AN ANSWER TO THE DESERTION DISCUSSED.  
IF many of our Long-robed Divines, puffed up with a Conceit of their own Parts, would but keep closer to their Texts, and their Duties, most certainly our Peace and Union would be much firmer, and more assured than it is. For being swayed by Interest and Profit, they are more afraid of losing the Advantages of Earthly Preferment, than the Treasures of Heavenly Felicity. Unless they swim in their own Wishes and Desires, all Things are out of Order. The Church is in danger, they cry; here are Sharers coming in among Us: And by an odd kind of Ecclesiastical Policy, seem rather inclinable to return under the Yoke of Popery, then to endure the Equality of a Dissenting Protestant; rather to be at the check of a Pope's Nuncio, then suffer the Fraternity of a Protestant Nonconformist. They said nothing to the late King, till he began to touch their Copy-holds: then they called out for Help; and now they are angry with their Relief, because they are afraid of well they know not what. And this is their Misfortune, that if all things answer not the full Height of their Expectations, they are the first that should be last dissatisfied. If all things go not well, as they imagine, they presently grow moody and waspish; and while they insinuate their empty Notions into others, who admiring the fluency of their Pulpit Language, either out of Ignorance, or Laziness, allow them a Prerogative over their Understandings, the whole Nation must be embroiled by their Surmises and Mistrusts.  
Else what had that Gentleman, who wrote the Desertion Discussed, to do to busy his Brains with a Subject, neither appertaining to his Function, nor proper for his Talon? Why should he be setting himself up against the voted Judgement of the chiefest and greatest part of the Kingdom? A Man of his Profession would have doubtless better employed himself, in contemplating the Story of the Three Murmurers against Moses; and there have learned a more sanctified Lesson, then to exalt his Sophistry against the Debates of a Solemn Assembly contriving the Public Preservation. For certainly never was a fairer Prospect than now, since the many Revolutions under which the British Monarchy has laboured, of its being restored to its ancient Grandeur and Renown, and of enjoying the Advantages of Peace and Prosperity in a higher measure than ever. So that it must be looked upon as the Effect, either of a most pernicious Malice, or a strange distraction of Brain, for such Discussers as these, to be throwing about the Darnel of their nice and froward Conceptions, on purpose to choke the Expectations of so glorious a Harvest. For they must be Men that want the government of right Reason within themselves, as being enslaved either to vicious Custom, or partial Affection, or else they would never run themselves and others with so much precipitancy, into the shame and ignominy of upholding the subvertors of National Constitutions. And all this to blacken and defame the noble Endeavours, and prudent Counsels of those renowned Patriots that pursued the only means to rescue a languishing Monarchy from impending Thraldom and Ruin.  
He does not wonder, he says, that a Man of so much sense and integrity as his Friend is, should be surprised at the Thrones being declared Vacant by the Lower House of Convention. For how, says his Friend, can the Seat of the Government be empty, while the King, who all grant, had an unquestionable Title, is still living.  
But the Discusser here forgot, that it had been the resolved Opinion of two Parliaments already, That there was no Security for the Protestant Religion, the King's Life, or the established Government of the Kingdom, without passing a Bill for disabling the Duke of York to inherit the Imperial Crown of England and Ireland; and that unless a Bill were passed for excluding the Duke of York, the House could not give any Supply to the King, without Danger to his Person, the Hazard of the Protestant Religion, and Breach of the Trust in them reposed by the People. Upon which a Bill did pass the Commons, and was sent up to the Lords for their Concurrence, by which James Duke of York was excluded and made for ever uncapable to Inherit, Possess or Enjoy the Imperial Crown of this Realm, etc. and he adjudged Guilty of High Treason, and to suffer the Pains and Penalties as in Case of High Treason, if after such a Time he should claim, challenge, or attempt to possess or exercise any Authority or Jurisdiction, as King, etc. in any of the said Dominions. 'Tis true, the Lords did not pass this Bill, for Reasons well known; yet was it such a mutilation to the Duke's Title, to be disabled from succeeding in the Kingdom, by the whole Body of the Commons, who are the Representatives of the Nation, that it can never be said, that all Men granted his Title unquestionable, as the Discusser imposes upon the World. Besides the many Instances in History, of several Princes who have forfeited their Succession, and consequently their Title to the Crown, for revolting from the Established Religion of the Realm.  
