
The second is Gratitude, to which every man that receives a benefit is reciprocally obliged, unless he would incur the greatest hatred and ignominy. For Ingratitude is worthily hateful to all men, because seeing nothing is more suitable to Nature, than to be propense to receive a good, it is highly contrary to Nature not to be readily grateful toward the Author of that Good.  
Now since none is more gratefully affected toward his Benefactors than a wise man, we may justly affirm, that only the wise man knows how to fulfil the duty of Gratitude, because he alone is ready upon all occasions to express his thankfulness to his Friends both present and absent, even to those that are dead.  
Others pay thanks only to present Friends, 
A foolish man behind a friends back shall side with his enemy, not remembering that of Horace, Absentem qui rodit amicum. qui non defendit, etc.  when present, and this perhaps for their own farther ends, to encourage them to some new favour; but how few are there who gratefully commemorate their absent Benefactors? who requite the good they did them upon their 
* As Xenophon to Xantippe, and the Children of Socrates, who received no other benefit than his Learning from Socrates, and yet expresses himself in his Epistle to Xantippe that he takes care only to thrive in the world for the sake of maintaining her, and the Sons of his old Master Socrates.  Children, or other Relations? how few who honour their Memory after death? who rejoice not rather as if their Obligations were cancelled? Who love those that were dear to them, respect them, and as far as in them lies do them good?  
Madam, my Relation to you makes me so zealous to reform your faults which render you obnoxious to the Discourse of the World. If you will persist in Vice, discover it not by your raillery at the opposite Virtues; be a better Christian, or learn the Dictates of Nature from a Heathen, either would render you more agreeable to  
Your Humble Servant and Kinsman, Rob. Yaxly.   

To Mr. Savage; These. Of Fate and Fortune.  
YOU sent me word that you desire to know what the ancient Philosophers held of Fate and Fortune: I shall here send the Opinion of Two of the greatest (for I shall not fear to prefer them to Aristotle) I mean Plato and Pythagoras.  
Concerning Fate Plato held thus; All things are in Fate, yet all things are not decreed by Fate; for Fate, though it be like a Law, yet it uses not to speak after this manner, That this Man shall do thus and to that Man, that shall befall (which were to proceed to infinite Generation of Men, and infinite Actions happening daily to them; beside, that this would take away our free Will, our praise or dispraise, or whatever is of that kind) but rather thus: Whatsoever Soul chooseth such a Life, and doth such things, these shall follow. The Soul therefore is free, and is left within its power to do or not do, without any compulsion or necessity. But that which follows the Action is performed by Fate. As from Paris' ravishing Helena (which is within my power to do or not to do) shall follow, that the Grecians contend with the Trojans about Helena. Thus Apollo foretold Laius, If thou beget a Son, that Son shall kill thee. In the Oracle are comprehended both Laius and he begetting of a Son, that which follows the begetting of a Son depends on Fate. That which may be done is of a middle kind, betwixt true and false; and being so indefinite by Nature, that which is in our power is carried on as it were unto it. That which is done by our Election, is presently either true or false; that which is in power is different from that which is said to be in Habit and Act. That which is in power declareth an Aptitude in that thing wherein the Habit is not perfect: So a Boy may be said to be a Grammarian, a Musician, a Carpenter, in power: He is in the Habit of one or more of these, when he he hath acquired this Habit. He is said to be in Act when he operateth according to that acquired Habit. That which we call possible to be done is none of these. Indeterminate is that which is in our power, and to which part soever it inclines will be true or false.  
Pythagoras of Fate and Fortune says,  
All the parts of the World above the Moon are governed according to Providence, and from Order, the Decree of God which they follow; but those beneath the Moon by four Causes, by God, by Fate, by our Election, by Fortune. For instance, to go abroad into a Ship, or not, is in our Power; Storms and Tempest to arise out of a Calm, is by Fortune; for, the Ship being under water, to be preserved, is by the Providence of God. Of Fate there are many Manners and Differences; it differs from Fortune, as having a Determination, Order and Consequence; but Fortune is spontaneous and casual, as to proceed from a Boy to a Youth, and orderly to pass through other degrees of Age happens by one manner of Fate.— There is also Fate of all Things in general, and in particular, the cause of this Administration:  
As for Zeno and some other Philosophers, I will in my next send you their Opinions, till than I rest  
Yours to Command, AN. ROGERS.   

TO THE Right Honourable THE MOST INGENIOUS STREPHON.  
Ludgate-Hill, Feb. 7 th'. 1679/80. Concerning the Immortality of the Soul. My LORD,  
I Had the Honour Yesterday to receive from the Hands of an Humble Servant of your Lordship's, your most incomparable Version of that Passage of Seneca's, where he begins with,— Post mortem nihil est, ipsaque mors nihil, etc.— and must confess, with your Lordship's Pardon, that I cannot but esteem the Translation to be, in some measure, a confutation of the Original; since what less than a divine and immortal Mind could have produced what you have there written? Indeed, the Hand that wrote it may become Lumber, but sure, the Spirit that dictated it, can never be so: No, my Lord, your mighty Genius is a most sufficient Argument of its own Immortality; and more prevalent with me, than all the Harangues of the Parsons, or Sophistry of the Schoolmen. No subject whatever has more entangled and ruffled the Thoughts of the wisest Men, than this concerning our Future State; it has been controverted in all Ages, by Men of the greatest Learning and Parts. We must also confess, that your Author Seneca has not wanted Advocates for the Assertion of his Opinion; nay, even such, who would pretend to Justify it, out of the very Scriptures themselves: Ex. gr. as when Solomon says (Eccles. 7.12.)— Then shall the Dust return to Dust as it was, and the Spirit to God that gave it.— And (Eccles. 3.20, 21.) when he declares,— All go to the same place; all are of dust, and all turn to dust again. Who knoweth the Spirit of Man that goeth upward, and the Spirit of the Beast that goeth downward to the Earth— Again (Eccles. 3.19.) when he tells us,— That which befalleth the Sons of Men befalleth Beasts, even one thing befalleth them both: As the one dieth so doth the other; yea, they have all one Breath: so that a Man hath no preeminence above a Beast— Likewise to such who are desirous to know what their Friends are in the other World, or (to speak more properly) their dead Friends, know; Solomon answers their inconsiderate utinam (Eccles. 9.5.) with these words— The Living know they shall die, but the Dead know not any thing.— Moreover, others, for the purpose, cite that Passage of Luke 20.38. where it is said— He is not a God of the Dead, but of the Living— All which Texts (through the Weakness of Understanding) have by some Men been misapplied, as concurrent with the Anima Mundi of Pythagoras, which has been since in great measure revived by Averro and Avicenna, although in one point they differed among themselves: For, that Averro believed, after Death, our Souls returned and mixed with the common Soul of the World; whereas Avicenna thought it a distinct● portion of the Anima Mundi, which after our Deaths remained entire and separate, till it met with some other Body capable of Receiving it, and then being clothed therewith, it operated ad modum Recipientis. Monsieur Bernier likewise gives us, agreeable to Averro, an account of much the same Opinion held at this time by some of the Indians of Indostan, whose Faith he Illustrates after this Manner,— They believe (says he) the Soul in Man's Body to be like a Bottle filled with Sea-water, which being close stopped and cast into the Sea, tides it up and down, till by some Accident or other the unfaithful Cork, or decrepit Bottle, becomes disordered, so as the Water Evacuates and Disgorges itself again into the common Ocean, from whence it was at first taken— Which agrees very well with what (as Philostratus tells us, lib. 8. chap. 13.) Apollonius after his Death revealed to a Young Man concerning the Immortality of the Soul in these words, as rendered from the Greek:— 

Est Anima immortalis, & incorrupta manebit,  
Non tua res, verum quae provides omnia Divae;  
Quae velut acer equus, corrupto corpore Vinclis  
Prosilit, & tenui miscetur flamine Caeli:  
Cui grave servitium est, atque intolerabile visum.—   

The Soul's immortal, and once being free,  
Belongs to Providence, and not to thee:  
She, like a Horse let loose, doth take her flight  
Out of the Carcase, and herself unite  
With the pure Body of the liquid Sky;  
As weary of her former slavery.—    
But he, among the Heathens, who spoke plainest and fullest of this matter, was Pliny in his Natural History, lib. 7 ch. 4. where he writes to this purpose: After the Interment of our Bodies, there is great diversity of Opinions concerning the future state of our wand'ring. Souls or Ghosts; But the most general is this: That in what condition they were before they were born men, in the same they shall remain when dead: forasmuch as neither Body nor Soul hath any more sense after our dying-day, than they had before the day of our Nativity. However such is the Folly and Vanity of men, that it extendeth even to future Ages; nay, and in the very time of Death even flattereth itself with fine Imaginations and Dreams of I know not what after this Life. For, some crown the Soul with Immortality: others pretend a Transfiguration thereof: and others suppose that the Ghosts sequestered from the Body have sense; Whereupon they render them honour and worship, making a God of him, that is not so much as a man: As if the manner of men's Breathing differed from that of other Living Creatures: or, as if there were not to be found in the World many more things that live much longer than man; and yet no man judgeth in them the like immortality. But show me, if you can, what is the Substance and Body of the Soul (as it were) by itself? what kind of matter is it apart from the Body? where lieth the Cogitation that she hath? how is her Seeing? how is her Hearing performed? what toucheth she? Nay, what one thing doth she? how is she employed? or if there be none of all this in her, what Good can there be without the same? Again, I would fain know where she resides after her Departure from the Body? and what an infinite multitude of Souls, like shadows, would there be in so many Ages as well part, as to come? Now, surely, these are but fantastical, foolish and childish Toys; devised by Men that would fain live always; the like foolery is there in preserving the Bodies: Nor was the vanity if Democritus less, who promised a Resurrection of the Body, and yet himself could never rise again. But what a folly of follies is it, to think that Death should be the way to a second Life? what Repose, what Rest could ever the Sons of Men have, if their Souls did remain in Heaven above with sense, whilst their shadows tarried beneath among the infernal Spirits: certainly these sweet Inducements and pleasing Persuasions, this foolish Credulity and easiness of Belief, destroyeth the benefit of the best gift of Nature, Death. It likewise doubleth the pains of a Man that is to die, if he does but consider what is to become of him hereafter: how much more easy and greater security were it for each Man to ground his Reasons and Resolutions upon an Assurance, that he should be in no worse a condition, than he was before he was born? Now these (my Lord) with what others? I have mentioned in my Anima Mundi, are the chief Opinions of the Moralists among the ancient Heathens.  
In Answer to which, some of our Moderns argue, That if the Soul be not immortal, the whole Universe would at this time be deceived, since all our Laws do now suppose it so. But to this it has been replied, That if the whole be nothing but the parts, (as must be allowed) then, since there is no Man who is not deceived, as Plato saith, it is so far from an Offence, that it is absolutely necessary to grant, either that the whole World is deceived, or at least the greater part of it; for supposing that there be but three Laws, viz. that of Moses, that of Christ, and that of Mahomet: either all are false, and so the whole World is deceived; or only two of them, and so the greater part is deceived. But we must know, as Plato and Aristotle well observe, That a Politician is a Physician of Minds: and that his Aim is, rather to make Men good, than knowing; wherefore, according to the deversity of Men, he must render himself agreeable to the diversity of humours, for the attainment of his end. Now there are some Men so ingenuous and good-natured, that they are induced to Virtue by the mere excellency thereof, and withdraw themselves from Vice, purely for the sake of its own deformity; and these are Men the best disposed, tho● rarely to be met with. Others, who are worse inclined, notwithstanding the beauty of Virtue, and turpitude of Vice, do still practise virtuous things, and refrain from those that are vicious, merely out of Rewards, Praises, Honours, Punishments and Dispraises, whom we may enrol in the second Rank. Again, others, for hope of some good, as well as for fear of corporal punishment, are made virtuous: wherefore Politicians, that they may attain such virtue, allure them with the hopes of Riches, Dignity and Command; at the same time, to prevent their committing Vice, they terrify them with some punishment either in Purse, Honour or Body. But others, out of a savageness and ferocity of Nature, are moved with none of these things, as daily experience showeth: wherefore for such, they have proposed to the Virtuous, Rewards in another Life; and to the Vicious, Punishments, which do most of all terrify: since the greater part of Man, if they do good, do it rather out of fear of eternal Loss, than hope of eternal Gain; forasmuch as we have a more sensible Idea of Suffering and Losses, than of Elysium, and the good entertainment there. Now because this last Expedient may be profitable to all Men of what condition soever, Lawgivers considering the proneness of Men to evil, and themselves aiming at the Public Good, established the Immortality of the Soul, perhaps, at first, not so much out of a regard to Truth, as to Honesty, hoping thereby to induce Men to Virtue. Nor are Politicians to be so much blamed herein, more than Physicians, who many times, for the benefit of their Patients, are compelled to feign and pretend divers things: since, in like manner, Politicians devise Fables only to regulate the People; notwithstanding, in these Fables, as Averro saith, (Prologue. in 3. Phys.) there is properly neither Truth nor Falsehood: Thus Nurses bring their Children to those things which they know are good for them, after the like manner; whereas if the Man or the Child were either sound in Body or Mind, neither would the Physician or the Nurse stand in need of such contrivances. Likewise, if all Men were in that first Rank abovementioned, tho' we should admit the mortality of the Soul, they would yet (perhaps) be virtuous and honest; but such are rare to be found, and therefore it is necessary to use other Expedients: neither is there any Absurdity therein, since almost all humane Nature is immersed in matter, and partaketh but little of the Intellect: whence Man is more distant from Intelligences, than a sick Man from him that is sound, or a Fool from a Wiseman; so that it is no wonder if a Politician makes use of such ways or means, for the public establishment of good manners. And therefore, my Lord, besides the Authority of the Holy Scriptures, as also the innumerable other Arguments which may be deduced as well from Philosophy as Reason, to prove the Immortality of the Soul, together with its Rewards and Punishments, (tho' I determine not their duration) yet there is no Argument of greater weight with me, than the absolute necessity and convenience that it should be so; as well to complete the Justice of God, as to perfect the happiness of Man, not only in this World, but in that which is to come. And for this very Reason, when I hear Seneca the Philosopher, and others, preaching up the Doctrine of the Souls Immortality, with a 
Quid mihi Curae erit transfuga?  Tacked to the end of it, nothing under Heaven to me seems more unaccountable or contradictory. For, as to suppose a humdrum Deity chewing his own Nature, a droning God sit hugging of himself, and hoarding up his Providence from his Creatures, is an Atheism no less irrational, than to deny the very essence of a Divine Being; so, in my Opinion, to believe an Immortality of the Soul, without its due Rewards and Punishments, is altogether as irrational and useless, as to believe the Soul itself to be mortal; by such a Faith we rob the Soul of its best Title to Immortality: for what need is there of an Executor, where there are no Debts to pay, nor any Estate to inherit? But Pomponatius, and especially Cardan in his Theonoston, will furnish your Lordship with great Variety upon this Subject, altho' I am sure you will meet with so noble an entertainment no where, as in your own thoughts.  
(My LORD) Your Lordship's most obedient humble Servant, BLOUNT.   

