A TRUE DECLARATION OF THE intolerable wrongs done to RICHARD BOOTHBY, Merchant of India, by two lewd servants to the honourable East India Company, Richard wild, and George Page. As also a Remonstrance of the partial, ingrateful and unjust proceeds of the India Court at home, against the said RICHARD BOOTHBY. In vindication of his good name (never yet justly stained) yet now of late for certain years had in unjust scandal and defamation, by malignant adversaries, who are and will be ashamed to verify their malice and wicked censure against him, in any judicious Court of Equity: With Petition to his most gracious Majesty King Charles, and the most right honourable high Court of Parliament for justice and relief to him and his, thereby utterly ruined in worldly estate, by such unsupportable wrongs and cruel oppressions.  
He that justifieth the wicked, and he that condemneth the just, even they both are abomination unto the Lord,  Prov. 17. 15. Dr Baily in his practice of Piety. 
In all causes judge aright; for thou shalt be sure to find a righteous Judge, before whom thou shalt shortly appear to be judged thyself: at which time thou mayst leave to thy friends this for thine Epitaph.  

Nuper eram Iudex, nunc judicis ante Tribunal:  
Subsistens paveo, judicor ipse modo.   
June 10. 1644.   

TO THE RIGHT honourable the Lords and Commons assembled in the most Right honourable high Court of Parliament.  
The humble Petition of Richard Boothby, Merchant. Most humbly showeth,  
HIs insupportable wrongs sustained (as in this present declaration in print, exhibited to every particular Member of both Houses of Parliament, and most submissively beggeth your Hon: favours (even for the tender mercies of God in Christ Jesus) to pity & compassionate the miserable and distressed estate of your poor impotent Petitioner, and all his (a wife and five children) by affording him justice in the causes mentioned in this present narration, and such justice (and no other he beggeth for) as may stand with the glory of God, the good construction of the wholesome laws of this Kingdom, and the honour of his Majesty King Charles, and the right honourable high Court of Parliament, which though he be daunted with exceeding great fears (as Hester) to present his Petition in that most right honourable Court, not having your honour's golden sceptre of grace held out unto him, yet his cause being in great measure like hers (necessitated to the preservation of herself and nation, as his for himself and family) he is forced to put on her resolution, If I perish, I perish. Fiat voluntas Dei. June 10. 1644.   

To the right honourable, (the honourable) the right worshipful, (the worshipful, &c.) the Generality of the honourable East India Corporation.  
RIght honourable, &c. Two things have coacted and impulsed me to trouble your Honours, &c. with this rude Epistle: The one is an ardent desire I have not only to express my endeared affection to the honourable Society, but also my willingness (though uninvited, in coming to counsel before I am called, presuming of your gracious pardon if not good acceptance) to manifest or make known unto you what my weak capacity conceiveth behooveful for the welfare and indemnity of the honourable Company of India Merchants in their right worthy famous action of Commerce. The other is for vindication of my good name, never yet justly tainted) by declaration of the intolerable wrongs which I Richard Boothby, an honest poor member of the India Company, and your trusty servant, hath undergone both in India, by lewd, malicious, tyrannical, fraudulent, juggling fellow-servants; and also at home, by partial, injust, ingrateful, unconscionable, corrupt governors, and timeserving Committees in the India Courts.  
For your encouragements in that worthy action of Commerce, be pleased to conceive charitably and friendly of the opinion, or rather assured knowledge of a weak unintelligent Merchant, that the trade to and from India, & from port to port in the several places of India, and other Kingdoms near adjacent, is the most hopeful, beneficial of any part of the world; wherein by God's blessing, a competency (if not a superfluity) in estate is to be attained unto with small stock, in 4, 5, 6, or 7 years' time; which 3 or 4 times so many years spent in other Countries, will not so suddenly supply with far greater stock. The danger of the trade by sea, especially in those oriental parts, is small, taking the opportunity and season of the year in the time of the favourable monsons, or trading winds, the seas so calm and pleasant, that from India to Persia, Bantum, Mocco, Madagascar, Mauritius, and other parts, the ships commonly tow their long Boats, skiffs, and Barges at their Stern to and again; and by a voyage in three, four, or five months' time too and again, there may be gained, 30, 40, 50, 60, 80. and 100 per cent. profit, and more in several sorts of commodities, according to the judgement and discretion of the intelligent Merchant, in making choice of his commodity, and attaining it at the best hand.  
Hereof I will not much insist, having more at large discoursed thereof in a rude pamphlet tending to encouragements to plant in Madagascar (which perhaps may hereafter come out in print) where I could wish myself and family securely (with others my countrymen) seated in that most famous, pleasant, wholesome, fruitful Island, as I suppose, transcending all others in the world, if my weak purse and decrepit unable body for travel, would permit.  
The other cause moving me to this occasion for vindication of my good name, in manifestation of my wrongs, will be superfluous to insist upon in this Epistle, for that the present declaration thereof hereunto annexed, will more at large demonstrate the same.  
Be pleased, right honourable, &c. courteously to accept the admonishments & advertisements of an unintelligent Merchant (especially in matters that are not within his line, or beyond the reach of his apprehension) yet in some things I may peradventure say more by industrious observation and affectionate duty to your honour's Corporation, its welfare and indemnity, than others (it may be) either can or will.  
In the first pla●e it were good at your general Courts (especially at the election of your governor, Deputy, Committees and Officers,) not to be absent to lend your votes in ●busing fitting persons thereunto, men fearing God, and hating covetousness (for by your absence and small appearance of late at such times, the time-serving governor and Committees, are better fitted to band together, to continue in their places, or to elect new, such men as they either know or presume will be for their accommodation the one to the other, in their own private ends.) And if at such election some pious Divine spend an hour, or less, in godly exhortations in a Sermon, to persuade to upright dealing between all parties, as well in the differences between the Court and their servants, or their servants one against another, as for their fidelity and industry in managing the main affairs, or joint stock of the Company. It may not perhaps be accounted or found an irksome, needless, or impertinent matter to spend an hour's time in such businesses, nor yet a superfluous charge, to gratify a worthy Minister for his pains therein: For surely, the partiality, injustice, uncharitableness, and ingratitude of those Courts, have wrought much wrong and oppression to their best deserving servants, and caused connivance at their most wicked, lewd, fraudulent, and worst deserving servants, being blinded with their heaps of ill-gotten goods, by bribery, and bopes to match such ill-deserving men in marriage to their daughters.  
In the next place I think it not amiss to put you in mind, that charge be given to those Courts, to make choice of their India servants, men of good repute and credit in life and conversation, as well as of men of ability and understanding to manage their affairs, and that no lewd, debauched, illlivers, prodigal unthrifty persons, profane swearers, drunkards, and lascivious persons, of which sort too many have been entertained, by favour and friendship in Court, even of their own sons, kindred or friends, and by letters from great men to pleasure them, (sent out as the phrase hath been, for sacrifice, or by such voyages to reclaim them, which is rather the next way to thrust such persons into the devil's mouth, and to make them ten times worse than ere they were before) which turneth to the dishonour of God, the prejudice of the honourable Company, and their own souls hazard, countenanced by example of superionrs there, given to all excess of riot, and delighting to make others children of Belial as themselves.  
Thirdly, it were better in my weak judgement, to make plain downright accord and covenant with their servants concerning private trade, rather than by indirect conniving thereat, to covenant with them for less salary, which they regard not in any comparison to their benefit by private trading, (though they enter into large bonds to the contrary, which they know the Court never hath put in suit, nor ever will, as not effectual by the laws of the Land) which is as difficult a thing to reclaim in their servants, as for a hungered starved Cook to dress curious dainty viands for a great Feast, and be bound under great penalty, not so much as to lick his fingers. But other plain covenants and agreements may be devised to the better contentment and accommodation of their servants and themselves, (as myself hath heretofore demonstrated my opinion more at large in the particulars to the India Court, which were too large to relate in an Epistle.  
Fourthly, why should it not be as easy and facile a matter to them at home to make choice of their President and council in India, as to make choice of succeeding Captains, Masters of Ships, and Commanders at Sea by occasion of mortality: And in my opinion the same course they take in the one, may as well be observed in the other; and not to leave the choice of succeeding places of eminency in India, to their servants own choice, where greatness of power, hopes of favour and private respects, will cause servants to vote one for another, though to the great prejudice of their honourable employers, and the ruin of honest men in India, who are conscionable in their duties to God and to their Masters, whereby much disaster hath befallen in the Companies affairs, by the jugglings and defraudments of deceitful persons in chiefest places of eminency, and intolerable wrongs done even to their equals, for not running the same course, or not conniving thereat, as this plain Declaration will in part manifest. And its worthy the consideration of the honourable Company, to endeavour its reformation. For a wicked precedent, and his packed main part of council, can easily in India make malicious show of great crimes feigned to be committed, against an honest man, and to arraign him, condemn him to prison, suspend the salary, and ship him home a delinquent, before ever he make his purgation to the Court at home, and so he and all his are in possibility to be ruined unjustly. For it is no small matter of moment, considering the multitude of dangerous disasters that depend thereon, whereof for fear of discouragement to any undertaker in those adventurous employments, I forbear the relation, which I could manifest of dangerous consequence both at Sea and Land, for a man to make a long dangerous voyage to India, and without just cause to be dismissed from his fair fortunes to seek redress in partial unjust India Courts at home, where corrupt Governors and Courts when they have voted the innocency of the party abused, and promised restitution of wrongs, shall yet unconscionahly for by respects, recall their former votes, and plead in the defence of the malignant parties. It's not for the accommodation of the honourable action of commerce to question the president's power and authority, but rather to defend it, (though never so wicked a tyrant;) nor for the honour of India Courts to be curious Inquisitors into the precedents actions, (be they never so impious, fraudulent, or oppressfull.) And so long as such corrupt Courts at home are not reformed, it were better for an honest man so abused, to hang himself (were it not for the danger of his soul) then to undergo such wicked censures at home. In those India elections it is good to make choice of pious Ministers, both for residency in India, and aboard your Shipping. The choice of lewd men of that worthy function, hath done much hurt among your servants by their evil example, surpassing others in those lewd consuming sins of soul, body, and estate, Alea, Vina, Venus: Some of which have dishonoured God, their nation and profession in a high degree, and made no conscience to leave their spurious bastards in India, to be bred up in paganism, and at ripe years to be had in esteem in regard of their whiteness, by a lewd Christian bawd, to make a common harlot of.  
Fifthly, it seems strange to me, that a government in India by a President and council, should be established by a private Commission never seen to any in my time (or before or since) but to the precedent himself, who under colour of that power and authority, rules as a Tyrant, according to his own wicked disposition, Hoc volo, hoc jubeo; which whosoever shall question, is in danger ipso facto to be arraigned for his life as a trayter or mutineer: who having by usurpation crept into the place of Presidency, makes choice of three more of council, whom he pleaseth, which he proudly calleth (His council,) like ambitious Cardinal Wolsie (Ego & Rex meus) And if but one of them stick close to him, whom he will be sure shall be a son of Belial fit for his purpose: then in regard of his double voycc, he carries all consultations or acts of Court which way he pleaseth, against the other two, and they also must in the end of necessity comply, or else their own ruin shall shortly be effected. Therefore in my simple opinion, it were more just, that lesser power were in the precedent, and more in the council (as I hear it is since lately somewhat amended in that point, upon my complaint and abuse done unto me by such wild government. And methinks it were not amiss that the precedents and counsels Commission, were at least once a year read at a public Assembly, both to Merchants and seamen, that all men may know how to render due obedience to superiors, nor the superiors to Lord it too much over their inferiors. And also why should not hereto be added good laws and Ordinances for directions on both sides, how to behave themselves in their duties to God, their loyalty to their sovereign, the welfare of their honourable employers, and the peace, tranquillity, and love one towards another; which I leave to your Honours and worship's considerations.  
