portrait of St. Athanasius 
S. ATHANAS. Patriar: Alex and Haeresis Ariance Securis: Catholicae Religionis Propugnaculum.  T. Cross Sculp:   

THE HISTORY OF Athanasius, WITH The RISE, GROWTH, and DOWN-FALL OF THE ARIAN HERESY  
By NATHANIEL BACON Esq  
LONDON, Printed by D. Maxwell, 1664.   

Imprimatur,  
Ex Aed. Sab. 23 Nou. 1662. Geo. straddling S. T. P. Rev. in Christo Pat. Gilb. Episc. Lond. à Sac. Domest.   

THE PREFACE.  
PLutarch writing concerning lives, said, That he did but touch upon matters of action, because he wrote Lives, and not Histories; but in this Narrative I cannot yoke my pen to that strict rule, because Athanasius his endowments cannot well be discovered but by his actions and sufferings; nor they considered without the concurrence of the actions of his contemporaries, friends and enemies, fellow-labourers, and Confessors, with his Antagonists and Persecutors; which necessarily draws me many times into a by-path concerning Arianism, to find out Athanasius, where the neglect of Writers have left him out of mind.  
I shall have much occasion to glance upon the Principles of Religion concerning the Sacred Trinity, not meddling with the particular disputes which would be voluminous; the clear light concerning the Blessed Trinity in Unity upon these later ages; and lastly to leave a caveat to my dear Country to hold these fundamentals concerning the Trinity, in constant adoration, especially in these days, wherein ungodly rapes are so ordinarily committed upon them by the conceits of seeming reason, and thereby the Holy Spouse of Christ divided into small pieces, and scattered through the Nations.   

The Contents.  

CAP. 1. THe estate of the Roman Empire in the beginning of the fourth Century.  
CAP. 2. Of Arius and the Arian Heresy in its Original.  
CAP. 3. Of Athanasius his education, and his taking the Office of a Deacon.  
CAP. 4. Of the Council at Nice, and the banishment of Arius.  
CAP. 5. Athanasius is elected Bishop of Alexandria. The first complaint against him before the Emperor Constantine.  
CAP. 6. The second complaint against Athanasius before the Emperor, and his trial at the Council at Tyrus.  
CAP. 7. Athanasius his appeal to the Emperor Constantine; Athanasius is banished, and Arius is accepted.  
CAP. 8. Constantine will not be persuaded to recall Athanasius: The death of Arius.  
CAP. 9 The death of Constantine: The Succession of his three Sons in the Empire: The return of Athanasius to Alexandria.  
CAP. 10. The death of Alexander Bishop of Constantinople, and the Succession of the Bishops there.  
CAP. 11. The Council at Antioch, where Athanasius is banished ● His escape from his enemies: The first Arian Confession of Faith made at Antioch.  
CAP. 12. Athanasius is acquitted by the Council at Rome: Constans the Emperor favoureth the Orthodox Christians.  
CAP. 13. The Council at Sardica: The Schism by the Arian Council at Philippopolis.  
CAP. 14. The second Return of Athanasius to Alexandria. The death of the Emperor Constans.  
CAP. 15. The estate of Alexandria at Athanasius his arrival. The third charge against him before Constantius: Athanasius his second strange escape.  
CAP. 16. The entry of George the Arian Bishop into Alexandria the second time. His cruel persecutions there. Athanasius escapes into the wilderness. The Monk's Profession.  
CAP. 17. The Council at Milan intended against Athanasius, yet in vain.  
CAP. 18. The Council at Syrmium against Photinus. The Arian Confession there made: whereby both Hossius and Liberius are ensnared.  
CAP. 19 The Councils at Arminum and Seleucia: The Arian Confession of Faith there. The schism between the Arians and Semi-Arians.  
CAP. 20. The Councils at Constantinople and at Anticoh. Constantius his death.  
CAP. 21. julian's Government. Athanasius his return to Alexandria. The Council there. Athanasius his miraculous escape. Julian's death.  
CAP. 22. Jovinian's Reign and death. Athanasius his return again to Alexandria. Another Council holden there.  
CAP. 23. The Government of Valentinian and Valens, both of them declare for the Nicene Faith. Divers Councils in Order thereto.  
CAP. 24. Valens falleth to Arianism. His persecution of the Orthodox. The last troubles of Athanasius, and his fourth escape.  
CAP. 25. Valentinian his constancy to the Nicene Faith. Ambrose is made Bishop of Milan. The Sects of the Anthropomorphites and Messalians.  
CAP. 26. Athanasius his last return to Alexandria. His Death. His Encomium. The issue of Arianisme. The desolation of the Eastern Churches.    

The Life of ATHANASIUS.  

CAP. I.  
The State of the Government of the Roman Empire in the beginning of the fourth Century.  
BEfore I bring Athanasius upon the Stage, 
Sect. 1.  I must premise somewhat concerning the Stage itself; I mean the condition of affairs of that Age wherein Athanasius was born, without which, many of the ensuing occurrences will not be clearly understood by every Reader. The time of Athanasius his birth was about the beginning of the fourth Century of years after our Lord Jesus Christ's Incarnation; that Century being of remarkable observation for great changes relating to the Church of God. For although the Church had now out-reached the bounds of the Roman Empire, and gained the ends of the Earth, subsisting immediately under the Wings of the Almighty God, and as to all inferior and civil power independent; yet did it spread most within the bounds of the Empire, where it grew in repute, even to the envy, if not terror, of the Emperors themselves, who endeavoured to keep it low by persecution, until the time of Constantine the Great, in whose time the Church did meet with the first great change, which was for the better.  
For the Empire had hitherto been governed by heathens, 
Sect. 2.  who ruled by no Law, but that in their own breast, which was enmity to Christ's Kingdom, as appeared in those ten famous, or rather infamous Persecutions; but the Kingdom of Christ having within three hundred years, notwithstanding all opposition, spread like leaven throughout the World; about the time of Athanasius his birth had gained the day of Heathenism, and possessed the Imperial Crown, in the person of Constantine the Emperor, so as he that formerly by the light of Nature, was bound to employ his power in the maintaining of the honour of his gods then owned by him, is now much rather by the Law of God (the rule of all Civil and Ecclesiastical power) bound to employ the same in maintaining the tenor of the True Living God, and thereby is become greater than the greatest of the Caesars, honoured with all the powers of Government, Military, Civil and Ecclesiastical, and with that high trust of protecting the Churches in holiness of Life, and purity of Doctrine and Worship, according to the Gospel, by a divine right that no power on earth can take away from the Christian Magistrate, nor acquit him of before God. This was one change that these times produced in the power of the Magistrate.  
A second change was in the government of the Church, 
Sect. 3.  for the watchlessness of professors over their own hearts, suffered pride to bud and bring forth two evils, no less Devilish than their Mother. For first, professors affecting the repute of extraordinary insight in mysteries of Divinity, begin to fancy sublime doctrines, and to be tellers of news, of New Lights; and others no less affecting curiosity, become their admirers and followers: nor was there formerly any power on earth to give a stop to such extravagancies; For excommunication was become but a harmless noise in repute of many professors, because the defection was so great, that excommunication turned not men into the state of heathens and publicans, but from a Church straight laced, to a Church unbraced; and thus Heresies flowed in amain in the third Century, more than formerly they had done: Which made that holy man Basil to mourn exceedingly, and entering into a deep scrutiny for the Cause, could find none other then, Propter unius magni veri & solius omnium regni contemptum, 
Proem. de Judic. Decirt. Ascet.  the contempt of Christ's Kingdom, men choosing rather contra Dominum imperare, to be without rule, then to be under God's Rule.  
This in continuance bred a second evil no less dangerous for the Church, 
Sect. 4.  than the other was derogatory to God's honour, which was a tide of Schism. For the first Churches in the Primitive times after the Apostolic Times expired, were governed in their Atoms of Congregations gathered, not out of other Christian Congregations, as nowadays, but out of the heathens; and they at the first consisted by the rule, partly of the written word, and partly of Apostolical Tradition. And yet were those not independent, as now the gathered Churches are; but in cases of difficulty they had recourse to association of Councils, who did not only advise, but impose upon the Churches, and they also conscientiously did submit to conclusions determined by such Councils. But in after ages, when the Canon of the Scripture was completed, the rule then left was the Scripture, Apostolical traditions and conclusions of Councils, assembled upon occasion according to the ancient Custom; unto which the Churches did still submit, so long as the same were according to the Word of God.  
But as touching the execution of such conclusions, 
Sect. 5.  the care was left by the Presbyters to some one of their number, who had thereby the oversight of several Congregations within one Town or Precinct, as the Congregations were more or fewer: and unto these Overseers about these times the title of Bishop was given by way of eminency; although it seems to me it was not strictly observed, till the Council at Sardica, whereof hereafter.  
This Presbyter thus advanced, 
Sect. 6.  was ordinarily some Pastor in a principal City or Town, from whence the Country received their first instruction in the profession of Religion; and therefore the Church there might in some sense be styled, The Mother Church; and he became so far entrusted by the Pastors and Congregations, derived therefrom, as to be allowed to advise in ordinary emergencies; and in continuance by acceptance amongst the people, gains such respect as his advice becomes unquestionable, and at last Authoritative. For that advice which to the wiser sort, such as the Pastors are, seems to be eminent, to the inferior sort of the Congregation will soon attain the esteem of an Oracle.  
Such was the government of the Churches in those days, 
Sect. 7.  so long as the Grace of God went along in preserving unity of the Churches in their associations for council, which was till about the beginning of the fourth Century. For though errors and heresies were even from the beginning of the Primitive Times; yet they never prevailed to maintain a public Schism in or against Councils, till about the beginning of Constantine's Reign, at which time heresies grew so boisterous as to put up head against Councils, and no means now left to vindicate. the same, it pleased God for the maintaining of Unity and Purity of the Doctrine of Religion, to raise up Constantine to own the Orthodox Doctrine: Who accordingly endeavoured to give a stop to the growth of Heresy and Schism, though sometimes in an extraordinary way, crossing the liberties, as well of such as were truly conscientious, as of others that were but pretenders thereto; 
Soc. lib. 1 cap. 4. Epist. Const. ad Athan. & Arian.  himself professing that he wondered at the madness of the Christians, who herein fall short of the Morality of the Heathen Philosophers, who disagree in multitudes of particular opinions, and yet esteem one another for their Learning, without breach of Common Charity.  
And Constantine began this work well, 
Sect. 8.  but in progress mistaking the right way to the end (as will appear hereafter) he did not prevail no further then to give a check to the present Schism, which nevertheless afterwards taking more root, kept its possession in the Churches, and still doth, and will continue, so long as its original sin of pride doth or can peep forth; although the zeal and industry of the Civil power may keep it very low. For as God hath determined that every member of the Church shall live in a continual war within himself; so also shall the Church have Heresies and Schisms, that they which are approved, may be made manifest. But above all the rest of the Schisms arising within the Church, wherewith it hath been tried, two especially have exceeded; the one befalling in the Eastern Churches, which was that of Arius, who endeavoured to pull Christ from his Throne, by denying of his Divine Nature. The other befell in the West, I mean that of the Papal Supremacy, with its appurtenances. The first was iniquity bare-faced, the second iniquity in a Mystery; the second was a compliment of the first, and the first the forerunner of the second; 
Athan. A. pol. 2. Soc. lib. 1. cap. 3. Epist. Alexand.  and Arius himself therefore by Constantine and by the Orthodox Churches, in his first rising, is called the forerunner of Antichrist.   

CAP. II.  
Of Arius and the Arian Heresy in its Original.  
THe Arian Doctrine, though in the issue branched into many errors, 
Sect. 1.  yet all in the main tended against the Deity of our Lord Jesus Christ; some of that Sect plainly denying the same, others by implication, and being of more moderate temper then the rest, seemed to make the difference but small; and might well be reconciled by the change but of one letter of the Greek Alphabet, which if taken from the word, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  signifies that Christ is of the same essence with the Father, which the Orthodox did assert: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  But if put into the word, signifies that Christ is of like essence with the Father, which the moderate Arians did maintain; but the Orthodox would neither add one letter to their faith, nor would the Arian part with one letter from theirs; and so the difference continued, and that so successfully on the Arian part, that within the space of one thirty years, Basil complained that the whole world was turned Arian.  
This Heresy had its denomination from Arius; 
Sect. 2. Athan. Epist. ad Synod.  not that the opinions were originally his, for opinions of this nature were as ancient as Ebion, and taken up by others after him; and they were received by Arius from Artemas; and even when Arius was but young, that Leaven had gained amongst many greater men than Arius was; nor did that Sect own the name of Arius till Constantius his time, but more ordinarily are called by historians Eusebians, from Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, who was their great patron in Constantine's time. Nor were themselves very confident in any of their Doctor's opinions, and therefore did endeavour to derive their doctrine from Antiquity, 
Soc. lib. 6. cap. 12. Athan. Orat. cont. Arian.  and would have claimed Origen to be their Patron, but Athanasius and others decried that conceit. At the first peeping forth the Arian doctrine was very odious to the Churches; and therefore the speedy growth thereof showed much of divine wrath and judgement. At length it is baptised into the name of Arius; either because he was the first that founded and gathered Churches upon that Principle; or because he was the principal defender of that assertion by disputes, and therein opposed the famous Council at Nice; the same being the first general Council, and therefore the undertaking more notorious. And thus the fame of these new or newly revived doctrines is pinned upon the fame of Arius, and that, upon his parts and education.  
This Arius was born, 
Sect. 3.  as Epiphanius saith, in Libya, but most writers say in Alexandria, the chief City in those days, of all the Land of Egypt, and of principal repute for this, 
Euseb. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 16.  that the first Christian Church of all those parts was planted there by the Evangelist St. Mark: Where also was a College or School of great Antiquity and fame for humane learning, and in that City Religion had so far prevailed, as Epiphanius saith, that in those days there were ten or more Churches builded for the pure public worship of God; 
Epiphan. lib. 2. Tom. 2. Heres. 68  each of which had one or more Presbyters, who had oversight of the souls of the people. And from that City the Gospel had been sent into several places of Egypt, Libya, Thebais, Pentapolis and Amonica, who also had their several respective Presbyters and Bishops. And that the Churches of Alexandria were under the oversight of Presbyters, amongst whom one was had in chief repute, who was called Bishop of Alexandria, who together with the Presbyters there, had authority of government of those Churches, by Custom. And by like Custom the Bishop had under his Survey the Churches, Presbyters, and Bishops of those places or Countries formerly mentioned to be planted by emanation from Alexandria.  
And in the beginning of this fourth Century Peter was become Bishop of Alexandria by election; 
Sect. 4.  a godly man doubtless he was, and of blameless life, and zealous for the Gospel, and therein had suffered much; for he lived in the persecuting times of Maximinus, who together with Licinius and other persecutors, striving for the Empire against Constantine, grievously afflicted the Christian Churches in all places where they came, and thereby many suffered great tortures, 
Niceph. lib. 8. cap. 11. Athan. Orat. cont. Arian. Epiphan. lib. 2. Tom. 2. Heres. 68  banishments, imprisonments, and cruel deaths. And amongst others, Meletus Bishop of Lyro in Egypt, a man of that esteem (as Epiphanius observeth) that he was in repute chief of all Thebais; and was next to the Bishop of Alexandria: this man was amongst others, imprisoned for the profession of the Gospel; and as some others, so himself, to save his skin, became relapsed, and offered incense to the Heathen Gods; and when the heat of persecution was past, he assayed to join himself in communion with the Alexandrian Churches again, but Peter the Bishop did not suddenly admit him thereunto: which Meletus took so to heart, that himself with many more for his sake, made a separation from the Alexandrian Church; and joined in private communion apart by themselves, and from thenceforth style themselves the Church of Martyrs, and the Alexandrian Church call themselves the Catholic Church; and these two parties so far disown one another, that they refuse to join in prayer one with other. And thus this Church of Martyrs bring into the Church the first ill precedent of the people's usurping Judicature in the government of the Church, and power to determine matters concerning the same. And also are the first example of a separation or schism merely upon that point of Church government, 
Athan. Apol. 2.  without any difference at all in any point of Doctrine: But the issue is yet much worse, for from schism they grew into enmity, and join with the heathens in raising persecution against the Alexandrian Churches, wherein Peter the good Bishop of Alexandria died honourably a Martyr. Separation not well grounded on pure Love to the Truth, will end in hatred and persecution of the same, if not timely prevented.  
This Schism of the Meletian Church of Martyrs thus begun, 
Sect. 5. Baron. An. 306. Nu'n. 44.  continued about six and thirty years, and mingling with the Arians, became fast friends to them, and at length wholly Arian. For Arius had been now born in Alexandria, and was educated at School at Antioch, 
Niceph. lib. 8. cap. 9  where he attained a competency of humane learning, and having a natural readiness of wit and languages, grew into fame for Philosophical disputes; and then studied Divinity, rather to serve his repute, then to save his soul, and therefore ever made that to stoop to his reason, and both it and that to advance his fame. After that he was thus furnished, he returns to Alexandria, and there behaved himself so well, as Peter the Bishop of Alexandria had made him one of his Deacons; but he being acquainted with some of Meletus his disciples, seemed so much to pity their separation, that he falls into dislike of the Bishop's austerity; and under that pretence separates himself also, 
Theed. lib. 1. cap. 1, 2. Sozom. 1. lib. 1. cap. 14.  and becomes a member of Meletus his Church, and so continued till Peter's Martyrdom. After whom Achillas being elected Bishop of Alexandria, Arius returns and makes application to the Church of Alexandria, and was restored into communion with them again, and so continued, till he became one of the Presbyters there, and so continued there till Achillas died. And Alexander being elected Bishop of Alexandria in his stead, there appeared some Marks of competitorship in Arius, who failing of his expectation, became discontented, and grew sick of the itch of disputing some principles of Religion, which commonly he undertook in the concourse of people; according as by Nazianzen is observed of Heretics, Mysticas questiones spectante vulgotractant, they debate hard points in the presence of the vulgar, well knowing that they understand little beyond common sense; less beyond common reason, and least of all in the deep Mysteries of Religion; and so are the Heretic disputers in a manner sure of the vote of the people before hand; especially in the principles concerning the Holy Trinity, wherein Arius had not only the ignorance of the times to favour him, but the corruption of nature, and the Devil and all to help against the true understanding of them. And therefore it's the less wonder if Arius had soon gained seven hundred women, 
Epiphan. lib. 2. lib. 2. Tom. 2. Her. 69.  who adored virginity in a profession of holiness, besides seven Presbyters and twelve Deacons, to be of his Sect, before that Alexander the Bishop did take any notice thereof. At length Meletus finding some of his own Church tainted with these new opinions, and that Arius was the Seedsman, he discovered him to Alexander, who thereupon endeavoured to settle the minds of men by preaching the truth, and thereby to obviate the further spreading of these errors Arius cannot endure this, he tells the people that their Bishop doth maintain the Doctrine of Sabellius (although it was notoriously known to be a calumny) and openly appears in opposition to the Bishop: So as now he sees it necessary to call a Council Provincial; that is of such as well to justify himself and his Doctrine against the aspersions of Arius, as to determine concerning Arius himself.  
This was the way indeed had it been well putsued, 
Sect. 6.  but in the managing of this Council, Alexander who had the Directory, to avoid suspicion of partiality, carried himself so calmly, 
Sozom. lib. 1. cap. 14.  as the Arian party were rather emboldened then discouraged. For although the Council determined against the Arian tenets, and inhibited Arius fromfurther publishing such rotten principles, yet when they were to subscribe their conclusions, Arius and about ten others refuse to adjoin their Subscriptions, of which number five were Presbyters, and five were Deacons. Many of the people nevertheless adhered to them principally for the sake of Arius, and not out of any depth of understanding that they had in his principles. For Arius was a person of a goodly stature, serious aspect, 
Epiphan. Ibid.  plausible carriage, winning behaviour, smooth and flattering language, arguments sufficient to lead about unstable souls, especially such as women ordinarily are; and had Arius his life been as holy, and his carriage more humble, he might also have led after him others that were better principled. But he was vehemently suspected for uncleanness, and thereof taxed even by Constantine himself upon occasion of his ordinary society with women, 
Soc. lib. 1. cap. 6. Sozom. lib. 1. cap. 20.  whom he called his Virgins, and of his wanton book which he called his Thalia, and which was condemned by the Council at Nice, and burnt by Constantine's command. Arius thus refusing to subscribe the determinations of the Alexandrian Council, is together with his Complices ejected from their several places, and from Communion with the Church; yet are they no whit discouraged thereby, but rather encouraged: for now they are looked upon as Martyrs, persecuted Ministers, sufferers for conscience; by many pitied, by more the more honoured; the people flock after Arius, admire him, vilify such as are not of his opinion, as dull and unlearned, and at length swell into tumults and public outrages, 
Euseb. Vit. Const. cap. 4.  not sparing the Emperors own station; and thus are they a Cordolium to Christians, a sport to the heathens, and a derision and scorn in the public theatres.  
The proceed of this Council at Alexandria became famous, 
Sect. 7.  and Alexander the Bishop, to avoid false representations, by Letters to several Churches, makes relation of the particulars, which Letters according to the opinions of men, are diversely censured: And it being observed that the Arian party nevertheless still gained, partly by their own influence, but more through the ignorance of teachers not well grounded in such Mysteries, Alexander the Bishop ordered that no Presbyter in Alexandria shall preach, 
Sozom. lib. 1. cap. 11, 14. & lib. 7. cap. 19 Niceph. lib. 8. cap. 11.  but such as shall be specially licenced thereunto. Arius seeing the wind thus against him, turns head and gets into Palestina; where he meets with more calm weather, and there he gains liberty to gather Congregations, and to preach, as he and his party had elsewhere done: Nevertheless they tell him that he must submit to Alexander the Alexandrian Bishop, and gain Communion with him; and this shown the Churches were under a rule beyond which they would not go, although in compassion to Arius, they went too far. Yet is not Arius satisfied with his liberty upon such terms, he repairs to Nicomedia, to Bishop Eusebius, who had been his acquaintance at School at Antioch, and relateth to him how he was dealt with at Alexandria. Eusebius shows him favour, and goes to the Emperor Constantine then at Nicomedia, and acquainted him with the proceed of the Council at Alexandria in the worst manner that he could; as if it were a ruled case, that the Civil Magistrate becoming once Christian, had authority in the Councils of the Church. The Emperor hearkens to Eusebius, and thenceforth Eusebius grows into repute of a Favourite and a Councillor to the Emperor in Church Matters; and in all such cases men flock to him as to their Mediatory Angel; and being thus lifted up, he thinks his word may prevail with Alexander the Alexandrian Bishop, more than Alexander's religion; and therefore he writes to him, and advises him to pass by the matter concerning Arius, and to re-admit him and his party into Church Communion again; but unto other Churches he writes to stir them up to withstand the proceed of the Alexandrian Church. And amongst others he writes to the Meletians, which he might well have spared, for they were more forward therein then himself. Hereby the Sectarian party grew more strong, but not one iota more holy, for they proceeded upon the principle of faction and not of conscience.  
Now gins the glory of Constantine's Christian government to wane, and fall short of expectation, 
Sect. 8.  by the rising clouds of error; he sees it, and it vexeth him at the heart. Silvester also Bishop of Rome (to whom also the Emperor did give ear for his advice in affairs of the Church) is no less afflicted at the news hereof; and by his advice a general Council is called at Alexandria, whereunto he sends Hossius Bishop of Corduba in Spain, with his Letters. This Bishop took his journey by Constantinople, and finding the Emperout at Nicomedia, is received by him courteously, and furnished with the Imperial Letters Authoritative, to the Council at Alexandria, besides other Letters, amongst which was one written to Alexander the Bishop and Arius to this purpose, telling them, That He took notice of their difference, that the matters were mysterious, not easy to be explained to the people, much less to be understood by them. That their Faith was one and the same: That their differences were parvae leviculae exiguae, small petty trifles: That their question was a foolish question: That the peace of the people ought to prevail with them, if not to think the same, yet to abstain from public contests: That otherwise it would make his Reign troublesome, and his life irksome. That he was coming to them, but was advised and told that he could never endure to see, what is so grievous to him to hear. He prays them to study peace and unity, and forbear further strifes, that he may have cause of joy in his meeting with them. And thus the Emperor acted the part either of a young Christian, that knew not the value of the Mystery of the Holy Trinity; or of his favourite Eusebins, by whose spectacles he looked upon the affairs of the Eastern Churches; or of a politic Emperor, that for maintaining of peace would adventure his pen to declare that which was contrary to what his mind did conceal. But all is one, though Hossius be thus instructed and armed; though himself be a holy, learned and grave man; though so highly esteemed of, as to be a Moderator in that Council at Alexandria; yet could he not effect the great work that he came for. 
Athan. Apol. 2. Baron. An. 319.  Certain matters concerning Ischyras and Coluthus were determined. Coluthus having acted as a Bishop, and was none, is reduced into the degree of a Presbyter; and Ischyras bearing himself in the office of a Presbyter, is declared a lay person. But as touching the difference between Alexander and Arius; the latter was proud, the other stout; so as neither Sylvester Bishop of Rome, nor Constantine the Emperor, nor Hossius his wisdom and zeal could aught prevail, but Hossius returns without success in that matter.   

CAP. III.  
Of Athanasius his education and his taking the Office of a Deacon.  
THus is the Scene fitted for Athanasius to enter upon, 
Sect. 1.  and to act his part as on a troublesome Sea, wherein the storm is but in its rising through the vapouring tenets of Arius now blown abroad; about which time Athanasius was now born at Alexandria also. For the Historians agree that he was a boy when Alexander was Bishop of Alexandria. His first appearing to the World they say was in this manner. 
Ruffin. Hiji. lib. 1. cap. 14. Soc. lib. 2. cap. 11 Sozom lib. 2. cap. 16.  It was a custom observed by the Catholic Church of Alexandria, to hold a yearly Solemnity of feasting and thanksgiving unto God upon that day of the Month that their Bishop Peter suffered Martyrdom, and upon that occasion assembled themselves in the public Church at Alexandria; and that Alexander now Bishop of Alexandria, did on that day carry on the work of the public worship of God, by prayer and preaching of the Word of God; which work being accomplished in the public, they repaired to their several places of mutual solace one with another; and that Alexander the Bishop being also come to the place where he was to dine with the Elders and the chief men, and staying some time till the company were come together, he chanced to look out at the window towards the Sea side, and saw a company of boys playing together upon the Shore, who it seems had been at the public Congregation, and had observed the Bishop's manner of Baptising, and were now in a sporting imitation of the Bishop in those Ceremonies. The Bishop at the first observing nothing but what was innocent sport and pastime, smiled thereat; but when he saw them intent upon a work that seemed like that of Baptism, he called some of the Elders to the window, pointed them to the boys in their pastime, and desired the boys should be sent for; who being come, he asked them what they had been doing at the Seaside. The boys at the first being abashed, were silent, till being further urged by the Bishop, they answered, that Athanasius there present was chief amongst them at the game, and that he had baptised some of them, who had not formerly been initiated, and that he had made others of them Presbyters, and others Deacons, to attend upon him in that service. Alexander further asked them, what the Bishop of that play asked any of them, or did? and they answered that he had asked of them certain questions, which together with their answers they told the Bishop; and that Athanasius did give them further instructions, how they should behave themselves for the future, and so told the Bishop the whole matter. Alexander finding that the boys had proceeded so exactly in what was done as touching the manner of the work, concluded with the Presbyters, that the parties so baptised ought not to be re-baptised, but what they thought further necessary to be done herein Alexander the Bishop did perform: and then he sent for the parents of Athanasius, and of other the children that were actors herein, and charged them to educate their children, and fit them for the calling of a Minister: and more especially he charged Athanasius his Parents to bring him up in learning, and to bring him from time to time to the Bishop, that he might see to his proficiency; which was done accordingly. Baronius conceiveth Athanasius to be now about twelve years old; 
Baron. An. 311. num. 63.  and the Historians farther there say, that Athanasius exceedingly profited in learning, and was well grounded in Grammar and Philosophy, and (as Baronius observeth out of Severus) he was educated in the knowledge of the Law; yet these kinds of learning he took up as it were by the way, and in subserviency to his main end, 
Nazian. Encom. Theod. lib. 1. cap. 8.  which was the study of Divinity; in order whereunto he had such teachers as were holy men, and approved by suffering for the truth even to Martyrdom. But in the study of Divinity he was so industrious, especially in reading of the Bible, that he had the Books both of the New and Old Testaments in memory without book.  
Alexander finding Athanasius his parts and endowments, 
Sect. 2. Nazian. Encom. Soc. lib. 1. cap. 11.  takes him into his own family, and made him his Amanuensis; and so Athanasius growing up to excellency of wisdom, learning, and piety, gins to be had in great reputation of all men, yea even of Alexander himself, who disdained not to become upon occasion Amanuensis to Athanasius, and made him one of the Deacons of Alexandria.  
This conjunction between Alexander and Athanasius engaged Athanasius into one adventure with Alexander against the Arians; 
Sect. 3.  who now were grown into that height in the Empire, that the Emperor found it not safe to enter the lists against it, being almost tired with fourteen years' war against his heathen antagonists for the Empire: during which time this heresy had gained such a foundation, that though the Emperor might think himself sufficient to deal with the persons of Alexander and Arius, 
Soc. lib. 1. cap. 5. Sozom, lib. 1. cap. 15.  yet the people now heated with the differences concerning these opinions, and that concerning Easter-Day (although as yet they held communion together) have now gotten the ball on their foot and resolve to carry the same, some upon grounds of judgement or opinion, others out of faction: so as now no course is left but to endeavour to settle the minds of men by way of a general Council of the Churches throughout the whole Empire. For as by the conviction of teachers, the errors of the learners will soon pine away; so the joint conclusions of many of such teachers assembled in Council, will soon put to naught the private opinions of several single persons; because every one single wise man will think the conclusions of many such joined in Council, more wisely determined than he alone can do his own private opinion.   

CAP. IU.  
The Council of Nice and the banishment of Arius.  
BUt the Devil and pride was more predominant than reason in this case, 
Sect. 1.  as the event shown. For Constantine the Emperor, though he knew it would cost him vast expenses, yet not regarding that, he did call a Council of all the Churches, and appointed the same to be holden at Nice a City of Bithynia, unto which place assembled all the Bishops of the Empire, who had no reasonable cause of absenting themselves, besides the Presbyters and other learned men. The number of the Bishops were three hundred and eighteen, unto all of whom the Emperor gave entertainment at his own cost; 
Euseb. Vit Const. cap 47.  and unto this Council, by special message Arius is enjoined to come. This entertainment was much for the Emperor's honour, being of so many and for so long a time; for some Writers report that the Council lasted three years, others less, but doubtless it did hold for a long time. And it was much more for the honour of the Emperor and the Council, that there were so many holy men amongst them, most or many of whom carried about them the marks of their Religion, scars and mutilation of members and dismemberings, Trophies of their Profession; every one of which carried efficacy with their determinations, and brought honour to their persons even in the eyes of the Emperor himself when he beheld them in their Assembly.  
The Emperor at the first entry upon their work, 
Sect. 2. Sec. lib. 1. cap. 5. Enseb. Vit. Const. cap. 12.  made a short Speech, testifying his thankfulness to God for his victory over all his enemies, and for the public peace of his Empire, and for the joyful sight of them in their meeting; and exhorting them to preserve peace and unity in the Church of God, and purity of Doctrine, and holiness of life: And especially he commendeth two things in particular to their care; One for establishing one practice of the Church in the observation of the Feast of Easter, 
Euseb. Vit. Const. cap. 16, 17, 18.  upon one certain day. The other concerned the Arian doctrine. The first of which the Council happily determined; and the same was confirmed by the Emperor's edict, although the acts of the Council now published, make little mention thereof. But the second, concerning Arian doctrine, required much dispute: For Arius appeared in the maintenance of his opinions: And Alexander the Alexandrian Bishop principally opposed him, and with him Athanasius then his Deacon: And they produced against him divers of his blasphemous assertions which he had uttered at the Council at Alexandria; which also are mentioned by Athanasius. The most general whereof, comprehending others are as followeth.  
Athan. Dis●ut count. A an.  That God was not always the Father. That the Son was not always the Son. That the Son was made by God of nothing. That he was made God by participation of the Deity. That He is not the Natural Son of God, but his Son by Grace. That God foreknowing his Son to be good, gave Him that Glory which the Son afterward merited. That the Son is not properly that wisdom or word, in which God created the World: but there is another Word and wisdom, in which He made the Son, and another proper wisdom or word in which God oreated the World. That Christ is not the power of God, otherwise then as worms are said so to be. That the Father cannot be known perfectly by the Son. That the Son doth not perfectly know his own essence. That God made not us for Christ, but Christ for us. 
Athan. Epist. ad Synod.  That the Holy Ghost is a creature made and renaoves from place to place. That the Substances of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, are incommunicable each to other. That the Trinity is not equal one with another in majesty and glory, but one infinitely exceeds the other. 
Some of these the Council of Nice observed out of Arius his book called Thalia, 
Sect. 3.  upon the reading thereof at the Council. Yet it may be observed that Arius waved his opinion concerning the Holy Ghost, because the Nicene Council in the Confession on of their Faith, as it was first published, so far as appeareth, did not enlarge their sense concerning it; and besides, we find not that the most rigid Arians did assert the same, but rather oppose them when as afterward the Macedonians took them up. Upon these points therefore, that principally concerned the Second Person, was the principal debate and as touching them Athanasius was engaged against Arius in a solemn disputation, which is published in Athanasius his Works; wherewith I shall not meddle further then to set down the points in controversy, 
Athan. Disput. count. Arian.  as I find them set down by Athanasius: wherein first Athanasius delivers to Arius his own judgement in nature of a formal confession of his faith in these words:  I believe in One God the Father Almighty, God always Father; and in God the Word, the Only begotten Son of God; and that He doth coexist with the Father; and is of the same Substance of the Father; and is equal to the Father as touching His Deity; that He is always present with the Father, in all places; and contains all things in His Essence, and is contained of none, as also God His Father is. And I believe in the Holy Spirit, that He is of the Substance of the Father, and coeternal with the Father and the Son; and I affirm the Word was in the Flesh. 
This Athanasius wrote in opposition to the Arian Doctrine, 
Sect. 4.  and to offer to Arius occasion of declaring his full faith in writing, as to each particular, which he did accordingly in manner following.  I believe in God Eternal, and in his Son, whom before all ages He as God created, and made Him His Son; and whatsoever things the Son hath, those when He had them not, He received of God, and therefore He is not equal to the Father, nor of the same dignity, but remaineth a creature, and is inferior to the Glory of God, and inferior to Him, as touching the Power of God, I believe in the Holy Ghost begotten of the Son. 
It shall not trouble me whether this Disputation was in the presence of the public Council, or apart; 
Sect. 5.  for the more rigid sort of Arians from time to time did assert the same things with Arius, and therefore there is the less question in the reality of Arius his tenets; and that the particulars were debated at the Council may appear by the result so particularly opposite to the Arian opinions: For the Council agreed upon a collection of their conclusion into one Summary, in the nature of the confession of their faith; 
Athan. Epist. ad Solet. Vit. Soc. lib. 1. cap. 5. Bosil Epist. 60. & 78.  which also was done by Hossius Bishop of Corduba, and published as a Directory to the Doctrine of the Churches for future times. The same according to Socrates, and with some transposition of words, not varying sense, is published by Basil in this manner.  
We believe in one God the Father Almighty, Creator of all things visible and invisible; and in one Lord Jesus Christ Begotten of the Father, Only begotten; that is to say of the Substance of the Father; God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God, Begotten, not made; Consubstantial to the Father, by whom all things are made both in the Heaven and in the Earth. Who for us men, and our Salvation descended, is incarnate, is made man, suffered, arose again the third day, Ascended into Heaven, shall come to judge the Living and the Dead. And in the Holy Ghost.  
Those therefore that shall affirm that time was when He was not, before He was begotten; Or that He did come from Nothing; Or that He is begotten of other Essence then of the Father's Substance; Or that the Son of God is created, Or that He may be altered or changed. Unto all such the Church denounceth the Anathema.  
Then the Council proceeded against such as had been criminous; 
Sect. 6. Sozom. lib. 1. cap. 23. Soc. lib. 1. cap. 6.  and deprived Meletus from all Episcopal Authority and power, yet left to him the Name and Title of Bishop, and permitted him to continue still in his City at Lyco. For though the Meletians made a matter of fact, and male administration in government a Cause sufficient to ground their separation upon; yet the Nicene Council determined it to be pertinax inscitia, 
Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 20.  a wilful ignorance, and therefore did not continue or confirm that separation; but taking away the Authority of Meletus and his Presbyters, until confirmed again by the Alexandrian Churches, the people are enjoined to communicare with the Alexandrians, which they did accordingly. But as touching Arius, they did actually excommunicate and banish him.  
They further proceeded to determine matters concerning the government of the Church, 
Sect. 7.  by confirming the government by Provincial Councils, under the Pastors of the Mother Churches Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons; each of them to enjoy the same powers which Customary permission of the Churches had formerly allowed to them. Nothing can I find that de nova was granted to them; but rather such power which by corruption was encroached, was thereby regulated and restrained. And thus for the future there seems hereby a door shut and barred against Schism and heresy, so long as Provincial Councils and their members are true to themselves or to the Church of God, and the Christian Magistrate will be Christian indeed, to execute the Law as he ought to do.  
For before the Council at Nice, 
Sect. 8.  the prudential agreement of Churches and Councils, in Associations, or apart by themselves, bond no further than ingenuity or conscience did lead any party or person, and under no worse penalty than Separation, or if you will Excommunication, from this or that Church, which some might account a privilege in those days as well as now; and what was the fruit of all? but Sects, Schisms, Heresies, and the Spirits of Professors never satisfied, but still lingering, as now a-days after new opinions and liberty from being under Church Government, which they call, Liberty of conscience. This sore the Nicene Council well eyed, and seeing no other way in humane opinion to prevent the worst; found it necessary to bind the Government of the Church under the Law of the Christian Magistrate; and therefore having finished their conclusions, tendered them to be confirmed by the Seal of the Imperial power, by which they had assembled themselves, and under other penalties besides that of separation. And hereby the Christian Magistrates power becomes incorporate into the government of the Church in all cases where the Law of God determines not otherwise, to enforce the determinations of the Church, as by the Law the Magistrate is enabled to do. And therefore if any Congregation will independ, or be at liberty from the power of the Christian Magistrate, in such cases they do not only outlaw themselves, but upon their own principle allow every one of their fellow members to consist with them, in no other manner than they did in the Churches before Constantine's Conversion, under a liberty to separate to any schism or error, as they shall please; and as it were thrust out the Christian Magistrate from abiding in the inheritance of the Lord, and leave him to serve other Gods, as Constantine did before his Conversion; which thing no Church or Congregation of Christians, though never so schismatical, ever did, althouth they held their principles of separation in as high account as any in these days can pretend unto; until of later times the Anabaptists in Germany brought that principle into the Church. But forbearing further digression herein, I shall proceed with the subject in hand.  
The determinations of the Nicene Council being thus concluded, 
Sect. 9  the Bishops and members are called to subscribe the same; and amongst the rest, seventeen of them are observed to decline their subscription, being somewhat ensnared in the Arian Principles: and the conclusions of the Council attested are presented to the Emperor's consideration; who highly applauding the same, declared that all such as had refused to subscribe thereto, 
Ruffin. lib. 1. cap. 5.  should be forthwith banished; whereupon eleven of those seventeen who were dissenters do now submit, and do subscribe the same; though some were more willing than others. And thus are the Church decrees now backed, not only with the penalty of Ecclesiastical, but also with civil excommunication, 
Theod. lib. 1. c. 12.  which was accompanied also with loss of habitation and personal estate. But nothing will prevail with Arius, nor with five others, amongst which were Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, Theogenis Bishop of Nice, Euzoius a Deacon of Alexandria, who had been formerly excommunicated by the Synod at Alexandria, and others are made Bishops in their steads. Nevertheless it was not long ere some expedient was found for Arius his stay, or speedy return from banishment; for he is found acquitted from banishment before Eusebius and Theogenis; 
Soz. lib. 2. cap. 15.  but how, or upon what occasion Writers do not mention, yet it seems he was restrained from returning to Alexandria. For they that mention his return thither, make it to be about the last year of Constantine's Empire, which was about ten years after Arius his banishment. And that this favour was showed to Arius, is evident from the supplication that Eusebius and Theognis made to the Emperor; for therein they take notice of the favour done to Arius, who is the principal in the matter sentenced by the Emperor and the Nicene Council; and therefore they beseech the Emperor's lenity as to themselves also. It may seem also that Arius had gained that favour by retractation of his errors: 
Soc. lib. 1. cap. 20.  For both Eusebius and Theognis made their retractations also, which they presented to the Emperor, and the Bishops, wherein they do declare, That they do consent to the Confession of the Faith, agreed upon by the Nicene Council, and do promise that they will study the peace of the Church; and further more they show the cause of their refusal to subscribe the Confession, was not that they did disagree from the same faith with the Council, but because they could not consent to the sentence against Arius, who had in private conference with them declared that his judgement was other then what was apprehended by the Council. And therefore they pray to be admitted to subscribe their consent to the Confession of Faith, as it was agreed by the Council; Though not so much (said they) to avoid the penalty of banishment, as that they might not lie under the heavy burden of being reputed Heretics, being nevertheless willing to submit to the determination of the Council. And they the rather beseech this, because the Emperor and Bishops had permitted him who was deemed by them the principal offender, to return and have courteous entertainment with them.  
And this retractation thus presented, 
Sect. 11.  could not be long after the Council at Nice, because these Retractors are admitted to return, and are sent home, restored to their Churches, and others removed, who had been placed in their stead; and which is yet more strange, are admitted into favour with the Emperor, and were the ringleaders in all the troubles which Athanasius endured from his first entrance into his Episcopal See at Alexandria, which was within half a year after the Council at Nice, and wherein Athanasius continued all the time of Constantine's government afterward, as by the sequel will appear. So as though the Council at Nice ended with the rout of Arius and his party, and renown of Alexander and Athanasius (who is now become eminent amongst all the Churches) yet Arius and his followers are rallied again by dissimulation: For who ever he be that will make a Schism, and not upon a clear truth, will believe or not believe, according to the turn of times.  
Nevertheless this allayed not the spirit of Arius, 
Sect. 12.  Eusebius and Theognis; for they with others of their party to this novel subscription never were quiet, till they had by indirect means gained into their hands the original of the Synodical determinations, 
Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 20.  from him to whom the same was committed by the Emperor to be safely kept; and having defaced their subscriptions, disposed of the same in that manner in the conclusion, that it became utterly lost from the view of the Churches in future times. These gilded Arians now thinking themselves at liberty from engagement, cast off their Veil, and by their tongues and pens appear plain Arians, and enter into open defiance against the Nicene Faith, which breaks forth into Tumults against the Catholic Church. Forced and feigned Retractations and Subscriptions, do not only not bind the will thereto, but contrarily enrage the   