To the deservedly Honoured and most Ingenious Major A. concerning the Original of the Jews.  
SIR,  
I Received yours, and have formerly seen a Translation of the Annals of Tacitus, but never yet met with that of his History, altho', as I have been informed, it is not only rendered into English by the great Sir H. S. but likewise illustrated with very learned Notes of his own writing: which makes me the more admire at what you say, that a person of his knowledge and judgement, should so far compliment the jewish, as to rob the English World of the Fifth Book of Tacitus his History, by omitting any part of it in his Version; since, according to the true method of Translating, an Author ought not to be drawn off, but generously and freely poured out of one Language into another: lest in separating him from the Dregs, you leave the Spirit behind you. Nevertheless, I hope, this one Example will not be sufficient to introduce an Index Expurgatorius among us; whereby Posterity might be tempted to esteem Writing, Reading and Books, as things unprofitable. justin, the Epitomiser of Trogus Pompeius, is more fairly dealt with; notwithstanding in the 36th Book of his History, he doth, for the most part, concur with Tacitus in his account of the Original of the jews; all which the Translator hath sincerely and impartially given his Reader in English: wherefore, according to your desire, I shall only trouble you with what was never yet published in our Language, viz. what Tacitus speaks concerning this Subject, in the 5th Book of his History, which is as follows.  
Some conceive the jews to have been Exiles from the Island of Crete, and to have planted themselves upon the Borders of Lybia, about the time when Saturn suffered expulsion from his Dominions by jupiter; the Reason whereof is grounded upon the Name: for there being in Crete a Mountain, not a little remarkable, called Ida, the Inhabitants, by a barbarous intrusion of a letter, were called judaei, quasi Idaei. Others say, that the Mob swarming throughout Egypt, when Isis' bare Rule there, these were evacuated into bordering Countries, Hyerosolimus and judas having at that time the Command over them. Again, many think them to have been a People of Ethiopia, whom King Cepheus, betwixt fear and hatred, thought fit to have removed. Others also make them to have been an indigent People of Assyria, who having possessed themselves of part of Egypt, by degrees built Cities, encroaching upon the Hebrew Countries, and Borders of Syria. But, among the rest, some will entitle their Original to a more honourable derivation, viz. to be the Solimi of Asia, a People mentioned by Homer with honour, who, from their own, gave name to jerusalem. However, sundry Author agree, that there being an Epidemical Scabies throughout Egypt, which much polluted their Bodies, King Occhoris addressing himself to Hamon's Oracle, and supplicating a Remedy, received this Mandate, viz. To purge the Kingdom of that sort of People, which were not acceptable to the Gods, and to convey them into other Countries. Whereupon Inquisition being made, they were gathered together, and proscribed for a march. But being afterwards left in a Wilderness, disanimated and drooping with Lamentations, one of the Proscription, Moses by name, advised them to abandon all expectation of Aid, either from Gods or Men, being thus forsaken both, and to confide only in him as their celestial Guardian, who were already by their present trust freed from some miseries. They assented, and, as an ignorant People, adventured under his Conduct; in which Pilgrimage, nothing fatigued them more, than the want of Water: when lying in the Fields ready to perish with Thirst, there passed by an Herd of wild Asses towards a Creek, very much shadowed with Groves; whom Moses followed, imagining there might be a fruitful Soil: and discovers fair Channels of Water, wherewith they refreshed themselves. Now the sixth day of their Travels being at an end, on the seventh they possessed themselves of Lands, (expelling the Inhabitants) wherein were both City and Temple consecrated. When Moses, to the end he might confirm to himself this People for the future, constitutes new Rites different from the rest of the World; esteeming those things profane, which, with us, were sacred; and indulging others, which we interdicted. They, likewise, consecrated the Effigies of an Ass, for being their Guide to the Waters where they satisfied their Thirst; as also sacrificed a Ram in contempt of jupiter Hamon. They offered up an Ox likewise, under which Effigies the Egyptians worshipped Apis. They abstained from Swine's flesh, in memory of their Scabies, (whereto this Creature is very obnoxious) wherewith they were polluted. They commemorate their long Famine with frequent Fast; the loss of their Fruits with unleavened Bread; and every seventh day they rested, because that gave a Period to their Labours: which afterwards grew so pleasing to them, that they devoted every seventh year to their ease. Others are of opinion that they did this in honour of Saturn; but by what means soever they have been introduced, they have no Antiquity for their Patronization. Other sinister and filthy Institutions have been prevalent for their pravity; and all the very dregs of the People (who contemned the Religions of their own Countries) accumulated Tributes hither: whereby the substance of the jews was very much enlarged. Among themselves, they were very fruitful and merciful; but for all others, had an irreconcilable hatred. They were a People very much inclined to Lust, and however they abstained from mixing with Aliens, yet nothing was esteemed unlawful amongst themselves: Now this brought in their Custom of Circumcising their Genitals, thereby to distinguish them from others; and whosoever expected to be incorporated into them, was to do the same: after which, the first Lesson they taught them was, to contemn the Gods, forsake their Country, and disesteem of Parents, Children, Brethren, etc. Tacit. lib. 5.  
Now, besides the concurrence of Trogus, we hear also of others, who pretend to much the same both with him and Tacitus, as those ancient Egyptian Writers, Manethon, Chaeremon, Lysimachus, Appion, and others: nor does josephus seem to produce any considerable Confutation of their Opinions; only in general, he finds fault with their mistaking of Names, and other such small Variations in their Histories, which to impartial Readers are very inconsiderable. Nay, we see josephus does not so much reject the Truth of Manethon's History; but when it was for his advantage, he could make use of him, in qouting his Writings, to prove the Antiquity of his Countrymen the jews; so that, however in Circumstances and Names of particular persons they might vary, yet that the jews were banished out of Egypt for Scabies, that Moses their Commander gave them new Laws of his own making, forbidding them to converse or marry with strangers; as also that they afterwards, to revenge their Banishments, invaded Egypt, putting the Egyptians and their King to flight, (as they did) in all this (I say) most of the ancient Egyptian Writers agree, as we may gather from josephus his own Writings.  
The Tradition of the Memphites, concerning Moses' passing the Red Sea, was,  
That Moses being well acquainted with the condition of the place, observed the Flux and Reflux of the Waters, and so brought over his Army by dry Land.  
However, had this been wrought immediately by God, we need not (says josephus) so much wonder at it, for that the Pamphyliam Ocean did the same to Great Alexander of Macedon, and gave way to him and his Followers, the Waves themselves marking out a Path, rather than any thing should hinder the Design which God had purposed to them, viz. to overthrow the Kingdom of Persia, and this josephus in these very words records; so that by lessening the Miracle, he destroys it: making it cease to be a Wonder, while he strives to make it fit to be believed.  
Abraham and Moses seemed first to institute Religious Worship, and both of them were well skilled in Egyptian Learning: which gave occasion for some to think, that Moses and the jews took divers of their Customs from the Egyptians; as for Instance, their Circumcision, because Herodotus says, that the Phaenicians and Syrians in Palestine (which must be the jews, since none else used it in Palestine) took their Circumcision from the Egyptians; also (says he) they confess the same themselves: nor does josephus deny as much: only says (without giving any reason why) that he doubts, whether they learned it of the Egyptians and Ethiopians, or whether the Egyptians and Ethiopians learned it of them, but does not affirm or deny either: joseph. Cont. Ap● However, Bochartus in his Phaleg, as well as Dr. Stillingfleet in his Origines Sacrae, affirm the latter; not to mention Theophilus Gale, and other Gleaners upon the same Subject.  
The Article of one true God, was common both to jews and Gentiles, even before their Reception: the universality of Religious Worship consisting in the practice of Virtue and Goodness, we may find also common to the Gentiles, as well as to the jews: or if it be said, that Precept in the Decalogue, That we should make no graven Image, nor the likeness of any thing that is in Heaven above, or in the Earth beneath; was particular to the jews; it will be found, that whatsoever they said thereof, the Persians and other neighbouring Nations concurred therein; as also in the rest of the Commandments: thus Feriari Deo is a kind of Sabboth-keeping.  
The ancient jews, and modern Christians, have many Rites and Ceremonies common with the Gentiles; which is more than our vulgar Divines do imagine. Most of the jewish Laws and Rites were practised among the Gentiles indifferently, or at least did not much vary from them, as the diligent Searchers into Antiquity well know. The Gentiles as well as the jews, held the most substantial parts of Moses his Doctrines, without differing in much more than certain parcicular Laws, more proper for that Country than any other, as, their not eating Swine's flesh; their making Adultery death, etc. since, as the Notions of God, and a good Conscience, are written in our Souls at this day, so we cannot justly think, any of our Forefathers among the Gentiles were deprived of them.  
But when all is done, SIR, these Relations, of Trogus, Tacitus, and the rest, are only the uncertain Accounts of partial Authors, since the best and only History extant to be relied on for this Subject, is the Holy Scriptures, (dictated, as every good Christian ought to believe, by the Holy Spirit) therefore, tho' I send you these other Accounts to gratify your Curiosity, yet referring you to these for matter of Truth, I shall give you no farther trouble, than to assure you I am (without Reserve)  
(SIR) Your unfeigned Friend, And faithful humble Servant, BLOUNT. Decemb. 12. 1692.   

To his Friend, Torismond, to justify the Marrying of two Sisters, the one after the other.  
SIR,  
ACcording to your Letter, I find the Objections urged against your marrying Eugenia, your Lady's Sister, are chiefly these three; 