I may not let pass one thing, which I conceive hath been a curse to your worthy design, and caused no small disaster to betide to the honourable action of Commerce, and that is a crying sin of parents, wives, children and friends of your deceased and dead servants in India, by abusive wrong done to the estates of the defunct three sever all ways: The first is in regard of their bonds and covenants formally yielded unto, which never any have kept, nor ever any will observe: and because they will keep close their private trade with all the secrecy they can, they never keep Merchant-like accounts for fear of being seized upon by some malicious, tyrannous, or malevolent precedent, or others in authority, if they chance to do or say any thing that displeaseth them, so that in stead of formal fair accounts, they kept their reckonings in loose papers in their pockets, or bid in some private place, which at the end of every voyage out and home to any Port in India, they lacerate and dismember in pieces, trusting in their Banjan Brokers to be masters of their warehouses, or keepers of their goods and moneys. And if any of these servants die, (being loath to commit trust to their own countrymen,) the Banjan defrauds their Executors of all or greatest part of their estates, and so perhaps if they trust some supposed friend their countrymen, they do the like; or else wanting time in their extremity of sickness, cannot give their friend true information: And if they do, peradventure the Banjan and the supposed friend agree together and divide the estate into shares between them. The second is, that if the precedent, or some authorized by him, find out any estate of the deceased, the goods are sold at an outcry, and the moneys brought into the Companies Cash, for the benefit of the Executors. But the abuse therein is insupportable, as formerly in India Courts at home. For two or three, or more, will covenant together to buy them at under-rates, either by selling them by the lump in great parcels, that the meaner Merchant hath not means to pay for them; or if divided, the greater and more able persons, will threaten the underlings to sit on their skirts, or to do them some mischief, if by bidding a higher price than they, they seek to buy them out of their hands: And this I have seen with my own eyes (with grief,) but being a prisoner, could not prevent the mischief to the defunct, which otherwise I would have endeavoured to have remedied. The third abuse to the deceased servants estate, is acted by the Court Committees at home, and that is by defrauding the Executors of the deceased of the benefit of the exchange for their moneys brought into the Cash in India, which in my time was double money at home: for if any man bought of the deceaseds' estate in India, and did not there make speedy payment, his covenant was to pay double money out of the salary at home, or otherwise as agreed upon: and myself have paid such exchange of double moneys abated out of my salary at home by the India Court, even for things bought, charitably to give away to poor men, having lost all their goods and necessaries in a ship fired by Portugals, which for want of money, being a prisoner, and all my estate seized upon, I was contented to yield unto (as other men did,) rather than not to express a charitable affection to the indigent, according to my poor ability, or credit. Now the India Court think that they supererrogate in their charity, to pay the Executors of the defunct the principal, brought to their accounts in India, (though they make three, four or five for one or more of their servants moneys;) and yet by that time the accounts are cleared, which happily may be six or twelve months, or longer time after the deceased have repaired from the remoter or furthest parts of the kingdom, to seek after their deceased estate, sometimes (nay I doubt often) they have been forced to depart home, after great expense and charge, by waiting the Courts time to clear the accounts, with little or nothing, perhaps not enough to bear their charges down again. In some particulars of other men's, I could give bewailing intelligence of these passages; but I will instance only in my own being living: then if the abuse be so great to the living, much more may the Executors of the deceased feel the burden of these intolerable defraudments. Myself being eminent in India, and one of council, being maliciously arraigned for a delinquent, (as the ensuing story will relate) had my goods seized upon, and sold, volens nolens, before my face, at 40. per cent. l●sse of the principal, revengefully acted on purpose to make me a Bankrupt; (which maugre the precedents devilish malice, could not be effected) though he and his lewd favourite, notwithstanding their massy estates of twenty or thirty thousand pounds a man fraudulently gotten in India within six years' time, or less, after their return from England, with all the super abundant favour the India Court could bestow upon them; yet were forced to take sanctuary in the King's Bench and Fleet; and there, but for the tenor of a Statute of Bankrupts against them, would have defrauded their creditors also at home, (which brought them perforce to an under composition.) Again, my estate being seized upon, as before mentioned, among other goods I had two great and large fair Persia Carpets, fit for the footstool, or Chair of State of a Christian Prince, which would have covered the pavement or floor of about twenty foot square, or more, and cost me in Persia the first penny, about forty pounds. These it seems the ambitious President took for his own use, to the honour of his magnificency, and never brought them, or their proceed, to the Companies account. For which demanding restitution, he put me off to the India Court, affirming that at his coming from India, be left them (for their use) in the custom house at Surrat, and the Court denieth to give me any satisfaction for them, alleging that they were never brought to their account, and therefore not able to make them good, though the unjust governor had voted before in Court, in favour of the juggling precedent, their mere hireling juggling servant, against their loyal brother servant, that it was not for the accommodation of their action of commerce, to wave or question their president's power and authority, but to support and maintain it; neither for the honour of the India Court to be curious inquisitors into their precedents actions; which is so horrible and detestable an ignominy to the honour of the India Society to defend, that that honourable action of Commerce, could not be supported, but by fraud, oppression, tyranny, imprisonment, bonds, and the like, and murder too, if occasion so fell out: And so far these governors are from accusing consciences in such practices, that they take it to be an honour for them so to do. But I have not yet done, I must further instance in more particulars in my own behalf. At my departure from India, (a prisoner) I left in the hands of a succeeding precedent, a Trunk of rich apparel, good books, Divine and History, and other necessaries, which at an easy rate I valued at fourscore pound; and had I stayed in India, would not have taken half as much more money for them. And these goods it seems were sold at an outcry (according to my former relation of such practices) for 32 l. and no account to be given to whom they were sold, nor any particular of any thing how sold, but all in lump at 32 l. which money being brought into the Companies Cash, and three or four years after coming to account with the Court, they were so far dishonest, as not only to deny me the exchange for my money, but also to keep back the principal, being part of 1200. l. they are yet indebted unto me. Yet once more: My wife sent me out of England, a Token (to me of great esteem) viz. her own and all her three children's pictures in one fair Map, or Table, to the full proportion of every one. That honest well reputed Gentleman of the India Court, and my especial kind friend, Captain James Slade, took upon him to bring it (by God's blessing) in safety to my possession: But before his arrival, I was shipped home unjustly (a malefactor.) At the arrival of the Fleet in India, whereof Captain Slade was admiral in the ship Discovery. Great enquiry was made by the present precedent, for things of rarity, to be bought and bestowed upon the Sultan, or Govervour of Surrat: but in all the Fleet, none was found of greater esteem, than my wife and children's pictures; which the precedent having intelligence of, sent to Captain Slade, to bring the same aboard the ship Charles, chief admiral in the Port, to be viewed there by President and council. At which consultation it was decreed, that my pictures should be bought at good valuable rate, and to have credit for the same in the Companies books of accounts. And so the pictures were detained aboard the Charles, till order could be taken for their safe transport to Surrat. But the next day the ship Charles being fired by shooting of Guns at drunken healths (a detestable abuse and damage to the honourable Company) the ship and all things within her, were burnt, and my pictures consumed. At the India Court (upon intelligence and certificate under Captain Slades hand, and his brothers, Mr. William Slade, Purser of the ship, and also of Mr. Nathanael Mountney, second of council to the precedent) I demanded restitution for my wife and children's pictures, and tokens; but most dishonestly denied, saying, that in regard they were burnt, they were not liable to make them good unto me. These abuses are, as I am able to prove, to my damage 500 l. And if such persons expect honour for acting and supporting fraud, robbery, envy, malice, and cruel oppression, to the ruin of a whole Family, one of their own Corporation, and living, what can be expected but far worse from them to the dead (Mere hirelings, no way allied by Corporation, Adventure, or otherwise among them.) But surely, if I be not partial in my own cause, I conceive they merit such honour as Haman had for intending the ruin of a whole Nation, yet strangers in blood and religion unto him.  
There be many other things besides these mentioned at present, that require your Honours, &c. reformation (if you expect a blessing from God upon your adventures, which may well be conceived that such abuses and crying sins have hitherto brought a curse upon that so worthy honourable action of Commerce) and upon examination will be brought to light; as this for one more; The India President usurps the power to fine men at his pleasure for delinquency, as he pleaseth maliciously to conceive against any: and those whom he envies and maligns, shall have heavy fines set upon them, which he knows the Court at home will not remit, having their estates in possession: for all is fish that comes to their net, unless in favour to a Minion, or some chief in Court. And this cost an eminent Merchant in India, and at present in London, 500 l. though he brought certificates out of India to clear him from all aspersion cast upon him, (and to try a suit in Law with them, is to no purpose, for they boast they will be too mighty for any to withstand them, having a common rich purse against a private poor one, to manage their unjust designs.) Likewise, if the offender be his favourite, or hath a good purse to bribe, his Fine shall be made easy to prevent a heavier punishment at home, (as unconscionable to be questioned or arriagned twice for one thing, censure being formerly past upon him.) I could instance somewhat in this point in the case of life and death, but I am more charitably minded then to cast aspersion upon any, having undergone (at least) a formal trial for his life.  
One thing more, right honourable, &c. be pleased to give me leave to admonish you of, Your honourable action of Commerce is like in time to suffer much, if you follow not the example of the Portugals, Dutch, and Danes, by strengthening yourselves by some accommodable plantation near India, both for a refuge for your shipping, and strengthening thereof; and also to fetch off your servants in India, upon wrong offered them by tyrannical heathenish moors: A taste whereof you have had heretofore by imprisoning your chief and all other servants, and threatened with drubbing and chawbucking, and your Christian adversaries in that action will (for want thereof) domineer too much over you: And the best place for you to settle a plantation, is (in my conceit) at Madagascar, where if you set not foot in speedily, others of our nation, who (by report) have made entrance thereinto, may peradventure defeat you, and wring your charter from you for your neglect to the good of this republic. This business I leave to your wiser considerations, and to such encouragements in that business, as lately I have in my weak capacity, conceived behooveful, which may peradventure hereafter (if not with this) come out in print to the public view.  
Yet I may not omit to put you in mind, that you make better choice of your governors and Court Committees at home, and that (good part or greater at least) out of men well qualified, and of good report, bred up in India, rather than shopkeepers, or ignorant Merchants, some of which were never further at Sea, than aboard your brave ships in the Downs a feasting. For though some such men may be virtuous and well qualified for their breeding, and by long continuance in their places of Committee, have gotten good experience, yet they have only the theoric, and are too short in the pracktick, and both are necessary, as by enlargement I could give better testimony. I conceive some men may object, I say thus much to insinuate myself, to get into place of Committee; which I am so far from the thought or desire, that I should more willingly accept of a poor pension from the Company, or to be an almsman in their hospital at Blackwall, which I am able to prove I have well deserved, even for my good endeavours to that charitable work.  
Thus, right honourable, right worshipful, and others, a faithful loving member of your worthy Corporation, being ruined in estate, by partial, uncharitable, unjust, corrupt governors, and time-serving Committees in your India Courts, and being at present, lame, inmpotent, diseased, and in a manner bedridden, and already half in his grave, yet hath endeavoured, not without great pain, to manifest his zealous affection to your Honours, &c. welfare and indemnity, which he hath been the rather induced unto, being deprived of all means to do you service in India, as a servant or friendly accommodation upon his own adventure (wherein his duty as a member of the Company, should not have been wanting.  
