BRIEF REFLECTIONS ON THE Earl of CASTLEHAVEN'S MEMOIRS Of his ENGAGEMENTS and CARRIAGE In the WARS of IRELAND. By which, the Government at that time, and the Justice of the Crown since, are Vindicated from Aspersions cast on Both. Vero quid Verius? LONDON, Printed for George West. 1682 TO THE KING. SIR, HAd it not been long observed that nothing is more resented by Great and Generous Princes, than the least Affronts to their Ministers, I should not have adventured to have addressed these Reflections (on the Earl of Castlehaven's Memoirs) to your Sacred Majesty; committed to the Press with an Introduction little expected: But he having before invited You to what neither contains (to his knowledge) a Lie or Mistake, I dare not but presume so far on Your Justice, as to be confident, that what bespeaks the Integrity of Your Ministers, and supports the Honour of Your Crown, (severely reflected on by his Lordship) shall never receive other than an acceptance, how meanly soever it be clothed, by Your Majesty's most dutiful and obedient Subject E. B. TO THE READER. READER, I Have so much Charity for the Earl of Castlehaven, that if he had seriously read, as well as (amongst the Stationers in Saint Paul's Churchyard,) took into his hands the Histories of the Execrable Irish Rebellion, begun the 23. of Octob. 1641. he would not (afterwards) have exposed his Memoirs; all the Imputations, which he lays on the State, being in them clearly vindicated. Yet since (to draw from the World some Compassion) he hath adventured his Memoirs abroad, I am willing the World (to whom his Lordship appeals) should judge whether his Case was singular? or being so premeditated, not more notorious? And this I thought sit to publish, resolving never to desert the English Interest, as often as it is invaded, lest the confident Piece of Calumny fixed on the State, might wander secure and unexamined; there being at this day more, who, under a Disguise, are willing to palliate, rather than detect the Villainy of that Age; though if you discourse on this Subject, they whisper Intrigues, and if there be an opportunity offered, they write they will verify them to the World. Another being set on the Tragical Conclusion of the Long Parliament (to make that Junto detestable) spends the viij. Chapter of his Short View of the late Troubles in England, wholly on the pretence the Irish had to their barbarous Insurrection: wherein he reassumes the Rebel's Plea, with greater Confidence, than they give it in at Trim March 17. 1642. But yet considers not the Answers that have been written on that Rhapsody of Fictions and Untruths; thereby betraying the Innocence of the State, and the Honour of the English. However there is a Letter from a Person of Honour in the Country, to the Earl of Castlehaven, full of Candour, as well as Reproof, which hath incomparably well replied to the Earl's Memoirs, and might well abate my edge in this Case. But upon the encouragement of that Person of Honour (rather to quicken than slacken my Intentions) I could not well defer (what hath been long writ) the publishing my Reflections, (though with great disadvantage, after so excellent a Pen) they being merely an Epitome of the Irish Scene. In which I have not (to my knowledge) discovered the least Emotion against the Gallantry and Worth of that Noble Peer who hath raised this Contest, his Extraction and Personal Courage being Remarkable. But the Reasons (for the Cause) he pretends to, are (by what he would justify himself in) not sufferable; ou il n'ya point de pechè, il n'ya point de honte, his not be-being convinced (at first) of the Crime, made him conscious of no Gild. But I shall set the things in order before him, and if Conviction arise not thence, I shall blush at my mistake. REFLECTIONS ON THE Earl of CASTLEHAVEN'S MEMOIRS CONCERNING The WARS of IRELAND. AMongst some Books I lately received from my Stationer I had the Earl of Castlehaven's Memoirs. I little expected, after 28 years, to have seen any thing of his Lordship's Proceedings in Ireland, in taking part with the Rebels, before the Cessation 1643. considering his, and his Ancestors obligations to the Crown of England. Nor am I convinced why (at this time) it should come forth, unless thereby it's hoped that some Reflections may be fixed on the Ministers then to extenuate the general Insurrection, when as we know no Artifice is more usual than to clamour the People with Calumnies on the State, whilst others alarm them to Rebellion. I rather expected, since he embarked in that business (in behalf of which his His Majesty's Message to the Parl. 14. Feb. 1641. late Majesty's heart so often bled,) that the Act of Oblivion should have sealed up those Encounters: especially since his Majesty had been prevailed with by the intercession of his Friends in Parliament, to repair the Breaches Time and Misfortune had made upon so ancient and honourable a Family as his Lordships. But since he hath published his Memoirs of his Engagements and Carriage in the Wars of Ireland, as