1. That you being her Brother in Law, by having formerly married her Sister, it would be not only a Violation of the Canon Law, but also of the Levitical, and consequently a sin.  
2. That it is against the known Laws of the Land, and so might be dangerous and troublesome to you both.  
3. And Lastly, That such a match being a thing unusual, and contrary to custom, it might reflect upon your Honours.    
All which Objections I do conceive so easily to be answered, that (were it not too great a confidence in any man to say so) with that little knowledge I have, either in Civil, Canon or Common Law, I would assert it to be lawful, and accordingly enter the Lists of Argument against any Levitical or Canonical Gamester whatever upon that Subject. in the mean time, what I have briefly collected, for your service, upon this occasion is, as follows.  
'Tis confessed, the 99 th' Canon of the Church of England is positive in its determination, that no man shall marry within the Degrees prohibited by the Laws of God, and expressed by a Table fet forth by Authority, Anno Dom. 1563. in the 17 th' particular of which Table, it is declared, that a man may not marry his Wife's Sister: the foundation of which Prohibition, both in the Canon and Table is this. (viz.) Kindred and Affinity forbidden to marry by the Laws of God: So that the Prohibition, as well in the Canon, as in any part of the Table, seems to be no farther obliging, then as it is forbidden by the Laws of God, and the same dependence likewise have our Statute Laws in this Case, to which they wholly refer.  
The first Text of Scripture, which is commonly urged in this Case, is that of marrying a Brother's Wife, which seems to be forbidden; where by a side wind they would bring in that of marrying a Wife's Sister as a parallel, saying, ubi eadem Ratio, ibi idem Ius. But, with their pardon, the simile does not run upon four feet, the Reason is not the same: For the words (in Lvit. 18. and 16.) which forbid the marrying a Brother's Wife, say, because a man thereby uncovers his Brother's Nakedness: which seems not at all to be a good Reason against marrying the Wife's Sister; because every man is supposed to have discovered his first Wife's Nakedness before any such marriage with her Sister. Besides, all Penal Laws (such as Moses' are in this Chapter,) which concern Life, Limb, nay and the very Soul too in this case, are no where construed by Parallels, but straight tied up to the very express Letter of the Law, or else no man would be safe, if he were liable to hanged by way of comparison for a similitude, or being like the Picture of a Traitor: and this makes Moses so exact in particularising each Crime, that whereas in prohibiting you to uncover your Father's Nakedness would have served likewise for the Mothers, the Reason being the same, yet nevertheless he in express words particularizes and forbids both distinctly by themselves, and in like manner does the same in all other Cases, which he need not have done if he had designed to have any cases not mentioned come within the equity and construction of those that are: as because I must not marry my Brother's Wife, therefore I must not marry my Wife's Sister, a pretty Syllogism indeed. Besides, if it were so intended there, then, what follows had been unnecessary. For—  
The Canon of Scripture which seems more nearly to concern this Case, is Lvit. 18.18. where it is said, Neither shalt thou take a Wife to her Sister to Vex her, to uncover her Nakedness, besides the other in her Life-time.  
Though Polygamy was allowed under the Law, yea, and jacob did actually marry two Sisters, Leah and Rachel, yet it is here forbidden that one man should at one and the same time have two Sisters in Marriage; It was adjudged inconvenient, and Diodate upon this Text saith—  
The Reason of the Inconveniency is, it would be a kind of confusion, to make two Sisters Rivals or Adversaries to one another, 'twould produce continual Jealousies and Strifes, as an example may be ●een in Jacob's Marriage, which in those first Ages were tolerated.  
But this doth not therefore seem to restrain or prohibit the marrying of two Sisters one after another, for the first being dead, the other cannot be a Rival or Vexation (as the Text calls it) to her dead Sister: a●d then how shall the Prohibition be urged, if the Reason of it be removed? It is rationally apparent, that there is great stress placed in those expressions (during her Life) and (to Vex her in uncovering her shame upon her) as doth more fully appear in our Translation of the Bible in Queen Elizabeth's Reign, Printed Anno Domini 1599—  
Thou shalt not take a Wife with her Sister, during her Life to Vex her. in uncovering her shame upon her.—  
Which seems to be very suitable to the Greek Translation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: where the Prohibition running upon these Terms, or containing these Conditions, that a man shall not take a Wife, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with her Sister, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, during her Life: because it would be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Vexation to her; but she being dead, all those inconveniencies expire with her, and so it may probably be imagined that Cessante Ratione, Cessat Prohibitio.  
And that this is the proper tendency of the words, is the opinion of the Learned Grotius, in his Tract. de jure Belli & Pacis, lib. 2. cap. 5. paragr. 14.  
Nam de singulis partibus ne intelligatur, argumento esse potest interdictum, de non habendis eodem tempore in Matrimonio Sororibus duabus: For that it ought not to be understood upon all Occasions is sufficiently proved by the Prohibition itself, which forbids only the having two Sisters in Marriage at one time.  
And this he doth not deliver as his own private Opinion, but refers to the Authority of the Ancient Canons, the Composers whereof did not seem to esteem such a Marriage absolutely sinful, but inconvenient, and so obnoxious to penalties: As in the same Paragraph of Grotius, (Lin. 17.) Certe Canonibus Antiquissimis, qui Apostolici dicuntur, Qui duas Sorores alteram post alteram duxisset, aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, Fratris aut Sororis Filiam; tantum à clero arcetur: certainly whoever should have married two Sisters, the one after the other, or the Daughter of his Brother or Sister, was by the most ancient Canons, which are called Apostolical, only forbidden entering into the order of Priesthood.  
Where it was esteemed inconvenient and offensive, there the person so doing ought not to be admitted to be a Priest, but that was the only punishment laid upon him, tantum- à Clero arcetur. But doth not prejudice a Layman, such as my Friend Torismond is, who, I presume, never designs to to enter into the Priestly Office, unless it were to be a Confessor to the fair Sex; neither doth it forbid Marriage to a Priest, only restrains him from Marrying two Sisters, one after another.  
For a man to marry two Sisters successively is unusual, (because most have enough of one out of a Family) and by Canonists esteemed inconvenient; but it doth not appear by them to be forbidden any where, except it be Liege Human●; by Human Law; which may restrain under a Penalty, but doth not therefore make the marriage either sinful, or void, when completed: Whereas, if it had been prohibited Lege Divinâ, by a Divine Law, then both the contracting of it, and living in full Matrimony had been sinful, whether the Canons of men had been for it, or against it. But if it be not against the Laws of God, it is so far from being forbidden by the Laws of our Land, that it is rather confirmed by the 32 H. 8.38. where it is enacted and declared,  
That the Marriages of all Persons shall be adjudged Lawful, who are not prohited by God's Law to Marry. Which I urge in opposition to the second Objection, viz. that 'tis against the Laws of the Land to marry two Sisters, and so may be dangerous.  
But against this some may object, that this Statute of H. 8. was enacted, 1540 and the Table set forth by Authority, which the 99 th' Canon doth confirm, was set forth after it, in 1563. to which may be answered, that the Canon neither did, nor could repeal the Statute of H. 8. And that as a Canon it was a Human Law, as well as the other, and cannot therefore be intended to make void any Marriage, which the Law of God hath not prohibited and made void: with which Grotius doth concur, and particularly applies it to the Case in hand, at the conclusion of his aforementioned Paragraph—  
Sed sciendum simul est, non quod vetitum est fieri lege human, si fiat, irritum quoque esse, nisi & hoc Lex addiderit & significaverit: But (saith he) 'tis also necessary to be known, that what is forbidden by humane Law to be done, if it be done, is not therefore void, unless the Law has also added and signified as much.— And then he proceeds to give you a Quotation of some ancient Canons, which did, under a Penalty, forbid such a Marriage, but not make it void: Canon Eliberinus, 60.—  
Si quis post obitum uxoris suae, sororem ejus duxerit, & ipsa fuerit fidelis, per Quinquennium eum à Communione abstinere, eo ipso ostendens, manere vinculum Matrimonii; & ut jam diximus, in Canonibus qui Apostolici dicuntur. Qui duas sorores duxerit, aut fratris filiam, tantùm Clericu● fieri prohibetur: If any one, after the death of his Wife, marries her Sister, and she proves faithful to him, he must, during five years, abstain from the Communion, which shows that the Bond of Matrimony still remains inviolable; and, as we have already said, in those Canons which are called Apostolical, whosoever marries two Sisters, or his Brother's Daughter, is only forbid to be Priest— which is indeed as near as possible to the words of the Canon set forth by joverius in his Collection of Ecclesiastical Constitutions, A. D. 1555. Clas. p. 3. Apostolorum Canon, 18. Qui duas sorores duxit, aut Consobrinam, Clericus esse non potest: Whoever has married two Sisters, or his Niece, must not be a Priest.  
Now that these ancient Canons retain their Validity, is apparent, not only from the practice of the learned and judicious Grotius, as well as other eminent Civilians, who appeal to their Authority; but they likewise receive confirmation and encouragement from the Laws of our own Nation; it being Enacted, 25 H. 8, 19  
That all Canons, Constitutions, Ordinances, and Synodals Provincial, not repugnant to the King's Prerogative, nor to the Customs, Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom, shall be used and executed, till such time as they shall be otherwise ordered and determined.  
Now upon these preceding Authorities some Queries may be offered: As, 

1. Whether the 99th Canon Eccles. Angl. and the Table set forth 1563, concerning the prohibited Degrees of Marriage, do not derive their Force from the Sacred Writ, so that they are not to be understood, or extended farther than the Scriptures do plainly direct?  
2. Whether the Energy and Force of Levit. 18.18. be not grounded upon the Reasons contained in the Text? so that cessante Ratione, cessat Prohibitio.  
3. Whether if the Marriage of two Sisters, one after the other; be not positively against the Law of God, it be not adjudged lawful, and confirmed by the 32 H. 8.38?  
4. Whether the Solution of justinian in the like Cases of Affinity, (viz.) Privign● & Nurus, in the first Book of his Institutions, (Tit. 10. de Nuptiis. Paragr. 6.) be not properly applicable to Levit. 18.18? Si una tibi nupta est; ideo Alteram, Vxorem ducere non poteris, quia duas Sorores eodem tempore habere non licet.  
5. Whether if any of the Canons Eccles. Angl. be dubious, it be not proper and convenient to consult the ancient Canons for Explanation and Illustration?  
6. And lastly, Whether upon these preceding Considerations, to marry two Sisters, Alteram post Alteram, be malum vetitum Lege divin●, and so sinful forô Conscientiae, and such Marriage void? or only inconvenient and obnoxious to Ecclesiastical Censures and Penalties, which the Ecclesiastical Court may either inflict or commute?    
Now to conclude with this first and principal Objection, Whether it be a Sin against the Levitical Law? I shall only make three short Remarks.  

1. That there are many other Laws in Leviticus, that are no more abolished by Christ, than this of Marriages, which yet are wholly neglected, and no ways looked upon as obligatory.  
2. Many doubt, Whether any of the Laws given to the jews in particular, are binding to other Nations, excepting only those revived by Christ, which this of Marriages never was?  
3dly, and lastly, 'Tis worth our observation, that when the Question was put to Christ by the Sadduces, about the Wife that had been married to seven Brethren, tho' 'twas a common practice among them, and he had so fair an opportunity offered him, yet he never reproves the Custom of one Woman's marrying several Brethren, but answers only to the plain Question as 'twas put, That at the Resurrection they neither marry, nor are given in Marriage: Now since he did reprove and abolish all their other evil Customs, it may well be supposed he thought not this so, or otherwise he would have condemned it with the rest.   
As for the second Objection, That such a Marriage would be against the known Laws of the Land, and therefore dangerous to you both:  
I have sufficiently answered this already, as likewise the third and last Objection; since, as well the Statute Laws, as Honour and Conscience in this case do wholly depend upon the Legality of such a Match according to the Law of God, which point I think has been pretty well cleared by what has been said before. But for the better illustration of the matter, I will present you with a short view of the Original and Foundation of these Laws.  
The Statute Laws of this Land never meddled with the Degrees of Kindred in relation to Marriages, till Henry the eighth's time; which happened thus.  
Prince Arthur, eldest Son to Henry the 7 th' married Katherine, the Infanta of Spain in November, 1502, but on the second of April following the Prince died; whose Death (says Dr. Burnet) was imputed to his using too great an excess in his Love towards her. (So that it is not likely he left her a Maid, as some would have it.) After which the Princess having watched ten Months, to see that she was not with Child by Prince Arthur, she was married to her Husband's youngest Brother, afterwards Henry the 8 th', by whom she had two Sons, and one Daughter Mary (since Queen of England,) the two Sons dying young, and only his Daughter Mary surviving. Now Henry the 8 th' growing weary of his Queen, as thinking he should have no more Children by her, desired a Divorce, and then (tho' he had be●n married many years, by and with the Advice of Fox Bishop of Winchester, and several of his chief Clergy,) he first pretends a scruple of Conscience, for being married to his Brother's Wife, the Pope nor Church would not allow of his scruple in that kind, nor grant him any Divorce, but chose rather to forfeit their Interest in these Kingdoms; however King Henry's Lust prompting him, to make use of any shift to obtain his desires, he bribed some few Members among the foreign Universities to give him their opinions● that the Marriage was unlawful, and a Divorce but reasonable, which accordingly his Commissioners executed in a Clandestine manner at Dunstable. After this, the Parliament (who, during his Reign, were awed into a compliance with him in all things, being for the Pope's Supremacy, when ever he was for it; and as much against it, when he was against it) made a Law (32 H. 8. ch. 38.) in compliment and confirmation of his Divorce and second Marriage, limiting all Marriages to the Degrees of the Levitical Law: so that we see this Law was made, not of any Religious or pious Consideration whatsoever, but only to serve a turn, and gratify the Lust of an imperious Prince. And one consideration further is worthy our Notice; viz. that this very Princess Mary was afterwards allowed and approved of by the Judgement of the whole Nation, and of all Christendom besides, to be undisputably the right and Lawful sovereign Queen of England, and so lived and died, notwithstanding the said Act of Parliament and Divorce; to which Title and Dignity, she could no ways have pretended, had the Marriage between Hen. 8. her Father, and his Brother's Wife Queen Katherine, (who was her Mother) been adjudged by the world unlawful.  
As to the third and last Objection, that such a Match being unusual and contrary to Custom, may reflect upon your Honours: this is the weakest objection of all others. For as Conscience is but the Reflection of Virtue in our own minds; so Honour is but the vibration or darting those Beams abroad among our Friends and Acquaintance, thereby to illuminate our own Reputations. So that all this Objection is at once answered, if there be no violation of Virtue in the Action; which, I hope, I have already in a great measure demonstrated by the former part of this Discourse: for I do not see where Virtue can be concerned in an Action, that is neither impious to God, nor unjust or injurious towards man; as I am sure such a Marriage is neither. Your Relation of Affinity, was but in the nature of a Bargain, and upon your Lady's death, the least expired, and the whole contract ended. Cousin Germane (who marry daily) have a near Consanguinity and mixture of the same Blood, whereas you two have not one Dram of the same. But the most confusedly and foolishest Question of all is, What will the World say? Gather two Flowers off one Root, eat two Grapes off one Branch, Marry two Sisters? a thing never known before: But I hope both Torismond and Eugenia have too much sense to be startled at such Mobb Bugbears; since no Body of Reason will argue that the Rarity or Novelty of a thing is any Reflection either upon Honour or Conscience; for as much as every thing is intrinsically either good or bad of itself; nor can the opinion of others any ways alter the Nature of it. At this rate, every new Law, and every new Mode or Fashion, may be esteemed dishonourable and vicious, as violating the oldest. He that altars his Watch by every Dial he come at, shall never have it go well: so he that altars or steers his course of Life according to the various Censures of the world, can never live wisely or comfortably; for as much as every man's Interest furnishes him with a By-Conscience of his own, however some may pretend the contrary, and others may perhaps not really discern it themselves. Lastly, to urge the common Usage, Practice and Custom of our times, is the effect of Narrowness of Soul, and meanness of Thought. For Custom is an Argument will lie as well for Vice, as Virtue: Drinking, Whoring, and Ga●●ing have as ancient a Prescription for their Plea, and as universal, as any Virtues whatsoever. It is a common and ancient usage to rob upon St. Alban Road, is it therefore ●●'e the more lawful? Nothing can be more ridiculous than to make Antiquity and Presidents the standard and measure of Good and Evil: 'twould be a pleasant Argument for a Jilt to use to her Spouse, Lord Husband, your Father was a Cuckold, will not you be one? And yet perhaps such a Question would be as seriously Rational, as most of the things that govern Mankind: only one's merry Folly, and the other a grave Folly. But, to conclude, at this rate, we ought to have continued in the Popish ignorance of our Forefathers, as esteeming all Reformations and Changes unlawful.  
By Education most have been misled,  
So they believe, because they so were bred:  
The Priest continues what the Nurse began,  
And thus the Child imposes on the man.  Hind and Pant. 
If what I have here written may prove effectual to the purpose it was designed, I shall think my labour well spent: but never be dismayed with the thoughts of being wondered at; or if any one should tell you 〈◊〉 Bear that's led through the Streets is no more: Pray ask him from me what Emperors hazard their Crowns for? General's venture their Lives for? Poets crack their Brains over their Paladian Oil for? I doubt all ends in being wondered at; crowed with a Mob in the Streets, who, by way of Gratitude, point at him, and cry, that's He; and if they do the same to you, 'tis but fancying yourself an Emperor, a General, a Poet, or a Lover, 'tis all one among Friends.  
Yours, BLOUNT. Burton. Staff. March 8. 1693.   