To which employment my affection hath been so addicted, as I think never any man's that was banished his native country, hath been m●re desirous to return thither again, then mine hath to revisit India: But now having lost all my fortunes, hopes and limbs, and ready for the grave, (when God shall be pleased to fit me for my dissolution) I humbly entreat your Honours, &c. to accept of my honest, loyal affectionate intents, (in this tedious Epistle, though I want not matter to enlarge to a far greater volume,) in as good part as it is presented unto you. And if it please your Honours, &c. out of your grace and goodness, to take into consideration the distressed estate of your true, loyal servant, so much abused, wronged, and oppressed, abroad and at home, to cause restitution for the same, from your Honours, &c. substitutes and servants, the chief delinquents, wrongers and oppressors, or out of the general stock, as to your Honours, &c. shall seem most agreeable to justice, charity, and repute of the honourable India Corporation (which is the most humble petition of your late industrious loyal Servant, I doubt not but thereby you shall do a business pleasing to God, acceptable to the Honourable high Court of Parliament, (to ease them in righting private men's wrongs, to the better furtherance of the weighty affairs of the republic, more considerable:) For which your Honours, &c. most humble impotent Petitioner, and all his distressed Family, shall ever pray for your Honours, &c. temporal and eternal felicity.  
Richard Boothby,   

This Title should have been placed immediately after the names of the referees in the second page following, but mistaken by the Printer.  
TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL AND WORSHIPFUL SIR Henry Rowe, Sir Job Harby, and Sir George Clarke, Knights: Thomas Keightly, Daniel Harvey, and Robert Grimes, Esquires, referees appointed by his Majesty King Charles, to end the controversies between the India Court and Richard Boothby and his India adversaries, servants to the honourable East India Company, according to Petition for his majesty's grace and favour therein.   

A true Declaration of the Wrongs done to RICHARD BOOTHBY Merchant in India.  
THe unhappy project of Sir William Cockam Knight, about Anno 1615. to wring the Charter of the most famous Right worshipful Company of merchant's Adventurers of England out of their power, to the advantage of him and his Associates, brought much disaster to the commonwealth, to that worthy Company, and to myself in particular a member thereof also in high degree: (though in the end returned to the said Companies credit, and his blame and discredit) whereupon I Richard Boothby, a Member of that Company, was forced to search out Trade in other countries wherein I had no experience (to my great loss and disadvantage) and among the diversity of many experiments, fell to make trial of the East India Adventures, purchasing my freedom thereof at 50 l. And adventuring 2400 l. in that Action of Commerce, which being unmerchantly handled by injuditious partial Governors (aiming more at their own particulars than the Vulgar Accommodation, brought great loss and damage to the Worthy Adventurers, and to myself in particular, the occasion whereof drew me (being unwilling to proceed further in my Vocation of an Adventurer thither, or to other parts, for fear of sliding into the condition of a bankrupt or insolvent (which I did much abhor) to tender my service to the India Court Committees to be employed in the honourable Companies affairs into India where I was accepted of, and entertained with the greatest applause and best accommodations of any before me. At my arrival in India (being one of council) I endeavoured to discharge a good conscience towards God, and the duty of a loyal Subject to my sovereign King Charles, and the trust committed to me by the honourable Company their Substitutes.  
But ere I had been there many months, I took good notice of the great dishonour done to God's glory by the lewd lives and conversations of all the English in general, and the chief heads in particular; the dishonour also therein to my gracious King and native country, and the deep jugglings and impostures of the precedent Rich: Wild, and George Page of the council: to the defraudment of their honourable employers, which first brought me in envy and bad suspicion of a spy, a Puritan, and Informer, (and so called) because I did not run in the same excess of riot with them.  
And by little and little drew me on (endeavouring to reform such abuses according to Injunction given me at home by Court Committees) to be wickedly maligned and abused with intolerable wrongs, injurious affronts, and cruel oppressions; As being one of council commanded to base inferior employments almost scornful to an Apprentice, especially of three or four years standing (the Banjans in India taking notice thereof to my condolement) also to attend the customhouse affairs on the Sabbath days (offensive to my conscience, and the more by observation that the moors would not attend those affairs upon their heathenish Idolaters Holy days, whilst the (Virtuous or rather) wicked President Rich. Wild, and his lewd Favourite George Page feasted, and drunk themselves drunk with Dutch, French, Italians, Arminians, &c. And that by reason I was an eyesore and offence unto them, distasting and yielding mild reproof unto their Bachanalian Sabbath-breakings, and lewd discourse, and boastings at such times of their licentious lives and conversations, little inferior (as I conceive) to the Earl of Castlehaven's. Then divers plots were machinated to expel me the factory of Surrat to some remote place for their more freedom in evil.  
And first, they plotted and concluded I should be sent Agent to the Court at Agra (1000 miles off by land) but that plot would not fit, in regard the council had lately dissolved that employment as unnecessary and too chargeable.  
Secondly, they plotted to send me to the most uncouth forlorn and contemptible Factory in India (Brodera) for which many young men had been suitors (fitter for that employment) and they had promised that preferment. But thither (volens, volens) I must go, yet being of council I excepted against that Act of consultation, making short protest in writing in the book under the Act as prejudicial to the honourable Corporation, and injurious to myself, having convenanted for my residence at Surrat, and no other; yet yielded and took that charge upon me, though as my second told me before my departure thither, my Adversaries had suborned him to lay traps to ensnare me, and to be very circumspect to observe all my actions to get matter against me. But if he could find none, to write to President and council, that I was of such a quarrelsome and contentious a disposition, that it was not possible for him or any to live with me; for which they promised him the preferment into that place. But (he as he said) being touched in conscience to see me so much abused, could not but reveal it unto me upon my promise of secrecy.  
And a day before my departure, George Page, notwithstanding his said wicked plot, with my second to betray me, insinuated himself into sudden familiarity with me, excusing himself for having an hand to put me out of the Factory at Surrat to be sent to Brodera, laying all the malice on Richard wild the precedent; And to make me more blind than a Beetle, or senselessly ignorant of the plot, would needs bestow upon me a Machivile Brile or poisoned Piscash, like the traitorous kiss of Judas to our Saviour Christ, (which was a new Velvet Belt with fair silver Buckles) I made fair show of compliment with him, and accepted of his Piscash or gift, rather than to show distaste, or to give any notice that I had any intelligence of the plot against me, by discovering the secret imparted unto me by my second to his detriment. Moreover, the malicious Machiavel precedent when I came to take my farewell of him gave it me for a great charge, (for no other at that time was given me) in the honourable Companies affairs, nor other Instructions for my employment. (Copies of former accounts and passages (which by order from that Court at home ought to be left in every Factory for direction to successors) nor any Moneys, bills, bills of Exchange, or credit to manage those affairs (Until a day or two after my departure) to be careful, and carry a strict hand over William Price my Second, to reclaim him from his lewd, uncivil, and rude behaviour. Thus they that lay snares to trap the innocent, in the end are themselves ensnared. The Geese had need to be warned when the Fox preaches, And this text of Scripture was far out of his remembrance, or would take no knowledge thereof: Thou art inexcusable O man, whatsoever thou art that judgest, for wherein thou judgest another thou condemnest thyself: for thou that judgest dost do the same things. Rom. 2.  
Thirdly, being arrived there, they plotted how to ensnare me in their Commissions, devising to send me two Commissions, the one as contrary to the other as black to white; the one an express command of our Musters, the other quite contrary of their own: to which of our Musters because I leaned in my response, and declined from theirs (in words though not in deeds) they then upbraided me with base reproachful letters, commanding me not to make reply to their revilings, I knew no such power an Indian President had (his Commission being never made known) to any though of council, and myself one of council as deep in Commission as President himself (Only in a double or casting voice) deemed it as a great wrong to all the Companies servants in general, and a great indignity to myself in particular, not to make response thereunto which I performed in my own apology or defence, yet concluded Christianly, desiring unity and peace, &c.  
Fourthly, my reply seconded with a Journey made to visit Amadavad the greatest City in India (two days journey off) wanting employment, until such time as I could be fitted to observe their express Commission contrary to our Muster, and returned within six days; little dreaming that a brother of the Company, and one of council in India, was in condition of a slave, or schoolboy, that might not take lawful recreation, or travel a little to better his experience, without leave obtained from such imperial Majesty, therefore these acts were made mutinous, and I condemned by their censures in malicious consultation, before I came to make answer to any objection against me; and thereupon (about a month's time after my first entrance into that service) was commanded to return to Surrat, to undergo more revengeful condemnation; to which I obeyed (though in a most irksome time of the year for travel, in times of rain not usual for any to travel in.)  
Fifthly, at my arrival at Surrat, I was presently put out of my chamber, and thrust into the worst lodging in the house, adjoining to the porter's lodge, commanded to take my diet at the second table, among countinghouse Scrivans, Pursers, Mates, and Cabbin-boyes taken ashore for inferior services, and they commanded to take place at table above me, whose parents, or themselves, if I had been ambitious or malicious, I would have 
Job saith, With the dogs of my flock, Job 30  scorned with Job, to have set with the herdsmen of my flock, having at home at that present, a family living in reputation, and having had men of better quality than the best of them, I mean the chief, to wait at home upon my Trencher, Knights, Gentlemen, and Citizens, some of the best quality in England, and myself an Esquire by two offices to two several famous Kings, King James and King Charles, under the Broad seal of England. And the best of them, even President himself, never of ability to keep house or servant, but of lewd condition, base runagates, bankrupts, or insolvents.  
Sixthly, this did not yet suffice, but they proceeded to seize upon all my estate, books, and papers, proclaiming me a bankrupt, forcing my Creditors for debts not above a month old, to bring in my Bills to the precedent, and to take new Bills of his in the Companies name, on purpose to discredit me, selling such goods as I had upon my hands, at forty pounds in the hundred less than they cost me, forcing me to pay other men's debts to a greater value than I had subscribed for security with interest, thereby to make me insolvent; which maugre their malice, they could not do; but I satisfied all men to the full, with interest, to a pice, (or farthing) which they have not done since that time, though of twenty or thirty thousand pounds estate fraudulently accrued.  