But, says the Discusser, for I look upon his Friend and Him to be all one; (and that he does but put the Question with one side of his Mouth, and answer it with the other) I had thought our Laws, as well as our Religion, had been against the Deposing Doctrine.  
That's not the Question; but whether a Prince may commit those Miscarriages in Government, whether he may not so far, peccare in Leges & Rempublicam, as to incur the Forfeiture of his Regal Power? and whether a Prince may be allowed to subvert the ancient Constitutions and Religion of a Nation, and yet be said to be the Lawful King of that Realm? These are the Questions: For than it is not the Law that deposes him, nor the Religion that justifies it. But it is He that deposes Himself: 'tis the bad Advice of Evil Counsellors to which he Listens, and which he follows to the ruin of the Kingdom, contrary to the Original Contract between Princes and People, grounded upon the Foundations of all Original Government; I say, 'tis that Adhering to Evil Counsel which deposes a Prince by degrading him from a Lawful King to an Unlawful Tyrant, and fenders him Liable to the Animadversion of the Law, and the impeachments of the oppressed and injured People. To assert otherwise were to deprive all National Law and Religion of their self Defence; which is against all the Law and Religion in the World. I am apt to believe that Christ himself had not very good Opinion of the lawfulness of Herod's Regality, when he sent him that Message, Go tell that Fox, Herod: Which I look upon as a Deposal and Degrading of that Arbitrary Prince by the Founder of our Religion, in his own Breast and Judgement, though he forbore the Execution of his Celestial Power. And therefore it is not the Error of Religion, but the Fault of those that do not well distinguish, that Religion suffers in her Doctrines. For only he who governs according to Law is a King, he that endeavours to subvert the Law, is none. Nor is every rambling and precipitate Brain to be Judge of this neither, but the Solid Law, and fundamental Constitutions of the Realm. So that the Country Gentleman was mistaken in his Thoughts, both of our Laws and our Religion. However the pretended Scrupulous Country-Gentleman desires the Discusser to expound the State-Riddle of the Vacancy; and to give him the Ground of the late extraordinary Revolution.  
To which the Discusser gives no direct answer at present, but desires his Friend to take notice, That the Gentlemen of the Convention, who declared a Vacancy in the Government, laid the main Stress of their opinion upon the King's withdrawing himself. For that since the Story of the French League, and the Business of the Prince of Wales were passed over in silence, most Men believed that the pretended Breach of that which they called the Original Contract was no more than a popular Flourish.  
All which is such an imperfect piece of Incoherence, that none but a madman would have thrust in by Head and Shoulders, as the Discusser has done. For how can it be inferred that the Breach of the Original Contract, should be a Popular Flourish, because the Clandestine League, and the False Birth are hitherto passed over in silence? As for the surreptitious Birth, one would think it was sufficiently dilated upon in the Declaration of the Lords; and why it is not farther brought upon the Stage, there may be several Reasons given; and among the rest, because it may be thought that the Imposture will vanish of itself, and so there will be no need of casting an Eternal Blot upon the memory of them that contrived and owned it. Then for the Clandestine League, it Suffices that there is apparent Proof of it in Bank. But to call the Breach of the Original Contract pretended, and a Popular Flourish, is a york of Malicious Reflection, which only serves to expose the Discusser to Public censure. For as there is nothing more certain, then that there is an Original Contract between the King and People of England, the Breach of which has cost the Effusion of so much Blood; so is it as certain that that Original Contract was never so infallibly broken than it was of late. Which as it is allowed by all the Laws of God and Man, to be a sufficient ground to seek a Remedy; so was nothing more vigorously urged by the Convention. Which might have convinced the Discusser, that they did not pretend it for a popular Flourish.  