To the Right Honourable and most Ingenious Strephon, being a Discourse of Sir H. B's. De Anima.  
Ludgate-hill, Febr. 8th 1679. My Lord,  
Nothing less than the Honour of your Commands, could have inspired me with a Confidence sufficient to trouble your Lordship with this undigested heap of my Father's Thoughts concerning the Soul's acting, as it were, in a state of Matrimony with the Body: But since it is your Lordship's pleasure, as also to have them in his own very words, I have here set them down accordingly, and shall plead only your Lordship's Fiat for my Pardon.  
SPiritus in Nobis non manet in Identitate, sed rec●ns ingeritur per renovationem conti●●●m, sicut slamma, sed velociore transitu, quia ●word ●st spiritualior. Nos quotidie facti sumus 〈…〉 ●●seunt in nos: morimur & renas 〈…〉, neque iidem hodie & heri sumus, & personam quam transeuntem non sentimus, tandem pertransisse agnoscimas.  
Nulla est rerum transitio in nos, nisi per viam alimenti; omne alimentnm respectu alimentandi est consimile & debilius: Alimentantis corpus succrescit nobis in corpus; spiritus in spiritum. Non tamen proportio utriusque fit nobis ad proportionem Cibi & Potus, aut aeris nisi à nobis bene superantur; aliter etenim non alunt ingesta, sed opprimunt si fortiora sunt, corrumpunt si dissimilia, idque plus minusve pro gradu in utroque: Ideoque quo melius res procedat multa fieri oportet: primum prudens electio & moderatio eorum, quae ingerenda sunt; & deinceps debita praeparatio per artem, ut nobis similiora & debiliora fiant: ex parte Nostri praecipuum est exercitium ●requens sed modicum quo calor naturalis vigeat.  
Credibile est homines prout in iis pollet spiritus corpusve, alios melius in se convertere alimentantium spiritum, alios corpus: ideoque inter gulones & potores nonnulli minus stupidi redduntur quam alii, & nonuulli minus morboso & oppleto corpore evadunt quam alii: plaerumque tamen ingenio plus obest excessus in potu, quam in cibo; quia potus spirituosior est, corpus verò magis apprimitnr esculentis, quoniam ea ut magis corporea plus gravant.  
Anima sapiens lumen siccum: corpus sanum temperies sicca & pervia: ideoque siccare sed deobstruere convenit: idque fit victi exercitio & aere idoneis sed parum sagaciter plaeraque solum ut calida, frigida, humida vel sicca notamus: in illis qualitatibus non est rerum energia: longe divinius magisque intrinsecum quiddam est in rebus, quo rei cardo vertitur quodque solum experientia & effectu agnoscitur: est Deus in rebus; est que omnia, & omnia agit: illius namque infiniti corpus est omne & spiritus: ex eorum Vnione oritur creatura; quae etiam disperditur dissolutione istius Vnionis: cum autem omnia perpetuo sunt in motu de una conjectura in aliam, Mundi autem corpus & Spiritus aeterna sed no●as continuo conjuncturas ineunt; ideoqa● nos creaturae sumus aeterni Dei apparitiones momentaneae, quas tantum terris ostendunt fata, nec ultra esse sinunt, veluti effigies in Auleis.  
Dei opus sumus nos parentibus instrumentis; actionesque nostrae Dei sunt opera instrumentis nobis, sed per electionem nostram agentibus: ist a verò electio per aptas conjuncturas & Ideas adeo immissas invitatur & regitur.  
Per Condensationem & Rarefactionem partes Mundi corporeae fiunt Spiritus, & spirituales siunt corpora: sicque aeternè retro aguntur omnia: Lumen Jovi, tenebrae Plutoni; Lumen Plutoni, tenebrae Jovi: ut Hippocrates habet; cum Microcosmus à Mundo trahit, vivit Microc●smus: cum Mundus à Microcosmo trahit, deficit Microcosmus.  
These, my Lord, are only such twilight Conjectures as our human Reason (whereof we yet so vainly boast) can furnish us with: this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Divinum Aliquid, (as Hypocrates terms it) is that which does all things; but our Capacity not being able to discern it, makes us fasten either upon elementary Qualities, as Hypocrates and Galen do: or upon Geometrical Proportions, as our modern Descartes doth; so that (indeed) all Philosophy, excepting Sceptism, is little more than Dotage. Pardon, I beseech you, this Boldness from  
(My LORD) Your Lordship's most faithful humble Servant, BLOUNT.   

To the Right Honourable and most ingenious Strephon, giving a Political human account of the Subversion of Judaisme, Foundation of Christianity, and Origination of the Millenaries.  
Ludgate-Hill, Decemb. 1678. My Lord,  I humbly ask your Lordship's pardon for this presumption; but when I had last the honour of waiting upon you, your Lordship's candour gave me the freedom of Venting my own Thoughts; and then, as the subject of our discourse was, about the great Changes and Revolutions that from time to time had happened in the Universe, so I made bold to assert, that in all Mutations, as well Ecclesiastical, as Civil, I would engage to make appear to your Lordship, that a Temporal Interest was the great Machine upon which all human Actions moved; and that the common and general pretence of Piety and Religion, was but like Grace before a Meal: accordingly, I have presumed to trouble your Lordship with these ensuing remarks, to justify the same Assertion. 
THere was never any Republic which dwindled into a Monarchy, or Kingdom altered into an Aristoracy or Commonwealth, without a Series of preceding Causes that principally contributed thereunto; had not other Circumstances concurred, never had Caesar established himself, nor Brutus erected a Senate: And if you inquire, why the first Brutus expelled Tarquin, and the second could not overthrow Augustus and Anthony? Or why Lycurgus, Solon, and Numa, could establish those Governments, which others have since in vain attempted to settle in Genoa, Florence, and other places, you will find it to arise from hence: that some considering those antecedent Causes, which secretly and securely incline to a Change, took advantage thereof; whilst others did only regard the Speciousness or Justice of their Pretensions, without any mature examination of what was principally to be observed; for nothing is more certain, than that in these Cases, when the previous dispositions all intervene, but a very slight occasion, nay, oftentimes, a mere Casualty, opportunely taken hold on, and wisely pursued, will produce those Revolutions, which (otherwise) no humane Sagacity or Courage could have accomplished.  
I cannot find any authentic Ground to believe, that the Sects among the jews were more ancient than the days of the Maccabees, but arose after that Antiochus had subdued jerusalem, and reduced the generality of the jews to Paganism; when (the better to confirm his Conquests) he erected therein an Academy for the Pythagorean, Platonic and Epicurean Philosophers. This, I conceive, (and so do others) was the Original of the Pharisees, Sadduces and Essenes'; tho' afterwards, when the Macchabees had anathematised all that taught their Children the Greek Philosophy, one Party did justify their Tenets, by entituling them to Sadoc and Baithos, and the other to a Cabala derived successively from Ezra and Moses. The Introduction of those Sects, and of that Cabala, occasioned that Exposition of the Prophecy of jacob, viz. The Sceptre shall not depart from Judah, nor a Lawgiver from between his Feet, until Shilo come, and unto him shall the gathering of the People be. From whence they did (according to that fantastic Cabala) imagine, That whensoever the Sceptre should depart from judah, and the Dominion thereof cease, that then there should arrive a Messiah. But as for his being of the Line of David, this was no general Opinion; for how then could any have imagined- Herod the Great to have been the Messias? Or how could josephus fix that Character upon Vespasian, as him who should restore the Empire, and Glory of Israel, to whom all Nations should how, and submit unto his Sceptre? I do not read that the jews harboured any such Exposition during their Captivity under Nebuchadnezar; albeit that the Sceptre was at that time so departed from the Tribe of judah, and house of David, that it never was resettled in it more. After their return to jerusalem, no such thing is spoken of; when Antiochus Epiphanes subdued them, profaned their Temple, destroyed their Laws, and left them nothing of a Sceptre or Lawgiver; during all which time, notwithstanding they had the same Prophecies and Scriptures among them, there is no News of any expected Messiah. But after the Curiosity of the Rabbins had involved them in the pursuance of mystical Numbers, and pythagorically or cabalistically to explain them according to the Gematria, then was it first discovered, that Shiloh and Messiah consisted of Letters which make up the same Numerals, and therefore that a mysterious promise of a Redeemer was insinuated thereby as also, that the Prophecy of Balaam concerning a Star out of jacob, and a Sceptre rising out of Israel, with a multitude of other Predictions, (which the condition of their Nation made them otherwise to despair of) should be accomplished under this Messiah. I name no other Prophecies, because they are either general and indefinitely expressed as to the time of their Accomplishment, or inexplicable from their obscurity, or uncertain as to their Authority: such as are the Weeks of Daniel, which Book the jews reckon among their Hagiographa or Sacred, but not Canonical Books.  
This Prophecy likewise had a contradictory one, where 'tis said of Coniah, That no man of his seed shall prosper sitting upon the Throne of David, and ruling any more in Judah, jer. 22.30. Also Ezek. 22.26, 27. Thus saith the Lord God, Remove the Diadem, and take off the Crown, this shall not be th● same, etc. Now the aforesaid obscure Prophecy, which did not take effect at first, until the Reign of David, and which suffered such a variety of Interruptions, seemeth to have fallen under this Interpretation in the days of Herod the Great, whom the jews so hated for his Usurpation over the Macchabees Levitical Family, and for his general Cruelties, that he was particularly detested by the cabalistical Pharisees, who, to keep up the Rancour against him and his Lineage, as well as to alienate the People from him, I could easily imagine the Exposition of this Prophecy to have been for no other purpose. Neither perhaps was Herod much displeased with the said Interpretation of the Prophecy, after the Herodians had accommodated it to him, and made him the Messiah, who (after their Conquest and Ignominy under Pompey) having restored the jews to a great reputation and strength, and rebuilt their Temple, found some who could deduce his Pedigree from the thigh of jacob, as directly as David's and Solomon's were.  
Now this Construction of the Prophecy being inculcated into the People, and into all those jews, Strangers or Proselytes which resorted to jerusalem at their great Festivals, (from Alexandria, Antioch, Babylon, and all other parts where the jews had any Colonies) there arose an universal expectation of a Messiah to come, (excepting amongst the Herodians, who thought Herod the Messias) and afterwards possessed the jews (for our jews are but the Remains of the Pharisees) to this very day. But their impatience for his appearance, seems to have been less under Herod the Great, than ever since the first Interpretation of the Prophecy, (there being no mention of false Messiahs at that time) perhaps, because the Prophecy was not so clear and convincing whilst that Herod was King: since under him the Sceptre and Legislative Power seemed to be still in judah, tho' swayed by an Idumaean Proselyte, the Priesthood continued, the Temple flourished, and there was a Prince of the Sanhedrin, Rabbi Hillel, of the Lineage of David. But ten years after the Birth of Christ, when Archelaus was banished to Vienna, and judea reduced into the form of a Province, the Sceptre than seemed to be entirely departed from judah; the Kingdom was now become part of the Government of Syria, and ruled by a Procurator, who taxed them severely, than the sense of their miseries made the People more credulous; and whether they more easily believed what they so earnestly desired might happen, or whether the Malcontents (taking the advantage of their afflictions) did then more diligently insinuate into the multitude that opinion, it so happened, that there arose at that time sundry false Messiahs, and the World was big with expectation, (raised in every Country by the jews, who had received the intelligence from their common Metropolis jerusalem) that the great Prince was coming, who should re-establish the jewish Monarchy, and bring peace and happiness to all the Earth.  
Now these Circumstances made way for the reception of Christ, and the Miracles he did, (for Miracles were the only Demonstrations to the jews) convincing the People that he was the Messiah, they never stayed till he should declare himself to be so: (for I think he never directly told any he was so, but the Woman of Samaria) or evinced his Genealogy from David; (for tho' some mean persons called him the Son of David, and the Mobb by that Title did cry Hosanna to him, yet did he acquiesce in terming himself the Son of Man) but esteemed him a Prophet, Elias, jeremiah, and even the very Messiah. Also when he made his Cavalcade upon an Asinego, they extolled him as the Descendant of King David: but his untimely apprehension and death (together with his neglect to improve the inclination of the People to make him King) did allay the affections of the jews towards him, disappoint all their hopes, and so far exasperated them against him, that they who had been part of his Retinue at his entrance, did now call for his execution, and adjudge him by common Suffrage to be crucified: insomuch that his Disciples fly, the Apostles distrust, and sufficiently testify their unbelief, by not crediting his Resurrection. But after that he was risen again, and they assured thereof, they reassume their hopes of a temporal Messias, and the last Interrogatory they propose unto him, is, Lord, wilt thou at this time restore the Kingdom to Israel?  
After his Assumption into Heaven, they attended in jerusalem the coming of the Holy Ghost, which seized on them, and gave them the Gift of Tongues (as 'tis written) for a season; whereby they preached to the jews, Elamites, Parthians, Alexandrians, etc. (whom Salmasius shows, not to be absolute Strangers to the Natives of those Countries, but jews planted there) as also to the Proselytes. These being surprizeed with the Miracle of the Cloven Tongues, and Gift of Languages, as likewise being possessed with the desire and hopes of a Messiah, and being further ascertained by the Apostle Peter, That jesus (whom Pilate had crucified) was the Lord and Christ, were, to the number, of 3000, immediately baptised into his Name, and such as were to depart, when they came to their Colonies, did divulge the tidings, and engage other jews and Proselytes to the same Belief: the Apostles themselves going about, and ordaining likewise others to preach the glad tidings of a Messiah come; who (tho' dead) was risen again (according to the obscure Prediction of David) for the salvation of Israel: and whose second appearance would complete the happiness of all Nations, as well jews as Gentiles.  
Having thus therefore given your Lordship an Account of the subversion of judaism, as well as of the foundation of Christianity, the origination of the Millenaries is only the consequence of the Fall of the one, and Rise of the other; for it is apparent, that not only the jews, but also the Christians were Millenaries, and did believe and expect the temporal Reign of a Messiah, together with the Union of the jews and Gentiles under one most happy Monarchy. Not one of the two first Ages dissented from this Opinion; and they who oppose it, never quote any for themselves before Dionysius Alexandrinus, who lived (at least) 250 years after Christ. Of this Opinion was justin Martyr, and (as he says) all other Christians that were exactly Orthodox. Irenaeus sets it down exactly for a Tradition, and relates the very words which Christ used when he taught this Doctrine; so that if this Tenet was not an universal Tradition in the primitive Times, I know not what Article of our Faith will be found to be such. This Doctrine was taught by the consent of the most eminent Fathers of the first Centuries, without any opposition from their Contemporaries; and was delivered by them, not as Doctors, but Witnesses: and not as their own Opinion, but as Apostolic Tradition. Moreover, it was with this pretence of Christ's being a coming to reign with them here in Glory, that stopped the mouths of the unbelieving jews, who before, upon his death and suffering like other Men, began to doubt very much of the power of his Messiaship, which made them distrust his reigning in Glory amongst them here on Earth, as it was foretold the Messiah should do; wherefore this Millenary Invention of his coming again to reign in Glory salved all.  
And thus your Lordship sees, the wickedness of men's Natures is such, that all Revolutions whatever both in Church and State, as well as all Mutations both in Doctrine and Matters of Faith, be they never so pious and sacred, or never so beneficial and useful to Mankind, both in their Souls and Bodies, yet they must still be seconded by some private temporal Interest, and have some humane Prop to support them, or else all will not do. My Lord, I am sensible I have a thousand Pardons to ask your Lordship for this tedious impertinence, but to do so at this time, were but to lengthen, and consequently add to my Crime: So I shall only beg the honour to subscribe myself at present,  
(MY LORD) Your Lordship's most obedient humble Servant, BLOUNT.   