Athanasius. But that as smoke also vanished away, when Athanasius came to answer for himself: nor could Athanasius rationally submit himself to such an Election in those times, especially when as it could be neither honourable for him, nor safe so to do, if he had intended to keep a good conscience. But I shall let that pass, for if the Election were once questioned, it became unquestionable by being questioned, and shall take it for a concluded case, that Athanasius after he had passed through all Ecclesiastical degrees, 
Nazian. Encom.  is legally become Bishop of Alexandria, and thereby and by the Decree of the Council at Nice, 
Conc. Nicen. can. 6.  hath power in all the Churches of Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, according to the ancient Canon. Athanasius his age at this time is not mentioned in any Writer, unless conjectured by Baronius; but it's agreed by all that it was within six months after his return from the Council at Nice, 
Euseb. Vit. Const. lib. 3. cap. 14.  which as Eusebius saith, was holden in the twentieth year of Constantine's Empire: and Hierome saith, That Athanasius was elected in the four and twentieth of his Reign, and then the Council must continue three years, or there is a mistake amongst Writers.  
No sooner was this great trumpet of Truth (as Nazianzen calls Athanasius) settled in his place at Alexandria, 
Sect. 3.  but Eusebius at Nicomedia, now in favour with the Emperor, and the great Courtier of the times, strained his utmost endeavour to unsettle Athaniasius; he often tells the Emperor how unfitting a man Athanasius was for such a place, 
Soc lib. 1. cap. 18.  but the Emperor listens not thereto; then he resolves to try Athanasius his mettle, and as if himself had been the Primate of the World, he writes to Athanasius to admit Arius and his associates into their places, and into communion with the Alexandrian Church again, or otherwise he must expect what will follow. 
Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 17.  But Athanasius neither persuaded by requests, nor scared by threats, returned answer, that he could not admit into communion such as were excommunicated by the Council; and hereupon ensues a public defiance by Eusebius against Athanasius; he will neither endure Athanasius nor his doctrine; public disputes and preach are by him owned and patronised against the determination of the Council: And thus the Arian Schism revives again. And Eusebius fearing that Athanasius would make some sudden address after his Election to the Emperor, and so win the Emperor's favour: He, together with Theognis and others of the Arian party, repair to the Emperor with Articles against the election of Athanasius, as being unduly gained by combination amongst a few. And in particular, that after the death of Alexander, fifty and four of the Egyptian Bishops assembled for an election to be made of his Successor, 
Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 16.  and when they had upon their oaths given their votes for one person; nevertheless seven of that number, contrary to their oaths, separated from the rest and elected Athanasius, and ordained him; and that thereupon many of the Egyptian Churches, as well Ministers as people, refused communion with Athanasius. They further more informed, that Athanasius was a pragmatical fomenter of strifes and dissension amongst the Churches. But Athanasius was not so dull as to neglect  
cured for them Licence from the Emperor, to have and hold Churches apart from the Alexandrian Churches. And thus three mischiefs befall the Alexandrian Churches at once: First, a schism licenced and tolerated by the authority of the Christian Magistrate: Secondly, a usurpation of the Christian Magistrate over the Churches, in determining matters Ecclesiastical, contrary to the determinations of a general Council, wherein the Magistrate was bound by his own Vote; and these are two sores to the Church unto this day. The third was properly belonging unto that time, and those places, which was, a toleration of the Arian Heresy under the Meletian wings. So as members of the Meletians they may now hold Communion with those who are of Orthodox judgement, by authority, who formerly were excommunicated by a general Council: And thus is the glory of the Christian Magistrate in the Church suddenly eclipsed, by neglecting to rule according to Law. Constantine saw the error by the troubles that ensued, but saw not the cause in his own heart, he sends for Eusebius, and questions with him concerning it; 
Soz. lib. 2. cap. 20.  Eusebius now dares justify the Arian Doctrine, and tells the Emperor passionately, If my garment (said he) should be divided in my presence into parts, I would never affirm both parts needs one essence: The Emperor tasting the blasphemy, as passionately returned an answer of banishment both of Eusebius, and Theognis: passionately, I said, for had it been from true zeal, the banishment had longer continued. But upon the next occasion that Writers mention, I find them both as busy again in pursuit of Athanasius, as ever they were.  
For the Meletians, but a while ago an abomination to Constantine, are so bold upon this favour, 
Sect. 5.  that they profess before him their bitterness against the Churches of Alexandria: For being encouraged by the Arians, they go to Constantinople with Articles of complaint against Athanasius, where they meet with Eusebius and Theognis, 
Soc. lib. 1. cap. 20.  who now also have gained three Bishops more into their society, viz. Maris Bishop of Chalcedon, and Valens, and Ursatius Bishops of Panonia; all of them lovers of the Court more than their own flocks, all of them condemned by the Council of Nice, and now constant and earnest Solicitors at the Court against all such as were of the Orthodox Faith; and this might seem strange that Constantine's Court should harbour such guests, but that stranger things do follow. For these five Bishops having this occasion, join together in the countenancing of the Meletian Articles against Athanasius, and presenting of them to the Emperor; They are as followeth. First, That Athanasius is the great fomenter of the troubles in the Egyptian Churches. Secondly, That Athanasius endeavoured to undermine the Emperor's authority in Egypt, and to advance his own, and to that purpose levied money of the people, and supplied therewith Phylumenius the Emperor's enemy in Egypt, who endeavoured to raise sedition and tumults in that Country. Thirdly, that Athanasius is an oppressor of the people in Egypt, and exacteth from them linen garments or vestments for the service of the Church at Alexandria. But whilst these things are thus working at Constantinople, Athanasius not negligent of his own safety, upon experience already had of the enemy's skirmishes; expects the main battle will come on, and therefore makes haste to Constantinople, where he soon finds what work was upon the Anvil; and presenting himself unto the Emperor, made it so plain to the Emperor, that these Articles were pure forgeries, that the Emperor made no difficulty to accept him graciously, and dismissed him with his imperial Letters to the Church of Alexandria, letting them know of the malice and falsehood of Athanasius his accusers: and that Athanasins his integrity was so apparent, that the Emperor took great joy and delight in his company, and found him a faithful servant of God; and therefore required the Alexandrians to receive him with due honour, and demean themselves respectively towards him; and to study to maintain love and unity one with another, and to beware of those that endeavour to raise and nourish dissension and division amongst themselves: And thus is Athanasius judicially declared the true Bishop of Alexandria, and an honest man.   

CAP. VI  
The second complaint against Athanasius before the Emperor: and his Trial at the Council at Tyrus.  
NO sooner is Athanasius come from one Trial at Constantinople, 
Sect. 1.  but another is making ready for him at Mareotis; 
Soc. lib. 1. cap. 20.  a part of Egypt, wherein are many Towns and Congregations of Christians, all of them under the government of the Bishop of Alexandria, each of which having a competent number of people, having a Presbyter: and amongst these was one Coluthus, a man no less ambitious than was Arius, and therefore seldom was any agreement between them two, (for it is a rare thing to meet with two ambitious spirits to close) each of them had opinions which they peculiarly owned, and each had his peculiar Church; only Coluthus had so far exceeded, as to be in repute a Bishop, when as Arius was but a Presbyter; but by reason that the Council at Alexandria had disepiscopated him, his sect soon wasted: yet amongst them was one named Ischyras, a man that could thrive in no calling, and then will needs turn Minister, and prevails with Coluthus to make him a Presbyter; and so Coluthus made him as good a Presbyter, as he thereby made Coluthus a Bishop; for the Council had determined against him also, but he would not be thus determined upon; he conceited he was a Minister, and he resolves to conceit himself to be so still; and being thus fitted, or rather unfit, he wanders about for a living; and coming to a small Village in Mareotis, where the inhabitants were few, and those so poor, that they could not maintain a Minister amongst them, but were necessitated to unite to a neighbouring Congregation; there he sits down, and gets into a poor house, gains the dweller there to be his Disciple, and falls to teaching such principles as he had; and in continuance gathered a Church, as he called it, as many do in these days, upon as good principles as he, and with as little good success. For the news of this new Apparition coming to Macarius, Presbyter of the nighbouring Church, he acquaints Athanasius therewith, who bids Macarius go and visit the place, 
Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 24.  and tell Ischyras that Athanasius would speak with him, and with Macarius another Presbyter is joined: both these entering into the house where Ischyras was, found him sick in bed, and there they visited the Church, (for so I find it ordinarily called in those ancient times, and neither steeple house, nor meeting place) and upon inquiry, finding the particulars, they pitying the condition of Ischyras, say not any thing to him, but tell his father of the complaint against his son, and wish his father to advise his son not to intermeddle any more with the Ministerial calling there, till further orders from Athanasius: and so without any further ado they depart and acquaint Athanasius what they had found and did. 
Epist. Synod. Alex. add Epist. Affr.  But Ischyras recovering his health, and being told by his father what was said to him by the two Presbyters, he concludes, that there was no abiding for him in that place upon former terms, and that he must expect to answer for what he had already done; he therefore betakes him to his heels, and away is gone for Nicomedia, to Eusebius, the Arian Patron, and unto him bewails his sad condition: That he being a poor Minister of the Gospel, had been shamefully abused and wronged by Athanasius, his Church by him was profaned and vilified, his Communion Table overthrown, his Sacramental Cup broken in pieces, his Bible burnt, and himself threatened with persecution. Eusebius hears all, and receives the man courteously, as a Minister of the Gospel, pities his condition, and promises him his best furtherance; but he said it must be by the Emperor's authority and favour, which Eusebius doubted not of: but then Ischyras for his part must be ready with proofs, to make good the matter of the complaint, which if found true, would not only be for his relief, but even for his advancement to a better preferment, and it may be to a Bishopric in due time.  
Eusebius and his associates the Courtly Arian Bishops, 
Sect. 2.  think now they have enough wherewith to adventure once into the Emperor's presence, against Athanasius; and therefore repair unto the Emperor, and tell him of strange complaints that daily come to them against Athanasius: That they were many and of no mean degree: That the witnesses which will be produced to prove the same, are not mean persons; and therefore they pray the Emperor that a Synod may be called, and the matters tried there, and Athanasius heard in a legal way. The Emperor might have much cause to suspect malice in this matter, as well as he had found it formerly; yet in regard the information was by five Bishops, all persons of no mean concernment, he harkened to their Counsel; and appointed a Council to be holden at Caesaria Palestina, 
Soc. lib. 1. cap. 20. Theod. lib. 2. cap. 27, 28, 29.  a place picked out by Eusebius in the midst of a people overrun with Arianisme both Pastors and People. This was sad news for Athanasius, who hereby sees how the game is like to go concerning him, there being scarce four Bishops of all that Country that were Orthodox: Athanasius therefore declining to appear at Caesarea, gave his reason to the Emperor: This touched the Emperor to the quick, as if his Authority therein had been slighted by Athanasius; nevertheless concealing his displeasure, seemed to do him Justice, and removed the Council from Caesarea to Tyrus, so the place is changed, but not the persons. And there is a sting added in the tail of the Emperor's Letters, importing, That Athanasius must appear there at his peril; or if he do not, the Emperor will send such as shall force him thereunto; and to make this good, he appoints the Commander in chief of the Soldiers in that Country to represent his person in that Council. This Commander the Histories say was no friend to Athanasius, and it seems neither was he a friend to Religion or Justice. For he officiously caused Macarius to be apprehended, and committed to custody in chains before any cause appeared against him at the Council. Athanasius now sees the Emperor's countenance towards him to be changed; and that he must be judged by the Arian party, and by a Council wholly under the Moderatorship of the Soldiers; in which respect it could not be called a free Council; yet he resolves to be present, 
Soc. lib. 1. cap. 20.  not so much fearing himself, as the violation of the Nicene Decrees, should suffer prejudice. Nevertheless, he came not at the beginning, but delayed his appearing, Sozomen says, thirty months, 
Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 24.  which I suppose must be accounted from the first sitting of the Council at Caesarea, and by that delay gained the particulars in charge against him, and was the better prepared to make his Defence.  
The Council at Tyrus now assembled, 
Sect. 3.  the complaints against Athanasins come in thick and threefold; 
Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 24.  for Calinicus and Ischyras, one of them a Meletian Bishop, and the other a Meletian Presbyter routed, being formerly engaged by Eusebius, jointly with the Arians, bring in their Articles against Athanasius. That he had contemptuously thrown down the Communion Table, when Ischyras was in the time of administration of the Sacrament. That he likewise broke the Communion Cup. That he had unjustly imprisoned Ischyras divers times by false accusations. That he had unjustly ejected Calinicus from his Bishopric. That he had by violent assault beaten divers persons. That he procured his election to the Bishopric of Alexandria by perjury: And many such reports are scattered before the Council. And at length Athanasius comes into the Council, and they proceed legally against him.  
As touching the outrage in over-throwing the Communion Table, 
Sect. 4.  the witnesses that were produced, were such as Jews or Catecumeni, who after full evidence given were asked where they stood when they saw that insolency acted? They answered, that they were present in the place. That cannot be, was replied; for none can be present at the administration, but the participants only. Then the witnesses were asked, where Ischyras stood when the Table was demolished? He was sick in bed they answered; then it was observed to the Council that Ischyras could not be at that time in the work of administration of the Sacrament. The witnesses were further asked who burned the Bible? 
Athan. Apol. 2.  they said, they knew nothing of any such matter. Ischyras was then asked concerning his Church, who they were and how many? he said they were in number seven. The Council not being satisfied with this evidence, yet would not desist; but will make further inquiry by special Visitation; and appointed five of their members to go to the place, and make exact inquisition into the matter. Athanasius excepted against the Visitors as incompetent; they had been his accusers already, shall they be witnesses, judges, and parties in the same cause? but what ever Athanasius said, they account to no purpose; and to as little purpose was what they did. For Ischyras by his Letter to Athanasius afterward confessed to him, that what he said in all was feigned and forced, and that it was extorted from him by Heraclides, 
Athan. Apol. 2.  Isaak and Letois, three Meletian Bishops, by threats and cruel usage.  
Yet are these but trifles in comparison of what follows, 
Sect. 5.  for after this came into the Council a common strumpet, who with a shameless countenance charged Athanasius, that he being her guest, did ravish her: Athanasius being silent, Timotheus stepped forward and asked the woman, was I ever at your house, or had I ever aught to do with you? She likewise turning towards Timotheus, said, were not you at my house at such a time? and did you not then force me? hereat a noise is raised in the Council, some laughing, others raging; and the strumpet is commanded forthwith to departed the place: Nay, said Athanasius, she ought to be examined who suborned her hereunto, but in the mean time the woman is gone: And other witnesses are brought in, who say nothing to the former matters, but bring an uncouth charge, of a stranger nature.  
That Athanasius had murdered Arsenius, 
Sect. 6. Soc. lib. 1. cap. 20.  and cut off his right arm, which he preserved secretly in a chest for magical uses, which being found, is produced now to the Council; and therewith a man's arm is taken out of a chest and shown forht. Hereat a pretence of general admiration seems to possess all at the strangeness of the thing; The thing is accounted a brutish cruelty, and Athanasius as an enemy to Mankind. But that the thing may be better understood, it must be remembered that Arsenius had been formerly a Lecturer under Athanasius, and being guilty of somewhat, 
Ruffinus.  forthwith his conscience told him he deserved punishment; to avoid shame, gets himself away, and abideth amongst the Meletians, where he by them was kept in obscurity, 
Athan. Apol. 2.  as was confessed by Pinnes the Presbyter, in his Letter to Athanasius, wherein he confesseth himself to be the chief actor. And Arsenius being thus in obscurity, a report is raised that he is murdered by Athanasius, upon displeasure conceived against him. 
Soc. lib. 1. cap. 21.  This report occasioned Athanasius to make a strict enquiry after Arsenius, and probably discovered him to be alive, and as some say prevailed with him to come to Tyrus; but others more probably conclude that God overruled his mind to come thither of his own accord, either out of a mind affecting novelty, or intending some other design, for he came privately and obscured himself in the City of Tyrus, yet was he discovered in the evening to the Governor; and being apprehended, he denied his name, but he being secured, notice is given thereof to Athanasius privately. The next day when Arsenius his matter came to consideration in the Council, and they were thus in amaze, Athanasius desires to know if any one present knew Arsenius so perfectly as to affirm the arm shown forth was his; whereupon divers answered, that they knew Arsenius well, yet do not know the arm produced to be his. And hereupon the party that was apprehended was brought into the Council. And Athanasius seeing him, asked if any man present knew this person now before them; and divers there present affirmed he is Arsenius. Then Athanasius stepping to him, turned aside his outward garment, and discovered both his arms, saying, behold here are two arms, as other men use to have; and if any man can show the place where the other arm was cut off, he may search and show what he can; the clamour is now raised greater than before, in which the principal witness against Athanasius, by some named Acab, by others Johannes (both of them Meletian Bishops) being self-confounded; takes his slight in the tumult and is gone.  
Now is the Scene quite changed; before Athanasius was a Murderer, now he is a conjurer and hath deluded the Council with a phantasm or sprightish appearance or shape of Arsenius, insomuch as Athanasius is now in danger of being torn in pieces amongst them, had not the Civil Power rescued him, and carrying him out from amongst them, advised him to make his escape by Sea.  
●aphnutius an Egyptian Pishop in the beginning of this disquisition concerning Athanasius before the Council; evidently perceiving their intention, 
Sect. 7. Ruffin. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 17.  and the siding of the Soldiers with them against Athanasius, steps to Maximus Bishop of Jerusalem (who had, like as himself, lost one eye and one leg in witness bearing to the truth under Maxentius.) And taking Maximus by the hand, lifted him up, saying, Maximus, You and I have been fellows in suffering, and are equal sharers therein, each of us have lost one of our bodily eyes; but God hath given us a clearer light within us, than our outward eye can see: I cannot endure that we should sit here any longer in the Councils of these wicked men, here's no mind of Justice at all; and so going out with him, told him the whole truth of Athanasius' carriage, by means whereof Maximus continued a faithful friend to Athanasius as long as he lived. After him Potamon Bishop of Heraclea, seeing Eusebius Bishop of Caesaria sitting as Director of the Council, 
Epiphan. Lib. 2. Tom. 2. Her.  and siding against Athanasius, now standing as a Delinquent, was overcome with grief, and said weeping, Do you Eusebius sit as Judge? and must innocent Athanasius be judged by you? who can endure to see it? but tell me, were not you in prison with me in the persecuting times? therein I lost one of my eyes in bearing witness to the truth; but you can show no mutilation of any member, nor mark of your confession. How did you escape out of prison? was it not by doing that abomination, which you ought not to have done, or promising to do the same? 
Athan. Apol 2.  And immediately he also departs the Council, and was followed by forty or more of the Egyptian Bishops; for they saw it a vain thing for them to strive against Dionysius, the Emperor's Lieutenant there, and his Soldiers. Eusebius hearing Potamons' rebuke, was moved thereat, and said, Do you Potamon come hither to persecute, you will do it much more in your own Country? and thereupon he dissolved the meeting for that day: Sectaries muse as they use; they say the Church will persecute, but the Church doth know by experience that the Sectaries do persecute. For after this the Council did meet again, and proceeded in their work, they condemn Athanasius, excommunicate and banish him never to return to Alexandria again. A strange example of a Christian Council in the government of such an Emperor as Constantine is reported to be; and is a sufficient evidence to all the World that the opinion that a Council cannot err, is but a notion.   

CHAP. VII.  
Athanasius his appeal to the Emperor Constantine; Athanasius is banished, and Ariusis accepted.  
IT is nevertheless true, 
Sect. 1.  That the curse causeless shall not come: Athanasius is now in repute an excommunicate banished Outlaw. Yet in the issue God will bring forth his judgement as the light. He is enforced to flee for his liberty, and to seek his reparation from the Emperor by way of appeal from the Council to his definitive sentence, as the supreme power in all causes, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil. This is the first precedent of that kind that is found in story, (for Constantine was the first Christian Emperor) and is commended to posterity by the example of so worthy a man as Athanasius was, who was the first lèader herein. Nor was the Emperor scrupulous in admitting the appeal; however himself was interested in the act of the Council, by the Presidency of his Lieutenant there, but did appoint the matter to be heard before himself at Constantinople. Neither did the Arian Bishops now in Council at Tyrus disclaim the trial before the Emperor; for though they were the first precedent of a schism in a general Council, yet they did not independ upon the supreme Christian Magistrate; but sent their Proctors to appear before the Emperor, to justify their proceed as well as they could. 
Soz. lib. 2. cap. 27.  But I must leave the appeal depending, till I glance upon some passages between the Emperor and Arius which preceded the appearance of Athanasius before the Council, and had their influence upon Athanasius afterward.  
The Arian Party under the conduct of Eusebius, 
Sect. 2.  had made it their design ever since the Council at Nice, to gain back Arius to Alexandria, and to restore him to communion with the Church there; for which purpose a Presbyter of their own sect was made become familiarly acquainted with Constantia the Emperor's sister; 
Soz. lib. 2 cap. 26.  and having gained her favour, told her, that it was much for the Emperor's dishonour, that Arius should so long remain secluded from his Church at Alexandria, upon such mistake, and by information of some that envied him for the great opinion that the people have of him; all which will be made apparent, if the Emperor would but admit him to speak for himself; and therefore he prayed her to move the Emperor therein. It is supposed that Constantia did this accordingly soon after, but it might be left out of mind: For afterward Constantia falling sick of her last sickness, and the Emperor coming to visit her, amongst other things she glanced upon the matter concerning Arius, and therein spoke much in commendation of her Presbyter, and commended him to the Emperor's favour; telling him that her Presbyter was a man of parts, zealous of the Emperor's honour, and a very godly man: The Emperor taking this as her last request (for she died soon after) did accordingly; for he sent for the Presbyter, and commanded him to wait upon him. This act of the Emperor; though but an act of love to his sister, and might seem of small importance; yet (as the times then stood) proved the great hinge upon which the affairs of the Empire in relation to the Church did turn. So dangerous a thing it is for them in authority to intrust their favour unto any private relation, especially to a woman whose affections many times are strong and predominate; and in the general, are more skilful at making of fires than men are.  
This new favourite that Constantine had so easily gained, crept up by degrees into his bosom: 
Sect. 3. Soc. lib 1. cap. 19 20. Soz. lib 2. cap. 26.  and after that he found that he had gained possession within his Buttons, he also adventured to tell the the Emperor, how much he was wounded in his repute by the long restraint of Arius from Alexandria where he was in so great esteem; especially upon mistaking grounds concerning his opinion, which is commonly known to be in no manner contrary to the Nicene Faith, as was reported. And he further told the Emperor, that if he would please to admit Arius into his presence, Arius was very desirous to give the Emperor full satisfaction therein. The Emperor was well pleased herewith, and told the Presbyter, That if Arius be of the same judgement with the Nicene Council, the Emperor would not only admit him into his presence, but he would restore him to his Church at Alexandria: and for further assurance herein, the Emperor wrote his Letters to Arius, signifying his pleasure, that Arius should come and speak with the Emperor. Hereupon Arius with Eusebius come to Constantinople; 
Epiphan.  and being admitted into the Emperor's presence, he asked Arius if he did agree to the Nicene Faith? and they both answered that they did agree thereto, The Emperor than required them to set down their faith in writing: which thing they after also did, and presented the same as the faith of them and their followers, to this purpose:  
Soz. lib. 2 cap. 26.  We believe in one God, the Father Almighty: and in one Lord Jesus Christ, his Son, begotten of him before all ages: True God; by whom all things are made in Heaven and in Earth; who descended, and is incarnate, and suffered, and risen again; and ascended into Heaven: and shall come again to judge both the quick and the dead. And in the Holy Ghost: in the resurrection of the flesh: in eternal life in the Kingdom of Heaven. In one Catholic Church of God, extending throughout all the Earth. 
This Faith they said they received from the Gospel; the Lord Jesus Christ saying to his Disciples, Go and teach all nations, sanctifying them in the Name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost; as the whole Catholic Church and Scriptures do teach: in which (said they) we wholly believe God is our Judge, both now, and at the last judgement. This writing the Emperor perused, and asked Arius if he had aught more to say; and whether from his heart he did truly own what he did profess? To which Arius answered, that he had not aught more to say, nor hath he written or said other, or otherwise, then according to his judgement. The Emperor hereto replied, If your faith be right, you have sworn truly; but if otherwise, know, that God will be revenged on you for your perjury, and from Heaven reveal his Justice upon you.  
It seems the Emperor was not yet satisfied with the reality of these men, 
Sect. 4.  and therefore will determine nothing herein, without Counsel, contrary to the determinations of the Council at Tyrus, which is in his opinion meet for the purpose. But a matter of piety comes in his way: he had built a famous Temple upon Mount Calvary nigh to Jerusalem, and it being now finished he will repair thither for the dedication of the same: And he writes to the Council at Tyrus, 
Theod. lib. 1. c. 30.  to adjourn their meeting to Jerusalem, to assist him in that work: and they are as forward therein as himself; For building of Churches, and a pompous devotion, will solder well enough with Arianism, to overly the same with the gold of seeming holiness. And unto this Council at Jerusalem, Constantine refers the matter concerning Arius, sending him thither with his Confession of Faith by him subscribed; requiring them to examine him strictly concerning the same, and if they find him and the Confession good, then to show him favour: So is Athanasius his appeal deferred till the dedication be past, and he gone to Alexandria. 
Sozom. lib. 2. c. 26.  But the Council being met at Jerusalem, acdording to the Emperor's direction, speedily take Arius his matter into consideration; and find him Orthodox, and his Confession good, and acquit him from the censure of the Nicene Council, and admit him to his Church at Alexandria. Hereof they give notice by Letters to the Bishops and Presbyters of Egypt and Alexandria, telling them, that Arius his faith was good, that the Emperor had so declared it upon the Councils determination at Jerusalem, and that they had admitted Arius again to his Church at Alexandria; and therefore prayed them to accept him into communion with them, as before times they had done. And they further wrote to the Emperor, and informed him what they had done concerning Arius, so as he now stands right in the Emperor's opinion, who granted to Arius also his Imperial Letters directed to the Church at Alexandria, enjoining them to admit Arius unto his Church and communion with themselves again. And thus a fault is committed, whereof the Emperor may politically be acquitted, in that he followed the advice of a Council: but in a Theological sense He stands doubtful; for he could not but understand the principles of those persons who were the prevailing part of the Council: but as touching the Council itself, it neither was Theologically nor Politically innocent: For they that will err at Tyrus, will also err at Jerusalem.  
And now is Arius posting for Alexandria with all his Letters, 
Sect. 5.  who coming nigh the City, is met with; and enters the City like himself in triumph, as a Conqueror rather than as a penitentiary; and hereupon tumults are raised, and Arius is denied admittance into his Church; and Athanasius by his Letters to the Emperor renders the reason, That the Catholic Church could not communicate with heresy, nor the Alexandrians with one that was condemned by the general Council at Nice, unless he did first retract his opinion, and manifest repentance, and were thereupon restored by a General Council. But the Emperor, however Christian he was, yet now apprehending his Authority again slighted by Athanasius, was angry, and wrote to Athanasius, telling him, that it is the Emperor's express will and pleasure, that all such as shall desire to be admitted into Church fellowship with the Church at Alexandria, shall have free liberty to join therein, and be admitted thereto. And if Athanasius shall refuse any that shall desire the same, the Emperor will forth-wish depose Athanasius, and give his place to another that shall perform the Emperors will.  
Said like an Emperor and not a Chirstian Magistrate that must govern by Law, 
Sect. 6.  nor like a Parliament whose Vote must make a Law; had it been so, Athanasius might have been somewhat ; but he being warranted by the determination of the Council of Nice, in which the Emperors own Vote, as well as the Vote of all the Churches of the Empire was concluded: And this Council at Jerusalem but the fag end of a Courcil under force; and therefore not sufficient warrant for what was done, Conslantine must bear the blame. And therefore in all this, there can be no precedent of the Christian Magistrates, interest above the Ecclesiastical, nor of the Ecclesiastical interest independent upon the Christian Magistrate, in regard the general Councils were not purely Ecclesiastical, but mixed of both interests, and so continued till the Mystery of iniquity was fully settled in the Roman Chair, and the Civil Power turned out of Doors.  
This advantage of the Emperor's displeasure at Athanasius is quickly espied by the Arians, 
Sect. 7.  and they soon add fuel to the fire, and tell the Emperor, that so long as Athanasius thus ruled at Alexandria, the Emperor's government would be at a stand in those parts; and therefore they urge the Emperor with the proceed of the Council at Tyrus; 
Soc. lib. 1. cap. 23. Theod. lib. 1. cap. 30.  and thereupon the cause comes to hearing before the Emperor. But the Proctors for the Tyrian Council quite forgetting the case upon the Appeal, bring accusations of crimes against Athanasius, which never formerly came to mention; That Athanasius had threatened to stop the trade of Corn from Egypt to Constantinople, and that the same will be proved by four Bishops, who were ear witnesses thereof; And some other particulars, whereunto Athanasius could make no other defence, then by bare denial of the matters, alleging that his Authority was not so great, as to stop or open trade. But Athanasius observing the Emperor somewhat difficult in hearing of him, he told the Emperor somewhat plainly of his siding with the Heretics, 
Athan. Apol. 2.  Emicuit ibi Caesaris ira, saith Athanasius; the Emperor was enraged thereat, and forthwith without other cause or further inquiry into matters, he banished Athanasius, and sent him. prisoner to the Bishop of Triers, where he remained till the death of Constantine the Emperor.   