But now, lest the Country Gentleman should be shogged by seeing the Votes of so considerable a Meeting, debated by a private Hand; the Discusser reminds him, That a Parliament and a Convention are two different Things. The latter, for want of the King's Writs and Concurrence, having no share in the Legislative Power.  
But the Discusser forgets, that it was only a Convention of Lords that sent to Richard the Second to meet them at Westminster; which the King at first promised to do; but upon altering his Mind, sent him another peremptory Message, that if he would not come according to his Promise, they would choose another King; and then proceeding farther, according to that Power they had, expelled against the King's Will several of his chiefest Favourites from the Court; constrained others to put in Sureties to appear at the next Parliament, and caused several others to be arrested and committed to several Prisons. If a Convention could do this where the King was present, what signified the Writs and Concurrence of an absent Prince. Nor did they contend for Legislative Power, but only met in a kind of embodied Dictatorship to take care of the present Necessity of Affairs.  
But this, says the Discusser, was not justifiable, for that the Nenessity which they pretended, was either of their own making, or of their own submitting to, which is the same Thing. But this is all Nonsense. For if the Necessity was of their own making, then were the Lords and Commons the Authors of all the Miscarriages which they laid to the late King's Charge; If of their own submitting to, then would they never have called out for succour and craved Relief from their Oppressions. No— They were those crying Grievances summed up in the Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons assembled at Westmister presented to their Present Majesties upon the Twelfth of February Last; which when the late King could not justify them by force of Arms, but fled for it, not being able to answer his endeavours to subvert and Extirpate the Protestant Religion and the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom, put them to that necessity of assembling after an Unusual Manner, to provide for the Common Safety.  
How ever the Discusser will have it a Necessity of their own creating, though never so false. For, says he, if the King had either not been driven out of his Dominions, or invited back upon honourable Terms, they needed not have had recourse to such unusual singular Methods of proceeding. And thus the Discusser rambles out of one Untruth into another. For he fled from offered Treaty, forsook the defence of his own Forces, and left them to be disbanded in Arrears and without Payment; slipped from his own Council by Night, after he had appointed to meet them in Consultation the next Morning. Nor could he justly suspect, that any Violence would have been offered to Him in particular, being so well assured as he could not choose but be, of the Generous Inclination, and profound Respect which the Prince had to his Person. But if the Gild of peculiar Miscarriages hastened his Departure, or overswayed him to leave the Helm of Rule without any Form or Face of Government: That could ne'er be called an Expulsion out of his Dominions. And therefore when a certain Gentleman waiting on him at Feversham besought him to return to London, he gave the Person this Reply, That he was an honest Gentleman, but knew not what he knew. And when he had once abandoned the Kingdom all forlorn without either Head or Conduct, without Council, or any Countenance of Authority, then according to the Judgement of the Commonwealth of Venice in reference to the Succession of Henry the 4th. it belonged to the Nobility and chief Persons of the Land, as they are the chief Defence of the Royal Authority, to take care of the Public Safety, whether by usual or unusual Methods of proceeding it matters not; and they have both the Authority of Law and Necessity to justify their Proceed.  
As for his being invited back upon Honourable Terms, 'tis well known how he returned back, and went through the City on the Sunday Night, attended by his own Guards, and lodged in White-Hall, and this most certainly in order to an Accommodation. Only because the Prince was coming to Town, he was sent to, and for the avoiding any Disturbance that might be prejudicial to his Person, was humbly desired to retire to Ham-House, with Liberty to make choice of what Person; he thought fit to attend him. Which he promised to do; but recollecting himself, and desiring to know whether he might not return back to Rochester, word was sent him the next Morning that he might do as he pleased. All this while here was no Constraint put upon him; so that he could not be said to be driven out of his Dominions, but that it was his own Choice to forsake it.  