To his Ingenious Friend Mr. Ph. Lodging between the Two Temple Gates in Fleetstreet, concerning the several Sorts of Augury practised among the Ancients, 1692.  
SIR,  
ACcording to your desire, I have sent you my few inconsiderable Observations concerning that sort of the ancient Heathenish Superstitions, which was committed to the management of their Augurs. There were two kinds of Augury, Natural, and Artificial: the Natural was taken from a constant Experiment of Events following upon such and such Causes of Signs; the Artificial was that which was interpreted by Augur to portend something more than can be known by the ordinary course of Nature. Cicero herein mentions two sorts of Priests, whereof the first took care of the Ceremonies and Rites; the second of Divinations, and foretelling things to come; of which sorts, it was lawful only for the latter to be Augurs or Prophets. Again, these were divided in three Orders, Augurs, Haruspices, and Extispices; who had all distinct Colleges, but yet they were all Priests.  
There were five principal kinds of Augury; the first taken from the Heavens, or superior parts of the world: the second from Birds: the third from two footed Creatures: the fourth, from four footed ones: and the fifth or last ex divis, or from unusual Prodigies. They likewise took Divinations from Sneezing once, twice, thrice, or oftener, as signifying something to come, either good or bad. Itching, Palpitation, and shaking or trembling of some Limbs, or some parts of the Body; had their Interpretation also: of all which the Egyptians are said to have been the first Authors.  
The Birds commonly used for Augury were of two sorts: Praepetes, such as Eagles, Vultures, Butiones, Sanquales and Immussuli, of whom Pliny speaks, and which may be a certain kind of Hawk; the other sort are called Oscines, as foreboding something to come, by their Voice, Tune or singing. All manner of Owls were thought fatal; but Swans the contrary. Other Birds, together with certain Infects, as Bees, Ants, Locusts, etc. did signify sometimes good, and sometimes bad, in the observation whereof, the Augurs regarded the sight of the Heavens, as supposing certain Planets did preside and govern at some hours, more than others. Young Birds were not admitted into Auguries, as not being of ripe understanding. Some Predictions were also taken from Fishes, as Pliny saith, whereby we may see that Superstition, like Fire, endeavours to resolve all things into itself, or like a cunning Expositor, interprets every Text to the Interest of his own party: for it here appears, that all Animals whatsoever, were in some degree, time or place thought to be ominous.  
Auguries were taken at the same time Meat was given to Chickens, which was called Bolistima Tripudia: these Auguries were never undertaken till the Gods were first invoked with much solemnity. At which time a procession was made by the Senators, Patricii, and better sort of the People, who were for the most part crowned with Bays, and attended with their Wives and Children, they again being followed by the inferior sort: Before all whom the Pontifex Maximus marched in great state, having about him only certain young Boys and Virgins, either crowned with or carrying Laurels in their hands, and singing certain Verses, which tended to the Demanding of the God's prosperity and peace, (as occasion was;) and in this pompous manner they made a Procession to the Temple of their Gods; whose Images were carved with Garlands, called by the Ancients Strophia, made of Vervin. There were also Lectisternia, or-Canopy-Beds appointed for the Gods with much Magnificence and Ceremony, that, when they pleased, they might repose themselves thereon by Couples; as jupiter with juno, Neptune with Minerva, Apollo with Diana, Mars with Venus, or Vulcan with Vesta, & c● sometimes also the same Gods were represented in company with other Goddesses, as it pleased the Priests, whereof you may read Gell. lib. 5.1. Now from hence the manner of the Christians going in Procession was thought to be first taken; it being esteemed but a politic and wise part in them to conform their Religious Rite● as much as was possible, to the practic● of the ancient Roman Empire, without innovating more than needs must.  
Plato attributes much to this Art in a Natural Way; and for my own part, I think, as the Ancient esteemed this Art of Divining too much, so we esteem it too little; since, as many of their Observations concerning Auguries, were either superstitious, or vain, or devised only to abuse the People● so, on the other side, useful Observations might have been taken from those Signs, the Event whereof followed in a constant method and way.  
These Arts have been very ancient, especially in Italy, Greece, and Asia minor; where one Car or Cara is said to have invented them, and Orpheus to have multiplied them: for as they there wanted the knowledge of Divination by the Stars, in that perfection as the Egyptians and Chaldeans had it, so they devised these Arts to make themselves esteemed Prophets. The Romans learned this Art from the Hetruscians, to whom they sent six Children of their best Families to learn their discipline at a place not far from Florence, formerly called Fesulae, and now Fiesoli, where a College of Augurs flourished; Another also was built at Rome, which Sylla augmented to the number of 24. This being all I have to trouble you with upon this subject, I shall take my leave, and subscribe myself,  
(SIR) Your most faithful Friend and Servant BLOUNT.   

To the justly honoured Sir W. L. ●. to be left for him in the Speakers Chamber, concerning the Regulations of Corporations, and Surrenderer of Charters, 1691.  
SIR,  
IF to have a Picture drawn by a Michael Angelo, a Raphael, or by the hand of some eminent Master, be an advantage to the Person for whom it is drawn; then certainly it is no less an Honour for a Country to be so well represented in Parliament, as ours is by you. Foreign Courts have no better a taste of the Wisdom and Grandeur of their Neighbouring Princes, than from the Ambassadors they send: nor● can any thing be a greater Testimony of the Loyalties, Prudence and Integrity, either of Country, City, or Corporation, than the Election of such Magistrates, as are both Loyal, Prudent and honest; who (like yourself) have no other Interest, but the true service of their King, and those whom they represent; as well maintaining the Prerogative of the one, as supporting the Liberty of the other; wherein, as by the King's Prerogative, I mean not his single Will, or (as Divines pretend) a power to do what he list, only the King's Law, or a Law relating, particularly to himself: so likewise, by the People's Liberty, I mean not the Licentiousness of a Mobb, but only a Liberty according to Law, whereby we might assert our Rights, and maintain our Freeholds; which Liberty has been too lately in danger of being devoured, not so much by Foreigners and Papists, as by our own Natives, and those too, who have the Impudence to call themselves Protestant's, even without blushing: I mean our late Regulators of Corporations, and Surrenderers of Charters, in the two former Reigns, upon whose account it is, that I presume to give you this present trouble, as hearing it will be the next Business upon which your House designs to fall; and hope the Offences are not so long passed, but that, Parthian like, you may yet shoot back some punishments upon the Offenders: since 'tis but reasonable, that they who mortgaged the Kingdom in the last Reign, should pay the Interest of their Crimes in this.  
Therefore, Sir, with submission, I do humbly conceive, that to make the Church of England concerned in the preservation of the late Regulators of Corporations, or surrenderers of Charters, is one of the greatest Indignities can be put upon her: and something like reviving the old Popish Law of Sanctuaries, making her once more become (as it were,) an Asylum or place of Refuge for the most notorious Malefactors. Pardon me, if it be an Error, to join ●hese Regulators & Surrenderers together; I do but imitate Nature herein, and am unwilling to make a separation between the Arm that gives the strength, and the Hand t●at gives the Blow. The Charter of each Corporation was the undoubted Right and F●eehold of the same, as well as of every ●ndividual Member of the same: wherefore he that had any hand in Surrendering or delivering up such a Charter, did, what in him lay, to betray, nay, to rob the people of their Inheritances. And if the Church of England can be supported only by such ill men, the Lord have mercy upon her! if a Father of a Family has one Son that proves an Extravagant, and sells his Birthright, may not that Son be disinherited without a total Ruin to the whole Family? I hope the Church of England has many more Sons, and many better Friends to stand by her, than those who were concerned in so foul an Action's And that it does not follow by consequence, If we seclude all ill men from the Government, none but fanatics would be left in— No, I will not, I cannot do so much honour to that Party, as to admit of such an Objection.  
Of how great importance an honest, impartial and duly elected House of Commons is to this Nation, every Body well knows: and the ill effects of the contrary, I think, is unknown to no body. My old Lord Burleigh used to say, We can never be throughly ruined, but by a Parliament. They may cut the Throats of us and our Posterity by a Law; whereas all other Arbitrary Acts of Violence or Tyranny in a Prince, will either vanish by his Death, or blow over with every adverse Gale of Fortune that attacks him. And this (undoubtedly) was well known to those Instruments in the last Reigns, who were so zealously affected for the regulating Corporations, that they would not have left one man amongst them, who should not jurare in Verba Magistri, have done as a Popish King and his Popish Councils had dictated to them. So that, I confess, I cannot but couple these Regulators or Surrenderers together with those Judges and other Gentlemen of the Long Robe, who were for the Annihilating and Dispencing Power. Since, these were the only sort of men, who (in those times,) laid the Axe to the Root of the Tree: These were the men that were to have hewn down our Government, and burned both it and us in Smithfield Fire: These were the men tha● should have plundered the Rights of each Corporation: and then, (like so many Catiline's, to secure the Ills that they had done, by doing greater still,) have sent up such Members to Parliament, such Representatives, such truly Representatives of themselves, as should have confirmed their own Iniquities by a Law; in so much as, the honest Subject of England was, at that time, but like a Traveller fallen into the hands of Thiefs, who first take away his Money, and then to secure themselves, take away his Life: They Rob him by Providence, and then murder him by Necessity. The Casuists (as one observes,) do well distinguish, when they say, He that lies with his Mother commits Incest; but he who marries his Mother does worse, by applying God's Ordinance to his Sin. In like manner He that commits Murder with the Sword of Justice, aggravates his Crime to the highest Degree: As these Gentlemen of whom I have been speaking, would have done, in making the Government Felo de se, and ●●cessary to its own Ruin.  
Sir, all that I can say of this matter is, 〈◊〉 certainly never was a greater Rape 〈◊〉 upon any Government, and there 〈◊〉 doubt not of your Interest to have the Delinquents brought to a Condign Punishment, for the Exemplary Benefit of future Ages: which that they may be, is the hearty desire of,  
(SIR) Your most obliged humble Servant BLOUNT  
Possibly, Sir, a motion of a General Punishment, may produce a General Pardon; wherefore it will be the surest way, to rest satisfied with making Example of some few of the most notorious and Capital Offenders. And further, that all Persons (how obnoxious soever in this case) who yet refused to take away the Penal Laws and Test, might be exempt from any Punishment whatever; that at the same time you reprove an ill Action, you may reward that which was good.   

To Dr. R. B.— of a God.  
I Have perused your Arguments for the proof of a Deity, but think that you undertook a needless trouble, since I'm confident there's no man of sense that doubts whether there be a God or no. The Philosophers of Old of the Theodorean sect, that had spent all their time and study to establish the contrary as a truth, when they came to die confuted all their Arguments by imploring some Deity; as Bion in particular: I know not whether the Idea of a God be Innate or no, but I'm sure that it is very soon imprinted in the minds of Men; and I must beg Mr. Locks pardon if I very much question those Authorities he quotes from the Travels of some men, who affirm some Nations to have no notions of Deity; since the same has been said of the Inhabitants of the Cape of Good Hope, which the last account of that place proves to be false. And if there be a God, the necessary Qualities that must be granted him, will not permit a man that ●easons right of things to question his Care and Providence over humane Affairs. Tho' I confess it a superficial way of Dispute; the Epicureans may seem to have some Reason to conclude, that the Deity has no care of mankind, because the confusion in humane affairs, and the general triumphs of Wrong over Right, the preposterous endeavours of men in the pursuit of Happiness, (which consisting in mutual offices, yet they doing one another what mischief they can, by the means destroy the end, and bring all things into such a confusion) would persuade it, and almost make one think, if what the Pythagoreans and Chaldeans held of Souls were true, viz. That they were created in Heaven, and thence transmitted to the Bodies for punishment, that we are Devils, our Malice to each other, our abounding Villainies gave some occasion for such thoughts. This consideration gave that Beauty to the beginning of Claudians in Rufinum, which a certain Critic admired so much, that he said, he that had amind to be a Poet, should settle that perfectly in his memory, viz.  
Saepe mihi dubiam traxit sententia mentem  
Curarent superi terras an ullus inesset  
Rector an incerto fluerent Mortalia Casu, etc.  
The form and beauty of the Universe would not let the considering Heathens doubt but there was a God; but the confusion of humane affairs, made others think they were left to Chance. Tho' if they had throughly considered the mater, they must have thought first that since all the rest of the Inanimate, and merely Corporeal Substances, not dignified with undershanding, by the exact and regular Order they observe, discover some divine Disposer and Providence; that certainly man evidently more excellent, and not be wholly destitute of all regard of Providence, or indeed be thought to have less than the more ignoble Being's. Next, that if they confessed a God, they must not deprive him of his necessary perfections, and certainly a Providence over his Works is one.  
Having said all this, I may venture to tell you, that the very foundation of your Arguments will not hold, since you pretend to demonstrats it in your Analytick Method from the existence of Man: you begin thus. 1. Humane Kind that now inhabits the Earth, did not always exist, as all Histories make appear, asserting Man had a beginning. This they not only plainly testify, but imply the same thing by the series of those things, which they deliver; for there is no History that pretends to give an account of the transactions of above six Thousand years or thereabouts.  
This being the first step of your Progression, and which being removed, all the rest falls to the Ground: give me leave to tell you, that all things that are not self-evident, should be proved, or not pass upon us in Philosophy; but this, you have laid for your foundation is so far from being self-evident, that it is extremely controvertible. For tho' our Chronology in less than six thousand years come up to the Creation, that of Eusebius being the longest, and the only that exceeds that sum. Yet this takes not in all Nations, and if it did, the Argument is weak, since 'tis possible there may have been Histories of them that reached farther, tho' now lost. Or perhaps they kept no Records, for the uncertainty of the Greek Chronology before the Olympiads, shows us they came but late to a regular observation of time. And the Roman Histories can give us no assurance or certainty, when or by whom Rome was built. Livy tells us of Romulus and Remus, Sallust, says, the Trojans built it, and concludes it uncertain: I know as to the time they are more positive● reckoning ab urbe condita, tho' I can't think there can be an absolute certainty of their computation, since that was begun some years at least after its Foundation.  
Besides, to draw an Argument from this, that because we have no History that exceeds six thousand years, therefore the World was not before, is all one as if I should say, that because the Goths, Vandals, and other barbarous Nations were not known till the time of the Roman Empeperors, therefore they were not in being before.  
But since our Correspondence with China, we have found they have Records & Histories of four or six thousand years' date before our Creation of the World; and who knows but some other Nations may be found out hereafter, that may go farther, and so on. Nay, the Chinese themselves in a traditional account, tell us, That the Posterity of Panzon, and Panzona, inhabited the Earth 90000 years. The Bramins of Guzarat said the year 1639, that there had passed 326669 Ages, each Age consisting of a number of years, and if I mistake not Centurys. Nay the Egyptians in the time of their King Amasis' Contemporary with Cyrus, had the Records, and Story of 13000 years, and a succession of 330 Kings, which shows they were not Lunary years.  
But you may say after all these accounts they settle some beginning of it: true, they pretend to have Records of no more; but it follows not from thence that there had been no other Ages before, whose Records, if they kept any, were lost, or of no use: and a good reason for the loss of the Records of Countries, is the several Revolutions they have been subject to. The Inhabitants of the Earth changing their places from one part of it to another, as if there were a necessary Circulation in that, as in the Blood of Man, and the Waters of Rivers, etc. Next, the Earth and Sea, in process of time some very able Philosophers hold, have changed places; and in the destruction of Conntries by these several ways, their Records may very well be supposed to be lost. Besides, the Languages and Characters altering, they would be of no use to Posterity; so if spared in the havoc of Time, permitted to perish afterward. As in the Kingdom of Trigremaen in Aethiopia, superior in Africa; where in the City of Caxumo, the Aux●me of Ptolemy, there are now Obelisks full of engraved Characters, which none of the Africans can read; as there are also on the Coasts of Safola.  
Mr. L. Clerk has split upon the same Rock with you: I would therefore desire you to consider this Point a little more seriously, and build your Demonstration of a thing of this Consequence on a firmer Basis, else instead of promoting the Cause, you espouse, you only give advantages to those who would be thought at least to be what they are not. I hope you'll pardon this freedom of,  
SIR● Your friend, and humble Servant CHAR. GILDON.   