Seventhly, then having penned seven most malicious, childish, foolish Articles against me, they proceeded to my arraignment before a senate of Cabbin-boyes and Scrivans, as before, patched up to make up a solemn judicious Parliament, most despitefully forcing me to stand at the lower end of two long Tables joined together, bareheaded, having my malicious adversaries to be my accusers, Jury, and Judges; where all being moved, I demanded by what power and authority the precedent so shamefully abused me: to which he made response, he had commission strong enough to bear him out: the commission I required to see, or to hear read; which he denied, saying, That yet never any saw it but the precedent himself in present possession, nor any should. I again replied, That I did not conceive that his Majesty of England would grant any Dormant Commission to countenance tyranny and usurpation: And that myself being of council, aught to be made acquainted therewith, being as great in Commission as he, except in a casting voice, and therefore again required him to produce his Commission, not only to my satisfaction, but to all other his majesty's subjects in those parts: but he still continued ambitiously and tyrannically obstinate, until at length John Skilebow, on of council (whom the precedent kept under as a slave, knowing how to bring him to his bow at any time with a bottle of Sack, for which he would even sell himself as Esau his Birth right for a mess of pottage, yet at that time was bold to second my just demand, alleging that he conceived that not only the council, but all others ought to be acquainted with the Commission, which from himself also was kept in secret two years since he had been in India, ordained by the Court at home for Second of council to Mr. Thomas Kerridge the former President, and to succeed him in place of Presidency. But Wild having as it seems matter enough against Kirridge to disgrace him at home, and of a haughty daring spirit, he durst do no other but settle Wild in his usurped Presidency, and displace Skylebow contrary to the Courts Ordinance, which in the end caused him to produce the Commission, giving the Register order to read it, which was to this effect, authorising President and council to call notorious offenders to account, and in case of murder, Buggery, or such heinous crimes to arraign them for their lives; but with this proviso, that his Majesty did conceive that men attaining to those places of authority in India, might be ignorant of the just laws of England, and therefore cautiously advised them rather to incline to lenity and charity: for if otherwise they did wrong or abuse his loving subjects, he would exact a severe account of them, and punish them according to their desert. The Commission being so pious and gracious, I willingly did submit to the arraignment. The Articles propounded, I desired a copy to give answer in writing; which with much ado in the end I obtained, and gave such response thereunto, as made nothing for their advantage. Yet not with that satisfied, they devised nine more childish, foolish, and most malicious Articles against me, and upon a second arraignment commanded me to take oath (ex officio) to answer to such Articles verbatim, or ex temtempore, as they should be propounded against me, which I refused to do, but desired to have a copy, and time to make reply; which would not be granted. Then to enforce me thereunto, they threatened me with torture and death, to be hanged upon a Gallows of an extraordinary height at the Sea port, before the Christian ships lying there at anchor. Thus terrified with menaces, dreading their devilish, malicious, revengeful spirits, and knowing myself innocent of any crime they might justly charge me withal, I took the Oath: and the Articles being propounded, were either Matchivily penned, to draw from me what I knew of their jugglings & impostures, the better by fraud to clear themselves therefrom, or maliciously to draw strong accusations against myself, as which notwithstanding were nothing to their purpose of defence, but more to their condemnation; & though I entreated and charged the Register to pen my response truly, yet he made answer with the president's approbation, that he would therein fulfil my request, but follows the president's order and command. By these last Articles, they wrung from me some accusation against themselves, which did stumble them, (supposing my ignorance of their impostures;) yet having now got the knowledge thereof, they dissolved that Court, and fell to consult in their cabinet-council, how to clear themselves, and to make me a malicious slanderer, which within or about fourteen days after they effected, as they supposed, to have made their black deeds as clear, or white, as snow, and their midnight jugglings clear from aspersion, as the Sun in his bright lustre at noon day; and that by making two of their Christian brethren, (the Companies servants) to forswear themselves point-blank against a known truth both to myself and others the Companies servants, which thing I was much grieved at for the offence to God, and wrong to their own consciences: yet I laughed in my sleeve (even in the midst of affliction) to see how they were entrapped in their own snare, having sufficient proofs against them to the contrary, which for fear of causing mischief unto them (who were adjutors also in the juggling) and by themselves revealed unto me, I did conceal to more sit opportunity, at which time they were enforced by appearance of truth on my side, to confess their wicked imposture and unparalleled juggling act of consultation to clear themselves from all aspersion of such future act; and yet ere three days were expired (as I take it) they committed the same again to the detriment of the honourable Corporation and their own gain, many hundred if not thousand pounds, besides the hazard of the Companies great estate, and the danger of their servants lives. Now all things fitted in their conceits to the purpose, they thought it due time to proceed in sentence against me. And first toexpresse their malicious revenge in a high degree, they bestowed upon me odious titles of ignominy, as Puritan, dissembling Hypocrite, brazen faced Knave, base Villain, perjured Rogue and rascal: and their most unjust, cruel, revengeful sentence was, that I should be dismissed my imploymeut, my salary suspended, kept a close prisoner in the English House, clapped in Irons, lodged in a dungeon, and fed with the bread of affliction, and at the departure of the next Fleet for England, shipped home a prisoner. All which and more was injuriously inflicted upon me: I was that evening sent to my dungeon, and at the door a mighty pair of Bilbowes set, ten or twelve foot long, to fasten me in the Iron Stockes; but my Dungeon not being six foot square, would not admit their entrance: yet terrified with thought of my misery approaching, I entreated the Steward of the House, (being pensive of my wrongs, and appointed to fasten me in Irons) to forbear until the next day, for that I intended to write a submissive letter to a tyrant President, to ease me of that shame and torture; which he charitably yielded unto: and for his neglect had my Bilbowes clapped upon his heels. But after some hours of endurance, were by petition of friends released, and the Purser of the house sent to fetter me in shackles; which was performed, and a cruel jailor (a son of Belial, John Willowby) set to watch me, that no English, Christian, or Heathen, should come near me, or converse with me; yet my two loving trusty Indian peons, or servants, would not forsake me, though I had not a penny to pay them for their pains, or to provide bread for myself; yet in the end ten pence English per day way allowed for all our maintenance, with command not to pay above a day's pension at a time, and that neither, unless every day sued for. Thus a close prisoner I continued six months, though after some reasonable time eased first of my Irons, and after of my Dungeon, to somewhat a better lodging; and that out of an accusing and condemning conscience of their own, setting my friendly Banjans to persuade me to write him submissive Epistles, which should tend to reconciliation; which three times at their persuasion I performed, and by the first I obtained a releasement from Irons; by the second, a lodging somewhat better than my Dungeon; and by the third, freedom of the walks in the house, and diet at the second Table, as formerly related: By a fourth, which they pressed me unto, though with much unwillingness in regard I had been three times deluded upon their words, that a reconciliation should be, and I restored to former place, or better, they protested by their Heathen gods, that he had faithfully promised before, and now more assuredly in their conceit; and that if he did not perform his promise unto them, he was a devil and no man. These earnest persuasions prevailed with me, and I indeed writ a fourth submissive Epistle, and the effects that produced, was to be commanded aboard the ship Jonah a prisoner in a meaner cabin than boatswains Mates, to sail along with the Fleet for Persia, and at their return to sail therein for England.  
The Banjans admired at the wickedness of the man in the forepassed business (and that which ensued) about a month before at the return of the ship Jonah from Bantam, having in her great store of Cloves, which six months before were a Drug of no esteem at Surrat; yet at the instant of her arrival, inhansed in price to double money and more: My friendly Banjans, who ever gave me more respect than I deserved, came to me (having then liberty of the House) to express their loving and kind respects, and for proof thereof, because the wild precedent had forced them (as formerly related) to bring in my Bills, and take new of him, which they disclaimed to be their act (so much as in thought) but merely his devilish malice and revenge, they tendered me a means how to get many thousand pounds suddenly in a week or fortnight's space, or a very short time, which though at first I was somewhat jealous of, yet harkened to their propositions, which was to buy up presently all the Cloves in the ship Jonah, at the price currant than a shipboard, and they would sell them again for me at fifty or sixty, or more per cent. profit. At which their offer I was the more jealous and daunted, knowing my inability to compass the business both in regard of ready moneys which must be paid for them, & also in regard I was a prisoner, and could not stir abroad to effect their proposition, but to both these impediments they applied remedies: first, for money they would supply me therewith instantly; and for want of my liberty, they advised me to write to Captain Richard Swanly, commander of the ship, to effect it for me, proportioning him some share for his pains; which though my adversary George Page, the precedents lewd favourite were gone two or three hours before down to the ship to effect that business for himself and precedent, which took me somewhat off, yet they so earnestly did press me with recounting Geooge Pages slow moving, usually drinking hard, or to be drunk at the half-way Tree (a baiting place) and there to take a nap of an hour, two or three in sleep, that my letters might come aboard before him: which counsel of theirs I followed, and presently sent one of my trusty peons away with letters in speed to Captain Swanly, discovering the fair offer of my friendly Banjans, and allotting half for his share; which letters came aboard two hours before my adversary George Page. But Captain Swanly daunted with my sudden downful, since his departure six months before, & terrified with threats of precedent to displace him for that he had before taken part with other Sea Commanders in consultation about their Commission, which were most strong and effectual, and those Commanders gone for England, and not ready to back him again, he durst not attempt the business, but let it fall to the benefit of his and my adversaries, and our loss to many thousand pounds, which my friendly Banjans were sorry for, and cursed his devilish malicious projects against me, as yet ensueth.  
The revengeful precedent finding that I had more credit, being a prisoner, than himself with all the Companies credit pined upon his back, (for just at this instant he having engaged himself for the Company with the usurers about 100000. l.) and the English ships not arriving so soon as was expected, his Creditors made means to the governor, that he should not stir out of the Town until better satisfaction were given to discharge his credit in the country; and in that interim twice endeavouring to go aboard the ship Jonah, was commanded to return, and not to stir aboard. And now having commanded me a prisoner into Persia, in hope as expectation was, of a great Fleet of Portugals to lay way and intercept us, he hoped I might either meet with a knock to take away my life, or some other disaster might befall me, yet had another devilish project in the action, seeing my credit, as aforesaid, and therefore to prevent me of all benefit or accommodation in the voyage, by procuring an Edict from the governor, (whose credit was repaired by the English Fleets arrival, within three or four days after with sixty thousand pounds in gold and silver to lessen the Companies debts) that no man should credit me upon forfeiture of five hundred Rupies, nor no Broker procure me credit upon forfeiture of a thousand Mamoodees. By which means my friendly Banjans, as also with fear of drubbing from such Moorish tyrants, were taken off to my loss of some thousands of pounds more; which many of the Companies servants of inferior rank made to themselves in that voyage, some a thousand, some two thousand, some three thousand or more advantage. And to add more malice and revenge, he abused me in his letters to the Agent and Merchants in Persia, with most egregious slanders of mutiny, contention, spy, and informer, &c. persuading and commanding him not to let me come ashore, nor to be possessor of some small means I had in the country left the last year, but to return it to him to give satisfaction for my engagements to the Company, as he mendaciously pretended. Thus we passed our voyage for Persia, myself receiving better accommodation from Captain Swanly, than the wild precedent expected, yet not so good as the Captain promised, and had reason to perform; but that he was overawed with my adversary's power, or doted on their great estates to his gratification. At our arrival in Persia I kept myself aboard still a prisoner, until from the Agent and Merchants there, I received kind letters of invitation ashore, maugre the precedents malicious slanderous letters, which they regarded not, knowing and understanding better of themselves to some of whom I was well known in England, and likewise from better report of Merchants and seamen that came in the ships. I courteously accepted their kind favours, went ashore, had my accommodation for lodging second to none in the English House, seated next the chief Agent at table, above all Sea Commanders, and Merchants, the admiral Capt. Weddall excepted, who sat uppermost of the one side, and myself on the other, and the Agent at boards' end; they also delivered me the proceed of my goods commanded to the contrary, sent me a brave Persia Horse to ride about at my pleasure, with some Persia servants to attend me, besides my own two peons, which would not forsake me until I went for England. The Agent nor Captain Weddall (famous in that place for conquering Ormus) never going to visit or feast with the Sultan of Gombroone, the Sultan of Ormus, nor the Dutch, but desired my company along with them. But here, though I have been prolix above my intent, yet not so much as my cause doth require. I cannot but condole the honourable Companies loss as well as mine own, for many years together by probability of many hundred thousands of pounds, by the indiscretion of the governor and Court at home, and the Companies Agents in India, which in this years Fleet I will (as an eyewitness instance in:) The Company had fonre ships of great burden, loaden with moors, Persian and Arabian goods, and their servants priunt trade; the Dutch had four or five great ships, and the Indians five or six India Junkes, all sailing richly laden as for England in friendly manner together. And at their arrival all of the goods were sold in three weeks' time for ready money in good Royals of eight, at forty, fifty, sixty, eighty, & an hundred per cent. profit and more; and the India Company at home, had no goods at all, but moneys brought out of England first to Surrat in India, and sent in specie into Persia; which money being invested at Surrat in goods, would have yielded them the same specie at Gombroone with the profit above mentioned, and from thence carried up to Spahan to preserve the contract with the king of Persia; for silk would have yielded them as much or more profit by all probability, or else those Merchants would not have traveled fifteen hundred miles by land, to bring down ready money to buy up all Indian commodities, which is worth the notice to be taken of, and that Indian Government or governors to be questioned and examined upon the injudicious manner of managing that most famous action, or private connivance for their own advantages. And so I leave that discourse, and return again to my former.  