Notwithstanding all this, The Discusser will undertake to prove, That the King before his withdrawing had sufficient Grounds to make him apprehensive of Danger, and therefore it could not be called an Abdication.  
But through the whole Pursuit of his Argument, the Discusser most wretchedly mistakes the Point, quite mistaking the Effects for the Causes. For, says he, Had not the King great Reason to retire to secure his Person and his Honour, when he had met with so many unfortunate Disappointments, with so many surprising and unparallelled Accidents? When part of the Army was revolted, and the Remainder too apparently unserviceable; When the People had such fatal and unremovable Prejudices against his Service? When there were such terrible Disorders in the Kingdom, and all Places were either flaming or ready to take Fire? What should a Prince do when he had scarce any thing left him to lose but himself, but consult his Safety, and give way to the  Evil?  
These are very great Disappointments and evil Accidents indeed to befall a Prince. But the Discusser forgets to tell ye, That the Prince brought all these Inconveniencies upon himself. The Discusser tells ye that part of the Army revolted, but he omits to tell ye, that it was out of a Generous Principle, for that being Protestants, they would not imbrue their Hands in the Blood of their Fellow-Protestants and Countrymen, nor be Instruments to enslave the Nation. He tells ye of terrible Disorders in the Kingdom; but does not tell ye, it was time for the People to be in Disorder, when they saw such Encroachments upon their Ancient Franchises, such Inundations of Popery flowing in upon their Consciences, and such a rapid Violence of French Thraldom tumbling in upon their Necks. He complains that all Places were either flaming or ready to take Fire, but forgets to tell you who were the Incendiaries.  
These therefore, with several others of the same Nature, being the true Causes that drew the foresaid Inconveniencies upon the King, it follows, that though the Secondary Constraint of his withdrawing might be occasioned by the Effects, yet the Primary Cause of his withdrawing proceeded from the First Causes which produced the Effects. Consequently such a Retiring was voluntary and not forced; because he may be justly said to fly from something of dreaded Punishment, rather than pursuing Danger, from which he was always at a distance far enough off, but dubious what would become of him as to the Former.  
The Discusser makes many other grievous Complaints to justify the King's First withdrawing (for hitherto he is altogether upon that) but when he comes to sum up all. In short, says he, when the Forts and Revenue were thus disposed of; when the Papists were to be disbanded, and the Protestants not to be trusted; when the Nation was under such general and violent Dissatisfactions; when the King in case of a Rupture had nothing upon the matter but his single Person, to oppose against the Prince's Arms, and those of his Subjects; when his Mortal Enemies were to sit Judges of his Crown and Dignity, if no farther; when Affairs were in this tempestuous Condition, to say that a Free and Indifferent Parliament might be chosen, with the Relation to the King's Right as well as the People's, and that the King had no just visible Cause to apprehend himself in Danger, is to outface the Sun and trample upon the Understandings, and almost upon the Senses of the whole Nation.  
As for the Fortified Towns, it was but Reason that his then Highness the Prince of Orange, who came over to rescue the Nation from Arbitrary Violence and Oppression, should demand them 〈◊〉 be put into his Power, well Knowing them to be then in the Hands of Irish Papists and Cutthroats, of whom the People stood in Perpetual Fear, and who were rather a Consternation then Security to the Kingdom. And the same reason holds in Relation to the Revenue. For all the World knows, what Vast Sums had been Squandered away by the late King, when Duke, to keep off the sitting of Parliaments, and to buy off the Members when they Sat; and when that Money was spent so much to the Detriment of the Realm, what Solicitations were made to the French King for more, to carry on the Popish Cause and Interest. It was as well known how the Revenue had of late Years been Embezled to keep up a standing Army of Irish Ragamuffins; as if England were now in its Turn to have been conquered by Ireland, as formerly Ireland had been conquered by England. From which fears when his present Majesty had delivered the Nation, it was but reason that his Army should be paid out of the Public Stock for their happy Toil and labour. For the Public Revenue of all Kingdoms and States was ever Originally intended for the Preservation, and not the Destruction of the People.  