To Charles Blount Esq.  
AFter so many Favours, you must think me a very impudent Beggar indeed, to importune you for more; but as I'm sensible the Benefits you bestow are the effects of a generous Nature, so I persuade myself, that the pleasure you have in conferring them, lessen the assurance of my ask; especially in a disquisition of this Nature, which may afford a more substantial profit to my Mind, than Favours of another kind, which I must always acknowledge I owe to you; and none would be a greater, than your employing me in something that may be serviceable to you, for than I shall be able to convince you, that my Will extends beyond a bare Acknowledgement.  
I have often doubted whether there were any such thing as a pure Spirit independent of all Body and Matter: And, I must own, I think that there can be no such thing as 'tis vulgarly apprehended. For what Idea can we form of it? Thought, generally taken for the Essence of the Soul, seems only the Action, or an Accident of it, since the Mind is often without it, as Body without Motion, or any particular Modification of it. So that we may consider the Soul without Thought, but not Thought without some Subject to in here in (unless by Abstraction) no more than roundness without some round Body. And why the Intima Natura, that composes the Matter, which goes to the making up that definition of Body, as Extension, Divisibility, Impenetrability, should be incapable of receiving the accident of Thought, I can find no Reason; for being ignorant of the nature of those contiguous Particles of Matter that are extended divisible, and impenetrable, how can we pretend to decide it magisterially against this Opinion, especially since Memory, Wit and Judgement, the noblest Qualities of the MIND, are agreed by the Naturalists, (as is evident from Physic) to have so great a dependence on the Mechanism of the Brain, etc. And to show plainly that we are ignorant of this inmost nature of things, one Example may suffice, since we take the definition from certain general Qualities we discover in Matter. As for Example, a Seed of Pepper— we see 'tis extended, divisible, and impenetrable; but we discover not what that quality of heating the mouth is composed of, or proceeds from; or what secret power those Particles have, to affect the Sense in that manner. So in all other things 'tis not Extension, etc. that compose the Body, but some other occult thing we know not what, of which Extension, etc. are the consequence, whether it be the congregation of Atoms, or other invisible Particles of Matter solid or subtle, tho' it must be confessed that even the least of these Atoms has the same Qualities; but yet it must be also granted, they have other Qualitys probably not less in number, which we know nothing of; so that when I term Extension, etc. the consequence of those occult Qualities we know not, I mean a co-existent consequence, as the consequence of a self-evident Principle. But if the Soul be not Matter, tho' more fine and subtle than the Body, 'tis very strange the chief Part of us should be of such a nature that we can form no Idea of it. But 'tis stranger yet, that Men should think it so necessary to believe so, when a more obvious and intelligible Opinion would answer all the ends of Religion as well. They must acknowledge the Soul a Substance, and we have no Idea of Substance distinct from that of Body. If they have any, they would do well to impart it to the grosser understandings of the rest of the World.  
But these Gentlemen that advance this Opinion of pure immaterial Substances, trust to Fancy, and mere Conjectures, which they can give no account at all of, but by one only Accident, viz. THOUGHT; which they can never demonstrate incapable of inhering in Body modefyed to that purpose, tho' not in all Bodies; for I think Mr. Bently's far from Demonstrations, since they rise only to a Probability. But by making Thought the Essence of the Soul, they distinguish it not from that of Beasts; for they think, and have perhaps something equivalent to Reason, or must at least be granted equal to Idects. Nay, this proves, that either Thought and Matter are not incompatible; or that the Essence of the Souls of Men and Beasts is the same, and by consequence both mortal, or both immortal, for they both think. Besides, since 'tis evident from this uncontrovertible Maxim, Nemo dat quod non habet, that the Qualities of all things; and therefore of Body, are in God himself (that is in an infinite degree of perfection) the most pure of Spirits, 'tis not likely that Body should be derogatory to the purity of infinitely inferior Spirits.  
On this Corporiety of Spirits depends a more obvious Explanation of two Texts of Scripture, than I have met with in any of the vulgar and general Comments (supposing the Book of Genesis a true History of matter of Fact, and no Parable, as Dr. Burnet contends in his Archiologiae) If the Angels have Bodies, we may, without Absurdity, suppose them to generate with Women, and so the Sons of God might enter with the Daughters of men, and beget a Race of Giants on them. For 'tis unaccountable to me, that none but the Daughters of Iniquity (as the vulgar Interpreters will have it) should be capable of bearing so robust a Generation. The other place is in the Epistles of St. Paul, where he enjoins the Women to be covered in the Church because of the Angels. For the Church being the more peculiar place of the Ministry of Angels, they might, perhaps, by the beauty of that Sex, be diverted from their Duty. This Opinion would restore the freewill to the Angels, which I can't conceive should be so absolutely necessary for the justification of Man, as the Clergy would persuade us, and yet not at all requisite to that of Angels. If freewill was taken from them on the Fall, of one part of 'em, they met with a more indulgent Fate than Man, who still possesses it to his Ruin.  
These Considerations suggest an odd extravagant Thought, which I must set down, if it be but to make you laugh, and, I hope, you'll pardon my impertinent freedom—  
The Thought is this—  
Who knows but this Race of Men was first of Angelic Degree, till by the bewitching Smiles of Woman (the most lovely Brute of the Universe) betrayed to Mortality i● her Embraces. And then perhaps Columb●● might be the first of the Sons of Noah, tha● entered the new discovered World of America, which might be a Race deriv●d from some other deluded Angels, won by the same destructive Bait.  
Pardon me if I think the Pandora of the Heathens (to say nothing of our Eve) may favour this Imagination.  
But these are only indigested Thoughts, I dare neither yield nor deny my Assent to, till I know your Judgement, which has a very great Influence over,  
SIR, Your much obliged Friend, And humble Servant, CHARLES' GILDON.   

To Mr. B. Fellow of— College.  
IN the last you honoured me with, you said you were now giving yourself to the study of Philosophy, which makes me desire you to give me your Thoughts upon these following Heads, in as brief a manner as may be.  

1. Whether there be a Succession in Eternity, or i● be as Boe●●us desines it Interminabiles vitae to ●a si ●nd & perfecta possessi●, ●ut be building his Opinion with the rest of the old Platonists on a false Supposition, seems to me in the wrong: For they imagined that it would be incompatible with the Immutability of God, not to have his whole Existence to be all once, his duration measured, as Mr. Cow does by the Phrase of An Eternal now, because they thought by succession he must lose those parts that are past, and gain those that are to come, and only enjoy the present. But the Imperfection of Succession in Creatures is no good Argument that it must be so in God; for 'tis true that they both receive and lose by it, because as they grow old, they acquire or are deprived of some property, which cannot happen in God. But that which makes most for this Opinion, is that since the contrary is not built on Revelation, there is no Reason we should implicitly yield our assent to it on the bare Authority of the Platonists, unless they could make us understand it; for I defy any one to think of Eternity without the Idea of Succession.  
2. As to the Origin of Good and Evil, methinks 'tis less contradictory, and unreasonable to believe as the Ancient Peastans did, that there were two beginnings of things, the one Good, and the other Evil. For how can Evil proceed from a Being infinitely Good, and without whom nothing is, if Evil be not? And if Dr. Burnet has proved Genesis but a Parable, why may not the Persians be as much in the right as the jews.  
3. Supposing the Soul Immaterial, why may not Material Fire have an operation on it, since the Body so much influences it in this Life.  
4. I would fain know what Reason some men have (and those Philosophers) to term any one quality in God more excellent than an other; for certainly let the number be infinite, so must the perfection of each be, else the Infinite Being would in some be less Infinite, or rather Finite; for I think there's no medium betwixt Infinite, and Finite; nor any difference can I discover betwixt two equally infinite Qualities. If therefore the Qualities of all things are, and by consequence originally were (for God's Qualitys can neither increase nor suffer diminution) in God, as it may be evidently proved, than it follows that those of Body are of equal excellency with those of Spirits, since equally in him, and all the Qualities of God are infinitely perfect.  
5. The opinion of the Plurality of Worlds seems more agreeable to God's infinite (for so must all God's Qualities be) communicative Qve Quality to be continually making new Worlds, since other ways this Quality or Act of Creating would be only once exerted, and for infinite duration lie useless and dormant. But it seems strange, that only once this Infinite desire of Communicating his Infinite Glory should be put in practice, and that only to so little, and inconsiderable a Number as all the Sons of Adam can make up, in comparison of Infinity. The opinion of Plurality of Worlds does at least give us a more August Idea of the Wisdom and Power of God, and of his infinit● Perfections, than to imagine all that Infinite Extension should be like a barren Heath, without any Productions of the Infinite Being, and not filled with Infinite and Endless Worlds.   
But these are Doubts enough to be resolved in one better, if you will answer them, I shall be extremely obliged to you, since they are designed for the public view; and I would willingly have them resolved, of which I'm sensible you are very capable. I am  
Your obliged humble Servant, C. GILDON.   

To CHARLES' BLOUNT Esq Of Natural Religion, as opposed to Divine Revelation.  
NAtural Religion is the Belief we have of an eternal intellectual Being, and of the Duty which we owe him, manifested to us by our Reason, without Revelation or positive Law: The chief Heads whereof seem contained in these few Particulars.  