CAP. VIII.  
Constantine will not be persuaded to recall Athanasius: The Death of Anus.  
THe banishment of Athanasius, 
Sect. 1. Baron. An. 336. num. 11.  and the receiving of Arius meeting together as at once, like an Earthquake, shaked the whole Church of God on Earth, as if their Christian Magistrate were turned Heathen again, or at least an heathenish Christian Arian; and the rather because it proved not a fit of passion, but a lasting distemper, and by all the means that could be used, incurable. For after the news hereof was blown abroad, the Alexandrian Churches do not only by servant prayers to God night and day, but by all the means that they could invent, importune the Emperor to relent; They petition the Emperor themselves, many others do the like; the Monks of the Wilderness are not behind: But above all that famous Monk Anthony (whom all Christians honoured, 
Athan. Apol. 2.  even Constantine himself and all his Sons and Courtiers) who wrote divers Letters to the Emperor in Athanasius his behalf, praying him to take heed of the Meletians, for though their Doctrines were good, yet their practice was scandalous, their informations calumnious, and shown little conscience of truth (are there none like these men in these days?) But nothing will prevail, the Emperor returns negatives to all; he tells the Alexandrians, that themselves are pertinacious and turbulent, and commanded them, their Clerks and Virgins, to be quiet, for he will not call home Athanasius, nor recede from what he had done. That Athanasius was condemned by the Council, and was a seditious and unquiet man. He told also Anthony the Monk, that he could not disown the proceed of the Council at Tyre against Athanasius, that though some might be his enemies, yet is it not to be believed that so many learned men should so foully miscarry, as to condemn him without just cause. That Athanasius is a turbulent man, and arrogant; with other passionate words, as in the Letters do appear. And thus the matter is concluded against Athanasius upon the Emperor's passionate surmise; A distemper suiting rather with Dioclesian then Constantine's Profession. 
N●zian. E●com. Athan.  For a good man because himself is not prone to commit evil, is therefore not prone to condemn another good man, without clear grounds, which Constantine had not. Nevertheless my own pen also must beware how it touches deeper upon the sincerity of Constantine then is meet. For Baronius taketh much pains to mollify the harshness of this act of Constantine (possibly from regard of the honour of the Roman Church so highly extolled by Constantine as they report) as if all had been done in policy to maintain the public peace, and in favour to Athanasius in conveying him out of the way of the deadly pursuit of the Meletians and Arians. And it is very true that Writers do affirm, 
Soz. lib. 3. cap. 2.  that Constantine (the son of Constantine the Great) in his Letters to the Chrurches of Alexandria upon his restoring of Athanasius (left under his power by the death of his father) amongst other things saith, That it was a favour in Constantive the Great to send Athanasius out of the way, unto the Bishop of Triers, where he was well entertained and wanted nothing, and that in the mean time the See of Alexandria was kept vacant for him; and that the Emperor had therein an eye to the public peace. And it is no less true that Athanasius himself, what ever he thought at the present time of his banishment concerning the Emperor's anger, yet afterwards he was persuaded to conceive charitable, 
Athan. Apol. 2.  or at least to speak charitably thereof. And therefore I must conjecture that although this banishment might originally arise from a distemper of sudden passion, yet afterwards it was continued upon a prudential consideration.  
For Constantine was angry on both sides, 
Sect. 2.  as may appear by his dealing with the Meletians; who having thus by the help of the Arians traveled with iniquity and conceived mischief to the Alexandrians, in the conclusion bring forth falsehood to themselves; for having now gotten the day, as they conceived, against the Alexandrian Churches, they expect glorious times. And Arius is now posting in haste to Alexandria to get possession, 
Soc. lib. 1. cap. 25. Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 28.  and as it seems is met in a triumphant manner by the Meletians, with their Bishop John in the Van; and coming thus to Alexandria, the Arian party grow rampant; and this meeting with an exasperated people at the banishment of their Bishop, breaks forth into a tumult, and therein bloodshed ensues, and such a havoc, as the news comes to Constantinople. And the Emperor sends for Arius and the Meletian Bishop, who presenting themselves to the Emperor, they are questioned as Authors of disturbance, and much of the blame resting upon the insolency of the Meletians; and their Bishop (who was no less adored by the Meletians than Athanasius was honoured of the Alexandrians) would not be dissuaded, 
Soz. lib. 2. cap. 29.  but forthwith banished him also; notwithstanding that he had the whole Arian party to befriend him.  
But as touching Arius he is saved, 
Sect. 3.  yet not fafe, for he cannot attain his end for all this; he is not permitted to go to Alexandria, but must stay at Constantinople, where he had not continued long before another Tumult is raised even there also. For Alexander Bishop of Constantinople was a learned man, and no less zealous against the Arians then was also Athanasius. And the general stream of the people of that City were well mended also that way. And thought the Arian party there were but few in comparison, yet the presence of their great Rabbi there made them gather courage, and grew more bold then ordinarily they had been; and thereat distaste is taken, and upon occasion an outrage follows. The Emperor awakened thereat, sends for Arius, and asks him what the matter is, that wherever he goes still Tumults follow him? and whether he doth really agree with the Nicene Faith? And again he professedly avoweth that he doth fully agree thereto. The Emperor commandeth him to set the same down in writing under his hand, which he did in the Emperor's presence: 
Soc. lib. 1. cap. 25.  Hereto the Emperor requires his oath to manifest that he is real in the same; and he as readily maketh oath, that what he had written, was according to the truth, and that it was his real judgement and opinion. But the Historian saith, 
Theod. lib. 1. c. 14.  that (to save Arius from a plain lie and perjury) at the same time Arius had his private opinion in his own sense under his own hand in writing, which then he also kept under his arm when he made his oath; and that Arius swore in relation to that, and not to what he subscribed in the Emperor's presence. The Emperor having this evidence of Arius, his subscription and oath, is now satisfied; and will have him first to communicate with the Orthodox Church at Constantinople, that he might be the better qualified for communion with the Church at Alexandria. And accordingly he writeth to Alexander the Bishop of Constantinople to accept of Arius into Communion: Alexander laying aside all further disputes, (by which hitherto he had mightily opposed the Arian party, and by which he saw plainly there was no dealing now with the Emperor) betakes himself wholly to prayer to God, wherein he continued fervently for divers days and nights; more especially upon the day next before that Lord's day wherein it is determined that Arius must be admitted to the Sacrament: The sum of which Prayer, 
Soc. lib. 1. c. 25.  because Socrates reports it not with that caution that became him to do a thing of that nature; I shall relate it out of Athanasius his own Copy after this manner. 
Athan. Epist ad Serapion.   It must needs be thus, O Lord, that Arius must communicate with this people to morrow; Let thy servant, O Lord, now depart in peace, and never see that day; and destroy not thou the righteous with the wicked: but if thou wilt spare thy Church (as Thou wilt spare it) remember the words of Eusebius, and give abt over thine inheritance, O Lord, to destruction and contempt, and take Arius out of the way. Lest he being admitted into communion, Heresy should seem also to be received into communion with the truth, and wickedness be accounted Godliness. 
This Prayer reflecting upon the words of Eusebius, is to be intended of him that was Bishop of Nicomedia, who now at Constantinople had the whole conduct of the matter concerning Arius; 
Soz. lib. 2. cap. 28.  and who had sent a message to Alexander, that in case he would not admit Arius in communion, Eusebius would banish Alexander from Constantinople, and put another in that place that should do the work. But Eusebius for all his bravery miss his expectation: for the Lord's Day being come, about the twilight (for it seems the Sacramental Supper was in those days celebrated in the evening) Arius with the Emperor's authority, marches forth in state out of the Emperor's Hall, with Eusebius, and other Bishops in his train, all of them being of the Eusebian sect; and passing along the streets in pomp, (a strange manner of address to the Sacrament) came to the common place of Market, or Judgement; in which place a sudden fear falls upon Arius, and therewith he is surprised with a Flux, which enforced him to return himself behind the common street and place of Judgement, into an house appointed for such a purpose, and there suddenly his spirit falls him; his excrements and blood run out, his belly breaks, his guts fall out, his spleen and liver follows; and the people staying long in expectation of him, and he not coming, they enter the place, and find that sad spectacle of him lying in that manner dead. The news whereof spreads suddenly; the company of his associates is confounded: 
Athan. Epist. ad Sarapion.  The Arians are smitten with terror and shame, many are converted, many more formerly in a doubting way, are confirmed in the Truth; and the Emperor himself amazed, reflecting upon what Arius had so lately done: and generally it is concluded, that God hath determined that no communion shall be between the Arians, and the Orthodox Christians. And that place where this dreadful example appeared thus, was for a long time after rendered famous, or rather infamous thereby; many coming to see it, many more passing by it, point at it, and no man daring to make use thereof after its generally accounted execrable: and so continues for a long time, till at length a rich man, being an Arian, purchased that house, and pulled it down, and built another house in the room thereof to bury the menmorial of so formidable an example of God's judgement in forgetfulness; which nevertheless still remaineth in the Memorials of Fame.   

CAP. IX.  
The death of Constantine: The succession of his three Sons in the Empire: The return of Athanasiusto Alexandria.  
ARius thus out of the World, 
Sect. 1.  it might be expected that the quarrel concerning Athanasius might find the easier composal, and that the Emperor Constantine will now be persuaded to agree to his restoring to Alexandria; 
Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 29.  but notwithstanding the renewed applications made to the Emperor from the Alexandrian Churches, yet the opposition continues still. Neither will God's judgements from Heaven, nor mediation on earth prevail against Constantine's Principles, whatever they were. For now that Arius is gone, Eusebius his Champion doth so much the more mightily lay about him in the Arian cause, having also the other Bishops to second him, who once engaged, count it a disparagement to be scared with the strangeness of Arius his death; and so the Alexandrian Churches cannot prevail to have justice, no not from Constantine; nor will he regain his honour of doing justice herein so long as he lives; and yet he carries the matter so, as the Eusebians shall gain no ground thereby: For lest he should seem to favour the Heretics, he publishes an edict against them, taking away their Churches, commanding their members to join themselves in communion with the Orthodox Churches; forbidding also the meetings of the Heretics, whether in public, or private; all which he might well do, and yet little hurt to the Arian cause: For they are of the Meletian Churches, and so in the repute of Constantine, Legal men; 
Soz. lib. 2. cap. 30.  they could own or disown Churches at pleasure, and therefore out of the dint of the edict; and yet are as ill as the worst of those that are within the compass of the edict. For all this therefore Constantine is not a declared enemy to the Arians as yet; nor will he be till they prove unquiet: Nay they, and they alone, as touching Church affairs, shall be his Counselors and Courtiers, so long as they will let him have peace in his Throne, though they turn the Lord Jesus Christ out of his Throne. And there were two things more that befell in the Emperor's life time, which do much countenance the truth thereof. For first, (if his beloved Historian Eusebius Bishop of Caesaria may be believed) Constantine received the Sacrament of Baptism, in nature of a viaticum a little before his death, 
Euseb. vit. Const.  not by the administration of Alexander Bishop of his Imperial City, as might have becomed an Emperor, but by the hands of Eusebius of Nicomedia, the patron of the Arian party; and if so, the same was no good sign. But if Baronius his relation may be believed, it's much worse; for he proveth, 
Baron. An.  according to his manner, that Constantine had been baptised by Sylvester Bishop of Rome, and then if Eusebius also saith true, he was rebaptised; and that shows that he loved the Nicomedian water better than the Roman. But there is a second sign of Constantine's disposition, as ill, if not worse than the former whereby he did (as much as in him did lie) stake the very Subsistence of the Orthodox party at the cast of the Dice, which was the trust that still he reposed in the Arian Presbyter commended to him by his Sister Constantia. For he trusted him with the keeping of his last Will, and delivery thereof to his Son Constantius after his Father's death, as if Constantine intended therewith to commend the Presbyter also to Constantius, as a man meet to be trusted by him; and also to commend to Constantius whatsoever the Presbyter should bring along with him; and what sad consequences ensued thereupon accordingly, will appear afterward: yet if in all this his rule was that of policy, it must be acknowledged he adventured somewhat too much to gain peace, and yet when all is done, at the best he had but a troublesome Reign.  
Against these sad symptoms of Constantine's disposition, 
Sect. 2.  I must do him that right as to balance therewith two other, mentioned by Writers, which seem to show that Constantine's judgement in matters of Religion was Orthodox. One of which was that he caused his three Sons Constantine, Constantius, 
Euseb. Vit. Const. lib. 4. cap. 52. Ibid. cap. 32.  and Constans, to be trained up in Orthodox principles, two of which Sons held constant their Profession. The second thing was his Oration to the Saints, written by him, and published by Eusebius of Caesaria; wherein, especially in the tenth Chapter of that Oration, he asserts the Deity of Christ. He might therefore be well principled, but how far in his age might be drawn aside by the flatteries of the Arians, may be conceived by what is written of him; for it is evident that his policy sometimes did divide between his judgement and affections; and upon that occasion that virtue that so much sounded in his name and the names of his Sons appeared but dimly many times; for himself could sometimes censure some as if they deserved never to be trusted, and again trust them as if they never deserved censure; and that may seem to be the principal cause of Eutropius his censure of him, that he was Primo Imperii tempore Optimis Principibus, altimo mediis comparandus. 
Eutrop. Vit. Const.  A man in his first time equal to the best of Princes, but in his later times inferior; yet in the general stream of his government he shown himself wise, courageous, and after his manner zealous in advancement of God's Worship, though in his later times more for the Ceremony, and scarce short of Superstition, the ordinary fault of Christian Princes. He executed the greatest part of his will before he made it; which was the disposing of his Empire amongst his three Sons, and settling them therein, whiles he was yet alive. He made his second Son Constantius his Execuor; yet bequeathed Athanasius to his eldest Son Constantine to restore him to his place at Alexandria; so as it seemeth the equity of Athanasius his case rested with Constantine, though he passed Sentence against him. The certain time of the beginning of his Life and Reign, and the continuance thereof are all uncertain, yet it is certain that he died; but the most approved account by Historians is, that his Reign began about the year of our Lord three hundred and six, and continued with Maximinus, Maxentius, and Licinus, or one of them, till about the year three hundred twenty and four, and thenceforth, until about three hundred thirty and seven he reigned alone, and died in the sixty sixth year of his age.  
After his death his three Sons succeed him in their several parts of the Empire. 
Sect. 3.  Constantine the eldest had his lot in the western parts of the Empire, bounded on the East by the unconquered parts of Germany, containing the British Isles, Spain, France, Germany. Constans the youngest had Illiricum, Greece and Africa, and it seemeth Italy. Constantius had Thracia, Constantinople, and what was conquered in Asia. Constantine the eldest was like his Father in affecting greatness, but not in success: For he thought he might be bold with his youngest brother Constans, and endeavoured to gain Italy from him, but therein he lost his life in the field, and therewith that part of the Empire dissolved to Constans by way of Conquest, after that his eldest brother had reigned about three years. Constans also was a brave and a just man, till he grew disabled for action by the Gout, but then betaking himself to ease, he contracted diseases, and grew into dislike of the people, and was murdered by Magnentius, who had been his Subject, after he had reigned about seventeen years. Both these Emperor's continued friends to the Orthodox Christians during their times; but they being dead, the whole Empire remained to Constantius; yet could he not gain quiet possession without the Sword. For Magnentius had gotten possession of Constans his part of the Empire, but he lost his life, or rather cast it away in the quarrel with Constantius; which cost the Empire so much blood, as for want of Soldiers, the Northern people had an easy entrance opened to them into the Empire, to the utter ruin thereof in the conclusion.  
The beginnings of the Reigns of these three Emperors are so differently observed by Writers, as it makes the order of story concerning all affairs perplexed, and amongst the rest of those affairs, concerning Athanasius. For sometimes they reflect upon the death of Constantine the Father, as the beginning of the Reigns of his Sons; and sometimes upon their several entries upon their government in the life-time of their Father; and they observe that Constantine the Son began his Government in the tenth year of his Father's Reign, 
Euseb. Vit. Const. lib. 4. cap. 40. soc. lib. 1. cap. 25.  and Constantius in the twentieth year, and Constans in the thirtieth year; which cannot well consist with the joint government of Maxentius, Maximinus, and Licinus, together with Constantine the Father of these three, whose beginning being also uncertain, I shall skip over this block, and account the beginning of the Reigns of these three Emperors, from the death of their Father, and have principal relation in the (prosecution thereof) to the Reign of Constantius, because he was the chief in action in matters concerning Athanasius, and was the survivor of them all.  
The beginning of his Reign therefore will befall about the three hundred and seven and thirtieth year after the Incarnation of Christ, 
Sect. 5.  at which time Constantine the Great is supposed to have died; by whose death the propagation of the Nicene Faith is left in much hazard, in respect of humane help, by reason principally of the difference in judgement in matters of Religion, wherein Constantius differed from the other Emperors his brothers. For many-headed Government never were, nor will be able to induce or propagate true Religion, because truth is but one, and many heads are supposed to have many minds, and many wills, and many temptations. And though Constantius, as well as his brothers, was trained up in Orthodox Principles; 
Theod. lib. 2. cap. 3.  yet the Arian Presbyter formerly mentioned, was too hard for him; for he delivering to Constantius his Father Constantine's Will, therewith delivered himself, and Constantius took both, and delivered himself to the Presbyter; and hereby the Arian poison insinuates into the Imperial blood, and gains the throne that formerly had been but attendant thereupon. A cunning man doubtless this Presbyter was, who being thus in favour with two Emperors successively, did nevertheless thus cloud himself, kept at Court, do so much, and yet no more, than a nameless Presbyter all this while. And as cunning he was in his working, gaining his interest by degrees; 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 2.  first with the servants at the Court, then with the Empress, and then with the Emperor, spreading this Arian infection as Leaven through the Imperial Family, and from thence into the City of Constantinople. And thus as God had formerly made use of the Imperial power to induce and propagate Religion, so now the Devil makes use of the like power to propagate error, yet with this difference, Gods will is done in both.  
Constantius now come into power in the Eastern Empire, the Arian Bishops Eusebius, Theognis, 
Sect. 6.  Maris, Vrsatius, and Valens, are at his elbow, and are still the great Courtiers, and employ their utmost interest for the advancement of the Arian Cause: for those Churchmen whose conscience will allow them to forsake their pastoral charge, to live at the Court, that conscience will also allow them to turn Apostates to any error that shall come into fashion there. And by this means principally the Arian Heresy becomes now past a babe, and stands in need no longer of their Meletian tutors. But the Meletian Churches stand rather in need of their pupil's assistance, and if themselves will thrive, they must not only forgo their name, but their principles also, and turn Arians, or incur the danger of their displeasure. But the condition of Athanasius becometh very difficult; 
Soz lib. 2. cap. 21.  for though it was Constantine's will that he should be restored to his Church and place at Alexandria; and had given his Son Constantine charge concerning the same, in regard that Athanasius, now at Triers, was under his dominion; yet whether Alexandria was under the government of Constantius, and no part of Africa left to the government of Constans, or how the government of the whole Empire might be ordered jointly, I understand not; but it is evident, that Constantius wrought much trouble to Athanasius after his return to Alexandria, before Constantius was possessed of the whole Empire, and that he began therein betimes. For Constantine the eldest Son delayed not to execute his Father's will, as touching Athanasius, in releasing him from his banishment, 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 2.  but having sent for him, sends him to Alexandria with his Imperial Letters commendatory; telling them, that they knew that his Father Constantine did not banish Athanasius out of displeasure, but sent him out of the way of danger; and that his Father when he died left it in charge to him that Athanasius should be restored, and that in discharge of his trust, and in answering their desires, he now did send Athanasius to them: And thus is Athanasius now come with honour to Alexandria, after two years and four month's absence. Nor did Constantius in any manner then interpose that any History doth mention; 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 35. Soz. lib. 3. cap. 2.  yet he had not been long there before Constantius began to appear in his proper colours.   

CAP. X.  
The Death of Alexander Bishop of Constantinople, and the Succession of Bishops there.  
COnstantinople is now become the Imperial City, 
Sect. 1.  and the chief residence of Constantius, and Great Rome not so happy or unhappy, as to be advanced to that honour; and the Bishops of Constantinople hereby had great advantage of the Emperor's neighbourhood, so long as they were both of one way in Religion. Alexander had been Bishop there now twenty years, famous for learning and zeal in Religion; yet such was Constantine's principles, that Eusebius though an Arian, had his right ear, and did gain upon the Orthodox: however Orthodox the Emperor Constantine was, after his death unconstant Constantius possessed the Throne at Constantinople, who having given up his very soul to his concealed Presbyter, portendeth a sad time to Alexander the Bishop, to pass through in his old age. But God eased him of that care, for his death draws nigh; and he perceiving it, sends for the Elders of his Church, and tells them that he hath no long time to continue with them, and therefore advises with them as touching his Successor, and then nominating two, 
Soz. lib. 3. cap. 3. Soc. lib. 2. cap. 4.  the one named Paulus the other Macedonius, he tells them that Paulus was more suitable for Religion, and Macedonius more acceptable at the Emperor's Court. After he dying, the Church elected Paulus, trusting more to the love of God then to the favour of the Emperor. And having prevailed with some Bishops then at Constantinople, Paulus is admitted and ordained Bishop there, as by the Canon of the Nicene Council they were enabled.  
But Eusebius and the Arians are much troubled hereat, and informeth Constantius thereof, 
Sect. 2.  who is no less displeased thereupon then they, 
Soz. lib. 3. cap. 4. Soc. lib. 2. cap. 5.  and is soon persuaded to call a Council of Bishops more fit for his work; and therein Eusebius by indirect means, according to his wont, prevailed to have Paulus ejected, and himself elected Bishop of Constantinople, and is admitted by the Council, and confirmed by the Emperor, a fit Bishop for his tooth; yet he lasted not long, for within five years he also died, And the Church at Constantinople press once more to obtain Paulus. 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 9, 10.  But still the Arians are in greatest repute at Court, and in account the only precious men, and they elect Macedonius: And then arises tumults amongst the people, the ordinary effect of a Toleration. And the Emperor then at the Council at Antioch being informed thereof, sends Hermogenes a Commander, with a force to quiet the City; but the tumults increase, Hermogenes is therein slain, and his body dragged about the Streets, and his house burnt. The Emperor at this news is startled, and hastens to the City: And after some time, when the heat is past, 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 16.  he made Macedonius Bishop of Constantinople; but in these stirs it lost the lives of three thousand one hundred and fifty men slain in the City. A dear purchase on all sides, for ere a year came about, the Arians fall out with him also; because he went a step beyond them all in blasphemy; for he did not only assert that Christ the Son of God is not coessential with the Father, and that he is a creature and was made; but that, The Holy Ghost the Third Person, is also a creature, which Arius had seemed to decline; and hereof they complain to the Emperor; who (for this cause, 
Theod. lib. 2 cap. 6. Soc. lib. 2. cap. 33. Soz. lib. 4. cap. 20.  but more especially because Macedonius had removed the dead body of his Father Constantine from the place where it was formerly buried, and for other causes) deposed him by his own Authority: After whom it is said by Sozomen lib. 4. cap. 24. that Eudoxius was put in his place, but whether it be not spoken by way of Anticipation, I cannot say, for at the Council of Sardica, which soon followed, I find that Paulus was restored to his dignity as Bishop of Constantinople, and so continued till the death of Constans; and than Constantius being sole Emperor, banished Paulus to Cucusus, where he was murdered by the Arians. And Macedonius is admitted again to his place at Constantinople, 
Soc. lib. 1. cap. 21, 22.  where he exercised such extreme cruelty against the Orthodox Christians, by all manner of tortures, merely for their abstaining from Communion with him, that their cries prevails even with Constantius himself, to depose him again. 
Soz. lib. 4. cap. 2.  After which Macedonius forsakes the Arian principles, and became head of the Macedonian Heresy, holding with the Orthodox as touching the Second Person in Trinity, but retaining still his former opinion touching the Holy Ghost. Nor do the Historians mention any Successor at Constantinople, till the time of the Emperor Valens, who by his power did put in Eudoxius, who neither was good Bishop nor good Christian, but a lose deceitful man: And in persecution of the Orthodox Christians in his time, beyond all his companions, and so continued until his death, after he had been ten years' Bishop, both Valens the Emperor and Athanasius being still alive.  
I have made this digression touching the Bishops of Constantinople during the life of Athanasius, 
Sect. 3.  for the better understanding of the affairs concerning him: For the Bishops of Constantinople being, according to the Emperor's humour, Arians, did either lead or were led by the Emperors in all their transactions concerning the Churches, and so chief enemies to Athanasius, during all their time. And by the nigh conjunction with the Emperors, grown to that height, that though Rome might about those times begin to put up head for the Supremacy, the Bishops of Constantinople appeared as a check upon them, and might have given them the mate, but that the Roman Bishops had the advantage of the Orthodox Bishops, joining with them as assertors together with them of the doctrine of the Sacred Trinity in Unity of the Godhead: Although it afterwards appeared that the Roman Bishops abused their principles to the gaining of Authority for themselves over the consciences of the Orthodox Churches in the Conclusion.  
Now as touching Athanasius his return to the Churches at Alexandria, 
Sect. 4.  it was so acceptable, and their joy so triumphant, as it occasioned the Arians to envy thereat, and taking offence where no offence was given, 
Theod. lib. 2. cap. 2. Soz. lib. 3. cap. 2.  they give offence themselves by raising tumults, and then charge the same upon Athanasius, as if his coming to Alexandria was the cause of sedition, tumults, and bloodshed, when as the true cause was their own envy and distempered minds, at what they saw was come to pass. Now in what relation the City of Alexandria and Egypt then stood, whether in subjection to Constantine, Constantius, or Constans appeareth in no Writer that I can find: But the Arians at Alexandria have recourse to Constantinople, with their complaints against Athanasius, where they meet with Eusebius and Theognis, who glad of their acquaintance, undertake to countenance the same before the Emperor.   

CAP. XI.  
The Council at Antioch, where Athanasiusis banished: His escape from his enemies: The first Arian Confession of Faith is made at Antioch.  
EUsebius now Bishop of Constantinople, 
Sect. 1.  having now gotten both Wind and Sun of Athanasius, brings in complaints against Athanasius with full sail, and unlades them before the Emperor, who easily believes any thing against Athanasius that hath but a criminal sound: and is soon resolved to call a Council at Antioch, 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 5.  and try the matter before himself in full Council. Now had Athanasius holden quiet possession of his Church at Alexandria, since his return, by the space of four years; that is to say, during the life of Constantine the Son of the great Constantine, and until the Council at Antioch; 
Ibid.  which as Socrates noteth, was about five years after the death of Constantine the Great. 
Soz. lib. 3. cap. 5.  So as now Athavasius his Patron being dead (for he was slain at Aquileia) the influence from Constantius upon him was the more malevolent, but yet much worse by the conjunction with Eusebius now Bishop of Constantinople; who having gained the Imperial City, he writes his Letters to Julius' Bishop of Rome, 
Theod. lib. 2. c. 4.  letting him know of the complaints made against Athanasius; and that it was the Emperor's mind that the same should be tried before a Council, and that the Emperor had summoned a Council to be holden at Antioch for the solemn Consecrating of a Church there, which formerly was begun by Constantine the Great, and now finished by Constantius. A fair pretence of building of Churches: but most men understood them aright, that it was rather for the pulling down of the Church of Christ by banishment of Athanasius, which is generally known they threaten. And for this cause divers of the Orthodox Bishops come not at all; and others of them that are in their journey are seized upon, and imprisoned by the way; and by that unjust means many escaped strong temptations, which otherwise they had been exposed unto by their presence at the Council. 
Sozom. lib. 3. c. 5.  Nevertheless there met at that Council one hundred Bishops saving one, and amongst the rest Eusebius, now Bishop of Constantinople failed not; for Athanasius is his designed morsel, without which his appetite cannot be satisfied; yet it's probable he miss his expectation: for if he were at the beginning of the work, before he could swallow what he imagined was his own, death took him out of the way, and carried him to his last account concerning the Deity of the Son of God, 
Sozom. lib. 3. c. 6. Niceph. Hist. lib. 9 cap. 7.  and concerning the outrages done to the people of God. Nevertheless the Council goes on, and Constantius himself sees to the chase, and Athanasius his matter comes to consideration, although he neither was present, nor for aught appears, was summoned. The Crimes laid to his charge; First, that without Warrant or Order from any Council, 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 5.  he returned from banishment, and possessed himself of the Church of Alexandria. Secondly, That being come thither, he raised Tumults amongst the people; wherein some are slain, others imprisoned, and other otherwise punished. And lastly, for want of other matters, they revived the complaints raised against him at the Council of Tyrus, and these are charged against him anew. How unjustly these things are thus charged against Athanasius may thus appear; The last charge concerning the matters at the Council at Tyrus, needed no answer, for they were buried in their very birth, and their own evidence failing, can never be revived. The second Article concerning Tumults, was by the Apologetical Epistle of the Alexandrian Church declared to be false; wherein they tell Constantius, that the Catholic Church uses no such weapons in their warfare as death, imprisonment, bonds, or corporal punishments, concerning which the civil Magistrate can give further account. And as to the first charge, it was a wilful mistake; For Athanasius was not banished by the Emperor in order to the sentence of the Council at Tyrus, which depended upon appeal before him, but upon new matters originally arising before him; and these being of a political consideration concerning the public peace; the Emperor might as well restore Athanasius without the Council, as banish him without the Council.  
But Athanasius cast a block in the way of their whole proceed: he saw their intentions; 
Sect. 2.  for who saw them not? he therefore delays his appearing at Antioch, if he were summoned, and left them to proceed without hearing of both parts. This being understood by Constantius, he sends to apprehend Athanasius; but he being ware thereof, withdrew himself out of the way, 
Soz. lib. 3. c. 5, 8.  and hid himself for the present, and afterwards escaped away to Rome. Some writ that he was sent for by the Bishop of Rome upon the Letters of complaint from Eusebius; 
Theod. lib. 2. c. 4  and both may be true; for after that Eusebius had sent his Letters, it's said that the Bishop of Rome answered the same by his Letters; and intimated, that Athanasius could not with safety come for trial where so much prejudice was against him; and therefore he tells Eusebius, that those matters against Athanasius should be heard at Rome, where also a Council was to be holden, and where order should be taken for Athanasius his appearing. And accordingly Eusebius and the Antiochian Council in their reply to Julius his Letters did agree thereto, and promised to send to Rome their charge against Athanasius, with their Delegates to proceed against him. And this might be a ground for the Bishop of Rome to send to Athanasius to come to Rome, and for the Bishop of Rome at the Council there to hear the Cause, and for the Council at Antioch to send their delegates thither; and yet no Supremacy hereby vested in the Bishop of Rome over the Asian or African Churches.  
Thus escaped Athanasius to Rome, 
Sect. 3.  where he finds Paulus the banished Constantinopolitan Bishop waiting there also for relief, as well as himself: But as yet whatever the Antiochian Councils letters mention concerning Athanasius his Trial at Rome, they proceeded nevertheless to banish him, the Emperor also confirming the same: This was one illegality: 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 8.  But a second ensued much worse, which was their sudden election of Gregory Bishop of Alexandria in the room of Athanasius, who was a man altogether unknown both to the Church and Province of Alexandria; and yet which was worst of all, they being a Council, did send him and settle him with a force that brought him in by blood. And all this done by a Vote procured as ill as all the rest: 
Athan. Apol. 2. Epist. Jul. Ibid.  For whereas their Council consisted of one hundred Votes well nigh, yet they could not find forty to agree in this Vote. Only the Emperor's Vote concurring, put all the rest to silence. But such as the work, such was the issue, for Gregory continued there not long, before not only the Orthodox Christians, but even the Arians also were weary of him; and for his cruel and bloody entrance, and his imperious government, 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 10. Soz. lib 3. cap. 6.  and gluttonish indulgence, thrust him out of his government, and put in George of Capadocia in his place; and yet he also, nor St. George neither, as will hereafter appear.  
The Council at Antioch having thus done what they can against Athanasius, 
Sect. 4.  have one thing more to do. For the Bishop of Rome had sorely taxed this Council for siding with the Arians against the Nicene Council, unto which nevertheless all the several members of this Council, or the most part of them, had subscribed. This the Antiochian Council fear will stick upon them, for their consciences told them that they had done somewhat that might deserve such imputation; and that it would be a shame for so many learned men to be relapsed in a Council, and so many reverend Bishops to be reputed disciples to Arius, who was but a Presbyter, defamed in his doctrine, life and death. They bethink themselves therefore of a declaration to the Churches, 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 7.  wherein they set forth, That they are not fallen from the Nicene Faith; neither are they disciples of Arius, and in witness thereof, they there make Confession of their Faith; A company of fickle hearted Bishops they were. They are not fallen from the Nicene Faith, nor will they own it. They will have a Confession of their own, and yet will own none: They frame a Confession and publish it, and then like it not. By that time that they are warm in their work of Confession, they repent of what they have confessed, and confess anew to this purpose.  


Soc lib. 2. cap. 7.  We believe in one God the Father Almighty, Maker of All things, And in one Lord Jesus Christ, His Only begotten Son, God by whom all things are made; Begotten before all things of the Father: God of God, Whole of Whole; Only of Only; Perfect of Perfect; King of King; Lord of Lord; The Living Word, Wisdom, Life, True Light; Way of Truth; Resurrection, Power, Door; That He cannot be converted, nor changed; The Express Image of the Deity; Essence, Virtue, Council, and Glory of the Father. The First Begotten of every Creature. Who was in the beginning with God. The Word by whom all things are made, and in whom all things consist; Who in the last days came from Heaven, is born of the Virgin; Made Man, and the Mediator of God and Man: The Apostle of our Faith, and Lord of Life, who suffered for us, arose for us the third day, and ascended to Heaven; And sitteth at the right hand of the Father. And shall come with glory and power to judge the Quick and the Dead. And in the Holy Ghost, which giveth comfort, sanctification and perfection to Believers. And the words Father, Son, and Holy Ghost do exactly express the proper Person, Order and Glory of every of them so named. That they are three in persons, but in consent one.  
If any man shall teach aught against the right and sound Faith of the Scriptures, or that there is, or was a time or age before the Son of God was made, Let him be accursed.  
And if any man shall call the Son a creature, as one of the creatures; or a branch, as one of the branches; Let him be accursed.   
Many more words they are then in the Nicene Confession, and yet not enough; They will seem to allow to Christ all that can be desired, and heap up many of his titles, and might have out of the Text heaped many more. And for all this they will not allow Christ all his excellencies. He shall be allowed to be before all time, 
Soz. lib. 2. cap. 5.  but not coeternal with the Father. he shall be Lord of Lord, but not consubstantial with the Father. If their meaning then be one and the same with the Nicene Confession; why then do they differ in words? unless they intent thereby that people should stick to no one form, but to take up any that shall come to hand, and thereby swallow down error more unsensibly. Like to many in these late Parliaments, wherein much endeavour hath been for a form of Articles of Faith that might be established by Law, but little or nothing could be effected. The consciences of men have been so tender, that they cannot endure any form of wholesome words; but like this Antiochian Council, they like the Nicene Faith; and yet will have liberty to differ from it; they will publish one, so as they be not bound thereto, but be at liberty to change.  
The news of this new Antiochian Confession coming to Athanasius, 
Sect. 5.  made him the more earnest to assert the Nicene Confession; and being now to make his defence before the Council at Rome, he as was usual in such cases, declared the substance of his Faith before the Council, so compendiously, and with such apt expressions, that the Council caused the same to be published, for the further clearing forth of the Nicene Faith, which formerly had passed abroad variously, in regard of the loss of the Original Copy of the Acts of the Nicene Council; 
Basil, Epist.  yet it seems that Athanasius his Confession was somewhat more large than the Nicene, in the doctrine concerning the Holy Ghost, to obviate the Macedonian Heresy which sprang up of later times. But whether that Confession of Athanasius had those particulars concerning the Catholic Church, the Communion of Saints, and the estate after death, or whether they were added afterwards I know not; but they have been thus received by the Churches, and this Church of England to this day.  
Whatever more than this was done at the Antiochian Council, 
Sect. 6.  I shall not meddle with; but thus far Constantius hath seemed to gain his intentions, and yet he gained not his ends. For he now had taken up a resolution to bring all the Eastern people into one Religion with himself. And Eusebius told him this could never be done, so long as Athanasius stood thus in his way; which in plainer words is, that Athanasius must be put to death before the Emperor can accomplish his work. But God had otherwise determined. The Antiochian Council could do little more than show their teeth; For Athanasius is now out of their reach, and God finds other work for Constantius. 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 7.  The news comes to him of the falling of the Franks in upon the borders of the Empire, and he must look to that; and the Eastern parts of the Empire, especially the City of Antioch, is grievously tossed by Earthquakes successively renewing by the space of a whole year; and the Council there assembled must look to that, and move and remove, and at length give over, before they have done what they intended. And thus Athanasius is left to stand or fall at the Council at Rome.   

CAP. XII.  
Athanasius acquitted by the Council at Rome. Constans the Emperor favoureth the Orthodox Christians.  
THe City of Rome hath now the honour to be an Assylam, 
Sect. 1.  or a City of refuge, for the persecuted Bishops, who are fled from the rage of Constantius his persecution, which so afflicted the hearts of the Western Bishops, that a Council is called at Rome, 
Athan. Apol. Desuga.  many of the Eastern Bishops also being movers thereof; and upon the Summons no less than three hundred Bishops met together. And there also Athanasius upon his Summons appeared ready to make his Just Defence. And hereof notice is given to them at Antioch, 
Vid. Epist. Jul.  and that the Council was ready for the hearing of the cause, if the cause on their part was ready for them; and therefore desired them to send to Rome some with authority from them at Antioch, to prosecute the matters in charge against Athanasius. This Message from the Roman Council passed also under the shadow of Constans his Imperial Letters to his brother Constantius to the same purpose. 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 24. Soz. lib. 3. cap. 9  The Antiochian Council hereupon send four of their Members as Delegates, who first made their application to the Emperor Constans, and endeavoured to vindicate the honour of the Antiochian Council in their proceed against Athanasius, as also as touching their doctrine; and as evidence thereof they produced before the Emperor Constans a Confession of Faith which they pretend to be the Confession made by them at the Council at Antioch; but in truth framed by the Messengers themselves, more suitable to their present purpose: For by their principles of tenderness and liberty of conscience, as the Council did alter their Confession according to the occasion; so it seems might these their representatives do the like, so as might best serve their own turn. This Confession which they thus produced, though the value thereof be small, in regard of the contrivers thereof and their aims in contriving the same; yet seeing by comparing of the one with the other, the truth of their design, though not their design of truth, will the better appear, I shall set down the same.  