Upon the Disbanding of the Papists, the Discusser makes a special Observation, That no Test-Acts nor any Others could bar the King from Listing them as Common Soldiers. This perhaps may be true; that is to say, that a Protestant Prince may list Papists, and a Popish Prince Protestants, to follow him in a lawful War. But when a Popish Prince in a Protestant Nation had made his chiefest Levies of Popish Common Soldiers to over-aw his Protestant Subjects, and put his sole Confidence in them for his known and open Designs and manifest Endeavours to introduce Popery into a Protestant Kingdom, contrary to the Law, 'twas time then to think of disbanding such Vermin, and ridding them out of the Land. And the reason why the Protestants could not be trusted was as certain. For if the King would not trust his Protestants, nay disarmed them, when Papists were both armed and Employed, what reason had the Protestants to trust the King. And this was that which among other Things created and fostered those General and Violent Dissatisfactions in the Nation. For Men have naturally a general and violent Antipathy against having their Throats Cut if they can help it. And therefore since the Kingdom by a Miraculous Providence had obtained its Redemption, 'tis to be wondered the Discusser should imagine 'twas ever intended that the late K. should be in a Condition again to oppose either his own or the persons of any others against the Arms of the Prince or those of his own Subjects. And whereas, he says, that the King's Mortal Enemies were to be the Judges of his Crown and Dignity, the Discusser should have done well before he had made his Reflection upon so many Eminent Patriots, to have consulted Grotius, l. 1. c. 4, Par. 8. and the Example of Pausamias King of Lacedaemon there cited. Certainly there was no such Impossibility but that a Free and Indifferent Parliament might have been chosen to deal equally between the King and the People. For though the King perhaps might be conscious that he could not so well rely upon the Kindness of those to whom he had always had such an inveterate Antipathy, yet he might have relied upon the Justice of so many Great and Worthy Personages. So that it is the Discusser himself who outfaces the Sun and tramples upon the Understandings and Senses of the whole Nation, who makes these little Rhetorical Flourishes to palliate and obscure the Truth, and to insinuate among the People, as if Wrong and Injustice had been done, where nothing was acted but what was a due debt to Self-Preservation. And with the same Brazening the Discusser outfaces the Sun, and tramples upon the Senses of the Nation, to assert that a Desertion of the Government, after such Proposals, which were rather Assurances of his Safety, was no Desertion. He had been safer in the Affection of the People, when all his evil Counsellors had been removed from about him; he had been safer from the Importunities of his Priests and Jesuits; He had been more secure from running himself into farther danger, and safer in the Enjoyment of his Royal Dignity. But he who had so Solemnly sworn to Establish Popery in England or die in the Attempt, though himself no where safe perhaps, but where he might be procuring his future Bliss, by the Performance of his Vow.  
The Discusser now advances to the King's second withdrawing, and puts the Question, what the King had done to incur a forfeiture by his first Retirement? Indeed what had he not done? If the Discusser forgot in his Discussing Heat, the Declaration presented to their Present Majesties would have rubbed up his Memory. Among the rest there was one, That he had endeavoured to Subvert and Extirpate the Protestant Religion, and the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom, by raising and keeping a Standing Army in the Kingdom in time of Peace, without Consent of Parliament, and quartering Soldiers contrary to Law; and by causing several of his good Subjects to be Dis●●●'d at the same time when Papists were both Armed and Employed. Now to what purpose was all this, but to Subject the Kingdom to the Tyranny of the Pope? In such a case Bartl●y cited by Grotious, l. 1. c. 4. per. 10. gives this for his Opinion, Si Rex reguum alienet, a●● alij Subjici●t, amitti ab ●o Regnum. To which Grotius himself adds, Si Rex reipsa tradere regnum aut Subjicers molliatur, quin ei r●fisti in hoc p●sse non dubit●. Allied est en●●n Imperiu●●, allied hab●ndi modus; qui not 〈◊〉, obstar● p●test ●op●●us.  