In our voyage outward and homeward into India, many discourses past among us at the captain's mess, about my intolerable sufferings; whereat some endeavoured to blame me for not humbling myself both in word and deed, and writing, to a tyrant for my own advantage, which they said they would have done: To which I made reply, that I had done so much in that kind, and prevailed nothing, that I was ashamed now of my own hand-writings in that submissive manner, protesting never to do the like again, which they that knew not of it before, condoled my infortunity under a tyrant's power. Amongst these discourses much question was made whether the precedent Richard wild and his favourite George Page, would take their voyage for England, or no, in the Fleet returned from Persia; because a little before the ships arrival from England, they gave it out that they would (being indeed daunted with fear to be sent for home for their misdemeanours, as indeed George Page was, but Richard wild confirmed for another year:) But at the ships going for Persia, they gave out they would not; but I gave my verdict, as it proved, that they would, for that I understood George Page would not go home without his Patron Richard wild to defend him, who also feared to let Page go before him, lest he for his own ends might lay all his own crimes upon wild; and wild feared to be sent for the next year, as he was. And therefore thought it more for his credit to go before he was sent for: and at our arrival in India, all fell out as I had conceived, and they ready prepared for the voyage within a month after. In our voyage from Persia, I had framed a Protest (though ignorantly and unskilfully penned as a thing never before acquainted with all) against the proud tyrannous President and his lewd Counsellors, for their dishonour to God's glory, the King and Nations repute, and the honourable Company their welfare and indemnity, and my own insufferable wrongs, which I intended to have published presently upon the ships arrival at Surrat. But being arrived, and before we came to anchor, news was brought aboard of great alterations in the Factory: First, that my malignant adversaries were prepared to take their passage for England; and secondly, that it was determined that I should be left precedent, and Mr. Skibbow to be put by that place, though in right it were his due. The first was not strange unto me, because I did conceive their resolutions (though they made show to the contrary) and that of purpose they had shipped me out of the way, because I was an eyesore unto them, and they could not plot all their juggling ends, because of my presence. The other business stumbled me, in regard that divers young men on shore having formerly during my imprisonment in the English House, made their peace with me (in a fit of sickness in time of a fever, more likely to die then to live) excusing themselves for voting against me at my▪ arraignments, pretending it was for fear of a tyrannous President to do them a mischief, and not of any disaffection to me or my cause: and others aboard ships desiring to be taken ashore, and preferred into service there: But my answer to them was, That I saw no possibility of such effects, wishing them to forbear, and to attend the issue; yet the end and purpose of this Imposture I could not dive into: for within four or five days after our arrival, certain propositions were made to me then and at other times by four several men; the first by Thomas Turner, Purser of the ship Jonah; the second, by Captain Swanly; the third, by the Secretary at Surrat; and the fourth by Padoe Fuller Minister. These propositions tended all to one purpose, that there was a fair way for me yet laid to make myself a fortune by staying in India, if I would comply to the precedents desire; and in so doing, I should succeed in place of Presidency (old Skibbow being thought unfit in regard of his continual drunkenness) I desired them to propound the means, & I would endeavour to give good satisfaction: The reply of them all was this, That if I would once more write a submissive letter to the precedent, acknowledging my error, and entreating his favour, all should succeed to my hearts desire. I gave them all thanks for their good will, yet I desired them to give me better satisfaction what grounds they had of assurance, or possibility that in so doing I should obtain my request; and whether the Propositions proceeded merely from their own imaginations, or incitation of others. To which they all replied severally (though with much seeming unwillingness to reveal it) that they were put upon the business, some by George Page, and some by the precedent, and some by both: Of which being now fully satisfied, I made them all alike one answer, that I had heretofore written many such submissive Epistles at the instance of my friendly Banjans, but was in them all deluded, and that I had not only resolved in myself, but had vowed to some of them in our voyage to Persia, that I never would write again any submissive letter, being much ashamed to think of those formerly written. But if the precedent pleased to confer with me either in public or private, I would strive to give him such good satisfaction, as I hoped might stand with his liking and repute as well as my own good. At which reply they seemed all to be sorry, and blamed me for being obstinate to contemn so hopeful an opportunity to the good of me and all mine: And so not complying with a tyrant's desire, felt shortly after the vials of their devilish revenge; perhaps animated the more thereunto, by the Protest I had formerly framed, and now at last published (as my conscience told me was my duty to act, for the reasons above premised) yet to comply somewhat fairly with him, and not to provoke him further, I sent up unto him from the ships, such goods and moneys as I had brought from Persia, committed to my own power by the Agent there, contrary to his imperial command (knowing also that it had been in vain to contest with him) and so by this means I was deprived of all helps to furnish myself with private comfort all provisions for a full years' voyage. But praised be God therefore, though the chief of my fare in that voyage, was the ordinary ships allowance of Beef & Pork of 3 years powthering, and scraps of mouldy biscuit, too well replenished with Mites and Maggots, and stinking water smelled before it came near a man's head; yet in that long voyage I was not sick a day, nor ever refused one meals meat, though I often wished to be set on the score (for moneys or means I had none) 5 shillings, or ten shillings a meal for such fresh provisions, Bread and beer as my servants enjoyed at home. And though I did comply so fairly with him to my own misery, yet had this juggling President the conscience to defraud and cheat me of part of those goods fitting for his ambitious magnificency, and that was in two large Persia Carpets, usual in Persia and India with men of quality to floor the rooms they lie or sit in; or the Princes of Christendom in their Chairs of State; which Carpets cost me in Persia about 40 pound English, and would have covered the floor in a room about eighteen or twenty foot square: for excuse of his defraudment, he pleads that he left them in the custom house for the Companies use, and so puts me upon them for satisfaction: and they forced me off to him, alleging they were never brought to their account, and therefore they not liable (though they plead against me in his defence) for the wrongs done unto me. It was not fit for them to wave or question the president's power and authority, but rather to support and maintain it. The time being now come to put to Sea for England, a day before he delivered up his Commission to Mr. Skibbow, a warrant was directed by Skibbow, as President, annexed with his hand, and other new councillors, to the Admiral of the Fleet, for my strict imprisonment at Sea, to be lodged in a very mean cabin, and to take my diet with the common men, and not to be permitted to go ashore in any country Island where we should arrive for refreshment, or otherwise; nor in England until by express order from the Governors and Committees of India Courts; which warrant was without any authentic authority juglingly contrived to put off the shame from them: for Skibbow had no power to grant such warrant, but by fear of compulsion before he was established by Commission, and the other being in Commission, were ashamed of the act, as they might also of all other revengeful acts. So I was now bound for England a prisoner, to my adversaries great hopeful expectation that I should perish at Sea for want of necessaries in so long a voyage, and so make an end of the troubles they feared would happen unto them for their intolerable oppressions towards me, (they having provided for themselves out of the abundance of their ill gotten goods, twenty or thirty thousand pounds a man) by report three hundred pound in excellent provisions of all sorts comfortable for necessity, and superfluous to riotous gluttony and ebriety. And now I may say farewell all my fair hopeful Fortunes in India, second to none before me, and perhaps transcendent to all that shall come after me, and the expectation of misery and penury in so long, irksome, and dangerous a voyage, (but God be praised for the prevention thereof, as formerly expressed.) At Sea the grief of my lodging (straightened with room, and wet with rain, and nothing private neither day nor night) I made moan to Captain Swanly, our Commander, putting him in mind of his fair promises (notwithstanding his false warrant) and his small performances, for better: whereat though at first he seemed to take in ill part by my adversaries suggestions) yet in the end he better bethought himself then to comply with tyranny against one whom he knew deserved good at his hands; whereupon he removed me from thence, to be associate with his Mate Richard garlic, in the round house, as Mr. Gregory Clement, Merchant, was with him in the great cabin: wherein though my lodging were better, and more commendable, yet the association with a drunken sot was as great a burden to me. But thus we passed on to Mauritius, to spend some time there in refreshment: where I was timorous to set foot on shore in regard of the mandate against me. But our Captain in the end connived thereat also; and there the admiral Captain Weddall making a feast aboard his ship, invited all Merchants and Sea-officers of note, myself only excepted: At which feast some well-willer to me condoling my infortunity, alleging the feast was uncharitable and not complete, for that I sat alone in my cabin, wanting necessaries, which they enjoyed to superfluous garmandizing: whereat my adversary, the late President, began to excuse himself, and to lay all the fault upon his Minion, or Favourite, George Page. George Page retorts it again upon him. And in fine, with▪ multiplying of words and affronts one against the other (each threatening to accuse the other of indirect dealing, jugglings and defraudments of their honourable employers) they fell together by they ears, and tumbled all their delicates under foot, to the prey and great derision of the common men.  
After four or five weeks spent at Mauritius, our Commanders resolved to visit Madagascar, or St. Laurence, in hope to meet there with the English Fleet bound that year for India, where our vice-admiral Captain Swanly, made a feast also, as formerly; and the same accident, upon the same occasion of my absence, wrought this same effects as at Mauritius. Here having abode some short time, with great pleasure and content, health, fertility and plenty of that place, we met, according to our longing desire, the English Fleet, consisting of four brave ships: That honest, judicious, generous Captain, John Morton, Commander of the Mary, the admiral of the Fleet, and in her that chief Commander of all the English both at Sea and Land in the Oriental parts of the world, the approved, beloved, judicious, generous, affable Merchant, formerly President in India, the worshipful Thomas Rastell, and many other Merchants in the Fleet, with commission to ship my adversaries, Richard wild, and George Page by name, and all other of council (my self only excepted to succeed him in Presidency in case of mortality home for England; which as it daunted my adversaries (though lessened by expectation) so it much exhilerated my spirits in so sad a condition, Mr. Rastell, Captain Morton, and all others, wondered to find me in the Fleet, and understanding of my condition, a prisoner, much astonished them.  