something in them new, which Castleh. Ep. to the K. if his Majesty's time may permit him to read, contain neither Lie nor Mistake. I conceive him so ingenuous (having admitted others to mind him of some Passages which The Col. Letter to him. possibly may be more in their knowledge than his Lordships,) He will not interpret it amiss, to be informed of some concerns nearer the Truth. It is not my intention to arraign what (as a Person of Honour and good Conduct) he managed in that War, having his Lordship's Test for what he affirms. But that I may take his Memoirs as they stand, he is pleased to write, (Sect. 1. p. 3.) That it may seem a wonder how he came to engage with the Irish, being a Peer of England, and an English man both by Birth and Descent, not speaking a word of their Language, and having little in their Kingdom. Whereas the Wonder easily unriddles itself, his Lordship being a strong Asserter of the Romish Persuasion, to advance which, no Artifice or Attempt, hath ever been condemned (by the Father of it) as Disloyal or Inhuman. And as to his Lordship's coming into Ireland not long before the Rebellion ' (P. 5.) I cannot so far shrive his Conscience, as not to allow what he affirms, That it was to settle his Affairs there, as he had done in England, ere he ventured further on the Trade of War, to which his Genius led him: Yet I find the Parliament (to whom the King had left the Affairs of Ireland) complain in an Order 29 of Jan. 1641. That immediately before, and during the barbarous and bloody Rebellion, many having Estates in England, went thither, amongst whom his Lordship was one especially taken notice of (in a Declaration of the Commons concerning the Rise of the Rebellion 25 of July 1643.) having sat as a Peer in Parliament in England immediately before the Irish Rebellion; at which time Mr. Porter, Sir Basil Brook (the Queen's Treasurer) Mr. Andrew Brown, and others went over. And though his Lordship's bare repairing thither may be more favourably censured, than to conclude, he resolved to centre in that Conspiracy; yet since he afterwards espoused that Quarrel, when many (who having observed the bloody Effects thereof) were ashamed (at least prudently deterred) to own its Progress, all cannot acquit him of that Taint, for that as an Honourable Person in his Letter from the Country writes, (P. 50.) That he could not have been engaged in that Conspiracy unless he had been resolved in the Justice of their Cause from the beginning; though he is put in mind (by the Letter he inserts) (P. 5.) That immediately upon the breaking forth of the Rebellion in the North, he (being in Munster) repaired to the Lords Justices, and (as his Ancestors) offered to serve against the Rebels, but was told his Religion was an Obstacle. Nor can I say but the State returned him this Answer, and how could they well say less? when it was apparent that it was a Popish Conspiracy, and those of that Profession were generally engaged in that Defection. Though he must give me leave to put him in mind that the Lords Justices (how ill soever his Party would present them to the World) were so far from owning a public Jealousy of all of his Lordship's persuasion, that it is well known they put Arms into the hands of divers Noblemen of the Pale of that Religion, who, (as his Lordship) made Professions to his Majesty's Service, and desired the same. Nor was this Concession of the Lords Justices disapproved by the Parliament in England, they also granted See the Kings Reply for Licences for Ireland. Husb. Col. p. 72. Commissions of Government, as likewise of Martial Law to several of the same Persuasion, not in the Pale only, but in other parts of the Kingdom; inserting a Power to spare or destroy the Rebels according to their discretion; hoping those of the Pale might prove good Instruments to oppose the threatening Incursions of the Northern Rebels: whilst they a few days after deserted their Houses, and openly declared themselves in actual Rebellion; as did several of the principal Towns, Wexford, Waterford, Dundalk, Trim, and others, to whom the State had sent Arms and Commissions of Trust. And this not through the least force put on them by the State: No, they yielded to whatsoever they thought might argue an assurance of them, but they of the Pale centred with the other through their Natural Inclination, and (as we may believe from the Lords Mac-Guire, Mac-Mahon, Mac-Arts, and others Confessions) a designed Insurrection through the whole Kingdom of the Popish Persuasion, cherished by an inveterate detestation of the English, what pretext soever else his Lordship (in an Appendix) promises We shall find the true Original Causes of the late Rebellion throughly discovered: A Piece speedily desired, that the Fallacy he presumes to cast before the King might be detected. So that something more than ordinary (though the Particulars be lost with the time) was either known or suspected (by the State) of his Lordship, which at that time (were it only abundance of Caution) might