1. That there is one infinite eternal God, Creator of all Things.  
2. That he governs the World by Providence.  
3. That 'tis our Duty to worship and obey him as our Creator and Governor.  
4. That our Worship consists in Prayer to him, and Praise of him.  
5. That our Obedience consists in the Rules of Right Reason, the Practice whereof is Moral Virtue:  
6. That we are to expect Rewards and Punishments hereafter, according to our Actions in this Life; which includes the Soul's Immortality, and is proved by our admitting Providence.  
Seventhly, That when we err from the Rules of our Duty, we ought to Repent, and trust in God's mercy for Pardon.   
That Rule which is necessary to our future Happiness, aught to be generally made known to all men.  
But no Rule of Revealed Religion was, or ever could be made known to all men.  
Therefore no Revealed Religion is necessary to future Happiness.  
The Major is thus proved:  
Onr Future Happiness depends upon err obeying, or endeavouring to fulfil the known Will of god.  
But that Rule which is not generally known, cannot be generally obeyed.  
Therefore that Rule which is not generally known, cannot be the Rule of our Happiness.  
Now the Minor of the first Syllogism is matter of Fact, and uncontrovertible, that no Religion supernatural has been conveyed to all the World; witness the large Continent of America, not discovered till within this two Hundred Years; where if there were any Revealed Religion, at least it was not the Christian.  
And if it be objected to the whole, That the ways of God's dealing with the Heathen as to Eternal Mercy, are unknown to any; and that he will Judge them by the Law of Nature, or (in other terms) the Rules of Natural Religion or Morality. We urge again, that either those Laws of Natural Religion are sufficient, if kept, to Happiness; or they who could know no more, are out of a possibility of a future state of Blessedness: because they could not comply with Laws they know not: And in saying this, they deny God's Infinite Goodness, which provides for all his Creatures the means of attaining that Happiness, whereof their Natures are capable. Again, if they urge, that Natural Religion is sufficient, but not possible to be lived up to. The same answer falls more heavy upon them; That then there is no visible means left for the greater part of Mankind to be happy: And to do our duty according to what we are able, is but a cold comfort, if we have no Assurance or Hope at least in the means we have laid before us.  
Now if they infer, that therefore a Revealed Religion is necessary, because the Natural will not suffice, is to beg the Question, and to begin again the Dispute: for we hold that a Natural Religion will suffice for our Happiness; because it is the only general means proposed. And tho' we affirm not that we can wholly live up to it; yet that a general expiation is discovered in the Natural Religion, viz. Penitence, and Resolution of Amendment that we acknowledge.  
Sir Charles Wolsy tells us what is most ●rue, that Mankind in all Ages has applied to God, as guilty and Offenders; that all have agreed an Expiation was necessary, but looked up to him for the Revealation of it: wherefore they used several Sacrifices and Lustrations, which they had, or thought they had revealed.  
This I think so weak an Argument for a revealed Religion, that it serves rather ●o destroy it, because, that granting all Ages have thought an Expiation necessary, 〈◊〉 first their differing in the outward means, showed the means was uncertain; And if there had been any outward Expiation necessary, it must have been known generally, or the force of the first Argument holds good, namely, that it is not possible for the greatest part of Mankind to be happy hereafter, where the means of compassing it was known to them.— But, 2dly, these several Expiations were indeed all but Symbolical, and referred to our Sorrow and Repentance: That it is the true and only Expiation of Sin, and is so agreed upon by all men in all Ages, and of all Religions, wherefore take it for an undoubted Truth: and this not revealed, but innate, and a part of Natural Religion.  
The same may be said of the Doctrinal part of it: Thus are the things generally known and believed; but all end in the practice of Virtue, and Reverence of the Deity.  
Now all Revealed Religions are different from each other; and you cannot prove any one of them to be truer than the rest, before you can prove that one of them must be true; and if once known true, mankind would all agree in it; otherwise those marks of Truth in it were not visible, which are necessary to draw an unviversal assent.  
For Rewards and Punishments hereafter, the Notion of them has not been universally received; for the Heathens disagreed in the Doctrine of the immortality of the Soul: But grant that they seem reasonable, because they are deduced from the Doctrine of Providence, which the most Rational of the Heathens held: For if God governs all things, he is just, because it is a part of Infinite Perfection; and if so, he either rewards here, or hereafter; but not always here, therefore hereafter. Yet if they who hold Revelation, will grant that they are parts of Natural and unrevealed Religion, because the wisest men have inclined to hold them amongst the Heathen, and now do in all Opinions; than it follows that by living up to the Dictates of Reason and Penitence, when we fail i● so doing, men may be happy in a future state, without any help of Revealed Religion, which is all I contend for.  
The great Objections against the validity of Natural Religion to Eternal Happiness, seem to be these.  
1. That this Doctrine was never generally held in any Age; and therefore seems not to carry that light of Moral certainty in it, which we hold necessary to establish the tr●th of a Religion: for we say that Religion is only true, which is or may be reasonable, and convincing to all men; now if it be not generally held, it appears not convincing.  
This Objection has not really the weight in it, which it seems to carry at first sight; for 'tis evident that many men of all Religions at this day, have centred in the Opinion of Natural Religion, and its sufficiency of Happiness. The Heathen Philosophers and Poets (who were the first Priests) did at the bottom acknowledge Virtue to be the guide of all our Actions; and all their Mysteries referred to a good Life, and to Repentance. At this day the learned in all Religions hold the same: this they agree in; in the outward Ceremonies of every Religion, they are every man content to Conform to those of their own Country. Which is an Argument for us, that whatever new Religions have sprung up, yet they have all retained this part thereof, viz. that they disagreed amongst themselves.  
'Tis confessed that whole Nations have never followed our Opinion: but how many of a Nation ever consider to the bottom of any Religion! that which is established draws the vulgar, who inquires not beyond it. And, besides, our Opinion is so Charitable, that we do not exclude any Dissenters from eternal Happiness: God may be pleased with different Worships, because we say that all Worships are included in Prayer, Praise, exercise of Virtue and Penitence, when we have done amiss: So that the foundation being the same, we labour not in the Superstructures, which are only the Modes and Circumstances of Religion.  
2. The next Objection against the Sufficiency of Natural Religion to Happiness eternal, is only a bare Affirmation of our Adversaries, That Natural Religion is but an imperfect Light, which God gives us so far, as that by improving it, we may arrive at a Supernaturl Knowledge. As suppose I were going to Whitehall from Goventgarden Church, and can then see only to the end of the Strand before me, but coming thither, am directed further.  
But I wholly deny any Natural Light can lead me to a Supernatural; there is no proportion betwixt those two extremes: There is a Gulf betwixt, a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: And 'tis not so easy a passage as from Covent-garden to Whitehall; 'tis rather from Covent-Garden to some place beyond the Caelum Empyraeum, and wholly out of the boundaries of Nature. Also to prove that God can reveal to me what is farther Necessary, when I have used my best Natural Endeavours, is only to prove that God is Omnipotent and Infinite; but proves not that 'tis necessary he should or will do it: for a posse ad esse non valet Consequentia. I have already endeavoured to prove that it is not necessary he should reveal more; and therefore till that point be determined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I humbly doubt and suspend my Belief.  
3. Another Objection may be this: That there is no foundation in Natural Religion for a virtuous Life; or at least not so great as in a Revealed Religion, where Rewards and Punishments are proposed. So that a mere Moral Man upon bare Virtue, will be discouraged when he sees Virtue not rewarded here.  
A second Objection is, That there is a difference betwixt our condition, and that of the Heathens: for if they lived up to the height of Virtue and known Reason, they might (say some charitable Christians) be happy in a future condition: We cannot, because a revealed Religion has been discovered to us, more than to them, tho' we believe it not: Therefore we ought in our own defence to embrace it, because that by the Principles of a Natural Religion we grant, that those of a revealed may be saved: but they of the revealed deny that safety to us. (A foolish Catholic Argument.)  
To the first Objection we Answer: That Rewards and Punishments are acknowledged in Natural Religion, and are to expect them in a future Life answerable to our Actions here; and according to the Justice and Mercy of the great Creator. And till you prove they are inconsistent with the doctrine of Natural Religion, we need answer no further to your Argument.  
To the second Objection; It supposes like the other; first, a Supernatural Religion, which is to prove. And if the Heathens living up to the height of Natural Religion, might be eternally happy, I see no reason but why we may be so too; for if our Happiness depends upon our Belief, we cannot firmly believe till our Reason be convinced of a Supernatural Religion: And if the Reasons of it were evident, there could be no longer any Contention about Religion: All men would embrace the same, and acquiesce in it; no prejudice would prevail against the certainty of a future good. 'Tis every man's greatest business here to labour for his Happiness, and consequently none would be backward to know the means.  
For the Inference, namely, that tho' a Supernatural Religion be dubious, yet 'tis the safest way to embrace it. I first Answer That I cannot embrace what comes not within the compass of my knowledge: And if I cannot believe, 'tis a sign the Evidence is not strong enough to make me. And secondly,  
Two Arguments there are, which Sir Ch. Wolsy calls Demonstrations to prove a Revealed Religion:— 

The first is, The Notion of Sin, or deviation from good in all men; a repugnant Principle to Virtue; a lapse from our first estate, wherein God, who is all good, must needs create us, and which the World has generrlly acknowledged by Lustrations and Sacrifices to appease the Deity: This he says, we can know by no other Light but Revelation, etc.  
Secondly, The approaches to God, and propitiation must be immediately and supernatually discovered, how he will be appeased.    
To the first, I Answer; This generally acknowledged Lapse of Nature that it came may be discovered by Nature, viz. by Natural Reason; how it came, 'tis reasonable to conclude without Revelation, namely, by a deviation from the right Rule of Reason implanted in us: how he came to deviate from this Rule or Lapse, proceeds from the Nature of Goodness, originally given us by our Creator; which Reason tells to be an arbitrary state of goodness only, therefore not a Necessary Goodness to which our Natures were constrained. In short, our fall proceeds from our not being able to reason rightly on every thing we act; and with such Being's we were created: For all our Actions are designed by us to some good which may arise to us; but we do not always distinguish rightly of that good: we often mistake the Bonum apparens for the Bonum real,; Decipimur specie Recti: The Bonum jucundum is preferred for want of Right Reasoning to the Bonum honestum; and the Bonum vicinum (tho' it be the less in itself) often carries it before the Bonum remotum: which is greater in its own Nature. No Man ever held, that we could appetere malum quà malum: And therefore I will not grant him a total Lapse in our Natures from God; for we see many born with virtuous Inclinations. And tho' all Men at some times err, even the best in their Actions; it only shows, that we were not created to a necessitated goodness. 'Tis enough to prove no fatal Lapse, that many are proved through the course of their Lives, more prone to do Good than Ill; and that all Men do Ill only for want of right Reasoning, because the Will necessarily follows the last Dictate of the Understanding.  
To the Second; Namely, That the Propitiation for our Offences must be supernaturally discovered, or else we can come upon no certain Terms of Acceptation with God.  
I answer that which I have often hinted, viz. That all the World who have agreed upon the Fault, agree upon the Compensation; namely, Sorrow and a true Repentance: And Reason dictates this without Revelation. The World indeed has differed in their Lustrations and Sacrifices; but more have in all Ages agreed, that these without Repentance were nothing, and Repentance without them was valid: But that bare Repentance is sufficient Compensation for an infinite Offence against an infinite Being, is what our Adversaries deny, and therefore point us to an infinite Sacrifice or Propitiation for Sin, namely, Jesus Christ.  
I may first answer, That till all who profess Christianity, agree whether Christ be a Propitiation or no, I need not go about a farther Refutation of their Argument; for the Socinians will allow him only to be set up for an Example, not as a Mediator or Sacrifice. But grant that the Offence is committed against an infinite Being, we are but finite Creatures who commit it, and Repentance is what we can answer to an Atonement; and therefore we may reasonably assert, 'tis all God will expect from us: Faith even in Christ, according to their Rules, being not good without it. If I owe a Million, and can pay but a Thousand Pounds, my Creditor can have but All; 'tis true, my Body is then subject to Imprisonment, that is to the farther Extent of the Law; but then that Law is void of Mercy. Now Mercy is one of the greatest Attributes of God, and I think that infinite Justice cannot be extended on a finite Creature infinitely, without a Contradiction to infinite Mercy, which is, as 'twere, God's High-Court of Equity in the Case to relieve from the extremity of the Law: for tho' God's Attributes are all infinite, and tho' his Justice be infinite as well as his Mercy; yet the infinity of his Justice is only as inherent, not as extensive as his Mercy towards us, we receiving of his Justice but according to the measure of our deserts, in punishment from his Mercy more than we can deserve: As the strictest of Christian's hold, If that his Mercy be farther extended to us than his Justice, his Justice is not infinitely extended in punishing us; for nothing is infinite which another thing can go beyond. And in this I follow that Father of the Church Origen, who thought that by a long Purgation, the greatest Sins might be washed away, and that Pythagoras and Plato taught him  
It has been demanded of me, Whether I should be convinced of my Opinion, and admit of supernatural Religion, in case the Gospel (i. e.) a supernatural Religion had been promulgated to all the World? I answered, I should; and was contented that the whole stress of the Dispute should be terminated in that one Point. It was replied, That then if it could be proved that this nniversal Revelation was unnecessary, I ought to acquiesce; I granted that also.  
'Twas then urged, That this Revelation was not thought necessary by Almighty God, because he foreknew that none of those Heathens, or whosoever else would live up to the height of their natural Reason or Religion, and that therefore it was not reasonable that they should receive this supernatural Help; wherefore it was concluded, that they were all damned eternally.  
I answer; This is to dive too far in●God's Secrets, to conclude them all damned in all Ages, to whom that revealed LIght came not. The Apostle says, They shall be judged by the Law of Nature; but he says not, They shall be damned. Neither will they or can they be called of themselves, unless the means had been offered to them as well as to us. Also by the same Reason, all to whom this Revelation is come, shall be saved; because it was revealed to none who were not worthy of it: For if he foreknew that no one of the Heathens should live up to the worth of this new Light, and therefore denied it to them all, than he who makes no distinction of persons, would only have revealed it to those who should be saved: But our Adversaries confess that this Light is revealed to many as shall not be saved among the Christians, as if it were only to double their Condemnation; an Opinion which totally robs God of his Attribute of Mercy, and Man is left at least in a very doubting condition, if not totally desperate.  
I am, SIR, Your Friend without Reserve, A. W.   

To his Friend Mr. Gildon, concerning the World's Age, Beginning and End.  
SIR,  
That Part of Ocelius Lucanus which I promised to send you, is what follows.  

