The Minister of Richmond's Reasons, For refusing to Subscribe the ASSOCIATION, But under the following SENSE, WITH Reflections thereupon: By a MINISTER of the CHURCH of ENGLAND.  
In a Letter to his Friend.   

RICHMOND April 3. 1696.  
MY answer to the second ask my name to the Association, to Mr. Singer, Bodicoate, and Smithyes who made the first demand, I know not who they all are, that I am asked to Associate with: But if they be,  
1. As many of the Universal Mobb, as are willing to join their names with mine, whose Bells and Bonsires' have never failed hitherto to Argue and Dispute pro and con with equal Blaze and Noise;— or, if they be  
II. The Kirke of Scotland, who sold their Royal Refugee K. Charles the I. into his Enemy's hands; or if they be,  
III. Voluntary Addressers, with Lives and Fortunes both of them hitherto never touched or ventured, first to Charles the I. in the Protestation, and in the Solemn League and Covenant; then to the Rump Parliament, then to the two Cromwell's, then to the Rump again, then to the Committee of Safety; afterwards to Charles and James the II. into whose Association I thank God I never entered before; or if they be,  
IU. Any of the Circumcision, who will be sure to forsake King William when their expected Massias Appears.  
I fear that by putting my name to the Association now a foot, in such Company as aforesaid, I shall bind myself in the sense of an honest man to such uncertain Creatures, as will not be firmly bound to me, but will leave me in the lurch, as they have left others their Associates heretofore; and incase they shall hereafter break and divide into two Contrary and Hostile Parts, or Factions; that both sides will with equal reason expect I should join with them, by virtue of my having entered into an Association with them.  
For which Cause (before I do it) it were wisdom to take as much time as the Law allows me, for enquiring more perfectly who my Associates are, and in the mean time to continue King William's most faithful▪ Subject as my Oath of Allegiance obliges me to be, which hitherto has been exactly observed.  
But hearing that some of you were at my house again to day for a more speedy answer, and finding also, that several of my best beloved and most honoured Parishioners, have done the same without demur, and by consequence can put such a tolerable sense upon the words as I have found it hard to do.  
For these Reasons being willing to suffer in so worthy Company, by the foreseen Knavery and falsehood of other our fellow Associates, I have taken the more pains to hunt out for some good sense that the words may be capable of.  
And therefore in that sense I am ready to put my Name to the Association whensoever you shall ask it; which sense is as here follows, in three Articles.  
I. By these words (true and I awful King) I mean while he shall continue to be owned for such by the three Estates of this Realm, freely and fully assembled in Parliament, for I have no other skill of such Rights and Titles.  
II. By the King's Enemies, which I promise to be revenged of, if it lies in my power, I do not mean all those whom some of my fellow Associates may think, or call his Enemies, (for so they have called me their fellow avenger for one,) But whom myself not only suspect or believe, but know and can prove to be his Enemies.  
III. By promising to be revenged on them to my power, I do not mean (though it were in my power) to kill or hurt one of them, because all Religions teach Revenge to be a sin in a private person, according to that precept of St. Paul, Revenge not yourselves, but only that if I be Commissioned by the Public Magistrate, whom the same Apostle calls an Avenger to execute wrath, to bring the King's Enemies to a legal Trial, That so Justice may be done them; I will discharge my Office in such deligated Revenge. Witness my hand.   

Reflections one the Minister of Richmond's Reasons, etc.  
MAY 1. 1696.  
I Had yours last Post, wherein you desire my thoughts of the Minister of Richmond's Paper delivered at your Quarter Sessions. But I must tell you, that I look upon myself to be as unfit to Reflect on it, as 'twas for him to write it. 1. Because of my great distance, and unacquaintance with the Man, and his History and Principles, Conversation and Communication, which to understand, might furnish a Reflector with great advantages; whereas I know no more, (nor ever heard any more) of him, than that he is the Minister of Richmond, who, you say, wrote such a Paper: and so whether I may use him too sharply, or too gently, I cannot so well judge. 2. Because the matters of State, which are his Subject, are the farthest from my Studies: And for such things I submit myself to the Information of those, whose Profession and Talon it is; not so much as pretending myself to any accuracy therein. For you know, I lie low here in the Country obscurity, seldom looking out of my little Parish, or so much as seeing any Accounts of the Public News, but what you now and then transmit. And 3. Because at this time I am taken up with business, that sets my Thoughts on working quite another way: so that I am more than ordinary indisposed for the undertaking wherein you would engage me. Yet when it is to comply with the request of a Friend, and also to show my forwardness to do any thing that I am able for the service of my Dear, as well as Dread Sovereign King William, to whom (as I am a Protestant Subject,) I cannot but own myself more obliged than to any Person in the world; and for whom I lately entr'd the Association, as formerly I took the Oath of Allegiance, without the least hesitation; I will adventure to say somewhat, which (though Mean and Dilute, my pass between you and me, as well as some Answers and Reflections, which I see, even in Print; (particularly what you last sent me) that run at a low Ebb; and do not say half that might be said, nor with that Acumen and Quickness, which an Ingenious Man would wish. Till the thing then be better done, (which I doubt not but we shall shortly see, from some of the Town Pens) I will make a little bold with my Reverend Brother, Tho he seems to be a man of Accomplishments above my Level, and too nimble for me at Disputation, yet I do not fear the honest Defence of a good Cause, against any one, let him be never so much to big for me in other respects. Nor do I think I ought to spare one of my own Sacred Calling, when that Calling gives him the sad advantage of poisoning the more People with such wild Tenants, as are destructive to all Government. As you and I, and the world too well know, what service to their Country, too many of our Clergymen have thus done of late years.  