We believe in one God the Father Almighty, Maker and Worker of all things, from whom all fatherhood of Heaven and Earth is named. And in his one begotten Son Our Lord Jesus Christ, before all ages begotten of the Father, God of God, Light of Light. By whom all things are made Visible and Invisible. Who is the Word, Wisdom, Virtue, Life, true Light; Who in the last days is inearnate for us, born of the Holy Virgin, Crucified, dead, and buried; On the third day he arose again; Ascended into Heaven, sitteth at the right hand of the Father, And at the end of ages shall come to judge both the Quick and the Dead, and to render to every one according to his works, of whose Kingdom shall be no end, but it shall remain for ever: For he shall sit at the right hand of the Father to the end of this World, and in the future. And in the Holy Ghost, that is the Comforter, whom the Father promised to the Apostles, and after His ascension into Heaven, sent, that he should teach and inform them all things; by whom all Believers souls shall be sanctified, who truly believe in Him. And the Church determines all those to be fallen from it, who do say that the Son of God is of nothing, or of other substance than the Father. Or that time was when He was not.   
So as these men will have the Emperor believe that the Council at Antioch do adhere to the Nicene Faith, 
Sect. 2.  whiles they affirm that the Son is of no other substance than the Father; and yet will not hold forth that he is coeternal with the Father. But the Emperor Constans being fully informed in all particulars, and observing the unconstancy and unsettled conclusions and principles of the Antiochian Council, that they first agree upon one Confession of Faith, and then fall from that and take up a second, and that their Delegates now wave that also and hold forth a third; he dismissed them with their Faith to the Council at Rome; where when they arrived, pretending to prosecute their charge against Athanasius, and finding him prepared with his witnesses, and that the Emperor had none there to represent his person as Precedent; but that the Council was left to regular proceed. 
Athan. Epist. ad Solit. Vit.  The Delegates failed in their prosecution, and pretending frivolous excuses departed home. Nevertheless the Council expected the return of them or some others in their stead to prosecute their complaints, but after a years waiting, finding their expectation vain, 
Soz. lib. ●. cap. 7.  they proceeded to examine the defence made by Athanasius; and upon perusal of the Letters from the Alexandrian Churches, and hearing of Witnesses produced, the Council acquit Athanasius, and restore him to his Church again. The like they did also with others; by virtue whereof they repaired to their several places, and possessed them again. 
Niceph. Hist. lib. 9 cap. 8. Tripart. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 17. Soz. lib. 4. cap 8.  And some Writers affirm that Athanasius did return to Alexandria again upon that account also: which if he did, it was not long ere he is informed that Hillarius the Emperor's Lieutenant had given order to his Soldiers for a Randezvous; and thereupon, or upon other cause of suspicion, he provided for himself accordingly. And the night following cometh Hillarius to Alexandria, in a dark stormy night, and being informed that Athanasius had hid himself in the Church called Theona, he beset the same on all sides, and the soldiers breaking in suddenly at once by the doors and windows on all sides, made as strict a search as they could, but found nothing concerning Athanasius, and so returned as they came: And the next news that is had of Athanasius, is that he is at Rome again.  
The Council at Rome having done what they could in the matter concerning Athanasius, 
Sect. 3.  certify the same by their Letters to the Eastern Bishops; the penning of which letters they leave to the Bishop of Rome, and so the Council is dissolved. The Bishop of Rome accordingly wrote the Letters, and whither the matter itself or the manner of writing was too poignant, or the Eastern Bishops were already exasperated, I determine not; but they instead of writing an answer, child, and tell the Bishop of Rome that he took too much upon him, 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 11. Niceph. Hist. lib. 9 cap. 8.  and that they will not abide his order. And thus (if Historians borrow not too much from fancy) sprang the schism between the Eastern and the Western Churches, upon the point of Supremacy; which also was not a little increased from the diversity of the Civil interests, between Constans and Constantius, who also were no less divided in their Principles in matters of Religion, which did blow the sparks formerly hidden in the embers, into a flame of persecution. Religion may be in danger in a government under one Head, but is never safe in a government under many.  
Athanasius now at Rome again, 
Sect. 4.  having formerly represented his condition to Constantius by an Apology made and transmitted to him, yet could obtain no favour; he now after three years waiting, sends that to the Emperor Constans; who by this time was no less than his brother Constantius awakened with the loud peal that the Letters between the Eastern and Western Bishops did ring in the world; and thereupon their Councils advise them, for the safety of both their Empires, to unite together against the common Enemy now upon their borders, and to lay aside animosities, and compose the differences in matters concerning Religion by a general Council. This season Athanasius chooseth for his application to the Emperor Constans, and by the Bishop of Rome's means gains access to the Emperor; to whom he represented the many calumnies and injuries he daily suffered from the Arians, 
Theod. lib. 2. c. 4.  and his unjust deprivation and banishment by the Council at Antioch; and that they lay in wait continually to take away his life; and that they pursued him not so much for any personal respects, as for the rooting up the Nicene Faith, which he had hitherto asserted, and which also was asserted an owned by Constantine the Great; and therefore Athanasius humbly besought Constans to remember his father's piety, in calling the Council at Nice for the vindicating of the Truth; and that he would succeed his Father in undertaking the cause of Religion and protection of the Orthodox Faith, and regard the persecuted estate of himself, who was ready to justify against all the criminations that his enemies can produce against him. Hereunto also the Bishop of Rome subjoined his request, that Constans would endeavour with his brother Constantius that a general Council of the Bishops of both Empires might be jointly holden, for the settling of the people of both Empires in peace and unity. And well it was that there was some that studied the peace of the Church, so far as to be earnest for a general Council; For possibly if such a thing should be now moved in England, it would be answered, that its necessary for the Church to be under a perpetual separation: as many hold it no less necessary that the Commonwealth should be for ever kept from their liberty of a free and full Parliament.  
Constans the Emperor now at Milan being thus importuned, 
Sect. 5.  determined to proceed therein accordingly. And because it appeared that the Eastern Bishops began to interpose touching Supremacy; he writes therefore to his brother Constantius, showing him the necessity of calling a general Council of the Churches of both Empires, and importuning him to improve his authority in calling the Eastern Bishops to appear at a Council to be holden at Sardica in Illiria. This City was upon the confines of both Empires, yet more commodious for those of the Eastern Empire, 
Soz. lib. 3. cap. 9  whereunto the Emperor Constans had ordered summons for the Bishops of the Western Empire to come at a time appointed: Constantius having received Constans his Letters, made no difficulty therein, but forthwith issued forth his Letters of summons also, according to Constans his Letters. After this agreement Athanasius comes to Milan by express order from Constans; and there in the presence of the Emperor and many others, 
Athan. Apol. ad Constant.  Athanasius declareth the manner of his return from Triers to Alexandria, and of his carriage at Alexandria, the complaints against him by the Arians, his justification of himself, the proceed of the Council at Antioch against him, the manner of his escape, his Apology sent to Constantius to mollify his displeasure against him, the Letters testimonial from the Alexandrian Churches, and he offered to prove all by witnesses viva vocc. But the Emperor replied that Athanasius shall have a full hearing before the General Council at Sardica, and therefore willed him to prepare himself for his defence there. Nevertheless Constans was unwilling those things should be opened before a General Council, and therefore endeavoured to prevail with Constantius, as well in the behalf of Athanasius as others, for the restitution of them to their several places in a private way; but the Arians were in the negative, and too powerful, and thus there passed a year and six months before the day of the meeting of the Council came.   

CAP. XIII.  
The Council at Sardica: The Schism by the Arian Council at Philippopolis.  
THe Council being met at Sardica upon the day prefixed, 
Sect. 1.  which was about Six years after the Council called at Antioch, and about eleven years after the death of Constantine the Great: 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 16.  So as Athanasius hath been absent from Alexandria at Rome Six years entirely, or three years and three years, which makes up the six years spoken of by writers, 
Soz. lib. 2. cap. 10.  allowing only a small time for Athanasius his return from the Council at Rome to Alexandria, and his flight from thence back again to Rome upon the coming of Hillarius. The first three years being spent in debate between the two Councils at Antioch and Rome, and the other three years in the gaining of Constans and Constantius, and the Councils meeting at Sardica; which being effected, there are met three hundred of the Western Bishops; or as Baronius saith, two hundred and eighty four, 
Baron. Anno 346. num. 4. Soc. lib. 2. cap. 16.  and but seventy and six of the Eastern Bishops, although the place of meeting did lie more convenient for them then for the Western Bishops. And amongst this number of the Eastern Bishops, Ischyras formerly unworthy to be a Presbyter, hath obtained from the Arians the name and place of a Bishop. The Eastern Bishops now absent, excuse their absence partly by infirmity of body; but more of them were sick in their minds, and allege want of time to prepare themselves, imputing the fault to the Bishop of Rome, as if a year and a half were not sufficient warning.  
The Council being met, the Arian Party perceiving that the face of the Council smiled not on them, 
Sect. 2. Athan. Apol. 2.  withdrew themselves to Philippopolis, a City about a day's journey or more distant from Sardica, and wrote a Letter to those at Sardica, desiring them that they would exclude from their society, 
Soz. lib. 3. cap. 10.  Athanasius, Paulus, and other Bishops whom they at the Council at Antioch had banished and excommunicated; Or otherwise, they had resolved that they could not join in Council with them, nor could they come into the Church where all aught to meet before they enter upon the work of Council. To this the Bishops at Sardica answered, that for their parts they had never separated from Communion with Athanasius, and others mentioned in their Letters; neither could they causelessly; for as touching their excommunication at Antioch, it was without hearing any defence, and that those matters had been reexamined by the Council at Rome, who thereupon had acquitted Athanasius and the rest. Nevertheless, if they at Philippopolis had aught to object against Athanasius, or any of the rest, if they at Philippopolis would come to Sardica, they should find Athanasius and the rest ready and prepared to vindicate themselves, and give the Council satisfaction. But this will not satisfy those at Philippopolis, and therefore they avow their departure and separation just, and do proceed to sit in Council apart by themselves at Philippopolis, where they assert and confirm all that they had done at Antioch against Athanasius and others: and further, they let fly Excommunications thick as hail, against Julius' Bishop of Rome, (though he remained at Rome, and came not to Sardica,) Hossius Bishop at Corduba, Protogenes Bishop of Sardica, being both directors of the Council at Sardica, 
Sozom. lib. 3. c. 11.  and divers other Bishops, and all this done without hearing or summons: And having Constantius to befriend them, they cause Guards to be set upon the Highways and passages to Sardica, and make stay of all Bishops going thither, and to stop the returns of all coming from Sardica homeward; and like a troop of the Devil's Lifeguard, to apprehend Athanasius and his friends wherever they should be found, and put them to death; 
Athan. Epist. ad. Solit. vit.  and to apprehend all such as were suspected to be opposers of the Arian Cause. And hereupon many are taken, abused, whipped, imprisoned and banished; the terror whereof made many fly into the Wilderness, and scared others into the dissembling of their Faith and Profession.  
Nevertheless the Council at Sardica kept close to their work, 
Sect. 3.  and having divers of the Eastern Bishops still joining with them, they spare those at Philippopolis as little as they are spared by them. They excommunicate likewise the Philippopolitan  

confess the Son is the power of the Father.  
We confess the Word is of God the Father, and besides that, there is none. That the Son is the Word, True God, the Wisdom, the Power, yet we call Him not Son as other Sons are by Regeneration and Adoption.  
We confess the Son is the only begotten, and the first begotten; but so the only begotten, as that He ever is God, and was in the Father.  
The Word first begotten we refer to the Manhood, He is different from all creatures, because He is the first begotten of the dead: We confess one Deity of the Father and the Son. And we say not that the Father is greater than the Son, by reason of any diversity or difference of substance; but because the Name Father is greater than the Name Son.  
The interpretation of these words, I and my Father are One, that they are meant by consent and agreement amongst themselves, we affirm is an assured interpretation.  
That opinion that as men fall out, and be afterwards reconciled: So there may befall difference, and then agreement between the Father Almighty and the Son: We affirm is a foolish opinion.  
We believe that the words, I and my Father are One, do signify the unity of the Substance, which is together of the Father and the Son.  
We believe that the Son doth reign together with the Father without beginning or ending, nor can his Kingdom be defined or determined by time. For that which is eternal can neither begin to be, nor cease to be.  
We believe and affirm the Comforter the Holy Ghost is promised and is sent to us by God Himself; that he is not crucified, but the Man born of the Virgin Mary: For Man is mortal, but God is immortal.  
We believe not that God in Man, but Man in God, did rise the third day, which as a gift he offered to His Father free from sin and death.  
We believe in the due time appointed He shall judge all, and for all things.   
This was published by the Sardican Council in their Narrative of proceed which they sent into all parts; wherein they also shown their reasons why they acquitted Athanasius and others; and the causeless departure of the Arian Bishops from their Council; and their obstinacy in refusal to join with them, notwithstanding all means used to reclaim them. They further declared their proceed against Ischyras, and their grounds leading them therein. That he had been a Bishop reputed amongst the Arians, being formerly by the Council at Alexandria reduced to a lay man, and afterward proved scandalous; and that he being a reputed Bishop, and yet having but one Congregation under his charge, they had decreed that henceforth no man should be ordained Bishop of any small Town, which might be instructed by one only Presbyter; so as it seemeth hitherto in some places there is little difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter, and that the chief work of a Bishop was teaching, so as if teaching were in any Congregation, there was no need of a Bishop there.  
The sad condition of those times of the Councils  show demonstratively that it is never conducing to the peace of any Nation to grant toleration of contrary Principles in Religion, 
Sect. 5.  more than it is for the peace of any single persons conscience to be of a doubtful mind; but to permit several Councils publicly holden at once, is absolutely destructive thereto. These two Councils at Sardica and Phillippopolis, thus outfacing one another, struck the second blow of the fray, which lasted divers ages, wherein much blood was lost; but in the conclusion the Arians lost life and all. Henceforth is a perpetual separation between the Eastern and the Western Churches: 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 28.  No communion is allowed by them at the East beyond the confines of Thracia; nor by them of the West beyong the confines of Illiria. Yet even in those times such respect was had to common charity and the common good of Mankind, that a place is agreed upon in the borders of both Empires to be holden as sacred; wherein all persons of different opinions in matters of Religion, are permitted to have free resort and to communicate together without scandal or breach of charity, and this place is a blessed Mountain on the borders of Illiria and Thracia, called Tisucis. How warrantable this was in matters so fundamental, is not for me to determine; but do for my part think it a great part of the misery of England, that amongst such as profess one and the same Unity in Trinity, such differences should be concerning matters of Church Order, as neither time nor place can be found for such a blessed privilege to take place as Christian Communion is.   

CAP. XIV.  
The Second Return of Athanasius to Alexandria: The Death of the Emperor Constans.  
THe Council at Sardica thus ended, 
Sect. 1.  each man returns to his own home, who can find his way open thereunto. But as touching Athanasius, because the Emperor Constans, by his Letters to his brother Constantius, having endeavoured to open as easy a way for him to return to Alexandria, as he had done for others; but found the way more straight for Athanasius then for all others; therefore he commands Athanasius to return to Narsy, and from thence afterwards to come to Aquileia under his own protection; where after some consideration, the Emperor intends another trial of Constantius by a more particular way: For he sends Letters to Constantius of a more serious nature than the former, minding him how deeply both their Honours are concerned in bringing the determinations of the Synod at Sardica to effect the same, being called by their joint Authority; and he told him moreover that he for his own part held himself so deeply concerned therein, that he could not but use all means to see the Decrees of the Council executed, and if any man, 
Soz. lib. 3. cap. 19  yea Constantius himself, did interpose to hinder him, he must put the matter to trial by the dint of Sword.  
These Letters were sent with another transcript of the determinations of the Council; 
Sect. 2. Theod. lib. 2. c. 9, 10.  and likewise, with Letters from the Council to Constantius, by the hands of Euphrates and Vincentius two Bishops, both members of the Sardican Council; who being arrived at Constantinople, and not finding the Emperor there, went further for Antioch, and being in the way thereto, are discovered to Stephen Bishop of Antioch, who had been one at the Council at Philippopolis; and he to stop their purpose and to bring shame upon their cause, suborned a rude young man named Onager, to bring a common strumpet into the Inn at Antioch that night where Euphrates and Vincentius were lodged. And they laid their design so cunningly, that immediately upon the entry of the strumpet into the room where the two Bishops were lodged, a company should be ready to enter forthwith after her, and find the strumpet and the Bishops together, and charge the Bishops with fornication. And accordingly Onager acted his part so well, that he brought the strumpet into the Chamber where Euphrates was lodged and was in bed; Vincentius being also in bed in an inner Chamber; and the company ready for that purpose soon after also entered the Chamber, and found the strumpet in the same room where Euphrates lay in bed, and thereupon a tumult is raised; Vincentius gets up, and the gates of the Inn are shut up, yet Onager and some others made their escape; but seven of the conspirators are taken together with the strumpet, and the next morning are carried before the Judges, and the strumpet examined, said she was brought into the Inn and directed into the Chamber by a young man; 
Athar. Epist. ad Solit. Vit.  after the youngest of the conspirators being examined, discovered Onager the cause of all; and then Onager is examined, who answered that what he did was done by the direction and instigation of Stephen the Bishop of Antioch; who being examined, could not deny the same. And thereupon by the command of the Judges Stephen is banished by the Bishops, and deposed from the See at Antioch, without any Act of Council. Nor did the Arians save ought of their honour thereby; for as they had put out Stephen for scandal, so they elect into his room Leontius, a man no less filthy and unclean in conversation, and had, to add to all the rese, castrated himself, that he might the more safely without scandal keep company with a woman whom he pretended to be a Virgin. And yet is this man good enough for the Arians ends. Which was to continue a succession of persecuting Fishops at Antioch.  
Nevertheless the foulness of this fact of Stephens was such, as it being reported to Constantius, upon serious consideration had, that the Arians may have dealt thus unhandsomely in many other matters, and with many other of the Orthodox Christians, as with these Bishops, he is the rather inclined to hearken to his brother Constans his proposal concerning Athanasius, and accordingly at the coming of these two Bishops with the Letters from the Council at Sardica, he speedily writes to all his Lieutenants to abstain from further troubling the Orthodox Christians; and having taken the Emperor Constans his Letters into consideration, 
Soz. lib. 3 cap. 19  together with his Arian Bishops, to whom he communicated them, they are all of opinion, that it is not safe to adventure their cause upon a Civil War; especially at that instant, when as tidings came of the invading of the Eastern borders of the Empire by the Persians. And thus after ten months, 
Baron. An. 348. num. 14.  by advice he writes his Letters to the Emperor Constans. Letting him understand that Constantius was always forward to execute the Order of the Council at Sardica, in the restitution of Athanasius; and that he had kept the Church of Alexandria vacant now along time, expecting when Athanasius would return, and that it was free for him to return when he pleased.  
How the Church at Alexandria became void, 
Sect. 3.  will appear when Athanasius returns: for as yet he trusted not Constantius his courtesy, but departed from Aquileia to Milan; where he had not been long ere he was saluted with a Letter from Constantius to himself, therein pitying Athanasius his long sufferings, and telling Athanasius that Constantius had long since written to Athanasius to come to Constantinople, but that he expected that Athanasius would long ere now have made application to him, for Athanasius his restitution; but supposing Athanasius afraid of his displeasure, did therefore abstain: And therefore Constantius now sends to Athanasius to invite his coming to Constantinople, promising him full and speedy restitution; and further telling him, that he had written to his Brother Constans to send Athanasius away accordingly. Athanasius is at this news perplexed, as if too good to be true; and supposing if Constantius his favour were real, he might as well have sent Athanasius his Letters of free passage to Alexandria by Sea from Italy, with his Letters of peaceable admittance to his Church, rather than to put him to adventure himself through many of his enemies in so long and dangerous a journey by Land. But whiles Athanasius is thus in demur what to do, another Letter comes to him from Constantius, with Letters from divers of his friends at Constantinople, importuning his speedy coming away; and for his accommodations by the way, directions are given. And soon after all this, a third Letter comes from Constantius, by an express Messenger, a Presbyter of Alexandria, who brings assurance of Constantius his real intentions for Athanasius his good: and he eupon Athanasius goes to Rome, to advise with the Bishop and others, who are all for his going to Constantinople And they furnish him with Letters of recommendation to the Alexandrian Churches, 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 28.  and so they commend him to the blessing of Almighty God.  
And accordingly God's blessing did go along with him; for he passed to Constantinople, where finding that the Emperor was gone to Antioch, he likewise went thither after him: And at that time Leontius was Bishop of Antioch; in which City were a great number of Orthodox Christians, unto whom the Arians there would not allow any public Churches for their meeting, but such of them as would be at the public worship, must go to the Arian Congregations; 
Sozom. lib. 3. c. 19  where Leontius nevertheless permitted them the liberty of their Consciences in all cases, wherein the honour of the Son of God was concerned: And therefore when they came to sing, Glory be to the Father, etc. and those that were Arians did sing Glory be to the Father, they added thereto the words, In the Son; thereby declaring the Son of God to be inferior to the Father: Those that were Orthodox would add these words, And the Son, declaring thereby, that the same Glory due to the Father, was also due to the Son. But when Athanasius was come, he would not join with the Arian Congregations, but did hold communion with the Orthodox, who were called Eustathians, in private houses. This being observed, hastened Athanasius his dispatch with the Emperor; for it was not long ere he had access into the Emperor's presence, and received courteous entertainment from him, and within a few days obtained his dismission; 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 18.  for they saw plainly, that the Orthodox Party was much heartened by Athanasius his presence, and that Athanasius improved his little time of abode with them to the utmost for their spiritual benefit. The Emperor therefore sent for him the sooner, and gave him Letters to the Alexandrian Churches, and to his Governors of the Country, importing that it was his will that Athanasius should be received and settled in his place in peace, and permitted so to continue under the Emperor's protection. And unto all the rest he added this one extraordinary express of his favour; that he swore to him, that he would never hearken to any slanderous complaints against Athanasius any more. And jastly, he made a public Edict, That all Acts and Orders against Athanasius, or any of the Catholic Church, 
Athan. Epist. ad Solit. vit.  should be obliterated and made void, and that they all should be restored to their former enjoyments. But when t Ahanasius was taking of his leave of the Emperor, he said to Athanasius, Though you Athanasius are now restored to your place by the Council, yet you are admitted and settled by my Authority; and therefore seeing that in Alexandria are divers who differ from you in judgement concerning some points in Religion, it is my request that you will allow them liberty of public meeting, at some one Church within your City. To which Athanasius answered, It's very just, yea necessary, that I should obey your Imperial Majesty; nor will I gainsay what your will is herein: But seeing also that this City of Antioch hath great multitudes therein, who cannot join with others of different judgement from mine, in doctrines concerning the Holy Trinity; I humbly beg for them the like favour, that they also may have a place of public meeting at Antioch? This answer the Emperor disliked not, but thought it reasonable: Nevertheless the Arians upon further consideration, conceiving that they thereby should be greater loser's at Antioch, than gainers at Alexandria, suffered that matter to pass in silence: Which being observed by Leontius, he laying his hand upon his head (now white by reason of his age) said, When this snow is melted away, there will appear much mud: intimating thereby the persecution which would follow after his death, when as no further toleration of the Orthodox Profession should be permitted. 
Soz. lib. 3. cap. 19   
Athanasius now departed from Antioch, 
Sect. 4.  proceeds in his journey towards Egypt, God making Athanasius his way round about to be the nighest way to his own Honour; and though it was more for Athanasius his labour, yet it was also more for his reward; For in all places as he comes, he now teaches freely and authoritatively the Principles concerning the Holy Trinity, exhorting the people to endeavour to be well grounded therein, 
Soz. lib. 3. cap. 20.  and to beware of the Leven of the Arians; and in some places he ordained Ministers, and so he came to Jerusalem: There he is received joyfully, for Maximus the Bishop had continued his true friend ever since the Council at Tyrus, and now had called a Council; to whom Athanasius declared the manner of his entertainment by the Emperor, and his Testimonials and Letters; and then as well enemies as friends come and yield to Athanasius the right hand of fellowship. Nor did the fame of the Emperor's favour spread only where Athanasius came along, 
Soz. lib. 3. cap. 22. Soc. lib. 1. cap. 19  but it went Northward, in so much as Vrsatius and Valens two Bishops of Panonia, who in all the late transactions against Athanasius, were ever in the Van, and amongst others were excommunicated at the Council at Sardica. These men seeing now the tide turning, and the unconstancy of Constantius, under pretence of remorse of Conscience for their error, make their retractations after their manner, which they send to the Bishop of Rome, and to Athanasius; with Letters of submission, and confessing their fault; acknowledging that all their informations against him were false and feigned, and that they cannot allege any thing in excuse of themselves, but do humbly and earnestly beg pardon, and to be received into Communion again, renouncing Arius and his opinions, 
Soc. lib. 3. cap. 22 23.  as execrable and accursed. Enough it was to make any charitable Christian believe, that they did really intent what they did pretend; but their work will be manifest in its day. The Bishops also from all parts testify by their Letters there joining with Athanasius; so as now the current from all parts seems fair to bring Athanasius safe to the Haven: Nevertheless though thus nigh the shore, he meets with another mighty wave before he can set his foot thereon: For he is met by news of the death of his dear Lord the Emperor Constans; and now is Athanasius involved amongst a thousand doubts, what shall become of him? whither shall he go? what shall he do? for the Lion's chain is now broken, Constantius is now Lord alone, and may do what he will, and he will do what the Arians will, and what will they not do? But God helped Athanasius over this wave also; For Constantius informed hereof (either pitying the condition of Athanasius, or which is more probable, remembering his own invitation of Athanasius to put himself under his protection, his promises and oaths for his assurance; and that it would be dishonourable to him to let the world have occasion by the altering of his mind on the sudden, to expound all that he had done was done through fear of Constans and deceitfully) writes Letters to Athanasius full of encouragement, more than once, or twice, 
Athan. Epist. ad Solit. vit.  assuring him of his favour, and real intentions of his good, and willing him to make haste to Alexandria, without further dread of any danger; and thus at length Athanasius arriveth at Alexandria.   

CAP. XV.  
The estate of Alexandria at Athanasius his Arrival. The third charge against him before Constantius: and Athanasiushis' second strange escape.  
AThanasius now come to Alexandria, finds his See vacant: 
Sect. 1.  for Gregory who had been made Bishop of Alexandria in the place of Athanasius by the Council of Antioch, was put out again as hath been mentioned, and translated to Antioch; where he was deposed again by the Council at Sardica, and slain by the Citizens at Antioch. 
Bind. fol. 427.  And the Arian party at Alexandria had procured George of Capadocia to be Bishop of Alexandria, a man fit for their turn, fierce and cruel against the Orthodox; in whose days ensued a bloody persecution against them of the Alexandrian Province, wherein none were spared that come within his reach, whether Men, Women, Children, 
Theod. lib. 2. cap. 14.  Monks, Clerks, or Virgins; but pursued to the utmost, by imprisonment, banishment, tortures, and deaths, in the most cruel manner that soldiers could invent. And this Bishop thus fleshed, grew so insatiable and imperious, that the Arians themselves grew afraid of him, and weary of his government; which he observing, and that Constans began so stoutly to appear for Athanasius, he suddenly flies from Alexandria, and leaves the place void for Athanasius; who now comes in without interruption, with all manner of expressions of joy and love to Athanasius, and thankfulness to God, and (to use Athanasius his own expressions) his friends are glad; and of the rest, 
Athan. Epist. ad Solit. Vit.  some are ashamed, some hide themselves, some declare their repentance for their former ways; saying, that what they did against Athanasius was done by menace, compulsion and force; but especially the Presbyters and Egyptian Churches rejoice not only to see their ancient friends again, but more for the enjoyment of their former liberties, the Christians embracing one another, and encouraging one another in holding forth constantly their profession; yea amongst the more moderate sort of Arians, some come to Athanasius by night, and acknowledge that though for some private respects they held outwardly communion with the Arians, yet in their hearts they are ever for Athanasius, and his way. After this public congratulation, Athanasius calls a Council of the Alexandrian Churches, 
Soz. lib. 4. cap. 1.  and declares to them the proceed and determinations of the Council at Sardica, the Emperor's entertainment of him, his several Letters to him, and his Letters, and the Bishop of Rome's Letters to the Churches, and to the people of Alexandria, and to the Governors and people in all places as he came, and his acceptance amongst them. And thus Athanasius is accepted and declared to be settled in his place at Alexandria with peace and honour.  
But this sunshine also continued not long, though it was longer than his Arian enemies expected: 
Sect. 2.  For though Athanasius now seems bare of all shelter against the next blast of Constantius his displeasure, which was soon raised by the Arians; yet could they not find opportunity to storm Athanasius till Magnentius was taken out of the way. For Constans being murdered by him, he proceeded to possess himself of his Empire; and hence arose a Civil War in the Empire between Magnentius and Constantius, which endured divers years; during which time the pursuit of the Arians against Athanasius was but faint, for Constantius had his hands full elsewhere; but after that Magnentius was slain, and Constantius now possessed of the whole Empire, he that before resolved to have all the Eastern Churches of his religion, now will have all the World to be of his opinion; yet finding many that stand in his way, the tempest arises anew, and powers in amain upon East and West at once; and now the tall Cedars, the Bishops of Rome, Alexandria, Constantinople, and all that are taller than the rest of their Profession, must look to themselves; for Constantius is persuaded that these once leveled, his way will be plain and easy.  
For the news of Constans his death coming to Antioch, 
Sect. 3. Athan. Epist. ad Solit. vit.  seeing the way was now more fair for Constantius to appear in his proper colours, Leontius the Bishop there joined with the Eusebians, who all this while had burned with despite at the prosperity of the Orthodox, and their great increase. (For now above four hundred Bishops had declared themselves for the Nicene Confession) and Leontius takes occasion to deal with Ursatius and Valens to break their Communion with the Bishop of Rome and Athanasius, and to renounce their former retractations, as done through fear of Constans his displeasure; although it was notoriously known, that neither Constans nor any of his Courtiers or Officers was privy to any such submission, but that the same was done by private Letters, not by the act of any in power. Nevertheless, They that will be false in the least point concerning God, will not stick to be false with man in any thing. Ursatius and Valens make no bones to go now to Constantius, and confess their mistakes in their late transactions with the Bishop of Rome and Athanasius; yet seeing now their errors, as they say, they resolve to go no longer in their errors, nor to misled others by their example; and therefore they tell Constantius that they see plainly, that his clemency to Athanasius is so far from winning him, as it is rather construed to be a justification of his doctrine, whereunto the Emperor could not in his own conscience but acknowledge himself to be a professed enemy. They said moreover that by the publishing of Constantius his Letters in the behalf of Athanasius, there was befallen a general revolt of all sorts to Athanasius his way, and that ere long the Emperor himself and all that join with him will be reputed Heretics, and had in as great detestation as now the Manichees are.  
This made way for the first complaints that should be brought to them against Athanasius, 
Sect. 4.  which, their patience being but small, would not wait long for; and therefore by a trick they will make Athanasius banish himself. For which end they fancy, or rather forge a Letter, supposed to be written to Constantius in Athanasius his name, whereby he humbly craves leave that he might go into Italy to settle some matters there that do await his coming; and this delivered to the Emperor, they procure his dismission for Italy, in such a form, as the same being sent to the Governor in Egypt, is taken to be in nature of a banishment; and thereupon the Governor being willingly or unwillingly deceived, acquainted Athanasius that it was the Emperor's will that Athanasius should forthwith prepare to be gone for Italy. Athanasius wondering hereat, told the Governor that he could give no credit to such an Order, unless he saw the Warrant under the Emperors own hand and seal, in regard of the favour that the Emperor had expressed to him by his invitation, entertainment, his promises, and Oath, his Letters both before and since Constans his death, his acceptance of Athanasius, his Visits made to the Emperor so lately, once at Viminacum, again at Caesaria, and lastly at Antioch; in all which the Emperor shown gracious respects to him, without the least note of jealousy or suspicion had of him. The Governor nevertheless was instant with Athanasius for his speedy departure, telling him that he had the Emperors Warrant under his hand and seal, but did not think it fit to produce the same. The people understanding this, begin to interpose in such a manner, as the Governor was glad to agree to suffer Athanasius to continue till he had further order.  
Athanasius his enemies at the Court understanding hereof, 
Sect. 5.  see now that they must come upon the open stage, and therefore grow resolved to article against Athanasius, though nothing prove true of all that they charge him with. And because Constantius cannot in honour touch Athanasius for any matter preceding the Council at Sardica, they frame their Articles of matters pretended to be lately done by Athanasius. And they pray the Emperor that a Council may be called at Antioch, and that Athanasius may be tried there upon the matters in charge against him. And the Governor in Egypt knowing how the wind did blow at the Court, steered also his Course accordingly; he saw Athanasius would not move easily, and therefore he secretly stirs up the people to rise up against him, and therein wanted not instruments both Arians and Heathens, who yet not daring to work any public tumults, lest the worst should befall themselves, show their teeth as far as affronts and tricks of scorn would do the work, the Governor in no manner rebuking them, but rather giving encouragement therein, by making stop of that portion of corn, which by the Ordinance of Constantine was wont yearly to be given to the Alexandrian Bishop out of the Emperors own tribute of corn in that Country; 
Athan. Epist. ad Solit. Vit.  and giving the same to the Arians, the Governor still justifying his actions by authority from the Emperor.  
These little clouds thus rising, makes Athanasius conceive that a storm was following. And sent to the Court, where by friends he is informed of Articles prepared against him, and that no less than Athanasius his blood would give the Emperor satisfaction; and that the Emperor had agreed that Athanasius should be tried at a Council at Antioch, which should be called for settling the affairs of the Church. And the Articles against Athanasius were to this purpose.  
That Athanasius had been an incendiary and promoter of all the jealousies and differences between Constans and Constantius.  
That after the death of Constans, Athanasius was an aider and incourager of Magnentius to possess himself of the Western Empire, and to take up arms against Constantius; and to that end did hold intelligence with Magnentius, as is manifest by Athanasius his Letters to Magnentius, ready to be produced.  
That Athanasius at his last coming to Alexandria raised tumults, wherein many were slain, other imprisoned, some banished, others other ways punished.  
That Athanasius opposed the Emperor's Government, and refused to obey his Orders.  
Now was the Arian Schism boiled to its full height. For before the Council at Sardica banishment of the Orthodox would satisfy the Arians; but now their displeasure is become perfect hatred; nothing will satisfy but destruction of the Orthodox, 
Soz. lib. 4. cap. 2.  and their not being. For before this Council at Antioch can take place, the Emperor calls a Council at Constantinople, where Paulus the Bishop is again banished and pursued by the Arians to Cucusus; where by the Governor he is imprisoned, and endeavour is to starve him, but not able to accomplish their ends that way, after six days waiting for his death, they strangle him. And though Athanasius can expect no other than the like measure, if he fall into their hands, yet is he not scared with a noise, he will expect what will be moved at the Council against him.  
The Council at Antioch being met, 
Sect. 6.  they proved but a few, and as some Writers observe not above thirty, yet enough they were to do mischief. They fall upon the settlement of the affairs of the Church at Antioch: For Leontius their Bishop had made Aetius one of their Deacons; who being a subtle disputer, had gained a party amongst the Arians, who delighted more in wrangling then in charity, and in disturbing of other men's understandings more than in fixing of their own, 
Soz. lib. 6. cap. 26.  and he had a success suitable, which was not to be understood by others; but to have repute of unknown reach, and of principles beyond the ordinary Arians, and therefore different from them, though he be never so professedly theirs. And thus Aetius is flattered by the people into that height that he is separated, or otherwise separates himself, from the other Arians at Antioch; and being so he stands out in maintaining the same, upon this account, that the other Arians had holden communion with Arius, after it was notoriously known that he had perjured, 
Soz. lib. 4. cap. 11.  by his submission before Constantine, contrary to his own conscience. And the Arians now offended with Aetius, fall out also with Leontius for his sake, and procure him to be banished; the Emperor being the more willing thereto, because he had suffered dishonour by the advancement of him, who had been scandalous for uncleanness; and not long after this Leontius died. After whose death Eudoxus was gotten into the See at Antioch, and then endeavoured to bring in Aetius also; but the Arians would not endure him; and complain to the Emperor, that Eudoxus was brought in without their liking or knowledge, and that it will be the ruin of their City, because he endeavours to bring in Aetius also. 
Soz. lib. 4. cap. 11.  The Emperor disclaimed from having any hand in Eudoxus his coming, and disavowed Aetius and his doctrine, and forthwith banished him, and commanded the Council to provide for the settlement of the doctrine, That the Son of God is like to God the Father; but as touching Eudoxus he made no order.  
And now must Athanasius look to himself, 
Sect. 7.  for the Articles of complaint against him, being presented to the Emperor, his anger riseth to that height, as he cannot stay till Athanasius appeareth, but he forthwith sends Syrianus away with five thousand men to apprehend Athanasius, 
Athan. Epist. ad Solit. Vit.  or to do somewhat that was worse. These come to Alexandria in the evening, at which time the Church was at their holy Vigil, which they purposed to observe, and spend that night in devotion, because the next day was the day appointed for the receiving of the holy Sacrament of Communion. Syrianus informed thereof, besets the Church round with his Soldiers; Athanasius informed thereof, ordered the Deacon to read that, For his mercy endureth for ever, and the people to sing after him, during all which time the Soldiers without were very quiet; and than Athanasius his care being how the people might best escape, advised them to departed first, and leave him behind; but they would have him out with them, which he refusing, the people throng out, and the soldiers throng in, much blood is spilt, and the Monks and Clergy crowd out, drawing Athanasius along with them through heaps of dead bodies, wherein no sex, nor age, nor condition are spared. And thus Athanasius escaped in the throng, unknown to his enemies, and after a manner unknown to himself; and bearing in his mind that saying, Hid thyself for a little space, until the indignation be overpast; he gets himself out of the way, as some say, into a Cave or dry Well, where he continued without sight of the Sun, for a long while.  
The escape of Athanasius once known, 
Sect. 8.  for his dead body cannot be found amongst the rest, and tidings thereof coming to Constantius, his former kind Letters are now turned into fatal Decrees and Declarations, his Promises to threats, his Oaths to nothing: his Edicts go forth to all his Governors, Lieutenants, Deputies, Commanders, and Officers, to let them know, that Athanasius is a banished Outlaw; and the like to the Alexandrian Churches, commanding them to repute Athanasius as the Emperor's Enemy, and that no man shall harbour him, or conceal him. And now is the whole world in Arms against this one man, great and small, watching for him; threats against such as neglect to apprehend him, rewards to such as shall apprehend him, or kill him: And thus in the opinion of all, he is looked upon as a dead man; who nevertheless still comforts himself in that of the Psalmist, Though an Host should come against me, 
Ruffinus. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 14.  my heart shall not fear; Though war should rise against me, in this will I be confident: And he is well kept for all this; Athanasius though in banishment, is quiet; but the Emperor though in his Throne, hath no rest, day nor night; wherever he turns himself, foreign wars, or civil broils continually haunts him; in all which his Arian party cannot much boast of their gains; they have their liberty to be as wicked as they will, but they bind their Estates, Blood and Lives to serve him for the purchase. And in the mean time the Orthodox Christians under an outward oppression, yet hold life and soul together, with a free Conscience, till better things come.  
The Council at Antioch not satisfied with Athanasius his escape, 
Sect. 9  to show their spleen, and to curry favour with the Emperor in confirmng what he hath done, bar the door against Athanasius his return for the future; and declare him excommunicate and banished, without hearing him, or his cause; and send their Letters to all Churches, inhibiting communion with him by word, or letter, or other message; and letting them know, that George of Cappadocia is Bishop of Alexandria, and is ordered to return to his charge; and it vexeth them that they can reach no further. For Athanasius is now out of their reach, where his life is safe; and therefore as far as they can, they pursue him with revile and reproaches for deserting his flock in the time of danger: So as Athanasius hath work enough to clear his good name, and save what he can, being beaten thus to a retreat, by the fury of his enemies.  
And therefore first he finds out means to convey Letters to the Emperor with the best safety that he can; 
Sect. 10. Athan. Apol. ad Constan  wherein taking notice of the Emperor's displeasure, and of certain matters of crime laid to his charge, he answereth the same severally. And first as touching the tumults at Alexandria, he affirmeth that there were no such upon his Arrival: that it is true there was a joyful Assembly, but no bitterness nor displeasure amongst them, nor imprisonments or punishments, much less bloodshed, death or banishments caused by them; but what was done in such matters, was done by the Civil Magistrates upon misdemeanours committed before his coming to Alexandria.  
Secondly, That it never entered into his thought to imagine or contrive such wickedness, as to stir up or maintain any difference or jealousy between the Emperor's Constans and Constantius; For he well knew it was a sin exceeding hateful to God, to give the least encouragement to strife between brethren; much more between them, being Governors of the people: That Constans was not of so easy a belief, as to give any credit to informations against Constantius. That although Athanasius was divers times with Constans, yet never in private, nor without divers eminent persons then present, who can testify what he said. And these person; Athanasius mentioned by name, and appealed to them to testify what they knew concerning that matter.  
Thirdly, That Athanasius never knew Magnentius, nor did he ever send unto him, or received any letter or message from him: and therefore those letters supposed to be sent to Magnentius by Athanasius, and to be ready to be produced, are mere forgeries. That it is against all reason, to imagine that Athanasius should hold any kind of intelligence with that Magnentius, who had not only murdered the Patron of his own life, and Liege Lord, but the best friend under God, that ever Athanasius had in the time of his necessity. Athanasius further said, that during the whole time of the unhappy Civil wars raised by Magnentius, Athanasius was so far from wishing a good success to Magnentius, that contrarily he ever publicly prayed to God to aid and assist Constantius against all his enemies; and the people also at the same time with loud vociferations cried out, Lord help and aid Constantius.  
Lastly, as touching Athanasius his disobedience to the Emperor's Orders; he knoweth not of any order, but what was mentioned to him by the Governor of Egypt by word of mouth, without showing any in writing, and whereof Athanasius had cause to doubt, in regard of the many late favours received by him from Constantius. And therefore Athanasius told the Governor, if he had any such order, it was unduly gained; as afterwards he was informed it was framed upon surmise of a Letter supposed to be written by Athanasius to the Emperor Constantius; whereas none such was ever written or sent by him. All which Athanasius declared more at large in his Apology to Constantius, published amongst other of Athanasius his works.  
The other invective (by those at the Council at Antioch, and more specially by Leontius; 
Sect. 11.  for it can deserve no better name than an invective) against Athanasius, for his unworthy deserting his flock in the time of danger: 
Athan. Apol. De suga.  Athanasius made an Apology, as it is published amongst his other writings, wherein he justifies himself as in case of Persecution; and the same he proves by Scripture rules and examples, and tells his Detractors, that if it be a matter of scandal in Athanasius to fly in such case, it's much more scandalous in them that by persecution enforced him thereunto.   