But having entered into examination of the cause, much condoled my insupportable wrongs and sufferings, insomuch that it moved tears from that kind natured Gentleman Mr. Rastell. Some few days being spent, a great feast was ordained aboard the chief admiral, the Mary, for the Commanders & Merchants of both Fleets. And before that Feast, my malignant adversary, Richard wild, familiar with Mr. Rastell, at the entreaty of Sir Moris' Abbot himself made known unto me, made means to Mr. Rastell to make reconcilement between us (if not punctual and perfect, yet at least formal for better accommodation to all parties in the voyage, wishing he had given a thousand pound he had never meddled with me. Mr. Rastell made me acquainted with his desire, willing me to yield thereunto, which I did, provided that he did first in person perform his part, as reason required, which at the feast he did, drinking unto me a full cup of wine, acknowledging himself before all the company to have done me wrong, and was sorry for it, but knew not now how to help it. I accepted of his courtesy, and shortly after did as much to him; and every day after our familiarity and outward friendship increased even to the last day of our parting after at St. Helena our last port. Mr. Rastell after this having well considered of the business, and first freed me from imprisonment, offered me to return me again into India, to be second unto him (for which courtesy I returned him many thanks) but I told him my mind, how that I was resolved now to go for England, & purge myself from all crimes that could be alleged againstme viva voce, & to lay such things to my adversary's charge, as my duty & conscience bound me, hoping to return again the next year with more comfort & greater credit: To which resolution he seemed much aggrieved, vowing and protesting again with tears in his eyes, that it was a great attractive to draw him again into India, confiding to find me there an honest man, and of credit at home, to comfort and keep him company. But seeing it lost labour, he demanded of me what courtesy I desired at his hands, promising to perform it to the uttermost of his power. I then (first giving him thanks that he had set me at liberty from imprisonment) entreating him to give command for a good private cabin for me, and such comfortable refreshments of the company as the ship would afford, with the freedom or command of Thomas Lea, a common man, and a good penman, to attend upon me, to write such things as I conceived fit to express for fear of mortality in the long voyage yet to come. All which he yield unto, and gave commandment to the admiral and vice-admiral of our Fleet, for the performance, and to estate me in the possession of the great cabin solely to my lodging, as at my coming out; which though it were irksome to Captain Swan●y at his going out, to yield me that pre-eminence above him, yet in the end was yielded unto, only desiring the enjoyment thereof for his reputation sake during a week or ten days longer (the time intended for both Fleets stay together in the Harbour of Augustine Bay in Madagascar.) But I knowing the ambitious spirits of Sea-commanders, lent my opinion, that he being gone, his words and commands by word of mouth would be accounted but wind, and therefore desired his warrant, or command under his hand-writing; to which he condescended, and went presently to his Closet to frame the warrant for my accommodation in all things before mentioned, and in especial for the great cabin to myself, as at my coming out, adding, also thereto, that no act of consultation in Fleet should pass during the voyage, without my consent and approbation in chief. The English Fleet shortly after departed for India, yet before their departure Mr. Rastell commanded the four Sea-commanders in his Fleet each to send me aboard the ship Jonah, a Barico of Sack about six or eight gallons a piece for my private expense and comfort in the voyage. About six or eight days after their departure, I demanded Captain Swanly for my accommodation in possession of the great cabin, which he denied, slighting Mr. Rastel's command as before fore imagined; upon which some distaste befell, and cross words found vent: And the Captain taking in ill part my forcible demands, made complaint to the admiral, Captain Weddall, who stuck hard to his vice-admiral, and in conclusion, called a consultation aboard the Jonah, to question me about words that I had spoken, but misconstrued by C. Swanly. At which consultation I made demand again to the admiral to fulfil Mr. Rastel's command, as he promised faithfully to perform: But the same was slighted by him, as before by the Vice-Admiral. And then finding it fit time, I took out of my pocket my Warrant, willing him to peruse that; which having performed, their stomachs were abated, the Warrant being strengthened with words of vehemency, and authority from his Majesty King Charles, substituting him chief Commander of all the English both at Sea and Land in the Oriental parts of the world. Then they both began to persuade and entreat me, to let the vice-admiral, and Mr. Greg. Clement, Cape Merchant, to enjoy the great cabin still, being in possession, and I should have the round house solely to myself. To which I yielded for quietness and unity sake, and ever after lived peaceably, contentedly, and friendly together, the Captain denying me nothing; yea, tendering me more courtesy than I desired, or would accept of.  
After three months or more abode at Madagascar, we set sail to visit Cape Bona Esperanza; where arriving the savages brought us four cows, and some other small refreshments, which they sold us for Iron hoops, and pieces of brass, and made show to bring us more speedily. But the next day two Dutch Shiss coming out of Holland, laden with soldiers for the Southern parts of India, the Soldanians, or Upland men never came more at us; yet we had the daily company of a few poor Sea borderers, that hung about us for relief, such as we cast away, who feed also upon Whale, or other dead fish, lying long, and stinking on shore▪ Having spent above three weeks' time in expectation of refreshment from the Natives, and seeing none came, we resolved to set sail to Saint Helena in our way homeward: where arriving, and at our first landing, we underwent much hazard by reason of the violence of surging waves near shore, and in the landing we lost two Boats, and divers men, yet some men got ashore, not without great hazard, and divers returned back to the ships, not daring to adventure, as my two adversaries in chief.  
Those of note that got first ashore, were Captain Weddall, Captain Swanly, Mr. Greg. Clement, and myself: for my own part, I found great cause to give God thanks for two great deliverances, the one in landing, the other in getting a shipboard again. The first that led the way, was Captain Weddall, who leaping out of the Boat so soon as the rising waves brought the Boat to the height on shore, and falling off again, by speedy haste, got on firm ground, and yet not very dry: And after him followed Captain Swanly and Mr. Clement, in more danger, the rage of the waters more and more increasing, and I myself very timorous to adventure. But two lusty strong sailors, (to whom, as to all the ships company, I was much indebted for their loving respects, though I was not able to requite their courtesies (especially in great dread by a leak ship, the sailors though they threatened to make the Captain and Merchants to take their turns at the Pump, yet would free me, many offering to supply my turn at the Pump as long as life or strength lasted in them) gave me great encouragement, adventuring themselves into the sea some depth to catch me leaping out of the Boat, & each taking me by the hand, we all run violently together to get out of the fury of the returning waves, and so by God's blessing, though washed up above the middle, got safe on firm ground; where we presently saw spectacles of great grief, two Boats with many men in them overturned with the violence of the waves, & the men lost with the Boats, and two who striving as we had done, to get ashore, were washed off into the Sea, and by God's great mercy cast ashore again by another great raging wave, and left upon the sands; which the Mariners ashore perceiving, ran speedily unto them, catching them by the legs or arms, or any part of them, and so ere the surging flood returned, drew them out of the force of the raging waves, where they lay as dead men; but it pleased God that by the pains of the sailors, and strong waters, that some had about them, they in the end recovered: the one was a Salvadge, or native of Madagascar, an ancient man, who with his son, were desirous to sail along to visit England; and the other was a very honest man, of good worth and credit, by name Mr. John Hammerton, yet living, and keeping a cook's shop, and victualling-house at pie-corner, near Smithfield. Here about forty or fifty being gotten ashore, were put to our shifts for three days and three nights, to get meat, for none could be landed for us from the ships, for which the sailors took marvellous great pains to catch lean hogs, and Goats, with the help of one or two Persia greyhounds, brought whelps from thence, whereof one was mine, did stand us in great stead; but the men wanting shoes, were so galled with running upon rocks, that many were very lame. And so with such poor provision, wanting bread (yet not fresh water) we spent that time, until in the end news was brought us, that some more men were got ashore, and had more safe landing, which we taking good notice of, made haste out of the Island, to endeavour to get again on shipboard. But coming to take Boat, we found the danger as great, or greater, then in the landing; and the chief means we had to get to our Boats, was by the help of a high steep rock, bending hollow into the Sea, to get into the top, of which one at a time was to take the opportunity of the fall of the Sea between the rock and the shore; and so in that interim, to get upon the top of the rock, whither our foresaid Captains, Mr. Clement and myself happily attained: but another young man, not making so much haste or speed, was washed away ere he could attain the rock, and never seen after: we sat a good while in great danger upon the rock, the waves arising often to the very top) consulting how to get into the Boat. And Mr. Elmer, the Master under Captain Weddall, advised the Captain to take the opportunity of the Boats rising with the water, to leap into the Boat. But the Captain held that way dangerous, for fear lest the Boat should hit against the rock, and so split, and so cast away all the men in her also: and therefore he stripping himself into his linen breeches, and getting hold of the end of a long line from the Boat, made it fast under his arms, the men in the Boat holding one end of the line, and we upon the rocks the other end, and ●o leaping into the Sea, got safely into the Boat, whom the Master wisely advised to be carried off into another Boat out from the raging of the waves, near shore, whilst he endeavoured to fetch off the rest. Which done, Captain Swanly approved of the Master's way: and so at the rising of the Boat with the wave, to the top of the rock, leapt into the Boat (prudently kept off from striking against the rock) and so escaped into the other Boat. And Mr. Clement took the next turn, and likewise got well off: my turn coming, the Master and sailors encouraged me to the same way, promising to stand ready to catch me with all the help; so also I adventured, & by their great assistance, to whom I acknowledge much thankfulness, not forgetting God's great mercy, I also got safe into the other Boat, and at last into the ship Jonah. But I was no sooner off, but Mr. Clement's blackamoor of India, having gotten upon the rock, was by the violence of a great wave over-topping the rock, washed into the Sea; but he skilful in swimming, was also by the industry of the Mariners, saved. And thus, God be praised, we and many others got safe aboard again: but the next day, or one or two days after, the raging of the waves, occasioned either by wind or tide, or both, we had good passage to and again from ships to shore, for a month's time refreshing ourselves in the uninhabited Island, with hogs, Goats, and Fish. The relation whereof I have been the more prolix, willing to give admonition to others that shall come after, to be cautious if they find their landing dangerous, in which Island I wish my countrymen had a plantation, and myself among them in so pleasant, healthful, fruitful, and commodious a place for trading with all Nations at their return out of India, and so invincible and impregnable, being once (though but easily fortified) that one hundred men may easily oppose and defend themselves against one hundred thousand, and a matter of no great charge, that I am persuaded some one man's estate in England is able to perfect that business; to whose endeavours, if at any time attempted, I wish all prosperous and happy success. So here, after a merry Christmas kept, with such homely fare as the place would afford, (it being our last place of rendezvous in this long voyage, we took our leave one of another in both ships, until it should please God to send us safe arrival at our desired port, our own happy native country of England. Thus it pleased God to send us all safe arrival together in one Fleet into England, where finding my chief adversary Richard wild (the usurped precedent) had potent friends in Court, (the unjust governor Sir Morris Abbot, Sir Henry Garraway, as Mr. Rastell before had given me notice of) I yet presented myself to the present governor, Sir Morris Abbot in private, before I tendered my presence in Court, submitting the redress of my wrongs in any reasonable manner, at the feet of his pious devotion: But the best respects I could get from him, was sharp checks before my cause was made known, with an admonition to be cautious what accusations I laid against Richard wild, for that (as he told me) he was and would be his friend. Yet hoping of better welcome from the Court-Committees, and tendering unto them a declaration of my wrongs; the Court courteously condoled my sufferings, promised that real restitution should be made by my adversaries, and that they would think upon it to give me a large gratification for my good services, with tender of second employment into India, upon better terms than before, if I would accept of it, desiring me therewith to rest satisfied until time would better permit them to give me due right for my injurious sufferings. Time spun out three months before this business came to be decided▪ At which time my cause was turned topsy-turvy, and that by report, (which until a year after I understood not) that Sir Morris Abbot had received a gratification from my adversaries, of a porter's burden of silver plate, as two witnesses yet living, offered me to verify: which is very probable, yet I had at that time, a better opinion of Sir Morris Abbot, then to be bribed, though I knew my adversary was a right Matchivil in such designs, having (by report) flung away at his departure out of India, 1500. l. in that kind, to get a good report of all of several conditions, as English, Dutch, moors, and Banjans, &c. the meanest of the Companies Scrivans receiving bribing gratification of ten pound; and no small bribery given