After all this, it cannot be imagined that the King returned the second time with an intention is govern; unless he might govern at his own will and Pleasure as he did before. But that would not be suffered him; for they who had now avoided the Yoke so near putting about their Necks, would never endure it should come so near their shoulders again. Therefore all the Probality in the World is on this side, That the King perceiving, that by taking the Government upon him again, he should not be able to attain those Ends which he had made the Business of his whole Reign; resolved to relinquish it altogether. At which time being at liberty to go or stay, his Departure must of necessity be accounted Voluntary, and consequently an Absolute Abdication.  
Lastly, it is impossible that the King could be frighted out of his Dominions, by the making of two or three Addresses to his then Royal Highness the Prince of Orange; for it was no more than rationally he could expect would be done; more especially from the City to the Person, who next under God had delivered them from their Continual fears of Fire and Sword. Nor by the denying him a little Gold to Heal with; which looks like an improbable Story of the Discusser's own framing. These are Motions so inconsiderable for a King to forsake his Dominions, that the Discusser seems to have Conjured them up merely to degrade the Courage of the Absenting Monarch, and to mortify his own Discussion. But after all, the Question may be fairly put, whether Withdrawing, in the Construction of our Law, does not rather imply a Gild, than an Apprehension of Danger, unless it be that of being called to an Account, since the Query always propounded to the Jury is, Did he fly for't? Which indeed ought to be the Legal Determination of this Dispute.  
However the Disousser goes on, and tells us, We are to observe, that to abdicate an Office always supposes the Consent of him who quits. And this he affirms to be the meaning of the Word out of Sallust, Tully, Livy and Grotius. But both the Supposal, and the Asseveration are false. For Consent implies, that the Question must be put, Whether the Person will Abdicate or no? Which never was put to any Abdicator in this World. Upon a forced Resignation it has. But a forced Resignation is no Abdication. Certain it is that Abdicar● signifies to renounce, forgo, or abandon. And the Motives to this Abdication are various, and generally prevailing upon the Reason of the Person that Abdicates himself, according to the Condition of Affairs and the Circumstances he is under. And therefore though a Magistrate may abdicate with the consent of others, yet he rarely does it out of a natural Inclination. Thus it cannot be imagined that Lentulus, one of the Conspirators with Catiline, abdicated the Praetorship, with the Consent of his own Will, for he was one of the most aspiring Men in the Universe; but because he found himself so obnoxious that he could hold it no longer: Thus Sylla abdicated the Dictatorship out of a Vainglorious Opinion of Felicity that attended him, and to show that he had such an awe over the Romans, that though he were a Private Person, no body durst call him to an Account for the Cruelties he had committed. History tells us, that Dioclesian abdicated the Empire, for madness that he could not have his Will of the Christians. How does the Discusser know, but that King James abdicated the Government because he could not have his Will of the Protestants? Charles the Vth abdicated the Empire, because he found his wont Good Fortune had left him. Bernard Rasfield Bishop of Munster finding himself between two Grindstones, the Persecution of the Germane Priests, for going about to deprive them of their Concubines, and the Pope's Excommunication, if he did it not; abdicated his Principality and Bishopric, that he might be at quiet. Lastly, to show that Abdication does not always imply Consent, Brutus compelled Tarqvinius Collatinus to abdicate the Consulship, only because his Praenomen was invisum Civitati. And then as for what the Discusser adds out of Grotius, That a Neglect or Omission in the Administration of Government, is by no means to be interpreted a Renunciation of it; there's no Body censures the late King for any Omission or want of Diligence in the Administration of his Government, for he was too diligent indeed; and that Diligence was the main Grievance which disgusted the People; his Diligence to extirpate the Protestant Religion; his Diligence to subvert the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom; and his Diligence to introduce Popery. And this Diligence, 'tis to be feared, was one of the main Causes of his Abdication: Had he omitted more, he would have had less reason to have abdicated. And therefore it is a Vanity to infer that there can be no Preten●e for an Abdication, because the Word, 〈◊〉 he says, always, that is very rarely, or never, supposes the Consent of 〈◊〉 that quits. For that it is not in the Nature of M●n to abdicate Empires, Kingdoms, Wealth and Honours, but ●●ore m●st be so●e compulsive Reason within that moves them to it. When Princes find the Times and Constitutions of the Kingdom will not bear th●ir Government; when Emperors grow stiff and stark with Age, and beg●n to feel the Lashes of ill-Fortune; when Ambitious Aspirers perceive they must take other Measures to compass their Designs, than they swallow a selfdenying Ordinance, and think it convenient to retire from the Cares of the World, or out of Harms way.  