well excuse the L. Justices Reply to him, (P. 6.) As their not furnishing him with money, who by the suddenness of that Rebellion, were reduced to an extreme Exigence. Nor by the sequel doth it appear that his Lordship had any need of their Supply, had he really intended a remove for England: When for so many Months after he could freely and splendidly entertain the Duchess of Buckingham and the Earl of Antrim at Maidenstown. As to their denying him a Pass for England, (P. 6.) which afterwards his Brother's Letter tells him the King (being to that end petitioned at York) denied, referring him to the Parliament, who without the King, could do nothing. So that the Lords Justices advice to make fair Wether at home, was not justly to be blamed; nor (considering the circumstances they were then under) was his Resentment thereof so often to have been angrily expressed as a villainous proceeding against him. (P. 14.) An Expression unfit for such, (and not otherwise than with scorn to be resented) on whom his Majesty had impressed his Authority. What his Lordship did at home, besides spending his Provision on the Noble and Excellent Company he had there, the Duchess of Buckingham and Earl of Antrim (who afterwards sat Chairman at Kilkenny, and if he had not been supported by his Majesty's Mercy, The Addit. Act of Sect. f. 116. had never been able to have supported himself by his own Innocence) I never had an itch to inquire; but I find (in the State's Letter to the Lord Lieutenant, December 14. 1641.) that on the tenth of the same, he presented (at the Council-Board) the Oath of the Confederate Roman Catholics of Ireland, which had been tendered to him; but (as he then said) he refused to swear to, and it was not then justified to the contrary, though his intent of producing it there, was suspected to be in favour of them, that their proceedings might be the easier palliated, though the Oath was so weaved, as Disloyalty and Contradiction spun every thread. Yet hitherto the State was loath to cherish any Heats against his Lordship, leaving him to return to his house at Maidenstown, (P. 11.) where he continued quiet 5 or 6 Months, till having some disturbance by a Rabble driving away part of his stock (which was soon recovered,) he sent his Brother to Dublin, and with him all the poor English he had thitherto protected, (P. 7) part of which, near Rathcool, the Rebels barbarously killed; the others that escaped (through Dungan's Rescue) being sorely wounded, and as it was suspected, either through the Treachery of their Convoy, or a laid Design; as a Boy serving his Lordship, sometime after betrayed a Saddler, Servant to the Earl of Antrim. Upon which, or other suggestions (as that he had prepared great Entertainment for the L. Mountgarret, had he defeated the King's Forces,) his Lordship was indicted of High Treason, (the most public way of accusing, and an Act rather of the Grand Jury than the State) upon which he came to Dublin. (P. 9) The State (at the Mercy of his Brother) however being taxed with clandestine Proceedings, for not calling him before the Council ere that he was committed to Sheriff Woodcock's house. (P. 10.) Whereas this was done, that a severer course might not be commenced against him, till the matter might have been favourably heard, business at that time (thronging on the State) not admitting a speedy Release: Grains and Scruples are not to be stuck at when a State is on its Ruin. And that his Lordship might have very well been sensible of, for that the Lieutenant General let him live quietly till then; whereas in Justice he might have brought him Prisoner to Dublin, who could find sufficient force to rescue his own People and Cattle, but none to assist the King's Lieut. General, when he fought (near his house) the Battle of Kilrush. Yet this Lord being impatient of his Commitment, and suspecting (for which there was no proof) that he should be ordered to the Castle, he made an escape the 27. of September 1642. being (as Sir James Ware hath registered Wares MSs. 1642. it) committed for High Treason. The Earl of Strafford's Case coming fresh to his thoughts, That Innocency was a scurvy Plea in an Angry Time; (P. 15.) whereas the Earl of Strafford's Case was much different from his. His Majesty being never convinced of any such Criminousness in him, as willingly to expose his life to the stroke of Justice and Malice of his Enemies. But the cause which his Lordship solemnly owned, his Majesty condemned with the greatest indignation imaginable, expressing in his Eicon Basil. That the Sea of Blood which hath in Ireland been cruelly and barbarously shed, is enough to drown any man in eternal, both Infamy and Misery, whom God shall find the malicious Author or Instigator of its effusion. And here it is not to be passed over (since he hath mentioned this noble Earl) that some of those who were Witnesses against him at his Trial, appeared afterwards to be leading men in the Rebellion the Earl of Castlehaven joined in, and many more of that