CAP. XVI.  
The Entry of George the Arian Bishop into Alexandria again the secondtime: His cruel Persecutions there. Athanasiushis' escape into the Wilderness. The Monk's profession.  
AThanasius now gone, George of Cappadocia, formerly fled from Alexandria, 
Sect. 1.  is now become George on Horseback, and like a Centaur returns with a strong guard of Soldiers and Arians as his supporters; and if formerly he was acted by one devil, he is now possessed by seven. Their first endeavours are to make all sorts renounce the Nicene Faith; and coming in about Easter-time, 
Theod. lib. 2. c. 14. Soc. lib. 2. cap. 23.  he falls upon the stricter sort of Professors, and such as are most eminent, as his first dish. The Governors, Officers, and others entrusted, are ready at hand to execute the Emperor's Orders; Ursatius and Valens attending at the Court, follow the chase with full speed, encouraging those that are forward, complaining of such as are backward, switching up such as are dull in the chase. And thus at Alexandria all the former joy is turned to sorrow, peace to tumult, mirth to mourning; nothing but tears, sighs, bewailings in every place, to see Bishops, Presbyters, Monks, Virgins, Old men, Women and Children, some seized upon and dragged to sentence, and from thence to executions; others banished, travelling up and down from one City to another, and from one Nation to another; others flying into the Wilderness amongst the wild beasts, to escape the fury of Christian beasts; and which is worst of all, many revolting and relapsing from the truth to Arianism: And yet in all this tempest the Church of God lost nothing; for whiles men beheld these poor sufferers and wanderers, wherever they go, their patience and constancy is admired, their persons pitied, the Truth inquired after, and honoured; the Persecuters and their Religion are had in abomination.  
Thus are the Christians at Alexandria destitute of these eminent Professors; 
Sect. 2.  and yet they continue their private Meetings, and about the time of Pentecost hold a more solemn assembly of Prayer, and holy Fast; which being told to the Wolvish Bishop, he sends Sebastianus a cruel Manichee, with his band of Soldiers; (For such as separate upon corrupt Principles, will make use of any instrument to serve their turns) These Soldiers on the Lord's day with their weapons and swords drawn, assailed the poor Christians in their meeting, or so many of them as were now left, for the time of public Prayer was now past; and of those whom the sword spared, some were whipped, others otherwise tortured; some, especially the women, brought to the fire and threatened to be burned, but not so prevailing to make them renounce their faith, they were stripped and whipped, and used despitefully; nor would they suffer relief to be administered to them, nor the dead martyred to be buried by their friends: In this cruelty they slew in Egypt thirty Bishops, or more, and banished fifteen others, besides those that fled into unknown places, and a multitude of Presbyters, and of those who were banished, sew escaped without maims and wounds, so as many died in the way, and many more in the places of their confinement.  
Amongst which thus fled, 
Sect. 3.  Athunasius must not be forgotten; for having served the Church of God in Government, he must now serve the same in Banishment; and having made his escape as hath been mentioned, he is now pursued night and day, by such as continually did lie in wait for his life. The particulars of his condition, and in what places he was all the time of his absence from Alexandria, is altogether left in doubt; and great pity it is that we have no more thereof noted by writers. Zonara's saith, that Constantius banished him into Britain; which if so, proved a great mercy of God to our forefathers, who have derived the doctrine of the Holy Trinity uncorrupted, and so hath been maintained in this Island even to this day, and long may it last: but I suppose Constantius his thirst after Athanasius his blood, would not be so easily quenched by his banishment; nor can it stand with Athanasius his being escaped into the Wilderness, 
Soz. lib. 4. cap. 9  and his being in a Cave for six years; which if true, probably was the first six years after the Antiochian Council, when as the rage of his Enemies in their first heat, would put them to the strictest search that they could make; and Athanasius to the utmost shift that he could make. And this Cave might probably be in Alexandria, for it was nigh the dwelling of one that he might safely trust, and was acquainted with: It may be it was that choice Virgin so commended by the Historian, for her exceeding care of preserving Athanasius so secretly, 
Soz. lib. 5. cap. 6.  as she would trust none but herself with ministering to him in whatsoever he wanted all the while, until her Maidservant by continual observation had discovered it, and for hope of reward, told some of Athanasius his Enemies thereof; who preparing to apprehend him, Athanasius the night before going, suspecting his own safety in continuing there any longer, in the night time escaped away: and when the Searchers the next day came to seize their prey, they found that he was not to be found; and suspecting themselves to be deluded by the maid, they took her, and punished her for her service.  
The next news that they hear of Athanasius, 
Sect. 4.  is, that he is somewhere in the Wilderness amongst the Monks: A people that in their first original began, from persecution of the Church from without the same by the heathens, and was then but a shift; but about the beginning of Athanasius his time, was much increased by persecution of the Church from within itself; and in continuance, was now grown into the honour of the highest strain of profession, and became in fashion. For by reason of these persecutions, some melancholic spirits dejected and distracted at the sad apprehensions arising from the present troubles, and seeing no hope of redress, chose rather to withdraw themselves from all secular affairs and common society, then to live continually in such troubles: 
Nazian. Encom. Athan.  And (as Nazianzen saith) gave themselves to a solitary life in Wildernesses, and other places apart, to live to God more, and to the world less than other men do, who are busied in earthly affairs every day. Amongst which people, he saith that in his days were several sorts; some being Hermits, wholly absent themselves from all society, and enjoy communion with God alone, knowing nothing of this world but solitariness. But others observe more the Law of Charity, by communion and society together amongst themselves: These are solitary also in their kind, and dead to the affairs of the world, and whatsoever turn and changes there are in civil affairs, yet live they together in societies, and are busied in labour, reserving themselves nevertheless for the worship of God as their main end; accounting the men of the world impostors, and are a world to themselves, and do quicken the graces of one another, by contemplating each others virtues, mutually comparing themselves together, and emulating one another. Thus far Nazianzen. If therefore the apparel and diet of these men were unhandsome, 
Soc. lib. 4. cap. 18.  mean, and in a manner sordid, it's not to be wondered at, considering that they looked on outward conveniences but as accidental to their main end, which was quietness of mind; and therefore they abhorred idleness, and accounted such as did not labour to be rather Cheaters than Monks. This was a life not very suitable to flesh and blood, and yet in those days were many multitudes of them, especially in the Egyptian Wildernesses: and though thus retired they were, yet still remained they under the survey of the Bishops; 
Soz. lib. 6. cap. 28.  For it's noted that Serapion one of the Egyptian Bishops had under his alone government ten thousand of them. They were also many of them learned men, and principal asserters of the doctrine Orthodox against the Heretics in those days; and their writings, continued to this age wherein we live, sufficiently show it. And with these men Athanasius was not unacquainted, no not when he was young; for even then he entered into acquaintance with that famous Authony the Monk, and did exceedingly observe, or rather serve him; he was in account the very founder of the Monastical life by way of profession in the Wilderness of Egypt, and was a man of eminency for holiness, 
Athan. Vit. Anter.  not only in the Wilderness, but even in the Courts of Princes, and the Emperor himself. And after that Athanasius was Bishop, he often delighted to visit the Monks in their Cells, and to converse with them; and now in his distress he hath recourse to these, as to his securest refuge on Earth.  
Nevertheless this was not all the work that God had to do, 
Sect. 5.  thus to gain a refuge for Athanasius in the Wilderness, nor is it all the end that Athanasius aims at, thus to hid himself, for even in the Wilderness there must be rule and government, and though men live as it were out of the World, yet the Devil and their lusts follow them; so as though these Monks, to avoid occasions, do avoid affairs, though they aim to draw nigh to God, yet soon begin to forget themselves, and jars and divisions befall them there: No form of profession, no separation from Christian Congregations and Assemblies, no nor from society in worldly affairs with mankind, will be a remedy against schisms and errors. A Bishop therefore, or (if that word please not) an Overseer is as necessary in the Wilderness as at Alexandria, to interpose, advise, exhort, and by reproof to reduce men into ways of Reason and Religion. And this proves to be Athanasius his work now he is in the Wilderness: For (to take up the words of Nazianzen) Athanasius was a reconciler in all places where he had to do, 
Nazian. Encom. Athan.  by his wisdom and example. And in the Wilderness now he labours to reduce amity and unity between the Monks and Hermit's; letting them know that the holiest Monks stand in need of a Visitor or Overseer. And that in a Bishop, as Athanasius was, may be an excellent temperature of a speculative tranquillity on the one part, and of practical morality in political affairs on the other. And that Monastical life consisted rather in gravity and constancy in Christian conversation, then in solitariness or separation. And by this means Athanasius gained such authority and respect amongst these Wilderness people, that what he pleased was a Law to them, and what he disliked they accounted as forbidden and execrable.  
Whiles Athanasius is thus out of the way, 
Sect. 6.  men know not where nor which way; his enemies observe and examine all travellers, watch such as go out or come into Alexandria, search the ships, ransack the houses, make enquiry, bring disturbance amongst the brethren, forage the Wilderness, where supposing they have a scent of him, they search the Cells, examine the Monks, but they had as good ask the stones. They do so highly honour Athanasius, that they will not admit of any parley with the persecutors, but offer their necks rather to the sword, and if any of them meet with any hardship for Athanasius his sake, they endure it with courage, accounting it a high strain of their profession, even beyond their daily fasts and watch, and prostrations, and lying on the ground, which nevertheless they held in a great account amongst them.  
And yet is Athanasius many times put to extreme plunges. 
Sect. 7.  And is compelled to keep close and fly from one Cell to another, from thence to the Hermit's, and at last from the company of men to get amongst the wild beasts; for the malice of man he sufficiently understood was implacable. Cui enim parcerent Ariani qui nec animis suis pepercerunt. The Arians will not spare Athanasius, who will not spare their own souls; 
Athan. Epist. ad Lucit.  yet there was means used to convey to him Letters, Messages, and necessaries. But the pursuers are at length wearied, and return without their sport, yet watches are set in all places, with such care and diligence, that Athanasius dare not look abroad, and this he saith so sadded his spirit, that, Nec lachrimis cessaverit ab oculis nec gemitus ab animo, etc. he spent his time in weeping and mourning, because he durst not go abroad to visit his brethren and parents then alive; nor adventure to look into the fresh air; yet had he his times of studying and writing Letters and Discourses of vindicating himself and the truth; such as are his Epist. ad Solitariam Vitam agentes; his Apologies De fuga sua, and another ad Constantium, and his second Apology, His Epistle ad Serapion, concerning the Deity of the Holy Ghost; his Consolatory Letter to the Holy Virgins, and other discourses, whereof all ages ever since have reaped the benefit; God hereby making his Wilderness our Paradise, and the loss of Alexandria our gain; yet was that good man so far sensible of his condition, as to endeavour by all means to regain his liberty, and sometimes it's in his purpose to come in and cast himself at Constantius his feet for mercy, and one time was so fully resolved, as to do it forthwith, but even at the same time news comes of a new fire kindled in Constantius his breast, that burst out with great fury against the Western Bishops; 
Athan. Apol. ad Constan.  an unmeet time this is for Athanasius to adventure, and therefore he now rather keeps himself more concealed then ever; yet do not his friends at Alexandria give over, they still by all the friends they can make to gain access into Constantius his favour in behalf of Athanasius, but still receive the repulse; his rage swells the more, the more he is sought to. He commands the Alexandrians to submit and be silent, he tells them that Athanasius is an impostor, a conjurer, a wicked wretch, a cheater, worthy to die a thousand deaths, and many such disgraceful reproaches, like an Emperor he heaped upon him. And thus brave Athanasius at once suffered in his good name, his body, and mind, yet with a pure conscience he maintains the field.   

CAP. XVII.  
The Council at Milan intended against Athanasius, yet in vain.  
BUt the Arians think Athanasius quite routed and gone, 
Sect. 1.  and all their care is to entrench and fortify themselves against his return; for so long as he is alive, they fear he will retreat and face about again. And therefore supposing that Constantius is able to sway a General Council, they prevail with him to call a General Council at Milan, for they mean to beat the Bishop of Rome and the Western Bishops upon their own dunghill, 
Theod. lib. 2. c. 15. Soc. lib. 2. cap. 29.  and expecting that the Bishop of Rome will be personally there, they resolve to assault him in the midst of his strength. This Bishop now was Liberius, for Julius was lately dead; and Liberius a new intrant, 
Soz. lib. 4. cap. 8.  is suspected by the Arians to be a dangerous man, and must be reclaimed at the first, before he takes deeper root, and do more hurt. The Council being assembled, many of them out of the East, but about three hundred out of the West, the Eastern Bishops propound that a Decree might be made for the confirming of the banishment of Athanasius, never to return to Alexandria again. But the Western Bishops no whit abashed at the boldness of the Eastern Bishops, Paulinus Bishop of Triers, Eusebius Bishop of Vercellis, and Dionysius Bishop of Alba told the Eastern Bishops plainly, that the proceed of the Eastern Bishops against Athanasius had been altogether unjust. That none of the crimes charged against Athanasius were ever proved, nor he ever allowed liberty to answer for himself; and that its notoriously known to all the World, that what had been done against Athanasius, whether at the Council at Tyrus, or at the Council at Antioch, was not done to find out and favour the truth, but to oppress it. And which is yet worse, it is evident that this their proposal beginning against Athanasius, will end in the subversion of the determinations of the Council at Nice, which the Western Bishops resolved they would never yield unto; and thereupon they dismiss the Council. The Emperor Constantius finding himself neither feared nor loved, but contrarily that they are not afraid to declare in the public Council, that his government was wicked and unjust, he forthwith, without hearing of them, banishes divers of them. 
Athan. Epist. ad Solit. Vit  Hossius the old Bishop of Corduba, being one of the Council, a man of great learning, wisdom, and sharpness of wit, a grave man, now about a hundred years old, and highly reverenced of all, wrote a Letter to the Emperor, Beseeching him to hearken to the advice of his servant, now grown old in experience of the contrivances of the enemies of the Church, even the Arians whom he had well known and observed in their course, even from their first budding forth; and that he ever found them such, as that he cannot but in faithfulness unto him, beseech him to beware of their ways and Councils, which cannot endure the light; and therefore would not appear at the Sardican Council, which was called by the Emperors own Authority, whereto also they were summoned; and where their criminations against Athanasius were found and declared malicious deceitful forgeries. And therefore it will not be for the Emperor's Honour, nor peace of conscience, to decline the advice of his Council of so many Bishops fearing God and approving themselves faithful to his Imperial Majesty: Nor to engage his power and authority in the defence of those dangerous and abominable errors of Arius; Much less will it be safe for him to adventure so deeply in the pursuit of Athanasius, without hearing of his cause; and first of all if he take into consideration his former Letters, Messages, Promises, Oath, and public Edicts. And as it becomes Hossius in faithfulness to mind the Emperor hereof; so also will it not be unbecoming the Emperor to take it in good part; and therefore he prayed the Emperor to remember that he is a mortal man, and to fear the Day of Judgement, and to be sure that he keep a good conscience against that Dreadful Day.  
But Constantius used to be humoured by the flatteries of the Arian Bishops, 
Sect. 2.  and lifted up by the glorious titles that they give him; and especially by that new invented Title of Eternal Emperor, which he brooked very well, (and yet could be contented to deny the Son of God to be Eternal) could not endure this bitter pill of plain dealing from Hossius, but his anger rises and forthwith he banishes Hossius also. And then he sends Eusebius an Eunuch, that waited on him, to Liberius Bishop of Rome, to draw him off from the Orthodox Profession, and to gain him to subscribe to Athanasius his Banishment; and accordingly Eusebius used all his craft by exhortations, promises, tenders of reward, threats of the Emperor's displeasure, and danger that would follow; but all in vain: Liberius is deaf to all. Then the Emperor sent for Liberius to come to him, and being come, this parley ensued, which I shall rather Relate than Translate.  Const. 
We have thought meet Liberius, 
Sect. 3.  in regard that you are a Christian, that you should be Bishop of Rome, and we have sent to you to require you forthwith to renounce communion with Athanasius and all his opinions: For the Synod hath declared him excommunicate, and the whole world goeth that way.  Liber. 
Sir, The judgements of the Church ought to be according to justice; and therefore let Athanasius be brought to trial according to the Orders of the Church, for he ought not to be condemned by those who never heard him speak for himself.  Const. 
The whole world hath condemned his wickedness, but that he deludeth all men.  Liber. 
The Bishops who have sentenced him, have done they know not what, but have been drawn to do what they did for fear of man, desire of glory, and avoid reproach.  Const. 
What fear, what glory, what reproach?  Liber. 
Whoever loves not the Glory of God, but prefers your favour, O Emperor, above it, and condemn a man that they never saw, is unworthy of the name of a Christian.  Const. 
True, but Athanasius was convicted, and was present at the Council of Tyrus, which was a general Council.  Liber. 
No Sir, he was not present when they passed the sentence, nor did they sentence him till he was departed.  Eusebius the Eunuch, 
The Synod had declared Athanasius to be fallen from the Faith.  Liber. 
That Synod did appoint five persons to inquire further evidence against Athanasius, who went for that end to Mareotis. Two of which, viz. Theognis and Theodorus are now dead, the other three, viz. Maris, Valens, and Ursatius, at the Council at Sardica confessed that the evidence at Mareotis against Athanasius was forged. Whom then shall we believe? those that condemned Athanasius, and then acknowledged their error? or those that now would condemn him without further evidence?  Epictetus' a Bishop, 
Speaking to the Emperor, said that Liberius did speak, not so much from any desire that he had of Justice, but that it might be told at Rome that he had put the Emperor to silence.  Const. 
What are you Liberius, that you alone will side with Athanasius? and trouble the peace of the world in this manner?  Liber. 
My being the only man, O Emperor, cannot weaken the word of Truth: For there was a time when but three persons withstood a public Edict.  Eusebius the Eunuch, 
Do you Liberius compare the Emperor Constantius to Nebuchadonozer?  Liber. 
No Sir, but you can without reason condemn a man that never appeared before you. Call to mind I beseech you, and consider the general consent of the Council at Nice, and call home the Bishops and others banished, and if they shall appear troublers of the Church, let matters appear at a General Council at Alexandria; and let Justice be done.  Epictetus. 
There will be searcely found carriages enough for such a company so far.  Liber. 
Every Church may send their Bishop by Sea, if that be the nighest way, and carriages may be for the rest.  Const. 
That which is done, must not be undone; the sentence is already past against Athanasius, and yet you alone will stand to maintain communion with that wicked man.  Liber. 
A Judge must not pass sentence out of private spleen against any man, nor without hearing of him.  Const. 
He hath troubled all men, but especially myself; he was not satisfied with my brother Constantine's death, but did what he could to set stnife between my brother Constans and myself, and I endured it: I never was more glad of any victory against my enemy, than I am that Athanasius, that wicked man, is now removed out of my way.  Liber. 
Do not, O Emperor, revenge yourself upon Bishops, they should be encouraged for the preserving of holiness. Restore them to their places, and if they be found agreeing to the Nicene Faith, let them consider with a lawful Council, for the maintaining of the public Unity, and suffer not an innocent person to be oppressed.  Const. 
Do you Liberius what I order; Subscribe your consent with the rest of the Bishops, and then return you to Rome with all my heart.  Liber. 
I have bidden adieu to my brethren at Rome, the Laws of the Church are dearer to me, than is my dwelling at Rome.  Const. 
You shall have three days to consider whether you will live at Rome, or where you will, but you must subscribe.  Liber. 
Neither three days, not three months, can change my principles; send me whether you please.  Const. 
Then I order that Liberius shall after two days be required to subscribe, and if he shall then refuse, I command that he be banished to Berea in Thracia, and let him have five hundred shillings for the charge of his journey.  Liber. 
I pray you let the five hundred shillings be given to the soldiers, for they need it.  The Empress. 
Let five hundred shilling more be given to Liberius from me.  Liber. 
Carry that also to the Empercur, towards his expedition, but if that needs not, he may please to give it to Auxentius and Epictetus, for they need it.  Eusebius the Eunuch 
importunately urged Liberius to take the money.  Liber. 
You have wasted the Churches, Eusebius, and now will you give alms? go first and be a Christian.  
And thus after two days Liberius went into banishment. 
Sect. 4.  And about the same time also Hillarius Bishop of Poitiers was also banished for plain and wholesome Counsel given to the Emperor, but mistaken by him. And now are the Arians Lords alone, and might sit down and enjoy their liberty. But yet not so, For where error is the principle, there is no rest but a continual progress from one to more, and from more to many more. And besides the subordinate natural birth that Arianisme brought forth, there sprung also divers bastard errors, whereof some tended to disinherit the very Arian principles and turn them out of doors. 
Soz. lib. 4. cap. 4.  Of which number about this time arose that of the Photinians, so named from Photinus, who had his principles from Marcellus, whose disciple he had been. The principal points which he taught were, That God is One and Alone, and not subsisting in Persons. That Christ is a man, begotten by a man, and not from eternity. That the Holy Ghost is God, and no distinct Person. Which if so, than the Arian principles are destroyed; and the Arians must veil their Bonnet to Photinus, take up his name, and lay aside their own.   

CAP. XVIII.  
The Council at Syrmium against Photinus. The Arian Confession there made, whereby both Hossius and Liberius are ensnared.  
THe Emperor was at Syrmium, 
Sect. 1. Soc. lib. 2. cap. 24 25.26. Soz. lib. 4. cap. 5.  when as Photinus began to act his part, and it incensed him not a little, that such innovations durst put up head in his own presence; and therefore he is easily induced to call a Council there, whereas Photinns was at that time Bishop. The Arians furthered him also therein, being as earnest therein as himself, and procured the Emperor also to send for Hossius, whom once gained, they hoped to gain many more; and he came, though unwillingly, as he had cause. In the transaction thereof the Arians dealt cunningly: For they made a Confession of Faith, that on the one side aimed to strike Photinus in the right vein; and which also on the other side may go down with Hossius and others of his way, and yet must be safe for the Arians to approve. For the Council consisted most of such. And this Confession is thus framed.  

We believe in one God, Father Almighty, the Maker and Framer of all things; of whom all the Fatherhood in Heaven and Earth is named. And in his only begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ, before all ages begotten of the Father. God of God, Light of Light, by whom all things are made which are in Heaven and in Earth, visible and invisible: Who is the Word, Wisdom, True Light and Life. Who in these last days is made Man for us, born of the Holy Virgin, crucified, dead, and who arose from the dead the third day, and ascended into Heaven; sits at the right hand of God the Father; and shall come at the end of the World to judge the Living and the Dead, and to render to every man according to his works, of whose Kingdom there is no end, but remaineth for ever. For He shall sit at the right hand of the Father, not only whilst this World last, but also in the World to come. And in the Holy Ghost, that is the Comforter; whom the Lord promised to send after his Ascension unto his Disciples, that He might teach them, and mind them all things, and did send Him; by whom the souls of such as sincerely believe in Him are sanctified.  

1. Those therefore that affirm that the Son is of things which are not, or of any other substance then of God the Father. Or that there was time or age when He was not; are accursed.  
2. So if any man affirm that the Father and the Son are two Gods.  
3. Or that Christ was God before all ages, and therewith doth not confess that the Son of God with the Father made all things.  
4. Or that the Son of God or any part of Him is begotten of Mary.  
5. Or that the Son is born of Mary according to foreknowledge, and not before all ages begotten of the Father, and was with God; and that by Him all things were made.  
6. Or that the substance of God may be dilated or contracted.  
7. Or that the essence of God dilated, makes the Son, or shall call the Son as it were the dildting of His Essence.  
8. Or shall call the Son, the Word of God in the mind of the Father seated, or the Word brought forth.  
9 Or that God Man is begotten of the Virgin Mary, understanding thereby that God is begotten.  
10. Or that shall expound these words [besides Me there is no God] to exclude thereby the only begotten, who is God from everlasting.  
11. Or shall expound those words [the Word was made Flesh] to be transmutation into Flesh.  
12. Or by crucifying the only begotten Son of God, shall understand that the Son of God did undergo passion, destruction, change, diminution, or annihilation.  
13. Or that shall expound these words [Let us make man, etc.] as spoken from God the Father to himself and not to God the Son.  
14. Or that shall affirm that Jacob wrestled with God as God, or with God the Father, and not with the Son as Man.  
15. Or shall expound those words [the Lord gained from the Lord] not of the Father and the Son; but the Father reigned from Himself.  
16. Or that shall expound those forms of speech, [God the Father, or God the Son, or God of God] to determine two Gods thereby.  
17. Or when he saith, Lord of Lords, shall thereby understand two Gods. For we do not place the Son in the same degree with the Father, but we make Him subject to the Father.  
18. Or shall affirm the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit to be one Person.  
19 Or that calling the Holy Ghost the Comforter, shall intent thereby God begotten.  
20. Or that shall call any the Comforter, besides whom the Son of God hath so called.  
21. Or that shall affirm the Holy Ghost to be part of the Father and the Son.  
22. Or that the Son as one of the Creatures is made by the will of the Father.  
23. Or that the Son is begotten without the will of the Father.  
24. Or that Jesus Christ the Son of God is not from Eternity, but to be the Son, and Christ only, when he was born of Mary, and began then to be God, as Samosetanus said.    
This Confession thus framed, as on the one side it doth not assert that the Son is consubstantial with the Father, so on the other side it saith not in so many words that he is like to the Father. So being as it were silent in the point of similitude, they hoped both the Orthodox and the Arian would subscribe thereto, and agree in the condemning of Photinus, if he should prove obstinate.  
Besides this Confession thus framed, 
Sect. 2.  there were two other Confessions offered, which were suffered to pass abroad; but which of all these was offered to Photinus to subscribe, appeareth not by the History; but it appeareth that Photinus resused to subscribe, and unde took to descend his opinions by dispute; yet not satisfying the Council, they declared him excommunicated, and banished him; and accordingly he retired himself all his days. Nevertheless he published a discourse against all Heresies. For even Heretics will condemn Heresies.  
Of these two other Confessions one is wholly concealed by the Historians, 
Sect. 3.  only they say that therein that the words Substance and Consubstantial were not only omitted, but expressly forbidden to be used either in teaching or disputation. For the way to bring in Heresy, is to do it by degrees, they first conceal the words that do difference truth from crrour, and then afterwards foist in words that may lead in their errors. But this is not all; for in the same Confession thus concealed, they affirm, That the Father is greater than the Son in Honour, Dignity, and Deity, and in the Name Father. And that the Father is without beginning; and that the Generation of the Son is known only to the Father. But as touching the third Confession, although it be not concealed; yet it seems it was reserved to be owned by another Council, as not so fitting for the present purpose, where such divers Confessions were propounded, and the members each of them abounding in their own several senses, might by multiplying debates break off without concluding against Photinus, and so evaporate into nothing.  
Photinus thus dispatched, 
Sect. 4.  Hossius comes upon the stage, and is required to subscribe, but he acquainted with these debates, refused their offer; which being told the Emperor, and the whole credit of their proceed at the Council depending much thereupon, they use all fair means they can invent to gain him to their bent; but not prevailing, they fall to imperial commands, from thence to threats, and from threats to blows, and lastly by tortures they compel the good old man to subscribe the Confession, but could not prevail with him to subscribe to their proceed against Athanasius; 
Athan. Apol. ●.  at last seeing they could not gain all, they seem contented in what was done, and they dismiss him to his Bishopric again. And then they call for Liberius, now famous for his stout defence of Athanasius before the Emperor: him they tell what others had done, and how that famous Hossius had agreed to their proceed, and shown to him his subscription; and accordingly they require Liberius to do the like. Liberius hereupon shown himself the successor of St. Peter too much, in that though he said formerly three days, nor three months could change his reason, yet it seems three years did: For the History mentions not otherwise, 
Baron. An. 357. num. 46.  but that he submitted to whatsoever they demanded of him. But Hossius was much troubled for what he had done, and living not long after, made his last Will, and therein protested against the Emperor's cruelty and enforcement of his Subscription, utterly renouncing all the Arian opinions, and died Orthodox. Albeit there are not wanting some that make sad conjectures concerning him, yet Athanasius bears him witness, that his infirmity herein was (Seni imbecilitate, and exilii tadio) caused by the weakness of old age, and the misery he had endured in his bainshment, 
Athan. Epist. ad Solit. Vit.  and that thereby he was (inpar verberibus) unable to endure tortures; and so he gave place for a time, yet a famous and worthy man he is in Athanasius his esteem. And as for Liberius, Baronius assureth us, that after he subscribed, and returned to Rome, where he was formerly exceedingly beloved, there were many that took scandal at him, and made a schism in his Church, divers of them going along with Felix, who had been Bishop in his absence, and never would communicate with Liberius so long as Felix, lived; But after his death, they (upon many testimonies of Liberius his repentance) submitted to join with him again.  
The falls of these two great lights of the Church (though thus cleared to all) shaked the Orthodox Christians exceedingly, and made many to stagger at the first news thereof, and may serve to mind, especially old Professors, (as Baronius doth) often to use that prayer of the Psalmist, And now when I am old and grey headed, O Lord forsake me not; more especially in this instant of apostasy wherein we now live.  
Thus the Council at Syrmium hath done somewhat towards the advancement of the Arian Cause, yet upon cool consideration, casting up their accounts, they find little gains from their Confessions; what they have gotten, they gained by scratching, and when they have it, they may put it in their eyes and see not one whit the worse: Nay they begin to think themselves loser's, and in the conclusion are sorry for what they have done. Somewhat is found in their Confession, which can hardly be defended from being contradictory to some other clause therein; and thereupon to amend their error, they apply themselves to the Emperor, to gain his Proclamation to call in all the Copies of their Confession that passed abroad; which the Emperor does, with a penalty for such as shall refuse, or neglect to bring in such Copies as they have; but all in vain, the recalling them in, makes them scatter the more abroad, and the error made more notorious; and in conclusion to repair their credit, they publish to the world the confession of their Confession, That somewhat was done per simultatem, 
Nazian. Encom. Athen.  and Veteratoriè, by guile and cheat to overreach; and it may be all that they did was so done. For if such as separate upon unwarrantable grounds may come to cheat in the confession of their Faith, they will much more do it in the profession of their life: But for all this, the Arians are neither satisfied in what they have done, nor in what they have undone; they therefore have another confession of Faith in the Bank, which they reserve for another Council to hold forth, for they cannot pass it at Syrmium, and therefore they will have one Council more, yea they will have many more; hoping at length that the Orthodox Bishops will either be weary of coming to their Councils, and find excuses of absence; or if they come, that the Emperor's presence will so appal them, that they will be so wise as to keep silence, and suffer the game to go for the Arians without contradiction.   