OCELLUS LUCANUS.  
MY Opinion is, That the Universe admitteth neither Generation nor Corruption, for it ever was and ever shall be; inasmuch as if 'twere subject to time, it would not yet continue. For if any Man should conceive it to have been made, he would not be able to find into what it should be corrupted and dissolved; since that out of which it was made, is before the Universe; as that into which it shall be corrupted, will be after the Universe. Besides, the Universe being made, is made together with all things; and being corrupted, is corrupted together with all things; which is impossible: So that the Universe is without Beginning and Ending. Now whatsoever had a Beginning of its Production, and aught to partake of Dissolution, admitteth two Alterations; the one from that which is less, to that which is greater; and from what which is worse, to that which is better; and that term from whence it beginneth to be altered, is called Production; as that to which it arriveth is called the State: The other Alteration is from that which is greater, to that which is less; and from that which is better, to that which is worse: But the Period of this Alteration is called Corruption and Dissolution. If therefore the whole be producible and corruptible, when it was produced, it was altered from that which was less, to that which was greater; and from that which was worse, to that which was better: and consequently will afterwards be altered from the greater to the less, and from better to worse. So that the World being produced, admitted Growth & State; and shall again receive Diminution and Corruption. For every Nature that admitteth Progress, hath three Terms, and two Intervals. The three Terms are Production, State, and Dissolution; but the two Intervals are, from the Production to the State, and from the State to the Dissolution. Now the Universe doth of itself afford us no such evidence, since no one ever saw it produced nor altered either in Ascensu or Descensu, but it always remained in the same condition 'tis now in, equal and like itself. The evident Signs whereof, are the Orders, fit Proportions, Figures, Situations, Intervals, Faculties, mutual swiftness and slowness of Motions, Numbers, and Periods of Times; for all such things admit Alteration and Dimination, according to the Progress of a producible Nature: For that which is greater and better, accompanieth the State by reason of its Vigour; and which is less or worse, accompanieth the Dissolution, by reason of its Weakness. Now I call the World by the Name of the Universe, which Appellation it obtaineth, in that it is framed out of all ●hings, being an absolute and perfect Collection of all Natures: for besides the Universe, there is nothing; and if there be any thing, it is contained in the Universe, either as a part, or excrescence thereof. As for those things that are contained in the World, they have communion with the World, but the World hath communion with nothing else besides itself; for all other things have not such a Nature as is sufficient of itself, but stand in need of the communion with other things: As living Creatures need Respiration; the Eye, Light, and the other Senses their several Objects; and Plants need the Juice of the Earth for their growth: Nay, the Sun, Moon, Planets, and fixed Stars, stand in need of a certain portion of the Universe; only the Universe stands in need of no other thing besides itself. Now as Fire, which is able to give heat to other things, is of itself hot; so that which is the cause of perfection to other things, is of itself perfect; and that which is the cause of Safety to others, must of itself be safe and permanent. Also that which is the cause of Compactedness to others, must needs of itself be compacted: But the World is to all other things the cause of Being, Safety, and Perfection; wherefore of itself it must needs be eternal, perfect, and permanent for ever. Again, If the Universe be dissolved, it must of necessity be dissolved into Something, or into Nothing; Not into Something, inasmuch as there will not be a total Corruption of the Universe, if it be dissolved into Something: for Something must be either the Universe, or at least a Part of it; nor will it be annihilated: For it is impossible that Something should either be made of Nothing, or dissolved into Nothing; wherefore the Universe can admit neither Production nor Corruption. Now if any one should conceive it is corruputed, either it must be corrupted from Something that is without the Universe, or from Something that is within; it cannot be from Something without it, for there is Nothing without the Universe which comprehends all things, and is the World. Nor can it be from things that are within the Universe, for than they must of Necessity be greater and more prevalent than the Universe, which cannot be; for all things are hurried by the Universe, and by means of it are saved, compacted, and endued with Life and Soul. So that if it comes neither by any thing without the World, nor within it, than it cannot be subject to Corruption and Dissolution. Moreover, All Nature, if it be well considered, seemeth to take away Continuity from the first and most honourable parts in a certain Proportion, lessening it by degrees, and applying it to all mortal things, as also admitting a Progress of its own Constitution, (for the first Bodies being moved, do in a uniform manner perform their Periods) I say, a Progress not continued and local, but consisting in Alteration; viz. Condensation and Rarefaction. Thus Fire being pressed together produceth Air, Air Water, and Water Earth. Also from Earth there is the same Period of Alteration, till you come to Fire again, whence the Alteration at first began, (according to what Hypocrates saith— Lumen jovi, Tenebrae Plutoni; Lumen Plutoni, Tenebrae jovi:) Likewise Fruits and Plants received their Beginning from Seeds, which being come to maturity and perfection, are again resolved into Seeds, Nature making her progress from the same unto the same. But Men, and other Animals, do in a more inferior Manner finish the progress of their Nature, (since they do not return to their first Age:) Neither have they a reciprocal change into one another, as 'tis in Fire, Air, Water, and Earth; but after they have run through all the four aforesaid parts of their Race, and passed their several Ages, they are dissolved and die, becoming in the same state as they were. (Quo non Nati jacent, as Seneca and Pliny both speak.) These therefore are Arguments sufficient to prove, That the Universe remaineth perfect and uncorrupted; as also that the Excrescences and Results thereof, suffer only a Mutation, and not an Annihilation; there being no such thing as Quies in Natura, all things being in a perpetual circular Motion. Nay, that the Figure, Motion, Time, and Substance thereof, are without Beginning and End; thereby it plainly appears, that the World admitteth neither Production nor Dissolution: for the Figure is spherical, and consequently on every side equal, and therefore without Beginning or Ending. Also the Motion is circular, and consequently stable, never shifting its former place. The Time likewise is infinite wherein the Motion is performed, as that which is moved had neither Beginning, nor shall have End; from all which it is evident, that the Universe admitteth neither Production nor Corruption. Ocellus Lucanus, chap. 1.   
Now it is very much, that this Author Ocellus Lucanus (who for his Antiquity is held to be almost a Contemporary with Moses, if not before him) should have so different a Sentiment of the World's Beginning from that which Moses had, methinks if Moses●s History of the Creation, and of Adam's being the first Man, had been a general received Opinion at that time, Ocellus Lucanus, who was so ancient and so eminent a Philosopher, should not have been altogether ignorant thereof.  
Again, (saith he) as the Frame of the World hath been always, so it is necessary that its Parts should likewise always have existed; by Parts, I mean the Heaven, Earth, and that which lieth betwixt, viz. the Sky; for not without these, but with these, and of these, the World consists. Also if the Parts exist, it is necessary that the Things which are within them should also coexist; as with the Heaven, the Sun, Moon, fixed Stars and Planets, with the Earth, Animals, Plants, Minerals, Gold and Silver; with the Air, Exhalations, Winds, and Alterations of Wether, sometimes Heat, and sometimes Cold; forwith the World, all those things do, and ever have existed as Parts thereof. Nor hath Man had any original Production from the Earth or elsewhere, as some believe; but hath always been, as now he is, coexistent with the World whereof he is a part. Now Corruptions and violent Alterations are made according to the Parts of the Earth: sometimes by the overflowing of the Sea; sometimes with the dilating and parting of the Earth by Winds and Waters imprisoned in the Bowels thereof; but an universal Corruption of the Earth never hath been, nor ever shall be. Yet these Alterations have given occasion for the invention of many Lies and Fables. And thus are we to understand them that derive the Original of the Greek History from Inachus the Argive: Not that he was really the Original thereof, as some make him; but because a most memorable Alteration did then happen, some were so unskilful as to make that Construction thereof; and if any way we may believe Adam to be the first Man, we must expound it after this manner; viz. That he was the first of the whole Race. But for the Universe, and all the parts whereof it subsists, as it is at present, so it ever was, and ever shall be; one Nature perpetually moving, and another perpetually suffering; one always governing, and the other always being governed.  
The course which Nature takes in governing the World, is by one Contrary prevailing over another, as thus—  
The Moisture in the Air prevaileth over the Dryness of the Fire; and the Coldness of the Water, over the Heat of the Air; the Dryness of the Earth, over the Moisture of the Water; and so the Moisture of the Water, over the Dryness of the Earth; and the Heat in the Air, over the Coldness of the Water; and the Dryness in the Fire, over the Moisture of the Air. And thus the Alterations are made and produced out of one into another.  
It plainly appears out of the Bible, that there were two Creations both of Man and Woman, and that Adam was not the first Man, nor Eve the first Woman, only the first of the Holy Race, and this divers of the jews believe: for in the first Chapter of Genesis, ver. 27. It is said— So God created man in his own Image, in the Image of God created he him: male and female created he them. Bidding them increase and multiply, and have dominion over all things: Which plainly shows that Man was then created, and that the other Creation of Adam and Eve spoken of in the second Chapter, Ver. 7. and 22. were of the first Man and Woman of the Holy Race, and not the first Man and Woman that ever was in the World; for it was a great space of time, and divers great Actions were accomplished betwixt those two Creations: Therefore when it is said— Gen. 6.2. That the sons of God saw the daughters of men that they were ●air, and took them for their Wives. The meaning is, that the Sons of Adam of the second Creation, saw the Daughters of the Men of the first Creation that they were fair, and married them. What josephus speaks of the Greeks, and other Nations, may with the same Reason be applied to Moses and the jews, viz. That all Founders and Establishers of new Estates, have each of them supposed in their own behalf, that whosoever was of theirs, he was the first of the World, Contra Apionem, lib. 1.  
Now however josephus boasts so much of the Antiquity of his Countrymen the jews, yet he himself confesses, That he nevertheless durst not presume to compare the Nation of the jews, with the Antiquity of the most ancient and infallible Writings of the Egyptians, Chaldees and Phaenicians, who dwell in such Countries as are not subject to the Corruption of Air; and have carefully provided, that whatsoever has been done by them, should not sleep in obscurity, but be kept in memory, in the public Writings of the most learned Men. Contra Appionem, lib. 1. Which is as if he had said, Forasmuch as no other Nations but the Egyptians, Phaenicians and Chaldees, have certain Records of their Original, therefore will I pretend my own Nation of the jews to be ancienter than them, who cannot disprove me; but because the Egyptians, Phaenicians and Chaldees have more ancient Records of their Country in being, to disprove me, therefore to prevent being confuted, I think it more convenient to yield to them in Antiquity. And this is the secret meaning of what josephus says.  
I have observed that no Prophets ever foretold the End of the World should happen till many years after their own deaths, being thereby sure not to live to see themselves proved Liars— 
Curio mundi finem propriorem non facis? ut ne  
Ante Obitum mendax arguerere? sapis.  Owen upon Napier.  
For they who prophesy of the World's destruction, are upon sure grounds, viz. that till it comes to pass, it may be expected.  
As Nature cannot create, by making something out of Nothing; so neither can it Annihilate, by turning Something into N●thing: whence it consequently follows, As there is No Access, so there is no Diminution in the Universe, no more than in the Alphabet, by the infinite Combination and Transposition of Letters, or in the Wax by the alteration of the Seal stamped upon it. Now as for the Forms of natural Bodies, no sooner doth any one abandon the Matter it informed, but another steps instantly into the place thereof; no sooner hath one acted his part and is retired, but another comes presently forth upon the Stage, tho' it may be in a different shape, and so act a different part: So that no Portion of the Matter is, or at any Time can be altogether void and empty, but like Vertumnus or Proteus, it turns itself into a thousand shapes, and is always supplied and furnished with one Form or another, there being in Nature Nothing but Circulation: Ne Res ad Nihilum redigantur protinus omnes. Lucret. lib. 2. And to this purpose divers of the Poets speak— 
Nec sic interimit mors res, ut materia  
Corpora con●iciat, sed caetum dissipat ollis:  
Indè aliis aliud conjugit & efficit, omnès  
Res ut convertant formas, mutentque colores,  
Et capiant Sensus, & puncto Tempore reddant:  
Vt noscas referre eadem primordia rerum.  Lucret. lib. 2. 
— Mutantur in aevum  
Singula, & inceptum alternat natura tenorem,  
Quodque dies antiqua tulit, post auferet ipsa.  Pontan. Metamorph. cap. 48. 
Nec species sua cuique manet: rerumque Novatrix  
Ex aliis alias reparat Natura figuras.  
Nec perit in tanto quidquam (mihi credit) mund●,  
Sed variat faciemque novat: Nascique vocatur  
Incipere esse aliud, quam quod fuit anté: morique  
Desinere illud idem: cum sint huc forsitan illa,  
Haec Translata illuc, summâ tamen omnia constant.  Ovid. Metam. 15.  
Also Philo in his Book of the World's Incorruptibility, allegeth to this purpose the Verses of a Greek Tragic Poet, and I think of Euripïdes, which the Translator renders thus— 
— Genitum Nihil emoritur.  
Sed Transpositum ultro Citroque  
For mam priorem alterat.   
Casaubon likewise in his first Exercitation against Baronius, showeth from the testimony of Hypocrates, Appolonius, Seneca, Antoninue the Emperor, and others. Nihil in rebus Creatis perire, sed mutari duntaxat.  
But to confirm what Ocellus saith, we find something like it in the Scriptures, for Solomon speaks much to the same purpose, Eccles. 1.4. One Generation passeth away, and another Generation cometh, but the Earth abideth for ever.  
Now as Geographers use to place Seas upon that part of the Globe which they know not; so Chronologers, who are much of the same humour, do generally blot out out past Ages, which are unknown to them; as the one drown those Countries they cannot describe; so do the other with their cruel Pens destroy those times, whereof they have no account.  
The Grecians made three Divisions of Time; the unknown times: the Heroic or fabulous Times: and the Historical times, or such as they knew to have been true. The unknown Times were those with them, which passed from the Beginning of things to the Flood; which Time, whether it had a Beginning, by Computation can never certainly be comprehended, as Censorinus from Varro affirms. The fabulous and Heroic times were those that intervened betwixt the Flood and the first Olympiad: buried likewise in obscurity; nor is it certainly known how long Inachus was from Ogyges, or Codrus from Inachus. Lastly, the Historical and known part of Time is computed from the first Olympiad, and treasured up by the Greek Historians. That the Egyptians and Phenecians had a constant Record of things past, is confessed by the very Greeks themselves; who but lately learned the use of Letters from Cadmus the Phaenician: for which reason it has been doubted, whether the Greeks had any use of Letters in time of the Trojan Expedition; as we may find in josephus against Appion: That the Phaenicians had the use of Letters long before Moses, and spoke the same Language as the the Hebrews did, is clearly proved by Samuel Petit in his Mescellanea, as well as by the Learned Bochart in his Phaleg. For although we know of no Writer at this time extant more ancient than Moses (unless it be Ocellus) yet few will deny but that there were Writers before him, out of whom he collected much of his own History; wherefore says Dr. Brown, I believe, besides Zoroaster, there were divers others that wrote before Moses. Upon which his Annotator quotes a passage out of Apuleius (in Apol.) in these words: Si quod libet modicum emolumentum probaveritis, ego ille- sim Carinondas, vel Damigeron, vel is Moses, vel jannes', vel Appollonius, vel ipse Dardanus, vel quicunque alius post Zoroastrem & Hostanem inter Magos celebratus est— Diodorus Sciculus was not only famed for his great Learning but by reading, enquiring, and travelling throughout Europe, Asia and Africa, for the space of forty years, had furnished his Library with many ancient and exquisite Volumes. Now he speaking of the Chaldeans, relates, that they thought very long ago, that the World according to its own Nature, was eternal, having no beginning, nor that it should have any Corruption, in order to an end, and that mankind was from Eternity, without any beginning of their Generation: that the Stars were eternal: and by long observation of those eternal Stars, as also an acute knowledge of each of their particular motions, they foretold many future Events. You will hardly (says he) believe the Number of years that the College of Chaldeans affirmed they had spent in Contemplation of the Universe; for before the Expedition of Alexander into Asia, they reckoned four hundred and seventy thousand years, from the time they began to observe the Stars. Likewise Cicero (who was cotemporary with Diodorus,) mentions the very same account of Time and Number of years. Critias, in Plato's Dialogue called Timaeus, tells us, how an ancient Egyptian Priest laughed at old Solon for boasting of the Primitive acts of the Athenians, as of Phoroneus and Niobe before the Flood, as also of Deucalion and Pyrrha after the Flood; whereas the Priest told Solon, there had formerly been many more Floods: that he was ignorant even of the most famous of his Ancestors: that he had no knowledge of another Athens, the first and most ancient which stood before the Flood, and was destroyed by it: that he never heard of the glorious Erterprises which those first Athenians had performed ten thousand years before the Flood; at which time an innumerable Company of fierce Warriors had invaded Egypt and Greece, and all that was against Hercules' Pillars: against whom, the only Valour of the Citizens of old Athens was then shown, above all other Nations. Now whether the Priest did this to banter poor Solon, I shall not determine; but the same History is cited likewise in Arnobius' Treatise against the Gentiles, where he uses these words— We were the Cause (says he) that Ten thousand Years ago a great Army of Men came from the Atlantic Islands, as Plato relates, and destroyed a great many Cities.— Scaliger (in his Book de Em●nd. Temp.) says, That the Chineses reckoned the World to have been Eight hundred eightscore thousand and seventy three Years old, Anno Domini 1594.  
But I shall tyre you no more with this Subject, which as it does to me, so undoubtedly it will to you, and aught to do the same to every good Christian, appear a mere Paradox, tho' of as great Antiquity as any thing I ever yet met with in profane Story. However, notwithstanding it does not edify, yet if it may in any kind serve to entertain and divert you, 'tis all that is aimed at by,  
SIR, Your most faithful Friend and Servant, BLOUNT.  
FINIS.