to Sea Commanders and Officers, both to cloak his private trade, and extol his virtue and magnificency; in all which notwithstanding he failed. At which time Sir Morris Abbot past his vote, that it was not for the accommodation of the honourable companies action of commerce, to wave or question the president's power & authority, but rather to support & maintain it, which they would do. Also, Sir Henry Garraway voted, that it was not for the honour of the East India Court, to be curious inquisitors into their precedents actions. The votes of these potent persons in Court, stonied the indifferent and uncharitable part of time-serving Committees, who were loath to cross them, (as some of Court in private confessed unto me) lest they should cross them again in other matters aimed at for their own ends, and for that my adversaries had accrued great estates of ill gotten goods, amounting to twenty or thirty thousand pounds a man in five years, out of nothing, of which the King was defrauded of his due customs, which he ought not lose, though I out of desire and hope of friendly reconcilement, and to avoid the opprobrious imputation of a malicious Revenger, purposely omitted timely information to possess myself of half their estates, forfeited by the defraudments. Many Committees gaped after them to match them, being bachelors (though of foul infected bodies, or of one at least) with their daughters in marriage. The Courts censure and decree, though I petitioned to have it in writing, I was denied for seven months' time, until I had made them ashamed of so unjust an action: At which time it was penned with all the Matchivill wit that such ingrateful and unjust malevolent persons could devise, because I would not applaud their former open censures in my audience; and therein not only deprived me of satisfaction for my wrongs of no small import, but also robbed me of great part of my covenanted salary, and other just debts due unto me, to the value of one thousand pounds, besides the loss of ten, twenty, or thirty thousand pounds, or more (unvaluable) by unjust dismisment from my beneficial employment, because their wicked President, a servant in no higher eminence than myself, except in a double voice, had maliciously suspended it, which for masters to rectify servants abuses, (though they could allege no cause to confirm the suspension) was to contradict the laws of the Medes and Persians, never to be revoked. And for the same cause, because I taxed their injurious censure, they again took from me two hundred pound, confirmed before upon me by full decree of Court in recompense of good service done them. Thus being much perplexed in mind, and having some estate in their servants hands in India, which I had given order to be paid into the precedents hands, to clear accounts, which my revengeful adversary had unjustly engaged me thereinto; which accounts were not cleared until four or five years after, in regard those their servants, my factors, finding me in disfavour with the Court at home, made use of my means, and at length died before the accounts were cleared, to my great wrong and detriment: I complied yet fairly with them in the mean time, petitioning them still (for want of means to wage law with such potent adversaries, who boasted that they would be too mighty for me) one, two, or three times a year, to reverse their uncharitable censure▪, and to pay me my due from themselves, and to cause restitution from my adversaries, as they had formerly promised to me, and done to a far inferior man then myself, wronged by a Sea Captain, as mighty in Commission as their President, whom they forced to pay the Merchant (a Runnegado Jesuit fled out of Spain, crept into the India ships, & made a Cockswain, a Polipragmon, and busy fellow, by which means he attained to that preferment) 200. l. for smaller wrongs done unto him; which they excused, they had now no means of my adversaries in their possession, to force him thereunto, though formerly they were possessed with great part of their estate, and having fined Richard wild at 2500 l. for misdemeanours (too little by 20000 l.) yet by the governor, and Sir Henry Garrawayes means, got it all remitted: So the wicked were justified, and the innocent condemned, both which are an abomination to the Lord. And in this interim being drawn or persuaded by divers in Committee, and some of their chief Officers, that if I would tender my service again to the Court, it would be well accepted, and I recompensed to my content in another kind. But having before made a private Protest against Sir Morris Abbot for his unjust proceeds, I much doubted to obtain my suit: yet importuned thereunto, I did at length tender my service by humble petition, (not usual for men of my quality,) and thereupon, as a Committee himself told me, the whole Court stood for me, applauding my honesty and ability to do them service. But they all, or most part, having passed their votes for me, except the governor Sir Morris Abbot, who by his inveterate malice overturned all among time-serving Committees, First confessing with them, that in his conscience he took me to be an honest man, and for my ability he could not except against it; yet if the Court would be advised by him, his opinion was, I was not a fit man to serve them, expressing his reason, that I was a distracted man. Indeed Solomon says, that oppression will make a wise man mad; but God be praised for his abundant mercy, that hath preserved me in my right senses, notwithstanding the wicked endeavours of a bribed, oppressing, malicious governor. Behold the wisdom of the worldly wise in this matter, and in the former: for my salary and gratification, if I were a bad servant, how could I deserve a large gratification for good service? And if I were a good servant, why should I lose my covenanted salary? But being a good servant, as approved, and a gratification 200. l. given me, therefore by full vote of Court, as also expressed in a copy of Decree of the said Court, given me seven months after, why was I then surreptuously robbed and despoiled thereof? So also, if I were an honest and able man to undergo the Companies employment, how was I distracted? And if I were distracted, where was my honesty and ability?  

Thus wisdom at such wisdom doth but scoff,  
When men do ill that good may come thereof.   
Thus it is apparent, the slanders of a malicious corrupt insolvent governor (Hateful at present to be acknowledged for good) who made no conscience of his actions, even to defraud and cheat widows and Orphans of their estates, as some of my own near kindred have felt in great measure to their grief and hindrance in preferment. The accounts at last, to my great loss, were cleared at India, though not at home, and I again for quietness and necessities sake, petitioned the Court for their favours, to grant me convenient passage in the Companies ships, to seek my fortune again in another world, and in an old age for valuable consideration, with promise to do the Company what accommodable service lay in my power, though I did not eat their bread, nor drink their water; but that also was denied me, for fear belike that I should descry some of their jugglings in private trade with servants, or should shame them in their injudicious managing that famous action of commerce by my private poor stock in a despicable way that they looked not after, nor regarded. And yet they granted the same freely and gratis to aliens and stranges of other nations, Popish in religion, and enemies to the honourable action of Commerce. And what was this then but to take the children's bread, and to cast it to Dogs, and to deny the poor decrepit Lazarus the crumbs that fell from their superfluous Tables, or with the envious Dog in the manger, neither to eat hay himself, nor suffer the hungry Ox to eat it? And if this be justice, charity, and gratitude of the India Court Committees, which they boast of, and would have all the world to believe their abundant indulgence to deserving servants, let wise men judge: for I am at a nonplus, and must needs conclude with the sentence of Scripture, The mercies of the wicked are cruel.  
Thus seeing myself so unconscionably handled, and disfranchised of all freedom or comfort in that Company, of whom I had well deserved even by their own approbation; denying me also, though disfranchised, to repay me 50. pound, paid almost thirty years before for that freedom, I was advised by my own thoughts and friends counsel to petition to his Majesty for a reference of my cause to indifferent men; which by his Majesty was most graciously granted me, referring it to 3. good men on my side, and to as many on the Courts side, to make conscionable end to my content, or to make report unto his Majesty. The three good men for me were, the right worshipful Sir Henry Row, Knight, and the worshipful George Clark, now Knight, and Rob. Grimes Esquire. And the Court with much ado elected in the end, the right worshipful Sir Job Harvy, Knight, and the worshipful Thomas Keightly, and Daniel Harpey, Esquires, all bred Merchants on both sides. The affronts and contempts to his majesty's command, and to all the referees, were to large to recite: who having spent a whole year and more upon many summons, never met a full Committee of their side, above three times, and at those times nothing done but wrangling made by three Committees out of Court, and three or four officers to oppose me alone before the referees, and that because the referees would not account their orders of Court penned in large volumes, to be as authentic Records, or as Acts of Parliament. And so nothing at all being done, I entreated all the referees to make report to his Majesty, which they all seemed willing to perform, but condoling my infortunate and hard measure, lent me their good counsel, alleging it would not only be a chargeable and irksome business to me to go in winter time to the King as far as Scotland, but also perhaps distastive to his Majesty to be troubled in midst of his important affairs with his Army, in or near the borders of Scotland, & to commence suit in Law, were to fling away more money. For the Court being of more credit either at the council Table, or in any judicious Court in England, would be more potent against me, and that out of a general stock, or purse, than I should be, though I had the best of their estates. And withal told me, that the Court had made an offer to them to give me two hundred marks (a poor sum in regard of my due debts and wrongs) So that I would give the whole Court, and every particular man, a general release, yet leaving me to take my course in law against my revengeful India adversaries, provided that all the refers should set to their hands as witnesses to the release. To the which in the end, by their persuasions, and my own extreme necessitated case to preserve my credit (yet never justly stained, and to relieve my ruined family, consisting of myself, wife, and five children, all young and unprovided for, I enforced, (as upon oath I am ready to aver) yielded unto: which done, the Court yet again considered with themselves, that all things was not agreeable to their second thoughts, and therefore contrary to their propopositions to the referees, would have releases granted to my India adversaries also, or else would pay me no money: which though I was resolutely bent not to do, yet necessity having no law, I was in the end compelled to perform, (being somewhat more persuaded by the friendly information of Sir Henry Garraway, who though he confessed himself to have opposed me formerly in Court, yet now he was my best friend there, promising to do me any future courtesies that lay in his power; and withal freely imparting unto me the Courts ace using consciences, that if I did proceed in law against my India adversaries, that all the aspersion of those foul proceeds, would reflect upon the Court; and therefore they would make all sure. The Courts attorney then framed a large authentic release, and withal put in a Clause, that at the instance and request of the referees, the Court had yielded to give me two hundred marks. Which release being brought to Sir Henry Rove, (in his presence for me to set my hand and seal) to be a witness, he right nobly, as became his virtue and goodness, subscribed thus, or to this sense, I do testify as a witness to this release, the sealing and delivery thereof: But that I had any hand to solicit the India Court in Boothbyes' behalf, I utterly deny. This done, the other referees denied to subscribe in any other sense, which did so blur the governor and Court with shame, that they caused their attorney to draw a new release, leaving out forenamed clause) and taking such other hands as he could get besides his own for witness. All things now effected to their bad desires, I thought all malice and revenge had been clean wiped out; and therefore renewed a former petition for readmittance into the Companies service, or for passage in their ships into India upon my own adventure, but could prevail nothing to the charitable relief of me and mine. And not long after, that corrupt insolvent governor, Sir Morris Abbot, died; for whose soul, were it lawful and effectual to pray, I would yet lend my earnest devotions to God for mercy in his behalf. And a little before his death it pleased God to grant a Parliament in England, and then it grieved me to heart to have given so effectual a release; yet persuaded by learned counsel, that the Parliament in a just cause would wave an enforced release, I framed a petition by advice of the said learned counsel, to the Parliament, which was preferred by a friend to Mr. Brown, Clerk to the House of peers; in whose hands, if not cast aside, it yet lies, in regard of an Ordinance of Parliament to defer private men's petitions for a while, to give way to important affairs of State, as reason required. And And so all hope of release that way, were all at a stand, I resolved to go to Roterdum in Holland, to endeavour to get a passage in their Dutch ships into India: And to that purpose about Michaelmas, 1640. I wrote to two of my ancient loving friends, the worshipful William Cranmer, Deputy governor to the Merchant Adventurers of England, and to Mr. John Strange a worthy Citizen of London, both resident at Rotterdam, to entreat their furtherance to assist me in that voyage for convenient passage: and from both received right courteous reply for their good assistance, and convenient entertainment during mine abode there. But presently after it pleased God to hinder that intent, by imposing upon me a long and tedious disease, a Flux, for three full years complete. And during that time (though I were not able to stir much abroad, yet) I bethought myself how to provoke the India Court to commence suit in Law against me, hoping by that course to obtain favour to defend my cause in Forma Pauperis (which I might rightly claim) and that was by publishing a Protest against the governor and whole Court, which having formerly acted in private to themselves, for which they threatened me with severe punishment in the Court of Honour, but recanted. I deemed that making it public, it would certainly stir them up to that suit: So though unacquainted with the manner of such proceeds, I rudely and ignorantly penned such a Protest as my weak judgement did apprehend, which I caused to be fixed upon the gate of the East