CAP. XIX.  
The Councils at Arminum and Seleucie. The Arian Confession of Faith there. The Schism between the Artans, and the Semi-Arians.  
HItherto the Arians are against the person of Athanasius immediately, 
Sect. 1.  but henceforth more bold, during the remainder of Constantius his reign they directly face, and endeavour to outface the doctrine of the Council at Nice. 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 29. th'end. lib. 2 c. 18.20. Sor. lib. 4. cap. 15.  And for this purpose, the Emperor calls another general Council at Arminum in Italy, where the Assembly was so great, for there were night four hundred Bishops, that the Arians fearing that they should be shamefully overmatched, complain to the Emperor that Arminum is too far for the Eastern ●ishops to come unto, and  advise the Emperor that there may be two Councils holden at once, one in the East, and anoin the West; 
Bin. Concil. fol. 479.  which they did the rather hoping thereby to divide the Orthodox party, and distract their Councils the more. And the Emperor accordingly appointed the Eastern Bishops to meet at Nicomedia, and that the Western Bishops should still hold their meeting at Arminum. The meeting at Nicomedia, was first designed to be at Nice, but the Bishops liked not thereof: Possibly the name of the place reslected upon their Consciences, and therefore it was agreed to be at Nicomedia; it was agreed by them, but God agreed not thereto; for before their meeting there, an Earthquake meets there, the houses falling in several places, they are fired by their own Hearths, and then fire others; so as between the fire and the Earthquake, the whole City is consumed, few of the people escaping, because they knew not whither to turn themselves. Hereupon the meeting of the Council that should have been there, is determined to be at Nice; but it was otherwise determined by God; for even thither the Earthquake comes, and interposed their meeting, to the amazement of the Bishops, who knew not whither to go: At last, 
Thood. lib. 2. c. 26. A han. Epist. de Synod. Soz. lib. 3. cap. 19  Seleucia a City of Isanria, is thought upon; and so at last, these two Councils are settled, about the two and and twentieth year of Constantius his Reign: although some make it to be two years later. Whether the Eastern Bishops were entertained at the Emperor's charge, I find not; but it's said that the Western Bishops at Arminum, refused the Emperor's entertainment, and served at their own charges all of them, saving two Bishops that came from Britain, 
Bin. 479.  who were poor, and therefore had the Emperor's allowance.  
The Councils being both of them thus settled to their work, 
Sect. 2.  the Emperor prescribes them rules for the ordering of their proceed, amongst which these espcially are mentioned. That they should from time to time certify the Emperor their proceed by ten of the members of each Council. Secondly, that neither of the said Councils should intermeddle with the proceed of each other. Lastly, that they should first proceed concerning the settling of the Doctrine and Faith, and then against criminal offenders. The Council met at Arminum, gins accordingly with the Doctrine. And first Vsatius and Valeus, Acasius and Eudoxius, with the rest of the Ariah party, propound to the consideration of the Synod to agree in one Confession of Faith, 
Athan. Epist. de Synod.  which once done would facilitate a way to all other their proceed; and in order thereto they produce a Confession of Faith, formerly framed at the Council at Syrmium, and which they reserved to be considered and confirmed by another Council, and then established by the Imperial power. This Confession thus produced, they said was already concluded at Syrmium, but it was now produced to be by this Council affirmed without any debate. And that then this Council at Arminum should do well to disannul all other Forms or Confession of Faith, and make them void. This Confession thus produced, I shall recite it as I find it in Socrates; because it more suiteth in the Preface to the Copy that Athanasius had, then doth that mentioned by Baronius.  

This Catholic Faith (in the presence of Our Lord Constantius Flavius, Eusebius and Hyratus being Consuls) at Syrmium the eleventh of the Calends of June, was published.  
We believe in one only and true God, the Father Almighty, Maker and Worker of all things: And in one only begotten Son of God, who was before all ages, and before all beginning, and before all time which can be conceived, and before all intelligible Notion, begotten of God the Father without all passion; by whom as well all generations, as all things are made; the one begotten alone of the Father, alone begotten, God of God, like to the Father who begat Him, according to the Scriptures. Whose generation none knows but the Father alone who begat Him. This his only begotten Son we know by the will of the Father, came from Heaven to take away sin; He was born of the Virgin Mary, conversed with disciples, according to His Fathers will fulfilled all order, was crucified, suffered death, descended to Hell, fulfilled all things there; at whose preserce the porters of Hell trembled; the third day he arose again, and again conversed with His disciples, and after forty days ascended to Heaven, to sit on the right hand of the Father. And shall come at the last day in the Father's glory to render to every one according to his works. And in the Holy Spirit (which ' the only begotten Son of God Jesus Christ promised to send to man) the Comforter.  
The word Substance, when we speak of God, we take away, and forbidden to be used; yet we affirm the Son in all things to be like the Father.   
This is first time that I find that point concerning our Saviour Christ descending to Hell to be mentioned in the public Confession of the Faith; 
Sect. 3.  the credit whereof, as also of other points of this Confession which were in controvery in those times, doth not a little depend upon the patrons of this Confession Vrsatius and Valens, they not only being Arians, but relapsed Arians, and had entertainment by the Council at Arminum accordingly; for the Orthodox Bishops there assembled exceeding the Arians in number by much, did according as the Arians propounded; they would neither debate the particulars thereof, not the whole, but told the Arians that they came not thither to seek a nev faith, but to assert the old faith determined and agreed by the Council at Nice, and to convince all gainsayers, and all such as would innovate, as was evident, they who produced this new Confession intended to do. They further told the Ariam, that themselves resolved to adhere to the Nicene Faith which they had received, and would agree to nothing more or less than that. And that they would hold to the very words Substance and Consubstantial. And thereupon the Council at Arminum proceeded to depose and banish the Atian Bishops who had produced and insisted upon this new Confession; and then they framed a Narrative of what they had done, and sent it by ten Bishops, members of their Assembly, to Constantius, wherein they told the Emperor plainly that they would not recede from the Nicene Faith, no not a nails breadth. But the Arian Messengers more swift of foot, first gained into Constantius his presence, and possessed him with prejudice; so as the other Messengers could gain no admittance nor audience, whom I must leave in expectation, till something from the Council at Seleucia come up in equal front with those from Arminum.  
The Council at Seleucia did meet to the number of about one hundred and fifty Bishops, 
Sect. 4.  where though no earthquake was, as at Nice and Nicomedia, yet there befell that which was as ill for the Arian party, or rather much worse. For though they were generally Arians, and not very spiritual, yet were men of spirit, and such as the Emperor thought would want an Overseer to keep them in peace. And therefore he appointed Leonas and Laurentius, two Commanders of the Army, to see to the maintaining of the peace; and these men having both authority and power, did what they were authorised to do, and more also, as it afterwards proved. For upon the meeting of the Council at Seleucia, it soon appeared that as Arian as they were, yet they were not all alike Arian; some differed from others, 
Bin. Conc.  and in this Council contrary to one another: Some were Arians, some Semi-Arians, these were in principles like to Arius, but could not endure to be reputed Arius, his disciples. And they did acknowledge the divine substance in the Son of God, yet would not retain the word Consubstantial; and therefore rejected the Nicene Faith for the only sake of that word. 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 31.  And of this sort was Basil Bishop of Ancira, Macedonius, Eustacius, and others. But others there were who would not allow of any divine substance in Christ, or any likeness in him with the Father, and therefore are called Arians by way of Emphasis; and of this number were Acasius Bishop of Caesaria, Eudoxius Bishop of Antioch, George Bishop of Alexandria, Ursatius Bishop of Tyrus, and others.  
These Bishops thus met at Seleucia, 
Sect. 5.  first are at variance about the manner of their proceed. The Acasians would first proceed against Cyril Bishop of Jerusalem, and others complained of as criminous. But Basil and others insist upon the Emperor's order, therefore would begin with matters concerning the doctrine of Faith, and in this difference the Council was so divided, that they never reunited afterward; but yet the major part carried their proceed according to the Emperor's order, first beginning with the doctrine of Faith. Then the Acasians move that the Confession of Faith by the Council at Nice, ought first be abrogated and taken out of the way, before the Council could be free to conclude any matters concerning the same. But the Semi-Arians like not that, resolving to hold to the Nicene Faith, only they would have some explanation or alteration of that word Consubstantial. After long debate, Sylvanus one of the Semi-Arians moved that the Confession of Faith made by the Council at Antioch, might be taken into consideration. And the next day the Semi-Arians prevailed to have it read, as it's formerly set down, and after long debate the Council carried it that the same should be confirmed and subscribed, and whiles the same was thus passing at the Council, they caused the doors to be shut, to avoid interruption. Acasius seeing the doors shut, told them that things done thus in secret are suspicious; and desired that they would delay that work, in regard that himself and others had in readiness another Confession of Faith, which he produced, and desired that the same might be read, which could not then be obtained.  
But on the third day, 
Sect. 6.  Macedonius joining with the Semi-Arians were so strong, that the Acasians withdrew themselves, and departed from the Council. But on the fourth day Leonas appointed by the Emperor to preserve the peace, interposed, and stretched his Authority so far, as he prevailed to have the Acasian Confession read in the Council; and thereupon the debate is renewed in the Council, for the framing of a new Confession, but that whole day was also fruitlessly spent, and nothing could be concluded, and so the Council dissolved for that day also: The next day the Council met again, but the Acasians came not, then are they often called one by one, but none appearing, the Council proceeds against them as deserters, and banish them, and elect Ananias Bishop of Antioch, in the room of Eudoxius. Thereupon the Acasians apprehend Aminus, and deliver him to Leonas by whom he is banished. Soldier's may be good at keeping off fisty cuffs, but not schisms, and of the twain are better for peace, than truth: These Arians thus divided from the Church, divide amongst themselves; for if separation be from a rule, and not to a rule, it is divisibilis in semper divisibiles, without all; and especially if it be so unhappy as to have a quiet Toleration: But the news of this Schism coming to Constantius, he resolves to have the hearing thereof before himself, yet not in the presence of the Seleucian Council, but by their Delegates, ten of each party to attend him for that purpose.  
During these Transactions at Seleucia, 
Sect. 7.  the Messengers of the Council at Arminum, having attended long upon the Emperor's leisure, at length obtains audience, and the Emperor upon the reading of the Letter from Arminum, writes another Letter to the Council, importing that the matter of their Letter, and required time to advise upon it; and that the Emperor was now intent upon an expedition against the Barbarians, and after his return he will give them further satisfaction, and in the mean time his will is that they shall continue sitting in Council, till they receive further order from him. To this Letter the Council returned answer that they cannot undo what they have done, nor disclaim their principles. And therefore again beseech him to confirm what they have done; and to grant them leave to departed to their Churches before Winter comes on, many of them being aged, and having far to go. But the Emperor still makes delays; so as many of the Bishops depart from the Council, without the Emperor's leave, only a few who lived in the adjacent parts to Arminum stayed.  
During this tergiversation, 
Sect. 8.  the Arian Delegates from the Arian party at the Council at Arminum, had prevailed with the Emperor to take their Confession of Faith into consideration at a petty Council, called for that and the like purposes at Nice in Thracia, where upon small consideration, this Confession of Faith contrived at Syrmium, and proposed at Arminum, is soon determined and confirmed; and the Emperor thus strengthened in his Faith, first imposeth it upon the Orthodox Delegates sent from Arminum, and compelled them by force to subscribe thereto; and then the Emperor sent it to the Council at Arminum to be subscribed and confirmed by them; but it is immediately delivered to the Emperor's Lieutenant in Italy, ●rsatius and Valens accompanying it, who are commanded to see the same put in execution, and that such as shall refuse to subscribe thereunto, shall be forthwith banished; which work was so pleasing unto these two Bishops, that they see the same executed to the utmost, with all rigour upon this small remnant of the Council that continued at Arminum, and in all other places, so far as the Emperor's power could reach, by means whereof as many of them were banished, so there wanted not some that did subscribe the same.   

CAP. XX.  
The Councils at Constantinople and at Antioch: Constantiushis' Death.  
COnstantius hath one work more to do, 
Sect. 1.  wherein he must have the help of another Council. The thing is to cure the wound made amongst the Arians by the Seleucian Schism, and for this cause a Council is called at Constantinople, of the neighbouring Bishops of Thracia and Bythinia, wherein the Emperor did what possibly he could to make up the breach, by commending both and blaming both, yet can he not prevail; and therefore he lastly takes off the heads of both, and removeth such as he apprehends to be of greatest authority on either part, and banished on the one part Eudoxius and Aetius, who were Arians of the highest size, and on the other part Basil Bishop of Ancyra and others; the first was done in justice for maintaining that the Son of God is unlike the Father, which was contrary to the doctrine of the Syrmian Faith, now the Emperors Faith. The later was done in anger for personal respects. However in the main the Emperor seemed to carry himself equally, because he spared neither party. But the Council at Constantinople seeing the Emperor's endeavour unsuccesseful, they take up another course, and hope to find out a Confession of Faith, that may seem to hold forth the truth, and yet not dis-affirm either the Emperor's Confession at Syrmium, nor that of the Acasians, nor of the Semi-Arians, but consist with all; and this they more easily and readily compose, because they make the Emperor's Confession their groundwork, and over-lay the same with a varnish of other words, not apparently altering the substance, but explaining it in manner following. 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 32.   

We believe in one God the Father Almighty, from whom are all things. And in the only begotten Son of God, begotten of God before all ages, and before all beginning; by whom all things are made, visible and invisible, the alone only begotten of the Father, alone begotten God of God, like to the Father which begat him according to the Scriptures; whose generation no man knows, but the Father only which begat him. We know this only begotten Son of God to be sent from the Father, to have deseended from Heaven, as it is written, and conversed with Disciples; and having fulfilled all order, according to his Father's will, to be crucified, dead and buried; to have descended into Hell, at whom the Devils trembled; to have risen from the dead the third day, conversed with his Disciples, and after forty days taken up into Henven, to sit on the right hand of the Father. That he shall come at the last day of the Resurrection with the glory of his Father, that he may render to every one according to his Works. And in the Holy Ghost, whom the only begotten Son of God, Christ the Lord and our God promised, that he would send to Mankind: The Comforter, as it is written, the Spirit of Truth, which he sent when He was taken up into Heaven.  
The word [Substance] we utterly disallow and take away.  
The word Subsistence of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, ought likewise not to be mentioned.  
We affirm that the Son is like to the Father.   
And thus the Arians produce many forms contrary to the Nicene Confession, 
Sect. 2.  to the end, that if they gain not the day for their principles to settle in the minds of men, yet at least their minds may be possessed with many notions, and unsettled in the Nicene Doctrine. And that these notions may seem more solid, they are countenanced by Councils, whose pride would never suffer them to stoop to the truth, nor to the same expressions of one and the same error. And these Councils are holden many of them at the same place or places of the same name where formerly Orthodox Councils were holden, as at Nice, Sardica, and Arminum, that the common people might be confounded the more in their right understandings of the determination of their principles. Nevertheless the Arian wound still bleeds fresh: Manasse is against Ephraim, and both against Judah. The Acasians are angry both with the Semi-Arians and Orthodox, but the Semi-Arians are stark mad against the Orthodox; 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 30.  Macedonius the Leader of the Semi-Arians spares none that comes within his Ecclesiastical Power, and will not communicate with him, and where his Ecclesiastical Power falls short, the soldiers help him with fire and sword.  
But the Orthodox will not satisfy them; 
Sect. 3.  the Novatians also stand in their way, though they communicate not with the Orthodox, yet they will not communicate with Macedonius, and therefore he heaps on them all the insolences that the soldiers can devise, with that extremity, that the Novatians can endure no longer, but take arms in their own defence, and in a plain battle in the field win a victory, with the effusion of much blood, both of the Emperor's soldiers and their Arian associates. Hereat the Emperor is troubled, if his soldiers cannot prevail against a tumultuary party, how shall they stand against a form army of enemies? but the Arian party is extremely vexed, and both Emperor and Arian fall upon Macedonius, and banish him from Constantinople; and so that See void once more of Macedonius, Eudoxius gets into his room after his wont manner, no man knows how; for the Emperor disowned his election: Nevertheless once in, 
Soz. lib. 4. cap. 25.  he seeks the people's approbation, and to show his deep reach into matters of divinity, strained his wit into a higher pitch of blasphemy than any formerly had attained; he tells the people what they never heard before: Namely, That God the Father is impious, and that God the Son is pious; and whiles men are wondering at the strangeness of the doctrine, he opens the riddle, and tells them, That God the Father did not worship any one, but God the Son worshipped the Father. Hereat, saith the Writer, the people laughed, which is no less strange; but They that feed upon Heresy, will make no bones of Blasphemy. Otherwise both Bishop and people had more cause to weep. However the Emperor is so well satisfied in him, as he did not only not depose him, but shown so much respect either to him or others of his persuasion, as to condescend that they of Arius his highest form should hold another Council at Antioch.  
But the Novatians having approved themselves thus good soldiers against the Macedonian party, 
Sect. 4  bethink of strengthening themselves, by growing in amity with the Orthodox, as they were now baptised in enmity with the Semi-Arians: For though they still hold to their principles concerning the observation of Easter, and non-communion with such as had relapsed, and such as after Baptism had committed mortal sin, as they termed it, in all which they were in the negative, yet in other points more fundamemal, 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 30. Soz. lib. 4. cap. 19  they were so grounded that they loved the Orthodox above all others, they would join in prayer with them, they would pray for them, and would even die for them, and were requited with the like observance from the Orthodox to them again; yet could not these come full home to one another in all the Public Ordinances, to communicate together.  
The Acasians or Eudoxians also labour to fortify their party, 
Sect. 5.  and therefore as unanimously as they can, they assemble at the Council now called at Antioch; yet the Semi-Arians come thither also; more in number, but inferior to the other Arians in power, who being more potent at the Court, and the other discountenanced, did rule all at this Council, and put in and out as they pleased; Eudoxius is confirmed Bishop of Constantinople, and Meletus made Bishop of Antioch; although in him as well as others, they were mistaken. 
Soc. lib. 2. cap. 34. Theod. lib. 2. c. 31. Soz. lib. 4. cap. 27.  For Meletus was Bishop of Sebastia, one of excellent parts of learning, eloquence, and prudence, and of an excellent plausible carriage, which added a lustre to all the rest. On this man the Eudoxians look, as one that may win many to them. For the people admired him; and accordingly at Antioch they flocked to hear him. But upon a day as he was preaching to the people, towards the conclusion of his Sermon, his zeal growing more than ordinarily, he broke forh into a clear asserting of the Nicene Doctrine, which being observed by one of his Arian Auditors, who was as furious, as Meletus was zealous, the Arian steps to Meletus, and with his hand stops Meletus his mouth. Meletus notwithstanding stretching forth his hand extended three fingers, and then closing them together, pointed out one finger alone; the people understanding his meaning, a tumult is raised; the Arian escapes away, and Meletus declared himself for the Nicene Faith more plainly; the Arians are ashamed, and Meletus is again deposed and banished: Hereupon ensues a Schism at Antioch amongst the Arians; for many follow Meletus, and separate themselves; and holding their meetings in private houses, would neither communicate with the other Arians, nor with the Orthodox, nor they with them; and so they maintained a Schism in the Arian Church at Antioch, upon mere personal respects, as it seemeth, like unto the Meletians Schism in the Alexandrian Church. I say this at Antioch was a Schism in the Arian Church, and not in the Catholic or Orthodox Church; for these Meletians at Antioch were never members of the Orthodox Churches; nor could they be, themselves being under a Bishop called by Arians, and baptised with Arian Baptism, 
Soc. lib. 3. cap. 34. Athan. Orat. 3. cont. Arian. Soc. lib. 5. cap. 9 Ruffin. Hist lib. 2. cap. 30.  which by the Orthodox was accounted a nullity, and by Athanasius so declared to be; nor could they be, their love to Meletus was so ardent: For though Paulinus was propounded to them as one indifferent, and beyond all exception, and of so blameless a life as it did put to silence the very enmity of the Emperor, who after banished Meletus and spared Paulinus; yet would not the Meletians comply with Paulinus; and were encouraged therein by Meletus, 
Soc. lib. 5. cap. 5.  who for the peace of the Church's sake might have shown more self-denial than he did. And thus this Schism continued at Antioch (do what any man can) for the space of eighty years, 
Theod. lib. 3. c. 5  even until death removed the exception of Arian Bishop and Arian Baptism out of the way.  
This was one fruit of the Antiochian Council although sore against their wills; but they endeavour to rally again, by endeavouring to compose a Confession of Faith, not to reconcile the Semi-Arians, but to discriminate them, and that may fully reach Arius his heretical sense, if not overreach the same: 
Soz. lib. 4. cap. 28. Soc. lib. 2. cap. 35.  Yet the Council of Constantinople shall be their model, because its owned by the Emperor, but they will make it hold forth, That the Son of God is unlike the Father, not only in substance, but in will. And that the Son hath his beginning from Nothing. And if Writers say true, they gained the Emperor to be a favourer of those opinions also, and so they bring it into the Council to pass the same, but still the major part would not agree thereto, and so the Council is dissolved; and though they cannot carry it out with multitude, yet they bear it out as the Faith Imperial, and as the Faith of Great men, such as the Great Masters Eudoxius, Ennomius, Acasius, and Aetius, and to be observed by all that expect preferment.  
For now the Semi-Arians are underneath, 
Sect. 7.  and (as those usually do who separate from principles of pride) falling into discontent go from bad to worse, deny the Deity of the Holy Ghost; gain the Donatists to join with them, and thus the Macedonian Heresy becomes considerable, and like to cope with the Arian, and grew so exceedingly in Asia and Africa, as Serapion the Egyptian Bishop bewails the same exceedingly in his Epistle to Athanasius; who thereupon enters the List in defence of the Deity of the Third Person also, 
Athan. Epist. ad Serapion.  as he had done in defence of the Second, and writes a Discourse to Serapion for the vindicating of that truth also; which is dated out of the Wilderness, where it seems Athanasius still is, even now at the conclusion almost of Constantius his life.  
Thus a Christian Emperor and Christian Arians, 
Sect. 8.  bring ruin to a Christian Empire. The Bishops of the West are havocked in all places. Some fly for fear, others hid for fear, others subscribe for fear, others for want of understanding, some for both, and some are banished, the Eastern parts generally corrupted, so as in ten Provinces of Asia, 
Bin. 476.  scarce three Bishops remain, that acknowledge any Deity in Christ at all. The Western parts but Semi-Arians at the worst, in regard the Emperor had imposed on them the Syrmian Confession, which in honour he could not repeal, although the Eudoxian Confession possessed now his heart. But there were many Bishops who flatly held forth the Nicene Confession, amongst whom was Hillary Bishop of Poitiers in France, who being once banished by the Emperor, is again restored by unknown means, and is permitted to be quiet sine exilii indulgentia, as it's said, without the favour of banishment; and he writing of these times, saith, that since the Council at Nice, Annuas & Menstruas de Deo fides decernimus, decretis penitemus, penitentes defendimus, defendentes Anathematizamus, aut in nostris aliena, aut in alienis nostra damnamus, & mordentes invicem jam absumpti sumus: We have our Faith for a year, and some for a month; we decree and dedecree, we dedecree and redecree, we bless and curse, we condemn the Faith of others, and yet believe it ourselves, and so condemn our own Faith in other men; and thus biting one another, we are devoured by ourselves. For it's very likely that in those days, as in these, several opinions bred several practices, and those uncharitable censures amongst those that were weak: Nevertheless the more advised Christians were more moderate, still reputing honest men honest men, though weak, and not able to discern the subtlety of the times. That they were induced through infirmity to submit and subscribe to this Confession, 
B●sil. Epist. 86.  because they did not (as they said) see any thing therein that was evidently false or unsound: That the peace of the Church was at the last cast: That whatever gloss the Arians put upon the words, they nevertheless did and do adhere to the Nicene Faith. And this made Nazianzen to bewail Athanasius his absence in the Wilderness in such a storm of temptation.  
But Constantius is now come to his last year, 
Sect. 9  having been so unhappy as to own the name and fame of Arius, who was disowned by Constantius his father, who had found him troublesome to his government while he lived, and saw his end so dreadful when he died. Him nevertheless after his sad death Constantius advanced to be reputed the Doctor of the World, and was contented to be his Disciple; for though he was educated in better principles, yet is taught first by Eusebius to disown the Word Con-substantial, then by Macedonius to believe, That the Son of God is like to the Father; 
Athan. Epist. de Synod.  and lastly by Eudoxius to eat his own words, and to affirm Him to be unlike the Father. And denying the Eternity of the Son of God, to take the same unto himself under that Title of Eternal Emperor which they gave him. And thus instead of being exceeding great he is become odious to all good men, abhorred by his own soldiers, who in an expedition under Julian against the Barbarians, renounce Constantius, and lift up Julian. And then Constantius is loathed by himself; he seeing his honour buried before he dies, becomes a tormentor to himself by jealousies, fears, vexations, and thus brings on a sever, and that death; whiles he is dying, his conscience revives, accusing and condemning himself for three things: 
Nazian. Encom. Athan.  For putting to death his Nephew Gallus, who was a good man; and for electing Julian to be his Successor, who was neither good man nor good Christian: And lastly, for maintaining new doctrines of Religion; and in this confession death takes him away, in the five and twentieth year of his Reign, about the year Three hundred sixty and one after the Incarnation.   

CAP. XXI.  
julian's Government, Athanasius his return to Alexandria. The Council there. Athanasius his third miraculous escape. JuliansDeath.  
COnstantius now thus sadly dying, 
Sect. 1.  Julian in the head of his Army, and designed by Constantius to be his Successor, hath nothing further to do, 
Amian.  then to take up the Imperial Crown and put it on. His victorious success in the Wars, his brave courage, his learning, wit, and other natural endowments, and his good education concurring with all the rest, do seem to point him out to all the Empire to give him their best entertainment. It's true he did delight to hear the disputes of the Heathen Philosophers; 
Athan. Epist. de Synod.  and they no less to dispute against the foolishness of the Gospel, as they accounted it, yet was he a Christian and baptised; and though it was done by Eurocus an Arian, and filled with the spirit of Arius; yet Julian held his Profession, and studied the Scriptures, 
Amian. lib. 21.  and therein became so eminent for knowledge, as he becomes a Preacher, and so far to countenance holiness, as to undertake the profession of a Monk. And thus accomplished, Commander, 
Theod. lib. 3 c. 2. Soz. lib. 5. cap. 2.  Conqueror and Preacher, may well challenge the first place of esteem amongst all, and to be the most meet person in the World to manage a Christian Empire, to defend it against enemies from abroad, and the difference of the Church from within. For as yet Julian was  to either Arian or Orthodox, and there was cause, for in the issue it appeared that he was an enemy to them both; and had no more religion than what served to make him the most exquisite Persecuter of Christianity of all that sat in the Throne. For he was not led by passion, but by sober hatred, not against Professors so much as Profession; and therein was very cunning; for his greatest strife was against the principles of truth in their practice. And the best that can be said of him, is, that he was the last persecuting Emperor, and continued but a while.  
And yet it seems he was not so ill, 
Sect. 2.  but the times were as ill; for even the best of them, even those who should be as the salt of the earth, had lost their savour; I mean their teachers, concerning whom Nazianzen hath this observation of those times; whether speaking of the general stream of the whole, or only of the Arian teachers, I determine not, 
Nazian. Encom. Athan.  but he saith they were such as Nullos labores noque erumnas virtutis Causa pertulerunt, discipuli simul Magistrique pietatis designuntur aliosque ante purgant quam ipsi purgati fuerunt; heri sacrilegi, hodie Sacerdotes, heri extra sancta, hodie sanctorum arbitri ac antistites, etc. They never did not suffered much for good Cause; but even now learners, and in a moment teachers; teachers of others to be good, before themselves are good; but yesterday sacrilegious, to day sacred; yesterday profane, to day who but they? old sinners, young saints, getting others goods by extortion, but godliness by oppression; more honoured for their Mastership then for their merit; and so he proceeded in his elegant manner to decipher the vanity of these teachers, amongst whom it seems Julian is the chief; being the first precedent that I find of a preaching soldier becoming a heathen persecutor.  
In his entry upon the Empire, 
Sect. 3.  his principles led him neither to displease Infidels nor Christians; his affections led him to the one, his reason to the other, and so he grants an universal toleration. The Temples of all sorts are opened, as well Christian as Heathen, as well Orthodox as Arian; the banished both Orthodox and others are permitted to return and enjoy their places; 
Soz. lib. 5. cap. 5. Soc. lib. 3. cap. 1.  and by command of public Edict the estates of all such as are banished are restored; and especial command that the Orthodox shall not be urged to the Heathen Sacrifices; nor shall any dare to offer them violence, nor vex them with reproach. In this condition of affairs it befell that George the Arian, Alexandrian Bishop, having wasted his zeal or rather madness against the Orthodox, started another game in his chase, and after it he goes with more haste then good speed; 
Soz. lib. 5. cap. 7.  for taking occasion to show his despite against the Heathen Temples, he thereby vexed the Gentiles in that manner, that they taking advantage of this Interim of julian's coming to the Throne, risen in a tumult, seize upon Bishop George, and tie him to a Camel's tail, and drag him through the streets of Alexandria, and then they burn both Bishop and Camel in one fire. 
Soc. lib. 3. cap. 3.  And this outrage being related to Julian, he is very calm at it; and the actors in this Tragedy instead of being well hanged, are well chidden for their pains; and thus at once God rendered to this Bishop a recompense for all his villainies done to the Orthodox, and thereby made way for Athanasius his return to Alexandria without control.  
Julian is all this while in his journey towards Constantinople, 
Sect. 4.  and by the way bethinks himself on what foot to stand before he ascends the same; and in Illiria as he comes, 
Baron. An. 361.  he renounces his Baptism and Christian Communion; for it seems he knew his Army regarded none more than other; yet he being come to Constantinople, so managed the matter, that notwithstanding his profession, the first part of his reign was a riddle: For he spared none, yet seemed to favour all: He put Eusebius the Eunuch to a signal death, besides many other Arian Courtiers, who had been ringleaders in the Arian dance of persecution; and thus have they also their reward as well as George of Alexandria. And yet Julian sends for Aetius from banishment, who nevertheless was as deep in the Arian way as any other, and this man returned to Constantinople, is outwardly favoured by him. And although it is known by all that Julian is none of the Orthodox Christians, yet by an especial Letter of high commendations he sends for Basil the Great from banishment, and invites him to come unto him. He likewise sends for Zeno the famous Physician from banishment, who though Orthodox, yet must be nigh him, as if he meant to trust him with his life. And which is yet much more strange; 
Amian. lib. 22.  he endeavours to reconcile the differences between the Christian Bishops, as if his care should be to maintain Religion in Unity and Peace, which is as high a strain as any Christian Emperor reached at. And yet at the same time he sacrificed to Idols. The meaning of all which at length appears to be this, that hereby he endeavoured to ingratiate himself with the people, by discountenancing such as were most favoured by Constantius; 
Soz. lib. 5. cap. 5.  and seemingly favouring such as Constantius most hated.  
In all the various turn of Julian in his way, 
Sect. 5.  Athanasius seems to be quite out of mind; but he not intending to stay for particular invitation, 
Hieron. adv. Lucif.  having news of the death of Constantius, he secretly returns from the Wilderness to Alexandria, yet concealed himself till he saw some issue; and after finding the way laid open by the Emperor's general Edict, and the wind blowing fair, and the season calm, he suddenly discloseth himself, and entering his Church, is received with joy and welcome, no enemy appearing, no inclination to any umults. For now the Arians can claim no more favour from Julian then the Orthodox: And the Gentiles and all are bound by the Emperor's Edicts. Besides Athanasius is known to be a man of peace and good government; and under whom the City of Alexandria had received great blessings, by increase of Trade, and Wealth, confluence of people from all parts for Learning and Religion, and so by his coming a flourishing time is expected, and all is quiet.  
Athanasius observing the coast so clear, 
Sect. 6.  forthwith calls a Council at Alexandria, whereunto not only the banished Bishops of Egypt, but from all parts, both of Asia and Africa, yea even from Rome, do assemble themselves, especially for Athanasius his sake, on whom, as the Sun breaking through a dark cloud, all men's eyes are fixed for directions of the Churches in this their sad condition. For the persecutions under Constantius, instead of driving the Orthodox together, drove them asunder, whiles some by complying yielded too far to the Arians; others stoutly withstanding the Arians, too severely not only censured all that had been of that way, but all others who through weakness had obscured their Profession, and were not so forward in the opposing of the Arians as themselves; and not only censured them, but separated from them, yea and from such as retained a charitable opinion of such their infirm brethren; this was an universal sore, and required a suitable plaster from a general Council, such as this at Alexandria; which through the mercy of God proved a healing Council. 
Soc. lib. 3. cap. 4, 5.  The Council therefore being met; first brought the broken bones of the Church together, and bound them up by a Decree, That all such as had relapsed to the Arians, through infirmity, shall upon repentance be received to Communion and to their places. By which Decree, said Hierome, Satanae faucibus ereptus est mundus: The World was rescued out of the Devils Jaws. Such a Parliament God in his mercy give to these Nations, after all the sad distractions, under which they now do groan.  
Secondly, in the Doctrine concerning the Holy Trinity there appearing a difference between the Greek and Latin Churches, in words only expressing the same thing in substance, wherein they both did agree, 
Nazian. Encom. Athan.  Athanasius composed the matter so, as having gained them both to subscribe to the same thing in substance, and to be contented to lay aside the use of those words that maintained the difference, and to use no other words then those that are in the Scriptures, unless in case of disputes about errors that are or shall arise.  
Then the Council determined against the error of Eudoxius, who denied the similitude between the Father and the Son; and also against the errors of the Macedonians; 
Soc. lib. 3. cap. 36.  and against the errors of the Apollinarians, who observing the differences between the Arians and Semi-Arians, separated from them both, and took up an opinion, That the Son of God assumed the body of Man without a soul, and after being convinced of that error, yielded that He had the Soul of a Man, but had not the mind of a Man, and that His Godhead supplied instead thereof, and yet they did still maintain the Consubstantiality of the Persons of the Godhead.  
They took also into consideration the multiplicity of Confessions of Faith scattered abroad; 
Sect. 7.  and concluded to lay all aside, but the Nicene Faith only; and herein they did disown that Confession of the Faith, said to be made at the Council at Sardica, wherein both Athanasius and many others of this Council were present, and would not agree to any Confession distinct from the Nicene Faith.  
Lastly, Athanasius at this Council recited his Apology for his flight into the Wilderness, and retiring himself from Alexandria, which his Arian enemies, by way of scandalous imputation, called a diserting of his place and trust.  
Then they sent a Declaration of the conclusions of this Council to the Churches, and amongst the rest to Basil the Great, which came very opportunely to him, who was now beset with harsh censures of such as were more austere against his compliance with such as were penitent for their relapse to the Arians through the dread of persecution. And Basil having received. Athanasius his Letters, holds them forth as a Buckler against such detractors; telling them that herein he did follow the direction of the Fathers of the Church, signisied to him by Letters from that blessed Father Athanasius of Alexandria, wherein he saith that all the Bishops of Macedonia and Acaia did agree unanimously herein: 
Basil. Epist. 75. ad Neocesar.  And that Basil could not but submit to the determination of so worthy a man as Athanasius was.  
The Alexandrian Council now ended, 
Sect. 8.  Athanasius betakes himself wholly to his Ministry, wherein he had such success as multitudes are converted, and amongst others there were some of the Gentile Priests and their Families; Julian being informed hereof, dealt more moderately than did Constantius: For as if he would be glad that Athanasius should make his escape, he lets him know his faults. 
Soz. lib. 5 cap. 14.  That Athanasius had been banished, and had not only returned to Alexandria, which he might do, but had possessed himself of his Church and Government of the alexandrian Churches without the Emperor's Warrant, which he ought not to have done; and so he left Athanasius to judge of the issue; but the Emperor concealed the main sore, 
Theod. lib. 4 c. 9  which was the Conversion of the Gentiles and their Priests. And Athanasius understood his own condition well enough, and that the Emperor loved no Apologies of Christians, and that it's no season now to demur or think to hid himself in Alexandria in any secret manner. He therefore prepares himself for his departure in an open manner, 
Soc. lib. 3. cap. 12.  that Alexandria might not far the worse for his supposed absconding there: at his departure the Conjurers and Witches rejoice above the rest, for they say that so long as Athanasius is in Alexandria, their arts avail them not at all. But the Churches mourn, and flocking to him, bewail their own condition, beseeching him not to leave them, promising they would find out means to pacify the Emperor, although they considered not that the Devil must be first pleased, or else the Emperor would not. But Athanasius beholding the people so perplexed, said to them, Be of good courage my brethren, it is but a small cloud, the storm will soon be over; and so having commended the care of the Churches to his most trusty friends, 
Soz. lib. 5. cap. 14.  he speedily gets into a Vessel upon the River, and away is gone up the same towards the Country of Thebais or the Wilderness.  
He is no sooner gone, but the Alexandrians discover by the Governors' enquiry after him, and his preparations to follow him, that nothing less than death is intended, and thereupon send speedily after, Athanasius, to inform him thereof; and the Governor making what haste he can, gets into a boat with an Executioner, and follows after as fast as he can also; for he was afraid to adventure to put Athanasius to death in Alexandria, for fear of the people. The Governor thus gone, the people some pursue him with prayers for Athanasius, others with fears, many feed themselves with hopes they shall never be troubled with him any more, and many give him over as a dead man, and themselves to sorrow and lamentations. And Athanasius though never so speedy in his escape, is told that danger of death follows him hard behind. His company hereupon advises him to land and escape into the Wilderness; but he perceiving them so perplexed, said unto them, Why are you so fearful, my Sons, let us return and meet the Executioner; They shall know that he that defendeth us is greater than he that pursueth us; and accordingly the Vessel turns head into the midst of the stream, and is soon within view of their pursuers. The Governor espying the Vessel wherein Athanasius was (and nothing less suspecting then that it was the same Vessel which they pursued, or that Athanasius would thus voluntarily thrust himself into danger) called to the Vessel as it speedily glanced down the middle of the River, if they did see Athanasius, and they answered that they saw him but even now a little above upon the River; the Governor thereupon sped the more earnestly after, but in vain, for Athanasius his Vessel is soon arrived where he hide himself, so as none of his enemies could ever find him out during the Reign of Julian, do what either the wit or labour of man, or skill of Conjurers, or Devil's malice can do.  
The Alexandrians informed of the escape of Athanasius from this eminent danger, 
Sect. 9  labour by Mediatorship to mollify julian's malicious heart towards him; but are answered, as by an Heathen Emperor, with rebukes and blasphemies; and which is yet worse, the Emperor missing his prey, which he accounted so surely his own, breaks all his former rules of persecuting by policy, and falls to right down blows, letting lose the Gentiles and his Governors upon the Christians, wherein neither Arian nor Orthodox is spared from imprisonment, banishment, tortures, and what not? And complaints being made thereof to the Emperor, 
Soc. lib. 3. cap. 12.  he answereth, That their Religion teacheth them to suffer patiently. But the Emperor finding that his Army is not satisfied in his way of rigour against the Christians, not only purges the Government from all good Governors; but more especially his Army from all Commanders that like not his proceed. For an Army within doors, is like a sore in a diseased body, if well ordered, it consumes the humours, if otherwise it infects and wastes the spirits, and endangers the whole. And thus it befell in julian's time, as he was, 
Soc. lib. 3. cap. 11.  so must be his Army, Christians will not down with him, nor Christians abide with them. Jovinian, Valentinian and Valens, amongst other chief Commanders in the Army are Christians, who choose rather to forsake their places of command in the Army, and their livelihood therewith, then to lay down their Christian Warfare and Religion, by burning incense to the Heathen Gods, whereunto they were enjoined by the Emperor; and yet are they no loser's thereby in the conclusion; for God hereby not only spared them from the Persian Sword, but reserved them for better service; whiles in the mean time his displeasure lay heavy upon the Army, as appeared afterwards.  
Yet doth not Julian satisfy himself with the wickedness wrought by him while he lives; 
Sect. 10.  but he will do what he can to perpetuate it to posterity, when he is dead; he will not endure that the Christians children should be trained up, no not in humane Learning. For well he saw that Athanasius and the Christians were so well studied in the principles of Philosophy, 
Soc. lib. 3. cap. 14.  that they beat the Gentiles at their own weapons; and made Philosophy an Instrument to serve Divinity, as a weapon against Gentilism; and that the College at Alexandria abounded with Scholars from all Nations flocking thither, and was famous not only for humane Learning, but especially for education of youth in the principles of Religion under that famous Doctor Athanasius (under whose influence Gregory Nazianzen, 
Theod. lib. 4. c. 8.  amongst others now was a student there.) And therefore the Emperor sends forth Edicts amongst other places to Alexandria, strictly inhibiting all manner of instruction of the children of Christians in any humane Literature. It's very true that humane Learning adds no strength to the Gospel, yet as to natural men of parts it addeth light, and renders them more capable of conviction of the weakness of the principles of nature, and prepare them for better grounds; which also slide more gently into their understanding, when they see the correspondency between the principles of Religion and Philosophy explained. And therefore it is a matter of wonderment to see men that would be eminent for Religion in these days to be enemies to a Learned Ministry.  
I might add more concerning julian's cunning against Religion and Teachers, 
Sect. 11. Theod. lib. 4. cap. 4.  in taking away their Maintenance, thereby destroying not Presbyters, but the Presbytery; but I am not to mind a History of Julian, but Athanasius his cloud, which is now indeed passing over apace. For the Persians after the death of Constantius, had renewed their claim to the Roman Confines, and are now drawn down to the borders; and Julian is in all haste called to an expedition against them, and therefore must leave to pursue the Christians till another time; 
Nazian. 2. Orat. in Julian.  for he made a solemn protestation that after his expedition finished, he would utterly root out Christianity; and then he goes to consult his Gods about the success of his Voyage; and receives an answer from his Oracle, which according to its construction was either a plain lie, or the sense so doubtful, as might be taken one or other way. And however the Emperor is answered according to his desire, That he should have the better against the enemy. And thus armed sufficiently as he thinketh, enters the battle, and beats the enemy to a confused retreat; so far his Gods said somewhat towards the truth; but this is not all: For Julian that he might pursue the chase more speedily, throws off his armour, 
Amian  and being forgetful of the Rule, To overcome is glorious, but to exceed therein is odious; he will have all or nothing, and in the heat of his pursuit did meet, or rather was met by an arrow or dart that pierced through his arm and entered his side, 
Soc. lib. 3. cap. 18. Ibid. cap. 25.  and endeavouring with his other hand to draw it out, receives another wound, and therewith fell from his horse, and receiving his blood gushing from his wound into his hand, threw it up into the air, confessing the judgement of the Lord Jesus Christ, and his Victory upon himself, though even then under that blasphemous Name of Galilean; and so he died as he lived, an enslaved Rebel and Enemy to God. And (if Nazianzen be rightly informed) his body was carried away in a tempest, 
Nazian. Encom. Athan.  without Lamentation and without Burial. Notwithstanding some Historians make the same, or somewhat in the stead thereof, to have an honourable Burial.   