Faction, whose kindness (in admitting his Lordship) he says he must never forget, being then Members of Parliament in Ireland, had there voted him a Traitor, before his hearing in Westminster Hall. Further the Earl of Castlehaven says, That the States Officers and Soldiers not taking care enough to distinguish between Rebels and Subjects, killing many, promiscuously forced him to take up Arms. Considering besides, That the whole Nation had took up Arms for their own Defence, particularly the Lords of the Pale, who yet (at the same time) desired the Justices (be sure weight enough be laid on them) to send their Petition to the King, which was refused, and (as a further discouragement) Sir John Read (who was prevailed with to carry their Remonstrance to the King, with their Grievances, not concealing his Message) was put to the Rack for his good will. In brief his Lordship charges his siding with the Rebels (whether inclined thereto in Anger or Revenge. P. 21.) on these Motives. 1. To his not being received by the State. 2. To his being clandestinely indicted of High Treason. 3. To the State's Officers and Soldiers promiscuous kill Rebels and Subjects. 4. To the State's refusal to send the Rebels Petition to the King. 5. To the Racking of Sir John Read, entrusted with the Rebel's Remonstrance of Grievances to the King. Upon consideration of all which, He conceived there was no safety but in * So Catiline, Mihi indies magis animus accenditur, cum considero quae conditio vitae futura sit nisi nosmetipsos vindicemus in Libertatem. Sallust. p. 14. Arms. (P. 17.) The two first of these being answered in the third and fourth Paragraphs, we reply as to the third, touching the promiscuous kill of Rebels and Subjects. That the Conspiracy was so general, and there had been such unheard of Villainies (not in any Age before) committed by the Irish ere his Majesty's Forces could be embodied, to assert his Power; That the Infection seemed to have polluted the whole Kingdom, so as an enraged Army, justly incensed by many (who at first had suffered by the Rebels) could hardly distinguish betwixt the Nocent and Innocent. As at Santry Decemb. 5. 1641. (strongly insisted on by Nettervile) the Action there being not commenced till divers of the Pale, many in Connaught, and all the Irish Inhabitants of Ulster had confederated, and committed open rebellious acts and cruelties against his Majesty's Protestant Subjects. Nor was this which they call Murder of innocent Husbandmen, any other than (upon Examination) found to be Justice on Rebels from whom the active Rebels had daily relief, amongst which there were two Protestants. The Sword once drawn, Legal Pleas are seldom heard, though I think his Lordship can hardly produce one Example where the State (being seasonably informed) did not (as far as the time permitted) exert their Interest to acquit the Innocent. The Discipline too of his Majesty's Army was so well known, under the Conduct of so honourable a Person (no enemy to them further than their Disloyalty justly enforced him) and such worthy Officers, as few (who knew knew them) will ever give credit to a report that shall blast them in that particular. Besides, it must be considered, that what cruel acts soever were done beyond the course of ordinary Justice, the Objectors must be put in mind that they were primi in culpa; and that the blood in Drogheda and elsewhere shed in Ireland, lies at their Doors; for had they not raised and continued the Rebellion through his Lordship's access (and other Officers from abroad) to their Party, in all probability a Sword to this day had not been drawn (at least continued) in that Kingdom; and the assurance of what Force that united Kingdom would▪ have contributed to his Majesty, might have prevented all the effusion of blood in England. Nay, so tender was the State of giving the least offence to any that under that pretence might screen their Villainy, as some exceptions being taken by divers Lords and Gentlemen of the Pale, as if they should be involved in these words, That some evil affected Irish Papists had conspired. etc. The Lords Justices and Council (to show they intended thereby only such of the old mere Irish in the Province of Ulster, as were then Actors in that Treason, and others who adhered to them) published the 29. of October, 1641. their sense thereof; which these discontented Gentlemen seemed then to be satisfied with. Yet their hearts being bound up with the Rebels, it was not long before they suffered (or rather caused) the Recruit going for Drogheda the 29. of November, to be defeated at Gellingston Bridge, and within a few days after, the Lord Gormanston (with many more of the Lords and prime Gentry of the Pale) struck up an agreement with the Rebels at the Hill of Crofty, meeting afterwards at the Hill of Tarragh, where they produced an Answer to the Lords Justices Summons Decemb. 