In the first place, my Thoughts are, That it would have made as much for the Credit of this Minister, if he had refused to sign the Association, as to do it with such glosses and sarcastical Reflections upon his own action; in which he seems not to show so much Loyalty to his Sovereign, as Deference to his best Beloved and most Honoured Parishioners: who (after all his Hunting out for some good sense which the words of the Association might be capable of) were his best Casuists, (by their practice) to instruct him, how tolerable it was to do that, which for some Parochial Considerations) he might have found intolerable to omit. I am apt to conjecture by his writing, that he is a De Facto-Man, that was for declaring such senses of his Swearing, as now he does of his Associating. However he tells the world, that he is a Captious Man: For as he begins with a Cavil, so methinks he discovers more of a Contradictous, than of a Conscientious Spirit through out.  
His great Quarrel is at the Company, with which he is to Associate; most of which, (in my opinion) his modesty should have thought good enough for the Minister of Richmond: When he has all the Lords and Commons in Parliament (but an inconsiderable handful) and all his spiritual Fathers (but one, whom few think fit to be called a Father) and the most and best of the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, and Commonalty throwout the Land, for his Associates. Yet it's a mortification to him, to join with the Mobb. I know not if ever that frightful Beast gave him a Kick, to leave a prejudice there: But under that name of disgrace, I doubt not but he may find as honest, as in any Jacobite Assembly. Nor need he count it any disparagement to go with the multitude, when it is not to Evil: Yea when the multitude run not by themselves, but after such another multitude, worthier than themselves as I have named. And after he has better considered it, I hope he will conclude it more Eligible, to follow them into the Assassination, than to follow Sir John Friends Tutors, that would lead him into the Association; whither that Doctrine lately preached at Tyburn, carries the Party, without Remorse. But this Bellua multorum Capitum, (which he could so hardly condescend to shake hands with) often gives us the truest sense of the Nation) as one Man. Nor is their Blaze and Noise so Equal, but they could make a vast difference between King James' Declaration and King William's Association, being Dull and all a-mort at the one; but full of Transport, and all Life and Briskness at the other.  
What his Traitorous Scots did for their Royal Refugee King Charles, I fear we have as Traitorous English ready to do for their Royal Refugee King William. And though there's no hold of some men's Oaths or Associations; yet I have more Charity, than to call all pretenders Hypocrites, and am willing to hope my Partners honest, till I catch 'em playing the Knave. And 'tis my consolation, that now I join with a vast body of honest Men, that are hearty Williamites, though here and there a parcel of rotten sticks cleave to the same Tree.  
I leave such as have wheeled about all the points of the Compass, to make their own Defences, but I cannot be ignorant, That there are more Weathercocks belonging to our Churches than what are on the Steeples. And such as will do what they count hardly tolerable to be done for the keeping of their Posts, ought not to complain of others for sh●fting from King to Rump, then to the Cromwell's, then to the Rump again, then to the Committee of Safety, afterwards to King Charles and James. I would sooner lose all, for being a professed Jacobite, than hold the Truth in unrighteousness, to hold my Benefice, and Swear to King William, while I hold in with his worst Enemies. O my soul, come not thou into the secrets of such men: Unto their Assembly mine Honour be not thou united: for in their anger they would have slain a man: (even the Man of God●s right hand, whom he has made strong for himself.) And in their self-will, would they have digged down a Wall, even the Wall of our Government, that saves us from Ruin rushing in upon us, I wonder not at all, that the Addressers with Lives and Fortunes, called Voluntary, should fail King James in his need; when I remember, with what mean base Artifices, those Addresses were gathered; and how Notorious they were, to be a laboured contrivance, for the serving of a Turn, and none of the Nations Act and Deed.  
Now for his Circumcision-men, (who are brought in here, I know not how, unless to stir the Association.) He need not trouble his head with frights of their deserting him, if they do but keep their faith with King William, till such time as their expected Messias appears. And should any of the rest leave him in the lurch, by deserting the King, whom they acknowledged for their Rightful Prince: This Minister may yet be secure, in spite of 'em, if himself follow not after 'em; because he will have better and stronger than they on his side. However, I hope he will not think, (with such Traitors) that they have equal reason as the other to expect his joining with 'em, by virtue of that Association, which obliges both him and them to stick to their Sovereign King William, against all his Opposers. And should the Knavery and Falsehood which he foresees, throw him upon suffering, he would not have only the worthy Company of his best Beloved and most Honoured Parishioners, but of all his Protestant Countrymen and Associates, that are upright and faithful in the Land. And to adventure in the same Bottom with such, I know not what good Man would scruple.  