CAP. XXII.  
Jovinians Reign and Death. Athanasius his third Return to Alexandria, and another Council holden there.  
THe rage of Constantius towards his latter end against the Orthodox, 
Sect. 1.  succeeded by the hatred of Julian against Christianity, made Religion to take flight into the Wilderness, and now the Monkish Life is still advanced from a Profession to be in fashion. But Julian now out of the way, the times do change, and Religion peeps forth of the Wilderness into the World again, having a fair gleam from the Army. For that now upon the death of their Emperor, beaten to a retreat, and entrenched; they must have another Emperor, or all is lost; no Successor was designed by Julian, either being confident of his return, or knowing none so wicked as himself to succeed him. The Soldiers in this exigency pitch their Election upon Jovinian, who though none of the Family of the Caesars, yet was of a Noble Family, a valiant man, and successful in the Wars, and had formerly been one of the Tribunes, 
Soc. lib. 3 cap. 11. cap. 19 Theod. lib. 4. c. 1. Soz. lib 6. cap. 3.  but disclaimed the place for the sake of his conscience; and yet was made one of the Captains, although he desired to lay down arms. This man (the Soldiers lifting up in triumph as the Custom was) refused the honour, telling them he was a Christian, and could not rule over Gentiles. But the Soldiers would admit of no denial, 
Ruffin. Hist. lib. 2 cap. 1.  and told him that he must undertake the service, and that themselves would be Christians also. For Soldiers ordinarily shift their Religion according to the fancy of their chief Commander. Jovinian seeing the danger that they were all of them in, resolves to do what he can to save the Army, now engaged far into the enemy's Country, and must fight for their bread, and yet could get none by fight; and therefore he submitting to his Election, makes peace with the Persians upon the best conditions that he can, though not such as he would, and thereby gained liberty for a quiet return homeward, although with the loss of some Territories by surrender.  
The first thing observable that appeareth done by Jovinian in his return homeward, 
Sect. 2  was his restoring the banished Orthodox Christians to their several Counties, Estates, and Places. And now is Athanasius his cloud quite gone, and the sky now clear, invites Athanasius to forsake his harbour, and make his Voyage for Alexandria, which he doth with all speed he can, and is entertained not as in the times of Constantius and Julian, wherein it was imputed as a crime to rejoice in the advancement of good men, but like unto the times of Jovinian; wherein it was an honour to honour such as are worthy of all honour: 
Nazian. Encom. Athan.  For he is met by a multitude prepared by expectation, men of all sorts, great and small, from Alexandria and all the Coasts of Egypt, in so great a number, as a good Observer said, If Constantius had been present, he could not believe so great a number would have appeared, no nor at the presence of great Athanasius, had not his eyes seen it, and yet he saw not the bounds of the multitude. But when Athanasius came into view, than began the acclamations and universal shoutings, and continued all the way, some feeding themselves with the very sight of him, others with the hearing of his voice, others that his shadow reached them, others with his discourse; and so he comes with joy, is received with joy, and all return home with joy, which fully recompensed all their grief at his depature; and then all is in peace, no opposition from the Arians, no competitor for his place. For Julian the Emperor cared not to supply vacancies in any Church, but sought rather to destroy all.  
Jovinian in his return now come to Antioch, 
Sect. 3.  receives addresses from several parts, and amongst the rest Athanasius presents himself before him, and is courteously received: The Arians of Alexandria likewise repair to him with Lucius their Presbyter, whom they had designed to be Bishop of Alexandria, and by friends, whereof they had store at Antioch, gained access to the Emperor as he was horsing for the Field; and they told Jovinian that they were Christians of Alexandria, and came to desire his favour, that they might have a Bishop set over them. The Emperor answered that Athanasius their Bishop was yet alive. They replied that he was deposed and banished. The Emperor turning his horse road on, and they followed him, and upon occasion of the Emperor's stop, they tell the Emperor that Athanasius had been banished by Constantine the Great, and after by Constantius, and after that by Julian. Jovinian answered he knew all this, and he well knew how, and why, but all those things are past: The Arians moved that they had other matters of late to object against him. The Emperor told the Arians that they were many persons, he could not hear them all, choose you therefore said he one or two in the name of all the rest, and let them attend upon me, and I will hear them. The Arians thereto replied that they were contented that any one should be their Bishop, but Athanasius. The Emperor answered, And why shall Athanasius be excepted? I have heard that he is an honest able learned man, and one that teacheth the truth faithfully. He will do it (said the Arians) with his mouth, but deceit is in his heart: The Emperor said what have you to do with his heart? Let God alone, meddle with that, do you hear what he saith: Then one of them told the Emperor that one of Athanasius his disciples, under colour of Athanasius his name, had bereft him of his house. The Emperor answered, what is that to Athanasius? the Law is open. A Greek then present, told the Emperor that himself had cause to complain against Athanasius. The Emperor answered, You are a Greek, what have you to do with Athanasius? Then the Arians brought Lucius to the Emperor, and prayed him that Lucius might be their Bishop. The Emperor understanding their design, called for Athanasius, and commanded him to return to Alexandria, and teach and govern the Egyptian Churches as he should find most meet, and so the Emperor departed, and Athanasius also to Alexandria.  
Athanasius had not been long at Alexandria, 
Sect. 4.  before a Letter came to him from the Emperor Jovinian, 
Theod. lib. 4. cap. 3.  requiring an account from him concerning the Nicene Faith in relation to the opinion of Arius; for answer whereunto Athanasius calls another Council at Alexandria, of the Bishops of Egypt, and Lybia, and Thebais wherein the Emperor's Letters are read; and they concluded to attend upon the Emperor by special Messengers, with their Answer to the Emperor Letters: Wherein they possess the Emperor with the true state of the Arian Doctrine, and of the state of the Orthodox Churches, even as contrarily the Arians had possessed Constantius with their opinions before the Orthodox could make their case known to him. And in their Letters they give Jovinian humble thanks for their pre-admittance, and his desire to be informed from them of the principles of Religion; as touching which, they tell him, that the true Faith is set down in the Holy Scriptures, which is the Word of God; and that the Faith confessed by the Nicene Council is contained in the Scriptures: Which was unquestioned, till of later times, Arius and his Disciples had brought into the Church dangerous Errors; teaching, That the Son of God had his being of nothing, and was made, and was mutable; and that hereby many were seduced from the Orthodox Faith; and that for the preventing of further mischief, the Nicene Fathers proceeded to condemn such opinions, and to condemn and excommunicate the Patrons and Assertors of such doctrines: And that for the settling of the Churches in the Truth, they had also composed a Form of Confession of Faith to be received and holden by all the Churches; whereunto men of corrupt judgements refusing to submit, some of them plainly oppose it by denial: Others seem to agree in words, but in truth by false glosses, abuse the sense, to the overthrowing of the true Doctrine, concerning the Son of God, and also concerning the Holy Ghost: And therefore the Council at Alexandria, judge it most meet to commend to the Imperial consideration (to be received and believed) the Nicene Faith, which they publish, as followeth:  

We believe in one God the Father almighty, maker of all things, visible and invisible; and in one God Christ begotten of God, the only begotten of the Father, that is, of the Father's substance, God of God, Light of Light, true God of true God, begotten not made, coessential with the Father, by whom all things celestial and terrestrial are made, who descended for us men, and for our salvation took flesh, and humanity to himself, suffered, and risen again the third day; ascended into Heaven, and shall come to judge the living and the dead; and in the Holy Ghost.  
Those therefore who affirm, that once it was when the Son of God was not, and that before he was begotten he was not.  
And that he was made of nothing, or of other substance or essence.  
And was made mutable or variable,  
Are excommunicate.   For the Nicene Council doth not say, That the Son is like to the Father, nor simply the like of God, but that he is true God of true God, and that he is coessential, because he is the natural and true Son of the natural and true Father; neither did the Council separate the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son; but together with both, did glorify in one Faith of the Holy Trinity, because it is one Deity in Holy Trinity. 
This is the substance of the Letter which the Council at Alexandria sent to the Emperor Jovinian, and wherewith the Emperor settled his resolution to establish the same by his Authority, and to lay aside other Confessions presented to him.  
The Macedonians and Semi-Arians likewise call a Council, 
Sect. 5.  and they move the Emperor to banish the Acasians, and others of the highest strain of Arians, and under colour thereof would pretend themselves Orthodox: But the Emperor knew them, and gives them a short Answer, He hates such as maintain contention, He loves and honours such as are for peace and union. The Acasians perceive the Emperor's inclination, and fearing to be ground to nothing, between these two Millstones, the Semi-Arians and the Orthodox: They therefore held a Council at Antioch under Meletus, who now is returned and settled Bishop there: And in this Council they dis-own their former Opinions, and hold forth themselves to be in conjunction with the Nicene Faith, and that the Son is consubstantial with the Father, and begotten of the Substance of the Father, and nevertheless is the same breath, glance at a similitude, of the Son to the Father as touching his substance; and which is yet more they will condemn Arius for saying, That Christ is come from nothing; and the Eunomians for affirming, That the Son is unlike the Father; and these being thus represented to the Emperor, (though herein they worshipped not God, but the purple Robe) they likewise are restored to their Churches again: Opinions taken up upon pretence of Conscience, and not substantially grounded on the Word of God, and all Schisms upon such foundations, are blown away by the breath of a resolved Governor: And therefore though Jovinian never lived to come to see his Imperial City, nor was scarce possessed of the Throne, yet in his way thereto he conquered more to the Church of God than constantin's, Constantius and Julian, could all of them while they lived, gain to the Empire, although they ruled threescore years between them.  
The Emperor thus having determined concerning the ordering of the Churches, 
Sect. 6.  whiles he is yet but in the way to Constantinople, proceeds to reform or rather re-reform his army; for it having been julian's army, 
Ruffin. lib. 2. c. 1. Theod. lib. 4. c. 1. Soz. lib. 6. cap. 3.  it may well be supposed that it needed it, and yet not very much neither, for when Jovinian comes to the trial of them, they tell him that their old soldiers were Constantine's, their younger were very few that in heart were of Julian's way. And that as soldiers they are to be servants to the Wars, let the Religion of the Magistrate be what it will. Nevertheless Jovinian recalls all such Soldiers and Commanders who formerly laid down their arms and livelihood rather than they would part with a good conscience. But as touching the people, he will trouble no man for faith, but will respect all such as are desirous to maintain the public peace. More than this I find not of Jovinian's actions conducing to the matter in hand, his time being but short, and his work rather a progress to his Imperial City, than a Government; he died before he could arrive at Constantinople, about eight months after his Election, concerning whom I shall only add this note which I find in a Writer: That God sometimes for the punishment of sin shows forth a likelihood of much good to a people, and after snatches the same away before they can say they have it. Jovinian died lamented, and commended by such as were good, and as much discommended by such as were bad, and hence arises the different sense of Writers concerning him.   

CAP. XXIII.  
The Government of Valentinian and Valens. Both of them declare for the Nicene Fait. Divers Councils in order thereto.  
THe Roman Army though now out of danger of a Foreign Enemy, 
Sect. 1.  and being almost at Constantinople, yet are so regardful of their own honour and safety, as they speedily elect another Emperor to succeed, and will not come into the City headless. And by an extraordinary providence they pitch again upon one of the Christian Orthodox Faith, 
Soz. lib. 2. cap. 6. Zonar. ●om. 3. sol. 88  who neither was present, nor minded such thing; albeit its likely Jovinian had sent to him amongst others, when he reform the Army. I say it was a strange providence, for what other could move such a body, as a headless Army, trained up under such an one as Constantius for five and twenty years together, to make choice of such a Head.  
This man thus elected, was Valentinian, 
Soc. lib. 4. cap. 1.  originally a soldier of Panonia, trained up under Constantine the Great in the Army; and carrying himself bravely, had attained the honour of command of a Brigade in the Army, and was also become one of the Tribunes, when it was lately form for the Persian Expedition. And Julian then entering upon his Voyage, and going into the Heathen Temple to consult his gods, as formerly was mentioned, Valentinian according to the duty of his place attending upon the Emperor, 
Theod. lib 4. c. 16. Soz. lib. 6. cap. 6.  passed into the Temple before the Emperor; and at the door was saluted by the Priest with an Olive water sprinkle, as others had been, according to the manner, and some of the Water falling upon Valentinian, he shook it off with indignation, and gave the Priest a box on the ear for his labour; which the Emperor observing, said nothing, but took the next opportunity to charge him with unfaithfulness and breach of trust, and banished him the Army, and sent him prisoner into a Castle, not mentioning at all his carriage at the Temple door; for it was Julians rule not to punish for matter of conscience, lest they should have the honour of suffering as Martyis, which thing Julian liked not. 
Theod. lib. 4. c. 15.  This Valentinian thus quite out of sight, is not quite out of mind, but now is called out of Prison to reign (for he is never out of the way to preferment, that is in God's way) and being come, is invested with the imperial Robe and Ornaments. Which done, the soldiers desire yet further to elect an associate to him, for his assistance in the government of the Empire. But Valentinian told them, That they had thought Him meet to be their Emperor, and it belonged only to Himself to consider of a Consort, and not to them; and therefore required them to lay aside their thoughts concerning it, Himself would do what becomes an Emperor in such case. And herewith the soldiers are contented. Thus God rendered to Valentinian an hundred-fold for his Constancy to Religion, 
Ruffin. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 2.  He lost his Tribunes place, and gained an Empire.  
Valentinian now settled in the Empire, 
Sect. 2.  declared his intent to march towards Constantinople, the next day, and calling together the chief Commanders of his Army, as if he intended to do all things by their advice; he asked them whom he should elect to be his Consort in the Empire; and all keeping silence for a time, 
Amian. lib. 28.  at length Dagalaiphus Lieutenant General of the Horse, answered, If you love your own relations, O Emperor, you have a brother; but if you love the Commonwealth, seek whom you can find: The spirit of Valentinian startled hereat, yet concealing himself, he horsed for Nicomedia, where he mad● his brother Valens Master of his Horse, and one of the Tribunes of the Army, and then full of thoughts concerning the answer of Dagalaiphus, he advanced towards Constantinople, and is joyfully received; and at the length he elects his brother Valens his Consort in the Empire, assigning to him the care of the Eastern parts, and reserving the Western to himself. Now though Valentinian might seem to be swayed herein by the natural affection of a brother, yet for aught the World then knew he was a very meet man for the service; for he was a bred soldier and valiant, and withal religious, and had been a Confessor even to banishment, as well as his brother the Emperor; and it may be suffered for his brother's sake the more displeasure. And accordingly Valens continued to hold forth a good profession, when he entered upon the affairs of the Empire, and advanced such to be nigh to him as had been sufferers for the truth, and amongst others sent for Caesarius Nazianzen's brother, from banishment, took him to be nigh himself, and was much led by his counsel; and the Churches both East and West enjoyed much peace, and Religion prospered, and many Gentiles were daily added to the Faith. But when as Valentinian was in preparation to departed to the Western parts, 
Soc. lib. 4. cap. 4 Soz. lib 6. cap. 7.  and to leave Constantinople, the Macedonians and Semi-Arians begin to bestir themselves; and they repair to Valentinian, and request liberty to hold a Council for the settling of union and agreement in the principles of Religion; but as the matter proved, it was intended for the overthrow of the Eudoxian Faith, which they endeavoured to settle at the Councils at Constantinople and Antioch; and that the Semi-Arian principles might be the more established. But the Emperor Valentinian not liking their persons, and suspecting their intentions, declined their request, because he would not seem to countenance either way. And therefore he told them that he was a lay person, and had no insight into their opinions, and therefore he leaves them to such ways as conduce most for peace. This answer the Semi-Arians take to be in nature of connivance, and cared for no more, seeing they cannot gain a plain concession. They therefore appointed a Council to be ●olden at Lampsack, where after two months sitting, they conclude against the Eudoxians, That the Son of God is like to the Father in Substance; and condemning the Eudoxian Confession, they establish their own made at Antioch, and confirmed at Seleucia, and hereof they give notice by Letters to all their Churches.  
The Eudoxians laboured to put a stop to these their proceed, 
Sect. 3.  but could not; they laboured to gain Valens the Emperor to appear against the Council at Lampsack, but he said that he had much employment both against foreign enemies, and also against domestic insurrections, and could not attend such matters as they moved him unto. Contrarily, the Macedonians perceiving that the Eudoxians made application to the Emperor Valens, and fearing that the interest of Eudoxins with Valens might prevail with him in the conclusion: They know no other way for the present then to apply themselves to Valentinian; 
Soc. lib. 4. cap. 11. Soz. lib. 6. c. 10, 11, 12.  but being conscious to themselves, that they should find little favour from him, so long as they appeared enemies to the Orthodox, they suddenly strike sail, and pretend the Nicene Faith, and desire to be admitted into Communion with the Orthodox Churches. And to that end they send three Bishops their Delegates (amongst whom Eustathius was one) to Liberius Bishop of Rome, charging them to submit in their name to Liberius his judgement, and not to differ in any thing from it, as touching the Arian points; and professedly to hold forth their submission to the Nicene Faith. And with these Messengers they likewise send Letters signed by them to the same purpose. These Messengers being come to Rome, offer themselves and their Letters to Liberius; but he withdrawing himself from them, refused conference with them, or to accept the Letters, alleging that they from whom they came were excommunicated, and therefore ●e could not correspond with them. But Eustathius and the other Messengers replied, that themselves, and they from whom they were Delegated, were become penitent, and acknowledged such a likeness between the Father and the Son, 
Soc. lib. 4. cap. 11.  as was in all things, and nothing different from Consubstantiality. Then Liberius desired them to set down their judgements in writing, which they did, so fully declaring both affirmatively according to the Doctrine of the Nicene Faith, and also negatively condemning the Doctrine of Arius and his Disciples, and of the Patropassians, Marcionists, Photinians, Maroellians, and Samosatenians, that nothing could be further desired, and thereto they subscribed their Names.  
Liberius therefore and the Western Bishops having no further to object against these men, cannot refuse to accept them into Communion, and thereof they grant their Letters Testimonial to all the Churches; with which these Asian Messengers depart into Sicilia, where an other Council was holden; and upon showing the Letters from Liberius and other Bishops at Rome, being testimonial as to the Messengers, and a copy of the answer of the Bishops at Rome to the Letters from the Asian Bishops, and of the Confession of Faith signed by the Delegates; they obtained the like acceptance at Sicilia; and receive like Letters to the Asian Churches from them of Sicilia. These Messengers thus accepted, they return; and then these Penitentiaries send their Letters of request to all the Orthodox Churches, to hold a Council at Tarsus for the establishing the Churches in the Nicene Faith. And being informed of a Council to be holden at Illiricum, by the joint order both of Valentinian and Valens, 
Sect. 4.  they send their Delegates thither.  
For the Emperor Valentinian being informed of the differences in Asia concerning Religion newly reviving, 
Theod. 〈◊〉. 4. c. 7, 8, 9  joins with Valens, and he with him in the calling of a Council to be holden at Illiricum, where after long debate, they conclude according to the Nicene Faith, That the Holy Trinity is Consubstantial, and the same is declared to all the Asian Churches; which Letters they send by Messengers of their own, purposely directed, that they might bring certain news whether the Asian Churches did indeed agree to them in Doctrine, as by Eustathius they had been represented. For as yet they did not give much credit to Eustathius, in regard he had shown himself a fickle man, having been often in trouble for his Profession, and as often changed it. But the Messengers upon their return confirmed what Eustathius had reported concerning the Asian Churches. And thus the Acts and Conclusions of this Council are confirmed by both Valentinian and Valens, by their Public Edict, and in all places to be publicly taught and owned, with further command, that all such person: as are otherwaye; minded, should cease to trouble such teachers who do teach according to the said conclusions, which they also do transmit, in this manner set forth.  
We confess (following the Great Orthodox Council,) That the Son is Coessential to the Father; not understanding the Word Coessential, as some of late have done, who have subscribed deceitfully; and others that follow those who have holden forth only a similitude by the Word Consubstantial: For such do wickedly make the Son of God a Creature. But we are of the same opinion with the Roman and French Churches, That the Essence of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost is one and the same in Three Persons, that is, in three perfect Subsistances.  
We confess also according to the Nicene Faith, that, That Coessential Son of God took flesh of the Virgin Mary, and dwelled amongst men; and that He fulfilled for us the whole Work of His Offices, in his Birth, Passion, Resurrection and Ascension into Heaven, and shall again return apparently in the Flesh, and render to every man according to his Work in the Day of Judgement, showing his Divine Power; God who assumed Flesh, and not Man who assumed God.  
All such who hold contrary hereto, Let him be Anathema. And all such as shall say, That the Son was not before He was begotten, but was in the Father in potentia, before He was actually begotten. For the Son with the Father is begotten with an Eternal Generation.  
The Council at last did also admit Eustathius and the Asian Delegates into Communion, 
Sect. 5. Baroe. An. 365. num. 17.  and gave them Letters Testimonial to the Asian Churches, and other Letters exhorting them to continue constant in the truth, with which they departed, and went to another Council called at Tiana, where with other Bishops Gregory Nazianzen was, unto whom these Delegates producing all the Letters Testimonial and Writings missive, they are received with great joy, although Basil the great was not yet satisfied to give much confidence to Eustathius his Profession, nor to the Confession of those Penitentiaries. The Council at Tiana nevertheless signify the compliance of these Delegates (and their Churches) to all the Churches, and do order that the several Testimonials shall be read in the several Churches, desiring them also that they would admit those Churches, thus making application, into Communion, and declare the same by their Letters Certificatory. And lastly, 
Soz. lib. 6. cap. 12.  That they would meet at the Council intended to be holden at Tarsus, to establish a perfect Union.   

CAP. XXIV.  
Valens falleth to Arianism. His Persecution of the Orthodox. The last Troubles of Athanasius, and his fourth Escape.  
WHat some Writers mention concerning Valens his dissatisfaction with those at the Council at Lampsack, 
Sect. 1.  as if he were then an engaged Arian with Eudoxius, seems inconsistent with what is generally agreed, that at the Council at Illiricum he did join with Valentinian against the Arians. If therefore any displeasure was in Valens against the Council, it might be rather for their holding a Council there without his consent. Nevertheless whatever his former Profession was, the time at length comes when as he appeareth to all, not only an Arian, but an Eudoxian Arian, although it is probable that he gained to that pitch by degrees. The first cause of his defection is said to be his Wife, 
Theod. lib. 4. cap. 12.  for though Emperors commanded in the field, we find that in their Empires they were much advised by their Wives, who were the Daughters of Eve, and many times shown more will than wisdom. This the Arians knew well enough, and first gained the Empress to be theirs, and then had a more ready way for the Emperor's favour, which was evidently theirs, when as News being brought of the Goths falling in upon Thracia. For then the Emperor betakes himself not only to arms for his bodily safety, but he will be spiritually armed also with a Baptism or a Re-Baptisme; some say his Wife also persuaded him to that, having so fitting an instrument for that work as Eudoxius was. For his conscience was so large, that he did it and did it to the purpose, 
Soz. lib. 6. cap. 6.  even into a perpetual hatred of the Orthodox Christians; and it was accordingly effectual, to that end till he died. Thus Valens that once laid down his All to save his Religion, now lays down his Religion to save nothing; for this piece of armour of Baptism was not of proof against the Goths, as after will appear. Gregory Nazianzen hearing hereof, said, Surrexit nubecula, grandin● plena, pernities Calamitosa Christi cultor pariter & osor, qui post persecutionem persecutor suit, & post Apostatam, non quidem Apostata, sed nil mellus Christianus Christi nomen prae se ferens Christum mentiebatur. A Cloud arises with raging hail, a dreadful plague, a Worshipper of Christ, and yet a hater of Christ, once persecuted, now a persecutor. A Successor of an Apostate and no Apostate, yet no better, professing Christ, and yet denying Christ.  
And henceforth Eudoxius is looked upon as Valens his Ghostly Father, 
Sect. 2.  he gives the rule, and Valens is the Executioner; and first he gives a stop to the Council at Tarsus, partly by Letters hortatory, partly minatory; and next that he falls to persecution, and wanting work amongst the Orthodox (for in Thracia, Bythinia and He lespont, multitudes of Towns for the East, greatest part of his Reign, had neither Ministers nor Churches, and those which had any Ministers, they are all fled to places of more quiet habitation) they fall next upon the Macedonians and Semi-Arians, 
Soc. lib. 4. cap. 9  and having enforced them and the Novatians, and all the Orthodox to forsake Constantinople, they are now Lords alone, and yet are not quiet, but falling out with one another. Eudoxius will have Eunomius, (who is as wicked an Arian as himself, and by diseases had contracted as foul an outside as he was within) to admit Aetius (who had been Eudoxius his Tutor) into Communion with his Congregation. But Eunomius refused, 
Soc. lib. 4. cap. 12.  in regard that Eudoxius his (ongregation accounted Aetius not to be sound in their way, although Eudoxius otherwise conceited of him; hereupon Eudoxius takes offence, and separates from Eunomius. But Eudoxius is called off, for Valens is now making his Progress to Antioch, which proved a Progress of, or for persecution, and that work cannot go well, unless Eudoxius eye be thereon. The Emperor now in his way, the poor Christians from remote parts having sent their Ministers to the number of fourscore, to petition the Emperor for favour, at Nicomedia they obtain Audience, but had none but dilatory answers, 
Soc. lib. 4. cap. 13.  till by the Governor they were all apprehended and put into a Ship, wherein they entered, expecting banishment; but it proved far otherwise, for the Governor being commanded to put them to death, durst not do it on land for fear of the people; and therefore after the Ship was launched into the open Sea, the Sailors set fire on the Ship, and themselves escaped by Boat, and the Ship carried by the Wind and Current along the Hellespont, from the Gulf Astacius until it came on ground at Dacibiza, and so consumed with all that was therein.  
The Emperor's Progress continued, breathing out slaughter as he went, 
Sect. 3.  but coming to Cappadocia, he is told of Basil the Great, who was then Bishop there, and that he was a stout Defender of the Orthodox. The Emperor therefore would not enter into the Lists with him himself, lest he should receive the foil; but appoints the Governor, who assayed Basil first by promises of the Emperor's favour, assuring him that the Emperor had him in high esteem already, and was loath to admit of hard thoughts concerning him. But Basil answered that such arguments might prevail with young men; 
Theod. lib. 4. c. 29.  for his own part he was resolved so far as he was able not to suffer one syllable of Divine Truth to be endangered, and yet he accounted highly of the Emperor's favour; 
Soz. lib. 6. cap. 16.  the Governor then threatened him with death. But Basil told him his body was weak, and would easily suffer that, and that he was willing to make trial what he could suffer, if the Governor would be willing to put him thereto. The Governor told him he was mad, and gave him time to considered it till the next day. Basil replied, if I be mad, I would 〈◊〉 might be ever thus mad, to mo●●oy and today shall one. The next day the Governor 〈◊〉; him obstinate, threatened him with Banishment. Basil answered it moves me nothing; I have nothing to lose besides an old rend coat and a few books; I live in this World as a traveller, always expecting to be gone. The Governor tells the Emperor that he can gain nothing, Basil will not yield an inch. The Emperor hereupon will not stay in Cappadocia, but goes to Caesaria, where by the way his beloved Son falls sick, and thereupon the Emperor's conscience is not well; and therefore Basil is sent for, who being come, is told that the Emperor's Son is fallen sick, and that it would be very acceptable, if he would go and visit him, and pray for him; but it must be done so as that the Emperor must not be seen to be the first mover herein. A man may be persuaded that Holiness only will help at a dead lift, and nevertheless remain an enemy thereto, and yet a professing Christian all the while. Basil therefore desiring first to cure the disease of the Emperors own heart, goes to him, and beseeches him to restore peace to the Churches, and to take order that his Son may be baptised by some holy man, and he will do well, but Valens liked not the bargain: Basil went away, and the Emperor will have his Son baptised by Arians, and so his Son died; hereat the Emperor is perplexed, and as some say fell sick, and Basil again is sent for, and being come, the Emperor relented as to him, but as to the cause he is the same man still that he was.  
The Emperor's Progress holds on to Antioch, 
Sect. 4.  where the rage against the Orthodox is so great, that the Christians forsake their dwellings in the Towns, and get into the woods and place remote, and there hold their meetings; which being told the Emperor, he commands the Governor to suppress their meetings; and publishes his Edicts upon pain of death forbidding such assemblies. But the Christians still meet notwithstanding, 
Soc. lib. 4. cap. 14.  which being told the Governor, he marches with his horsemen into the fields to scatter them; and by the way overtaking a woman carrying her little son with her in great haste, asked her whither she was going so hastily? To the field, Sir, said she, where the people of God are met. The Governor said to her, Do not you know that the Governor will be there to put to death all such as he shall find there assembled, contrary to the Emperor's Commandments. Yes, Sir, said the woman, and I make what haste I can, lest I should come too late, and fail of my serving God by Martyrdom. The Governor then asked her. Wherefore do you then carry your little child? Sir, said she, even that it also may meet with the same measure that I meet with, and receive the like reward. The Governor hereat astonished, returned and acquainted the Emperor what he had done and found; and was assured that the people were there all of them ready and resolved to die; and told the Emperor that if his commands should be executed, it would prove such a butchery as would dishonour him before all the world. And hereupon he desists from further cruelty, having already exceeded so far, as the River Orontes, on which Antioch was seated, blushed at the bloody massacre of dead bodies slain and cast therein.  
I say he desisted; 
Sect. 5.  for he was necessitated thereunto by sudden News come that the Goths had invaded the Empire, 
Soz. lib. 6. cap. 12.  and are come as far as Adrianople. And so the Emperor must now return to look to his own Freehold. His mind is nevertheless as good or ill as ever it was, and what he cannot see done, he must betrust to his Governors in their respective Countries, and these commands are extended as far as to Alexandria; where Athanasius is all this while feeding of his flock, where also was the main Butt at which all Eudoxius his Councils aimed. And by virtue hereof all meetings are forbidden at Alexandria under like penalties. And the Governors are likewise commanded to banish all the Bishops formerly banished by Constantius, and who had returned to their Churches in julian's time. And this was as much to say that Athanasius must now look to himself. For this Edict was backed with threats of severe proceed against all Governors who should be found remiss, or negligent, or indulgent. And accordingly the Governor of Egypt spares none, but especially forgets not Athanasius; and commands from the Governor are sent to him forthwith to prepare to be gone. But the Alexandrians were provided what to do, for the noise of this tempest roared long before it came. And the Alexandrians are soon come together to advise about an answer, and with one accord tell the Governor, that he ought seriously to advise what he did, before he did determine aught against Athanasius. For the Governor must know that Athanasius is not within the compass of the Emperor's Edict; for that though he was banished by Constantine, yet was he also restored by Constantius; and when Julian restored all others, yet he banished Athanasius, and that he was restored by Jovinian. The Governor heard all this, yet was not satisfied. But the people resolving to make good their conclusion, told the Governor plainly they would not part with Athanasius upon so easy terms, as they had an interest in him, they would maintain it, and therewith made a proffer of a general Insurrection. The Governor startled hereat, and fearing a revolt; he told the people he would consider further of the matter, and receive further directions from the Emperor, before he would intermeddle further herein. And in the mean time Athanasius hath the Governors' assurance that he shall continue at Alexandria without disturbance. And thereupon the Tumult is quieted.  
Whether the Governor informed the Emperor hereof or not, 
Sect. 6.  I do not find. But ere long time passed, the Governors' mind is to visit Alexandria; this either was told Athanasius, or else he suspects the matter upon some grounds of probability; and therefore to prevent the worst, without acquainting any one, but whom he needs must, he secretly and suddenly withdrew himself, God knows whither, and there he hide himself. By this time the Governors' purposes are ripe for execution, and he comes suddenly in the night to Alexandria, the weather dark and stormy, but himself the greatest storm, and entering the City, with a strong guard of soldiers besets the house of Athanasius on all sides, and at once breaking in at the doors and windows, makes a strict search throughout the same from the top to the bottom, and yet all in vain; what more? they must return fretting and grudging that they are not satisfied, as they came feeding themselves with hope of their desired prey; and then they trouble themselves at the manner of his escape, some suspecting treachery in their own councils; others that Athanasius is a conjurer, and had revelations from the Devil. The people on the other side as much wondered as they, some conclude that he had Revelations from God, who doubtless was the principal Worker in his escape. Others conclude that Athanasius was not led by jealousy of the Governor, so much, as of the people, whose inclinations he saw were mutinous, and if any death or bloodshed should ensue thereupon, it might be wholly imputed to him, and that therefore he resolving not to be party in any such motions, withdrew himself. But the greatest wonder on all hands is what should become of him, of whom they can find neither scent nor footsteps, neither in the Wilderness nor City, neither amongst enemies nor friends. And no marvel if it be true that all this while he was hidden in his father's Monument, for the space of four months, as one free amongst the dead; for who would seek for the living amongst the dead? nor is it altogether impossible, if the largeness of the Egyptian Monuments be considered, and that though for the most part it might be the place of his ordinary retirement, yet he might find opportune times to look abroad for the fresh air. But whiles thus Athanasius lies hid, his people mindful of their promised endeavour to pacify the Emperor's displeasure, they send to Constantinople, where now Valens the Emperor was earnest in preparation for his expedition against the Goths; but the Messengers prevailed nevertheless to have their suit made known to the Emperor, who was not now so angry as formerly; because Eudoxius the fomentor of all this bitter progress of persecution was lately dead, 
Soz. lib. 6. cap. 13.  and was gone to give up his account to God of his eleven years bloody design against the Alexandrian Churches.   