The Discusser says, We have but two Instances with us which look like an Abdication since the Conquest, which are in the Reigns of Edward II. and Richard II. both which were unjustly deposed by their Subjects. 'Tis true, they were so far from looking like Abdications, that they were no Abdications at all. For both those Princes being under a strict Confinement, it was impossible for them to abdicate, unless they could have made their Escapes. Therefore they were forced Resignations, and consequently formal Deposals. Nor had the Queen of Henry of Lancaster any cause to declare the Throne Vacant, as having already taken care to fill it themselves: And whether those Princes would have resigned or no, it would have signified little to them that were by Claim in Possession. But the Discusser has overslipped one Instance of a Perfect Abdication since the Conquest, which the King would have certainly felt to his Cost, had not the Pope and the Poictovins been his true Friends: and the Case was much the same as at this Time. For the Lords and Barons of the Realm in the Reign of King John, having often desired the King to restore them their Ancient Rights and Liberties, and finding nothing but Delusions, resolve no longer to be abused but betake themselves to Arms. The King then lying at Windsor; and perceiving himself too weak for the Lords, thought it no good way to proceed by Force but rather by Fraud, and therefore sends to the Lords, that if they would come to Windsor he would grant their Demands. Thither the Lords repairing, though in a Military Manner (for they durst not trust the King's Word) he saluted them all kindly, and promised to give them Satisfaction in all they demanded: And to that Purpose in a Meadow between Stains and Windsor, called Running-Mead, he freely consented to confirm their former Charters; and was content that some Grave Personages should be made choice of to see it confirmed. But the next Day, when it was to be done, he withdraws himself privately to South-Hampton, and thence to the Isle of Wight: Where it was concluded that he should send to the Pope, acquaint him with the Mutiny of his Lords, and require his Holinesses help. In the mean time the King lay skulking up and down for three Months together in Corners, that no Body knew where to find him; or which was worse, as some writ; roving and practising Piracy upon the Neighbouring Seas.  
Whether the Lords and Barons did in Words declare this to be a Vacancy of the Throne, is not material to inquire. Perhaps they were not so curious in those Days: But what they did in Deeds, amounted to the same as if they had done it in Words. For perceiving themselves thus eluded, they swore upon the Holy Altar to be revenged. And what Revenge that was likely to have been is easy to conjecture, by their swearing Allegiance afterwards to Lewis the French King's Son, and bearing Fealty to him till the Death of the King. Whence it may be inferred, That if a Prince in Hostility with his Subjects deserts his Kingdom, upon any Account, They who are next to the Government are not to hesitate as King John's Barons did, in expectation of the King's Return, but immediately to take care of the Common Safety, lest they should bring the same Ruin upon the Kingdom, as those Barons did by their Delay.  
Lastly, If the Discusser will not be convinced by what has hitherto been said, Let him examine the King's own words, and try whether he can pick out any better Construction out of them then that which I shall make.  