His 3 Articles of Explanation, he might have spared: For who, that hand not a mind to be troublesome, would stumble at such Straws? But now he has given them, they need themselves a little to be explained. For (1.) Tho he professes to learn all his skill of Rights and Titles, from the 3 Estates of this Realm assembled in Parliament, (wherein I commend his Choice, for going to so good a School for that instruction.) Yet there may be equivocation in the Terms, [Freely and Fully] for I know not but somebody may question, whether their Election were Free, or whether their Acts be valid, should any of the Members be wanting there, or should there be some in the House, that do not consent with the rest, to own the King as Rightful. But I have another Consideration upon this Article, which will affect him more than any thing I have yet said, if what I think herein shall be confirmed by the Learned in the Law, unto whom (concerning this Point) I must refer you. For I am really of the Opinion that 'tis no less than Treasonable to say, I will own the King for my Sovereign, no longer than the Three Estates of this Realm freely and fully assembled in Parliament shall own him for True and Lawful. Tho I cannot entertain so hard and wicked a thought of the Parliament, That the Majority of 'em will ever turn such Renegades to his Majesty, yet (when this Writer urges me to put the Case) suppose they should? sure they would only render themselves responsible for the Treason; but not at all Divest the King of his Royal Authority. Still he is never the less King, for their Deserting and Renouncing him; as long as he does not Desert them, nor Abdicate the Government; nor can they (at their Pleasure) call back the Trust which they have lodged in him, or the Allegiance that they have given up to him. Even they that made him King, have not such Power to unmake him. Tho he can when he will, make them no Parliament, they cannot when they will make him no King: Till by his own Act, he forfeits his Right, and Dissolves the Contract. (2.) Tho this Minister be not obliged to take Vengeance on all that any may call the King's Enemies, or whom he only suspects for such: (Nay I will add, that though he should be Conscious himself is one of 'em, and that they who call him so, really do him no wrong: he is not therefore bound to accuse himself.) Yet I see not where's the Difficulty or Hardship put upon him or any, to prove who are the King's Enemies meant in the Association; when the Honourable House of Commons has there given such Intimations, that are as a mark in their Foreheads, by which they do notoriously prove themselves Enemies, in their horrid attempts against his Sacred Majesty, his Crown or Life, by Plots and Treasons, by Insurrections and Rebellions, or Aiding and Assisting, Abetting or Encourageing the same. Certainly, if I have not on a very thick pair of Jacobite Spectacles, I cannot but see and know all these to be the King's Enemies. (3.) For the Vengeance to be taken upon 'em, (which is the Tender Point, so much stuck at by some, whose Consciences yet seem not so to startle at the Murder of the King.) What true lover of his King and Country will think that word too hard for so black a Villainy? And though this Minister is not suddenly (upon such a Nefandous Fact) to turn Executioner, nor to get a Bagonet to his Girdle, or go to work with his Fists or his Cudgel, to knock down the King's Enemies: yet sure if he have such a sense of the Gild and Wickedness as he ought, he will not stay till he has got a Commission from the Public Magistrate to bring them to Justice and Condign Punishment. For as he is a Man fearing God, a faithful Subject, and an honest Associate, he ought not to connive at 'em; but (wherever he is aware of them) to detect 'em, and what he understands, and can witness against 'em, to complain and make known to the Magistrate, and show his Concern, and use his Endeavours, that the Impious Bloody Criminals may have their due Deserts, and what the Law allots them; that such heavy heanious Gild allowed, and tolerated may not lie upon the Land. But God grant that neither he nor I nor you, may ever have the occasion to put us upon that Office.  
Sir, this is all in great haste, to give you the suden Thoughts of YOURS  
FINIS.   

ADVERTISEMENT.  
☞ A Defence of the Archbishop's Sermon on the Death of her Late Majesty of Blessed Memory: And of the Sermons of the Late Archbishop, Bp. of Lichfield and Coventry, Bp. of Ely, Bp. of Salisbury; Dr. Sherlock, Dr. Wake, Mr. Fleetwood, etc. preached upon That, and several Other Solemn Occasions. Being a Vidication of the Late Queen, His Present Majesty, and the Government, from the Malicious Aspersions cast upon them in two late Pamphlets; One entitled, Remarks on some Late Sermons, etc. The Other, A Letter to the Author of a Sermon preached at the Funeral of her Late Majesty Queen Mary. London Printed for J. Harris at the Harrow, in Little-Brittain. Price 6d.  
☞ A Letter to the Three absolver's, Mr. Cook, Mr. Collier and Mr. Snatt. Being Reflections on the Papers delivered by Sir John Friend and Sir William Parkins, to the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex, at Tyburn, the place of Execution, April 3. 1696. Which said PAPERS are Printed at length, and answered Paragraph by Paragraph. Price. 6d. 1696.  
☞ An Answer to Mr Collier's Defence of his Absolution of Sir William Parkins at the place of Execution. Which Defence is Printed at length, and considered Paragraph by Pargraph. Price 2d.  
Both sold by Richard Baldwin in Warwick-Lane.   

LONDON, Printed for John Harris at Harrow in Little-Brittain. 1696. Price 2d.