CAP. XXV.  
Valentinian his Constancy to the Nicene Faith. Ambrose is made Bishop of Milan. The Sects of the Anthropomorphites and Messalians.  
AS Valens the Emperor was thus destroying the Churches in the Eastern Empire; 
Sect. 1.  so Valextinian advanced the Church of God in the West. And by some it was thought that they both erred in their several Governments, the more because they yielded too much power to the Clergy on both parts, by means whereof the one was more cruel unto the Orthodox, and the other not so regardful of their defence, as esteeming himself a lay person, and the less concerned to intermeddle in Church-matters. And yet he would have done better than he did, but that he was unequally yoked with an Arian wife, who was no less mad against the Orthodox, than her Sister Valens was, and that appeared in her upholding of Auxentius in the See at Milan, which was become the Imperial City of the West; 
Soz. 〈◊〉 cap. 2  and Rome left to the Bishop there to order it without control. For Auxentius having been Bishop of Milan a long time, was an earnest Arian, and did nor only maintain, That the Son of God is unlike unto the Father, but that the Holy Ghost is also unlike the Father; and for this cause Athanasius had stirred up the Bishop of Rome to excommunicate him; yet do what they could, they could never prevail with Valentinian to banish him; (for though his will was good, 
Ruffin●… Hist. l●● cap. 1.  yet his wife was better at the will than he, though her will was worse.) But he still continued at Milan to his dying day. And after his death troubles ensued about his Successor, and the matter coming before Valentinian, 
Theod● 4. cap. Soc. lib. cap. 2●  he called the Bishops together, and told them that they could not be ignorant what manner of man was fitting for such a place as the See of Milan, where his Imperial residence was; and that he must be such a man whose doctrine and life must match one another. And by that means the people might the better learn to serve God and live in obedience under him, and in peace with each other; and therefore advised them to proceed to the election of such an one, having respect also that he must be such an one whom the Emperor might rest upon for advice, exhortation and reproof. The Bishops answered that they would be glad to understand the Emperor's mind more particularly, by nominating the man. But the Emperor refused, alleging it was their work to determine the nomination. The Bishops go to their work, but the heat grew so great, especially from the people of the Arian part, that a tumult ensues, (as is usual in all popular elections, especially where Church matters are concerned) and Ambrose the Governor of Milan under the Emperor hearing thereof, comes suddenly into the Church, and commands them to be careful to observe good order, and carry themselves gravely and soberly, as becomes their places, and the work they were about. They having heard him speak, think him a man very meet for the place, and forthwith proceeded to the work, and elected him to be their Bishop of Milan. But he opposed it, telling them that he was not so much as one of their members, much less capable of such a place, as to be a Bishop; yet all is in vain, for they proceeded immediately to baptise him, which he submitted unto, for he had been hitherto but one of the Catecumeni; although he had been an ancient disciple, and had been familiar with Origen, and served him as his Amanuensis, and had suffered persecution for Christ's cause under Maximinus, and upon that account had not only been a Professor, but a Confessor about five and fifty years, 
Euseb. Hist. lib. 6. cap. 27.  and yet not baptised till now. For it seems that the times were so troublesome as that men were not over forward to take up that Honourable Badge of Baptism, although they were capable; for even children of Believers were baptised by a known custom in the Church before origen's time (if we may believe him) and by tradition from the Apostolic Age. Ambrose baptised thus willingly, is nevertheless absolutely resolved against their Episcopal Election, so as the matter comes before the Emperor, who wondering at the conclusion, but more at the unanimity thereof, saith its God's work, and confirms the Election without further debate, 
Theod. lib. 4. c. 7.  and so Ambrose is ordained, and the Emperor himself giving public thanks to God.  
This way that Valentinian took in seeming to be rather ruled in Church matters, then to rule, was wisely contrived by him; considering that if he had led on the work, his wife would have led him, for she was a passionate Arian, and seeing she cannot now stop this election of Ambrose, she nevertheless resolves perfect enmity against him, and accordingly maintained it all her days; and by her wivish and womanish solicitations so hampered Valentinian in his proceed, that he can neither appear to stop his brother Valenses rage against the Orthodox in the East, as he would have done; nor proceed against the Arians in the West, as he should have done: Valentinian nevertheless did somewhat in both particulars, and would have done more, but that he had to do with a wilful wife, and a despiteful brother; and thus the Churches in the East must still suffer Persecution, and in the West a kind of Toleration, which is next door thereto, until God shall otherwise provide.  
A fit time this was for increase of Sects and Schisms, 
Sect. 2.  the Arian pride of calling the Holy Trinity into question, bread a new error worse than any of the former (if one error against the Trinity may be worse than another) which was called the Sect of the Anthropomorphites; for whereas formerly some would have the Son of God to be like the Father in all respects, and others that the Son was like the Father in qualifications, and in the Divine Nature; and others, that he was unlike the Father in all respects; and some that God is unlike himself; and others that the Son of God assumed the body of a man without a soul; and others that he had the body and soul of man, but not the mind of man; and others that the Son of God is pure man and not God. Now these Anthropomorphites will have the likeness of God and the likensse of man to be one and the same thing; thereby confounding the substances of both, by a strange Exposition of those words, 
Theod. lib. 4. c. 20.  Let us make man in our own Image; whereby they will have God to be in the Image of man, and think themselves to have herein attained a high strain of understanding in this Divine Mystery above all others. Thus professing themselves wise, they become fools.  
Another Sect also arose about these times, whom I call not Heretics. For they held forth the Doctrine of the Trinity and other Doctrines fundamental; and these were called Messalians, or as now adays Enthysiasts, a praying people, who fancied themselves directed by immediate inspiration of the Holy Ghost, giving much respect to dreams, laying aside bodily labour, holding their conceits prophetical, and yet did not (as the Quakers nowadays) either separate from the public Congregations; or make disturbance in them, but attended on them quietly, although they held them but as Tolerable things, doing neither good nor hurt; although they professedly hold it not forth in plain words. They esteem Baptism useless, but highly extol prayer, which if daily used, they think themselves thereby guarded against all Temptations; for they say thereby the Devil is put to flight; and that then the Holy Ghost comes down sensibly and manifests himself, and yet nevertheless invisibly; and that hereby their body is freed from trouble, and their mind from all ill inclinations; so as there is no more need of fasting to tame the body, or of teaching and instruction; and that they are safe against fleshly temptations, and shall foresee things to come, and behold the Trinity with their eyes.  
But these two Sects came to no great esteem amongst the Professors in any Religion; the former being so apparently grounded in ignorance, was opposed by both the Nicenian and Arian, for it was destructive to the principles of both. And the later as ill founded, viz. upon a mere solitary Melancholic Fancy, that no other man could conceit, but such as were enthralled therewith; and therefore the Orthodox Bishops no less than the Arian, did both of them within their several precincts, find means to quench in a short space both those brands of contention, and soon effected it.   

CAP. XXVI.  
Athanasius his last return to Alexandria. His Death. His Encomium. The Issue of Arianisme. The Desolation of the Eastern Churches.  
THe News concerning the posture of the people at Alexandria in relation to the Governors, 
Soct. 1.  endeavour to banish or else destroy Athanasius, coming to the Emperor's notice, finds him under a load of business concerning his expedition against the Goths; and not a little troubled about his Successor before he enters into that service; for he is told of one that he knows not, whose Name gins with three Letters T. H. E. and hereupon his jealousy ariseth against all that are named Theodor, 
●●c. lib. 4. cap. 15. Soz. lib. 6. cap. 35.  Theodoret, Theodosius, Theodatus, Theodulus, and all whose Names sound that way; and as many of these as he can get into his own power, he kills without mercy, not remembering that Maxim, No man can kill his Successor; and it was verified in him; for he miss of that Great Theodosius which succeeded him, although he slew his Father. And though he had upon this ground taken many (as he supposed) out of his way, yet his mind is not quiet; he is afraid still his Successor is behind him, and of the Goths who are before him; and in all places of his Empire, the differences about Religion increase daily, do what he can; so as he hath neither peace within nor without; and thus involved with troubles, he meets with Themistius the Philosopher, who discoursing with him concerning his troubles, amongft other things told Valens, That the differences in Religion concerning God ought not to trouble him overmuch, in regard the opinions amongst them were but few, 
Soc. lib. 4. cap. 27. Soz. lib. 6. cap. 36.  in comparison with the differences amongst the Philosophers concerning God, which are above three hundred. And that God permitted these different opinions, to convince them of their own ignorance, and that they might learn thereby the more to adore His unsearchable Greatness; and this with other passages of discourse, more settled Valens his mind, than all the disputes of his Arian Bishops could; and yet neither one or other could search his wound to the bottom. He finds that the Goths have tasted so much of the sweetness of Thracia, as they will not draw off upon easy terms; and that its necessary to leave his people quiet at home, and to speak them fair; and therefore he tacks about, and relents towards Athanasius, and resoves to steer a more even course in the cross currents of opinions in Religion, to please the people till the waves be more calm. Some think that the Emperor's conscience was touched with the excellency of Athanasius his person, 
Soz. lib. 6. cap. 12.  as also of the excellencies of the persons of some others; and therefore in all these flames of persecutions, he spared not only him, but divers others of chief note; such as were Basil the Great, Paulinus, Epiphanius, Hillary, Nazianzen, 
Soc. lib. 4. cap. 16.  and others; and more particularly after some demur about the affairs at Alexandria he sent his Letters of Grace to Athanasius, declaring that by his Edicts he meaned not any hurt to him, and requiring him to return to the Church as Alexandria again.  
And thus Athanasius appears again in Alexandria, 
Sect. 2.  and remains there in peace during the rest of his days; which was about two or three years, during all which time the Alexandrian Churches had rest for his sake, when as the Arian rages continued in other places. And although it might well consist with Athanasius his age to retire his mind to a contemplative life after all these turmoils thus long endured, and that it might be judged discretion for him so to do; yet according to the strength of his weak body, his spirit still moves outward, and he acts as far as he can in the public care of the Churches, by holding correspondency with the Bishop of Ronie, with Basil, Nazianzen, and others, and wrote Letters of advice to the African Churches, endeavouring to vindicate the Nicene Faith, and confirm them therein; and therein he tells them that he had prevailed with the Bishop of Rome (whom he calls his brother) to depose Auxentius Bishop of Milan. 
●●than. ●●ist. ad ●ffrican.  He also wrote other Letters at the instance of Basil to the Asian Churches, with which he also sent Peter (who afterward succeeded Athanasius in Alexandria) by whose endeavour and advice of Athanasius, many of the Orthodox Christians by persecution scattered abroad, were reunited, and such who through weakness had been ensnared by the Arian power, were again reduced into Church Communion, upon renewing of their Profession of the Nicene Faith; besides Athanasius wrote divers other Epistles, extant amongst his other Works upon the like Subject. All which do sufficiently manifest, that he held constant to the Death that Doctrine which in his Life he had so stoutly vindicated. And doubtless there were divers other actions of Athanasius, which (if God had so seen meet) might have been worthy to be recorded, which are by the Historians buried in silence, either for want of information at such a distance, or as things not so regardable, in regard they no ways concerned his Sufferings; as if when he ceased to suffer, he ceased to live; and therefore I can add no more.  
Nevertheless I must add this, that before Athanasius died, he had the honour to outlive all his persecutors, Constantius, Julian, Arius, Aetius, Eusebius, Macedonius, Eudoxius, Vrsatius, Valens, Erontius, besides George and Gregory, Athanasius his Corrivals in Alexandria, and divers of the Governors in Egypt and Alexandria. And in a manner became the Conqueror of the rage and malice of his enemies that remained alive, who were even weary of their own hatred. God also witnessing from Heaven his displeasure against that generation, by stupendious Inundations, Earthquakes, Stormy Tempests of Thunder, Wind, and Hail, Pestilences, hideous Famines, in all which innumerable multitudes of people perished: And which was worst of all, the dreadful Plague of Ignorance invaded the common sort of Professors; in comparison whereof Athanasius his private troubles scarce touched him; for he said of them, Mihi nulla est cura. I regard them not, for I know, yea am assured, that for such as do suffer, a reward is promised by God.  
Thus lived and died Great Athanasius in a good old age, 
●ect. 3. ●azian. ●ncom. ●●than.  and was gathered to his Fathers the Patriarches, Prophets, Apostles, and Martyrs; more honoured by tears at his departure out of this World, then by all the Acclamations of the people at his several returns from banishment to Alexandria; but most of all in his Tomb, the minds and hearts of all good and learned men in the perpetuity of an honourable Name, and not a little in this Encomium framed by so worthy a man as Gregory Nazianzen was.  
Athanasius was the first second to the Apostles; a Pillar to hold forth the Mystery of Godliness against spiritual wickednesses in high places, meek and gentle, 
●azian. ●acom. ●●han.  seldom or never angry, and for that cause not unacceptable to his enemies, yet of a braus spirit, especially in danger; free from ambition, yet of excellent parts, 
●●sil. Epist. ●● 51.  both for learning and prudence; compassionate, yet not passionate; constant to his principles, yet of a reconciling spirit; wise to observe occasions, and ready to improve them; vigilant in his place at Alexandria, and not idle, no not in the Wilderness; his Doctrine accepted of by the Churches, and his Confession of the Faith a Rule of theirs, even till this day; His Personage was comely, his Countenance Angelical; his Gesture affable and courteous, yet grave: He was active like a Bishop, holy as a Monk, yet not austere. His speech was proper, short and acute, his delivery pleasing. His praises were esteemed, because advised; his reproofs regarded, because without Gall; And it was part of his happiness, that he was at his entry the only Great Champion of the Truth; but at his departure, that he left divers, viz. Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, Gregory Nissen, Ambrose, Epiphanius, Hillary, and Cyril were in his time, and Augustin not far behind. Two of these, viz. Nazianzen and Basil, were not only beholders of his light, but admirers. So as though the fourth Century grew dark with errors, yet it had many brave Stars, whose light remaineth still Orient, notwithstanding the brightness of this day that we all pretend unto.  
Athanasins now dead, 
Sect. 4.  Arianism now lords it alone at Alexandria; and persecution breaks in like a Torrent, no man can stand before it; 
Soz. lib. 6. cap. 19, 20.  the Churches in the City and Country are swallowed up; the flood stops not there, but breaks even as it were out of the World into the Wilderness amongst the Monks, where finding a shore beyond which it cannot go, it rages most of all, and so continued, till the Goths paid the debt of the people of God, by the death of the Emperor Valeus, somewhat like that of Julian, saving that after his wounds received in the battle, with much ado he gained into a Town for succour, 
Soz. lib. c. cap. 41.  and there together with the Town was by the pursuing Goths burned alive.  
Thus the Goths gave a deadly wound to the Arian interest in the Eastern Empire. 
Sect. 5.  For Gratian succeeded Valentinian in the West, and being Just and Orthodox, advanced and established brave Theodosius in the East, who was no less Orthodox and Just than himself; and from whom the Succession in the East was continued for the space of one hundred and twenty years, in a continual race of Emperors, whereof not one would protect the Arians, and some of them utterly rejected them, even until the time of the Emperor Anastatius. But the Goths in some measure gave Arianisme a salve; for as they had gained in Valens his time the Arian Doctrine, 
●…z. lib. 6. ●…p. 37.  or rather were gained by it; so now the Huns having invaded the Goths, and turned them out of doors, Arianisme (being now discountenanced by the Eastern Emperors) like a Renegado shrouding itself under the Gothaick Wings, 
●●vagr. ●ist. lib. 2. ●…p. 1. & ●. 4. c. 14.  shisted from place to place with them, casting their spawn as they went in all Countries even to Spain, Italy, and Rome itself. And after them the Vandels following in their Voyage into Africa, meet with these wand'ring opinions by ●●e way, and carry them along with them, as the Dannites did their Religion from the house of Mica; and thus for the space of eighty years both Goths and Vandals, like Soldiers of the Devil's Brigade, havoc and spoil not only the dwellings and estates, but even the consciences and souls of the famous West and African Churches, with all manner of Tyranny; in the heat whereof the Eastern Churches also after a long time of rest meet now with as ill measure under Anastatius an Eutychian Emperor, during the continuance of his Reign.  
A sad age this was now grown; being nigh the expiring of the fourth Century, wherein the Church of God finds no refuge from the rage of persecution, no not in the Wilderness, nor in any Nation under Heaven. For the Kings of Italy, Spain, and France, are Arians, and the African Kings likewise. The Franks, British, and Germane Kings are Pagans, and the people generally, although God had his Church amongst them. The Eastern Churches are all under an Apostate Emperor, who commonly are worse for their Apostasy, than those that never owned the truth. And yet God found out such hiding places, that his Church was not destroyed nor diminished thereby, but rather increased; for within twenty years we find mention of six Councils at Rome, 
Bin. Conc.  and five Councils more in other places of the West; and in the East Anastatius the Apostate Emperor dying, the Government falls to Justinus, under whom the Churches recovered their former liberty as long as the Empire itself lasted. And Justinian his Successor, by his Captains Bellisarius and Narses both freed Africa from the Vandals, 
Evag. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 16, 20, 23.  and Italy from the Goths and set the Orthodox Churches at liberty. After which the Eastern Empire coming to Phocas, he advanced the Roman See above all the Churches, and the influence of that See for the space of a hundred years following blasted the Arians; till the Francs gaining the Imperial power in the West under the Line of Charlemagne, and after them the Saxon and Germane Emperors, to whom the Western Empire devolved from the Francs; all of them as Sons of the Church of Rome, joined their Civil Power with his Ecclesiastical Power, in suppressing the Arians in all places. So as from the time of Justinian the Emperor, the Arian interest is scarce mentioned in Story. One chief cause whereof was the want of countenance from the Civil Power.  
A second cause hereof, 
Sect. 6.  and yet the more principal, was the preaching of the Gospel. For although that was in no great favour generally with the Civil Power, yet the bare toleration of the same permitted it to work out its own way; and as the Emperor Valens had propagated Arianism amongst the Goths on the one side, so on the other after he was dead, the Eastern Churches by the advice of chrysostom from the East, 
Theod. lib. 5. c. 31.  and the British and other Churches from the West (after the tide of the Goths was past) sent preachers of the Orthodox Doctrine amongst those Northern and Eastern Nations, by means whereof the Gospel coming amongst others to the Burgundians, then oppressed by the Huns, they received it, 
Nancler. Hist. Vit. 2. Gen. 17.  and by marriage of one of their Ladies to Clodoveus, one of the Line of the Franks it came to Charlemagne; and thus the conquered conquering the Conqueror, even the Arian Kings themselves convinced by the Gospel, proved real friends to the Orthodox Churches, and others not convinced, yet for their own peace sake, are contented to connive at the liberty of the same.  
A third cause of the subversion of the Arian Schism was their own divisions. 
Sect. 7. Soz. lib. 7. cap. 20.  For besides the several Sects thereof in the life time of Athanasius, Eunomius one of highest esteem amongst them, dying soon after, his disciples are divided in their opinions; 
Soc. lib. 5. cap. 22, 23  some affirming with Eunomius, That the Son of God is unlike the Father, and others reaching a strain beyond that, affirm, That God is not always like Himself; and hereupon one Schism more arises. Another Schism after this appeared upon slighter grounds; for one of the Members of their Church being esteemed to have more excellent parts then the Eunomian Bishop had, 
Soz. lib. 7. cap. 17.  the Bishop (fearing his light would be darkened) takes occasion of displeasure at him, and excommunicated him; the excommunicate member hereupon gains a Sect, and maintains another Schism. A third Schism further grows up upon another difference in opinion; for some of them teach, That God was not to be called Father, before Christ was born; these are also excommunicated by others, and gather into another Congregation. And thus Sects multiply and maintain Schism with that asperity that they spare not one another so far as their power can extend: Separation upon unwarrantable grounds, can breed naught else but Schism, and he that seeketh comfort therein, will be deceived thereby.  
Lastly, Arianisme received no small blow from other Heresies that would not consist with it, 
Sect. 8.  and all of them gathering Churches out of the Arian Churches; as they had formerly rob the Orthodox Churches, to make up their own: Such were the Pricillianists, Pelagians, Nestorians, Eutychians besides other petit Sects bred up under them. And last of all, and above all the rest, came two grand Sects, the one in the East and the other in the West; and these two devoured all the rest. That in the West was the Papal power in the Roman See, which came precariously, and by a kind of cheat, about the beginning of the Sixth Century, at which time the Roman Bishop had obtained of the Emperor of the East to be the Universal Bishop, and thereby gained a high feat in the consciences of men, 
Plat. Vit. Bonifac. 3.  and whiles they are highly esteemed for their service against Arius, in defence of the Godhead of the Son of God, they cunningly slip themselves into co-partnership with the Son of God in all his Offices, and were countenanced by the Imperial Power, till they had subdued both Emperor and all under themselves. The other Sect arose in the Eastern Churches, about twenty years after the former, in the Reign of Heraclius, who succeeded Phocas, but this comes in with a force; 
Zonar. Tom. 3. in Vit. Herac.  and swallowed up not only the seven famous Churches of Asia, but all other Chuches both of Asia and Africa, bringing with them a rabble of doctrines gathered out of all religions, all of them patronised by Mahomet, and purposely contrived by the Devil, not only against the Natures and Offices of Christ, but against the Trinity. These first made way into the Empire by the Saracens Sword, 
Naucler. Vol. 2. Con. 22. & 34.  and held the power there by the space of six or seven hundred years. And after them they obtained the power of the Turkish Sword, which conquered not only what the Saracens had in Asia and Africa, but gained also a great part of Europe, and swallowing up the Christian Churches in those places, left scarcely the Name of Christianity remaining; saving about eight or nine poor Sects of Christians, who live in miserable slavery under them. And thus the once famous Eastern Churches have made a sad and lamentable account of their Progress from Unity to Separation, from thence to Schism, so to Enmity, thence to Persecution, and lastly to Heathenism. And the Christian Magistrate in a restless Toleration, from an Imperial Power to a miserable servitude.  
— En que discordia civeis Perduxit miseros!  
En queis consevimus agros!   
FINIS.   

The Table.  

A.  
A Casius an Arian Bishop, cap. 19  
Aetius an Arian Deacon, a subtle disputer, works a Schism, and is banished, cap. 15. sec. 6. c. 20. s. 1.  
Alexander Bishop of Alexandria, his Death, c. 2. s. 5. etc.  
Alexander Bishop of Constantinople, his power against Arius, c. 8. s. 3. His death, c. 10. s. 1.  
Ambrose Bishop of Milan, c. 25. s. 1.  
Anthropomorphites, c. 25. s. 2.  
Arius his Original, and his defection, c. 2. s. 1. etc. He gathers Congregations, s. 7. His errors at the Nicene Council, c. 3. s. 2. His banishment, c. 4. s. 9 His return upon submission, s. 10. He is admitted into Constantine's p●osince, c. 7. s. 3. and by him referred to the Council at Tyrus, and is acquitted, s. 4 5. He comes to Alexandria, c. 8. s. 2. is urged to a new submission, and dieth miserably, s. 3.  
Arians pretend the Nicene Faith, c. 22. s. 5. c. 23. s. 3.  
Athanisme in the change of one letter, c. 2. s. 1. the Original thereof, s. 2. the ruin thereof, c. 26. s. 5, etc.  
Arsenius supposed murdered by Athanasius, c. 6. s. 6.  
Athanasius his Original, c. 3. s. 1, etc. Bishop of Alexandria, c. 5. s. 2. Articles against him, s. 3. other articles, s. 5. c. 6, s. 2, 3. referred to the Council at Tyrus, s. 4, 5, 6. His appeal to Constantine, c. 7. s. 1. He is banished by him, s. 6, 7. His return to Alexandria, c. 9 s. 6. He is again accused before the Council at Antioch, c. 11. s. 1. is banished the second time, escapes to Rome, and there makes his confession of his Faith, s. 2. etc. He is acquitted, and returns to Alexandria, and again in danger escapes to Rome, c. 12. s. 2. he appeals to the Emperonr Constans, s. 4. is acquitted at Sardica, and returns homeward, c. 14. s. 3. he will not communicate with the Arians at Antiuch, ibid. be comes to Alexandria, c 15. s. 1. Endeavour is to banish him again, but the people defend him, s. 4. Articles again are against him, s. 5. He escapes miraculousty, s. 7. his Apology, s. 10. gets into a Cave, c. 16. s. 3. from thence into the wilderness, s. 4. he maker agreement between the Monks and Hermits, s. 5. Constantius will not be appeased, s. 7. Athanasius returns to Alexanandria under Julian, c. 21. s. 5. Julian seeks his death; his miraoulous escape, s. 8. He returneth to Alexandria under Jovinian, c 22. s. 3. commends the Nicene Faith to Jovinian, s. 4. He is persecuted by Valens, and escapes by favour of the people, c. 24 s. 5. he retires himself from danger. s. 6. His last return to Alexandria; his death and Encomium, c. 26. s. 1, 2, 3.   

B.  
BAnishment a penalty for disobeying Orders of a General Council, c. 4. s. 9 Basil the Great returns from banishment in Julian's Reign, c. 21. s. 4. a moderate man, s. 7. not easily induced to give credit to the Semi-Arians pretensions c. 23. s. 5. his stout answer to Valens. c. 24. s. 3.  
Bishops over many Congregations c. 1. s. 5, 6. Bishop of Alexandria his interest, c. 2. s. 3. Bishop's Provincial, c. 4. s. 7, 8.   

C.  
CAlinicus a Meletian Egyptian Bishop, c. 5. s. 4.  
Coluthus disepiscopated, c. 2 s. 8. His practice against Athanasius, c. 6. s. 1.  
Constantine his Letter to Alexander and Arius, c. 2. s. 8. He calls the Council at Nice, c. 4. s. 1. He banisheth Arius, and he banisheth Athanasius, c. 7. s. 7. will not recall his sentence against him, c. 8. s. 1. though he had recalled Arius, c. 4. s. 10. and commanded the Bishop of Constantinople to admit Arius into Communion, c. 8 s. 3. Constantine's principles obscured his later end. c. 9 s. 1, 2.  
Constantine, Constans, and Constantius, succeeded in the Empire, c. 9 s. 3. the bounds of their several Empires, s. 4, 5.  
Constantine the son released Athanasius from banishment, and sent him to Alexandria, c. 9 s. 6. Constantine the son's death, c. 11. s. 1.  
Constans a friend to Athanasius, and urgeth Constantius in behalf of Athanasius, c. 12. s. 4, 5. prevaileth to have a General Council at Sardica, and maintaineth their determinations, and dieth, c. 14 s. 1.4.  
Constantius his first principles, c. 9 s. 5. he turneth Arian, c. 10. s. 1 banisheth Athanasius, c. 11. s. 3. favoureth the Arian Council at Philippopolis, c. 13. s. 2. granteth liberty to Athanasius to return to Alexandria, c. 14. s. 3. Contrary to his Oath he persecuteth Athanasius, c. 15 s. 7. by calling many Councils and persecution, he endeavours to destroy the Nicene Faith, c. 17, 18, 19, 20. His persecutions most violent towards his end, c. 20. s. 8. and his faith changing often from ill to worse. He dieth sadly, s. 9  
Confession of the Orthodox Faith at Nice, by Athanasius, c. 4. s. 3. by the Council there, s. 5. explained by the Council at Sardica, c. 23. s. 4. the Original Copy of the Nicene Faith lost, c. 4. s. 12. The Nicene Faith is commended by Athanasius and the Council of Alexandria to Jovinian c. 22. s. 4.  
Confession of Arius his Faith, c. 4. s. 4. The Arian Faith at Antioch, c. 11. s. 4. another by their Delegates, c. 12. s. 1. another at Syrmium, c. 18. s. 1. another at Seleucia, c. 19 s. 2. another at Constantinople, c. 20. s. 1.  
Confessions of the Arian Faith variable, c. 18. s. 2, 5. c. 20. s. 2.  
Confession of the Arian Faith at Syrmium confessed to be made to deceive, c. 18. s. 5. imposed upon the Orthodox at Arminum, but withstood, c. 19 s. 2, 3.  
Constantinople in a tumult, they kill Hermogenes, c. 20. s. 2. they are a check to the Supremacy of Rome, c. 10. s. 3.  
Council Orthodox at Alexandria, c. 2. s. 5, etc. at Nice, c. 4. s. 5. at Antioch Arian, c. 11. s. 1, etc. at Rome Orthodox, c. 12. s. 1. another at Sadiea, c. 13. s. 1. at Philippopolis Arian, s. 2. at Milan Orthodox, c. 17. s. 1. at Syrmium Arian, c. 18. s. 1. at Constantinople Arian, c. 20. s. 1. at Arminum Orthodox, c. 19 s 1. at Antioch Arian, c. 20. s. 5, 6. At Alexandria Orthodox and healing Council, c. 21. s. 6. another at Alexandria Orthodex, c. 22. s. 2. at Illiticum Orthodox, c. 23. s 4. at Tyana, c. 23. s. 5.   

E.  
EArthquakes afflict the Eastern Empire, c. 11. s. 6. c. 29. s. 1.  
Eudoxius Bishop of Antioch by indirect means, c. 15. s. 6. after Bishop of Constantinople, his blasphemy, c. 20. s. 3.  
Eunomius an Arian Bishop banished, c. 20. s. 1. vid. c. 21. s. 2.  
Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, maintainer of Arius, c. 2. s. 6, 7. banished. c. 4. s. 9 returns into favour with Constantine, s. 11. his death, c. 10. s. 2. c. 11. s. 4.  
Euzoius a Deacon banished, c. 4. s. 9   

G.  
GEorge of Capadocia, Bishop of Alexandria, c. 15. s. 1. flieth thence, ibid. returneth by order of the Antiochian Council, s. 9 his cruel persecution of the Orthodox, c. 16. s. 1, 2. his death, c. 21. s. 3.  
Gregory Bishop of Alexandria by the Artiochian Council, c. 11. s. 3. is put out again, ibid. is translated to Antioch, and is put to death, c. 25. s. 1.   

H.  
Heretics love disputes on difficult points, in the presence of the vulgar, c. 2. s. 5.  
Hillary Bishop of Poitiers, a slout maintainer of the Orthodox, is banished, and again restored by Constantius, c. 20. s. 8.  
Hossius Bishop of Corduba, Precedent at the Council at Alexandria, c. 2. s. 8. and at the Council at Sardica, c. 13. s. 2. his Letter of advice to Constantius, c. 17. s. 1. is banished, s. 2. is ensnared, and dieth penitent, c. 28. s. 4.   

I.  
JOhn Bishop of Lico, in the room of Meletus, c. 5. s. 4. Jovinian Emperor, c. 22. s. 1. calls home the banished Christians, s. 2. his debate with the Arians concerning Athanasius, s. 3. sendeth to him concerning the Nicene Faith, s. 4. is for unity and peace, s. 5. reforms the army and dieth, s. 6.  
Ischyras dis-presbyterised, c. 2. s. 8. renewed Presbyter, c. 5. s. 4. flies to Eusebius, c. 6. s. 1.  
Julian Emperor, his qualities, c. 21. s. 1. a preacher and Monk, s. 1, 2. turns Gentile and persecutor, s. 3, 4. purgeth his army, s. 9 forbids learning to the christians children, s. 10. and also maintenance to the 〈◊〉 His wretched end, s. 11.   

L.  
LIberius Bishop of Rome; his conference with Constantius, c. 17. s. 3. is banished, s. 4. is ensnared, c. 18. s. 4. is afterward penitent, ibid.  
Leonas a soldier Precedent at the Seleucian Council, and over-ruleth it, c. 19 s. 6.  
Leontius Bishop of Antioch in the room of Steven c. 14. s. 2. tolerateth mixed Congregations of Orthodex and Arians, s. 3. persuadeth Ursatius and Valens to renounce their retractations, c. 15. s. 3. is banished and dieth, s. 6.   

M.  
MAcedonius Bishop of Constantinople, c. 10. s. 2. is deposed and restored again, ibid. joineth with the Semi-Arians at Seleucia, c. 19 s. 6. banished from Constantinople, c. 20. s. 3. becometh head of the Macedonian Heresy. s. 7.  
Magnentius slays Constans, and is slain, c. 15. s. 2.  
Meletus Bishop of Lico, c. 3. s. 4. maketh a schism, s. 5. he is deposed, c. 4. s. 2. and dieth in schism, c. 5. s. 4.  
Meletians in Egypt, join with the Arians, c. 5. s. 4. call themselves the Church of Martyrs, c. 3. s. 5. They turn Arians, c. 9 s 6. 〈…〉 diposed makes a schism amongst the Agians, c. 20. s. 5.  
Messalians, c. 25. s. 2.  
Monks their Original and Profession, c. 16. s. 4. they conceal Athanasius, s. 6.   

N.  
non-resident will maintain that Doctrine that is most in fushion, c. s. 6.  
Novatians defend themselves by force, and have the Victory against the Arians, c. 20 s. 3. incline to the Orthodox, s. 4.   

P.  
PAphnusius defends Athanasius, c. 6. s. 7.  
Paulus Bishop of Constantinople deposed by Constantius, and murdered, c. 10. s. 1, 2. c. 15. s. 5.  
Peter Bishop of Alexandria Martyr, c. 2. s. 4.  
Photinus' his heresy, c. 17. s. 4. is banished, c. 18. s. 3.  
Potamon his defence of Athanafius, c. 6. s. 7.  
Presbyter not named, a great instrument for the Arians, by his favour with the Emperors, c. 7. s. 23.   

R.  
REligion in danger under many-headed Governments, c. 12. s. 3.  
Retractations and engagements imposed, breaks all bonds, but makes none, c. 4. s. 12.   

S.  
Schism the Original, c. 1. s. 3. it may be kept down, but not rooted up, s. 8. easily suppressed by a resolved Goveroour, c. 22. s. 5.  
Schism between the Arians and Semi-Arians, c. 19 s. 4. they banish one another, s. 6.  
Steven Bishop of Antioch deposed, c. 14. s. 2.   

T.  
THeognis Bishop of Nice banished, c. 4 s. 9  
Teacher's maught, c. 21. s. 2.  
Tisueis, a Mountain of communion, c. 13. s. 5.  
tolerations fatal, c. 13. s. 5.   

V  
VAlens and Ursatius Bishops, enemies to Athanasius, make their submission, c. 14. s. 4. after that they renounce what they had done, c. 15. s. 1.  
Valentinian his education, is made Emperor, c. 23. s. 5. His Arian wife interrupted his proceed; nevertheless he is constant to the Nicent Faith, c. 25. s. 1.  
Valens associated in the Empire with Valentinian, his principles good at the first, but turneth Arian and violent persecutor, c. 24 s. 1. his bloody progress to Antioch, s. 2, 3, 4. is afraid of an unknown Successor, and his cruelty thereupon, c. 26 s. 1. his death, s. 4.   
The End of the Table.