India House, and upon Sir Morris abbot's gate, and upon four chief Pillars on the Exchange. But they had not hung long, but were presently snatched off: and from that day to this, I never felt the smart of their second more cruel oppressing threats; so that no act that I could do, would provoke them to lay open their own shameful proceeds, and my weak purse living upon a small racked country farm, chiefly supported by indulgent friends, would not afford means to right myself: My sickness thus continuing three years, it pleased God (contrary to all rules of physic, and multitudes of medicines, following my own appetite and fancy) to stop my Flux, though it had brought me low and weak in body; yet finding myself able to creep a little abroad, (though with much pain, with two short staves to lean upon, I took a Chamber in London for the Winter time, for sundry reasons and occasions. And one day making shift with many restings, to creep to the Exchange, I met there with my ancient acquaintance and friend Mr. William Methold, lately returned from being President in India (a place assigned for me, if malice had not prevented) and at present Deputy governor of the India Corporation; who by being in India, was better acquainted with my wrongs, as his letters out of India, and his speeches since at home, condoling my wrongs suffered under the tyranny of a President (a man of matchless malice) do import, whose advice and counsel I entreated, seeing the old Governor Sir Morris Abbot was dead, and Sir Henry Garraway turned out of that place, and a new governor Mr. William Cockhaine, and many new Committees chosen, whether he did suppose, that if I renewed my former petitions for passage into India, I should obtain my desire: His answer was, he deemed my Petition would be granted; and that the voyage into those hot Countries would in great probability speedily recover my limbs again; yet willed me to forbear until he had felt and dived into the affection of the governor. And whilst we were thus in discourse, Mr. Governor came to him, and called him away from me (upon some occasion of business:) So that conference breaking off, I repaired within few days after, to his house, to know the issue; where he told me he had conference with the governor concerning my purpose, and found him an indifferent man, and so willed me to proceed, promising his faithful assistance. Accordingly I framed a Petition, and in regard of my weakness, feed a Solicitor to exhibit the same, and to attend the Courts response; which finding dilatory, I seconded the same with a submissive Epistle, entreating reply to both; but though he attended about five months, every Court day, & other days in the interims; yet could never get answer to either. What to think of the governor Cockhaine I know not in regard of his former voting in Court, before he was governor (in my cause) that I had undergone both in India and at home, summum jus, which is a riddle to me (though at first I conceived it to be spoken in my favour) because though urged both in private and public, he never pleased to interpret his meaning, and I should be glad for the good opinion that I ever had of him▪ that his good interpretation would clear him from reproof; of which I much doubt; for being taken in my favour or disfavour spoken, the sequel as I conceive and think, I shall be able to manifest, that his sentence was near a kin to Pilat's, or Balaam's; yet I will use Balaam's prayer for him, That he may die the death of the righteous, and his end be like his. And because there hath been four governors of the India Courts, since these my troubles, whereof two, (Sir Morris Abbot, and Sir Henry Ga●raway) I have manifested in this forementioned Treaty, their partiality, injustice, and corruption; and at present Mr. William Cockhaines deep Machiavel equivocation, to shift or wind himself (Serpent-like) to either side which way soever for his advantage. I conceive it requisite to say somewhat touching Sir Christopher Cletherow, (almost forgotten) who though both in the judgement of the world, and in my own charitable opinion of him, esteemed honest and virtuous: And never that I could learn (by the best inquiry that I could make) that he ever opened his mouth in Court against me, during the time of his governors or Deputy governors place for many years, yet tacitous in defence of the cause of innocency, is not to be excused: For he knew that I was privy to the passages between him and his son in India; whose son at his departure from India, left Commission with me, to take up & open his father's letters: whereby I could justly have charged him with such crime as the other corrupt governors unjustly charged upon me; which peradventure was the cause he never opposed me: yet to do me justice (that pleased him not,) both because he would not cross the former Governors actions, nor lose (by their means) the Courts favours, so commodious unto him both by allowance of two hundred pounds per annum, rent for part of his house to keep Courts in, and also five hundred pounds per annum salary, for his pains in place of governor, to attend four, five, or six hours in a week, upon those affairs, (a fair and large recompense for a trivial pains or service. So that in this case I may well compare him to Faelix, the governor of Judea, who being to leave his government to Portius Festus, and having Paul a prisoner, committed by the Jews, and knowing in his conscience no cause in Paul worthy of death, or of bonds, yet to curry favour, and to please the Jews, left Paul bound a prisoner; and whether for this sin or others, it pleased God to cast judgements upon him by the dismal untimely deaths of his two eldest sons, I leave it to the opinion of others less partial, desiring not to be accounted uncharitably censorious.  
Thus with more perplexity than I conceived, or intended, I have according to my weak capacity, set down truly, and as brief as I could, the sum of those passages which I intended to have enlarged into every particular, to which end I began the same the last Spring, as my weak body would permit me ability, (but finding the same intermixed with several accidents in my voyage to and from India, with desription of many Countries, wherein we had abode, I found it would arise to too great a volume for my weak purse to publish in print, and perhaps not acceptable though bestowed gratis, especially if thereto added the particular Articles against me, and my Response thereunto; the sundry Protests made in India, at St. Helena, and in England, for the unjust proceeds against me, with Mr. Rastel's Warrant for my release of imprisonment, &c. And the India Courts malignant censure, seven months in composing, to fit the same to daub over their seared accusing consciences. The defence for private trade for all the Companies servants, with the Courts indirect juggling in the covenant and accord with their servants, which they are forced to confess they must of necessity connive at, or else shall have no servants to agitate their affairs: And yet honest men, that either want means to bribe, or friends to stand by them, shall not escape their severity. The great danger and mortality of his majesty's subjects in those adventurous employments, (the good deserving, great indulgence and respect) the Variety of precedents and counsels, &c. their jugglings and defraudments. The excessive lavish expense in housekeeping at Surrat, and aboard their shipping. The advice given to reform the abuses of lewd and tyrannical governors. Increase of their trade to 40000 l. per annum profit, or much more 〈…〉tion of their defraudments and neglects past, and like 〈…〉 sue to many hundred thousand pounds' damage. 〈…〉 Courts contempt of my fair proceedings (according to their own Ordinance and In●unction) for raising benevolences to the furtherance of the hospital at Blackwall, with the forwardness of my loyal serviceable endeavours, (according to command) which had it not been rejected, but seconded, would ere this day, have brought in money to have purchased many hundred pounds, if not thousands per annum, to that charitable work. And lastly, expressed (which perhaps not unfit to be taken notice thereof) of God's judgements upon all those in India not one exempted, that voted (though for fear by their own confessions) against me. And also the judgements of God, or disgraces to them or their posterity, of all in their India Courts known to have voted or banded themselves against me (one only excepted, and yet living, which for reasons of State I omit to nominate) with the credit and blessings of God on those (but three in the number of thirteen or fourteen) which did their endeavours, as much as in them lay, or they durst (for fear of a tyrant's mischief to themselves) to clear me from crime or aspersion, all which now after fifteen years, are yet living, and in reputation. And hearing the report of some ships of Mr. Curteens, that were then laden with passengers for a plantation at Madagascar, and that Mr. Walter Hamond (my acquaintance, an honest intelligent man) had written a book for encouragement to that weighty design (though I had not seen that book) I alt●red my design, and took upon me to write my opinion thereof, (affecting rather a common good, than my own private and particular) which if not authorized to the press, I suppose will be in good time, which I desire and hope, will find good acceptance, though we●kly yet truly performed.  
Now a word or two touching my infortunity by the Governors of two Cockhaines in several Companies: By the government of Sir William over the new Merchant Adventurers, I received the original of my downfall by his evil project, which though lasting not full two years, brought some hundred thousand pounds' damage to this commonwealth, as may easily be manifested, and by the hindrance of good under the government of Mr. William Cockhaine in the East India Company, I received my final ruin and downfall: so that their names and governments have been fatal, ominous and disastrous to me and all mine. That Mr. Cockhaine hath been a hindrance of good to this commonwealth, I will only instance in my own case; Had he been a well-willer to Justice or Charity, my true intended loyal service might have done ere this day, much good to this kingdom, and the honourable Corporation, as their own acknowledgements of India Court, and gratification of good service manifested; yea, as some of the most Judicious amongst them have acknowledged, that I did the Company better service in one half year being in India free from fetters and imprisonment, than all their servants did before in thirty years' space. And that my zealous intent was now, and upon my last and other Petitions, to do good, thus I manifest it. I intended, though weak in body, and aged threescore years, to hazard my life for my King and Countries good, and to have taken with me two sons, one of two and twenty years of age, (fit for employment by my instructions) and the other of twelve years of age, capable to be brought up in language, and other endowments fit for a Merchant (or perhaps a Statesman in some mean degree, or an Intelligencer, or an Interpreter of Persia, Java, and other Languages by long continuance intended,) I resolved also to enter into a Trade that the Company rejecteth, and regardeth not, and to discover more than yet by any one man hath been done, or like to be in long time, I would not have transported any gold or silver, as they as ill commonwealths men do, I would not have kept any thing private to myself, that I should have discovered beneficial to a general good, but have revealed it to the honourable Company whereof I was a member, though I received no accommodation of good, but evil by them. And I intended to be a true assistant to my power (and credit, which I hope should not have been inferior to any, as it was not at my former being there) for the good of the Plantation at Madagascar, if it went on, to do them all diligent and faithful service; and as God blessed me with means, by employing the greatest part in that worthy right honourable action, something to the gratification of friends for courtesies received, some comfort to the preferment of a wife and three daughters left at home; and some to the comfort of God's poor elect in my own country. If Mr. William Cackhaines refusal to give response to my Petition, was not hinderer of these good designs, indifferent men may censure. Then sure, as a learned Divine of our times, Mr. Carrile, hath put it out in Print, by order of Parliament, That the Projectors of evil, and hinderers of good, are both conformable to the devil, than is he in danger of such censure. And the Heathen by the light of nature could say, that Agentes & consentientes pari paena puniendi, and so deserves suitable punishment. And in my weak judgement it were not amiss, if such good Law were enacted in this kingdom, as by report fat Mr. symmond's, Merchant, being called to council Table, to know his opinion among others, touching Sir William Cockhaines project, made reply (not spending his judgement) that the Law of the lacedaemonians was good, That every Projector of new business in a commonwealth, aught to present his project with a halter about his neck, that if his project proved ill to the commonwealth, he should suffer a due desert.  
And thus I abruptly end this Remonstrance or Declaration of the intolerable wrong done to me & mine, and perhaps in us, to the prejudice of this commonwealth; which my malignant adversaries, or partial time-serving injust India Court-Committees, are and will be ashamed to verify in any judicious Court of Justice against me; but being put to trial, or examination, will either plead their ignorance, or deny they ever voted against me. But such men ought to know, that he that sitteth an assistant in Court of Justice, and for by respects pleadeth not in the defence of the innocent, supposing himself clear of aspersion from God and Man, if he sit still, and say nothing either in defence or offence to the innocent, let such men, I say, know (that if our modern Divines preach not false Doctrine) that they, or he, whatsoever, (by his tacitness, is as guilty as the unjust Judge that pronounceth wicked Sentence against him. Concerning which (I humbly desire virtuous, prudent, judicious men, to consider the matters, and to give their righteous judgement.  

Right honourable,  
I Have discoursed to your just hearing ears,  
My woeful plight, and doleful Tragedy,  
With mournful Accents, Accents causing tears,  
Sad tears attending matchless misery.   

Your pities ears therefore (just Lords) afford  
To these most pensive and most just Complaints:  
Let mercies eyes with pities ears accord,  
To cheer the spirit that with grieving faints:  
In hope whereof my soul shall rest in peace,  
Till you vouchsafe to send her full release.   PSAL. 86. 14, 15, 16, 17. 
O God, the proud are risen up against me, and the congregations of naughty men, have sought after my soul, and have not set thee before their eyes.  
But thou (O Lord God) art full of compassion and mercy, long suffering, and plenteous in goodness and truth.  
O turn thee unto me, and have mercy upon me: give thy strength unto thy servant, and help the son of thy handmaid.  
Show some good token upon me for good, that they which hate me may see it, and be ashamed, because thou, Lord, hast holpen me, and comforted me.  
FINIS.