Says the late King in his Letter to the Earl of Feversham, Things being come to that Extremity, that I have been forced to send away the Queen, and my Son the Prince of Wales, that they might was fall into my Enemy's hands, I am obliged to do the same thing, and to endeavour no secure myself the best I can, etc. Expressions of a disponding Mind, and only full of Grief for the Disappointment of the Popish Career. The King was afraid of the Queen, and his Son the Prince of Wales as he calls him, and therefore deeming if convenient to send Them out of the way, believes himself obliged to follow them. 'Tis true, there might be some Reason perhaps for him to send Them away; but none to send away himself, not being under the same Circumstances. For let it be Paternal or Conjugal Affection, or both together; What could be a greater Desertion than this, for the sake of a Wife and a Son to leave three Kingdoms at six and seven? He speaks of securing himself as well as he can, but mentions nothing of Danger; only leaves it to the Lord Feversham and others to presume the Causes of his Fears. But certainly the apprehension of Danger can never excuse a Sovereign Magistrate from the Desertion of his Dominions, at the same time striving and struggling under the Pangs of the Dissolution of Government. If such a Desertion of his Territories in that forlorn and languishing Condition, to accompany the Tribulations of a Wife and a Son, be not a perfect Abdication of his Territories, the Words relinquish, desert, forgo, abandon, abdicate, have lost their Signification. Thus Lysimachus in Plutarch, de sera vindicta Dei, after he had surrendered his Person and Dominions to the Getae, for a Draught of Drink, in the extromity of a parching Thirst, when he had quenched his Thirst cried out, O pravum Hominem! that for so small a Pleasure have lost so great a Kingdom. He would be thought very unfit to be the Master of a Ship, that should throw himself into the Sea, when his Vessel and Cargoe were almost ready to perish. And I will appeal to the Lord of Wemm himself, whether if he went to try an Abdicating Prince upon this Point, with the same Huffing and Domineering as he did Inferior Offenders, he would take it for a good Justification to say, I had thought, or I apprehended my Person to be in Danger. Rather it becomes a Prince at such a time to exert his Courage, and contemn his own, when the public Security lies at Stake, especially when the Remedy propounded was so easy as the Convoking of a Free Parliament. But to withdraw at such a perilous Conjuncture from the Application of his desired, nay almost implored Assistance; What can the Discusser think of himself to deny so plain an Abdication?  
And this I take to be the Opinion of the late King's Abdication, intimated by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal assembled at Guild-Hall, Decemb. 1688. where they are pleased to say, That they did reasonably hope that the King having sent forth his Proclamation and Writs for a free Parliament, they might have rested secure (as doubtless the King might also have done) in that Meeting. But his Majesty having withdrawn himself, etc. they did therefore unanimously resolve to apply themselves to his Highness the Prince of Orange, etc. That is to say, The King having withdrawn himself from the Cure of the Grand Distempers of the Nation, and consequently Abdicated the Government, they resolved to apply themselves to a more Skilful, at least a more Willing Physician. Which had the Discusser more considerately discussed, when he wrote his Discussion, would have saved him a great deal of trouble and expense.  
Thus much for the Reasons which the Discusser brings to prove that the King, before his withdrawing, had sufficient Grounds to make him apprehensive of Danger, and that therefore it cannot be called an Abdication. That which follows, being altogether grounded upon certain Statutes and Laws of the Land, to the knowledge of which the Discusser seems to be a great Pretender, is answered in a Word, That they who pronounced the Throne Vacant, understood the Latitude of their Power, and the Intent and Limits of the Laws and Statutes of this Realm to that Degree, that if nothing else, the Consideration of that might have deterred the Discusser from the Presumption of appearing so vainly and scandalously in the World. Nor would I be thought so impertinent to transgress the Bounds of my own Understanding as he has done. For indeed, to tell ye the Truth, if the Discusser should come to a Trial at Westminster-Hall, I am afraid the Lawyers will certainly inform him that he has very much either mistaken or misquoted his Authors.  
FINIS.   

London printed, and sold by Rich. Janeway, 1689.