3. to consult with them for the safety of the Kingdom; and that before ever the Northern Rebels (as they afterwards alleged) forced them to a compliance, for want of a sufficient supply from the State to resist them; pretending they had no security for their safety. Which the L. Justices and Counc. Dec. 13. gave them assurance of, upon the Word of the State, safely to repair thither without danger of any trouble or stay whatsoever, positively then affirming, that the Lords Justices and Council did never hear Sir Charles Coot (whom they suggested to have devised a general Massacre upon those of their Religion) ever to have counselled so impious or detestable a thing. And to the same intent, advised the 9 of December, Luke Nettervile Esq and others, met at Swords, immediately to separate. However they feigned several fears, which the State descended to clear, though to no purpose; so as the Torrent of the Pale ran still to make up that Deluge. Yet that the clearness of the States Intentions might further appear to wean all from any apprehensions of suspicion of them, the Lords Justices at that time embraced the seeming Application of the E. of Westmeath, Sir Morgan Cavenagh's feigned Protestations, and permitted Sir Luke Fitz Gerald, Robert Harpool Esquire, and others, (against whom they had more than ordinary proofs of their taking part with the first Conspirators) peaceably to return to their habitations; as they did James Warren, and Friar Paul Oneil (both examined at the Council Board) and were not without reason suspected of the Rebel's Party; which Indulgence they soon improved to the defiance of the State, which (of 60 persons apprehended as justly suspected to be in the Plot) caused only one of Fermanagh to suffer death, whom the Lord Mac-guire confessed to be privy to the Plot. Fourthly, As to the keeping back of Petitions from the King, by which his Lordship will have it, That the whole Nation took up Arms for their defence; he must be put in mind (he taking pleasure to be minded of what is more in others knowledge than his,) that in the beginning of the Rebellion, the Irish had never less reason to complain that their Grievances were not presented; For the Commissioners of Parliament of Ireland, (* by whom the The King's Works, Vol. 2. p. 569. Rebellion was hatched) who had attended his Majesty with a Collection of all Grievances, were returned with such high and unexpected condescensions, and those especially relating to the Roman Catholics, that it was but in August 1641. (being the last Sessions) thought that the next Sessions of Parliament would be principally to return his Majesty their acknowledgement, that (by taking off all Discriminations and Incapacities) he had laid a most sure foundation of Unity and Peace amongst his Subjects. Though there is a new Piece come forth, entitled, A short View of the late Troubles in England, which would abuse the World, as if the Committee from the Parliament of Ireland, after nine months' attendance, were, at his Majesty's going for Scotland, referred to the Parliament of England, and afterwards constrained to return without any redress. Besides, the Lords Justices and Council did not conceal or debar any thing that ever came to them from the Confederates, though warrantably they might have done it; some things being so peremptory, that it was not for them to admit of (being the Presentative of his Majesty) and others of that ill consequence to the injured Protestants as (without a Comment) could not (with their trust) be presented to his Majesty. All or most of which Addresses (however accompanied with undutiful and irreverend expressions or overtures) were with the first opportunity presented to his Majesty's view or knowledge. About the 6. of November 1641. the Rebels of the County of Cavan sent their presumptuous Propositions to the Lords Justices and Council, which with their Answer, they forthwith certified to the L. Lieutenant the E. of Leicester, to whom (by his Majesty's express Command) the Dispatches relating to Ireland, were to be directed. About the tenth of the same Month the Longford Letter to the Lord Dillon of Costiloe, full of pretended Grievances and unreasonable Demands, as freedom of Religion, a Repeal of all Laws made to the contrary, and the like; was presented to the State in behalf of the Rebels of Longford; which having an answerable return, his Lordship and the Lord Taaff, went into England, promoting that which afterwards centred in a Cessation. About the midst of December 1641. Sir Thomas Carey and Dr. Cale a Sorbonist, offered to the Council Board several Propositions from the Rebels, presuming (upon the straits that the State was brought to) that their insolent Demands would not have been denied, which they were; but not without representing them to his Majesty. The 23. of December 1641. seven Lords of the Pale (who had declared by former Letters. That they would stand on their Guard, after that they had joined with the Northern Rebels, in the Siege of Drogheda) sent Letters to the Lords Justices, to which (though without prejudice to his Majesty's Honour) they could not answer, yet they certified them to the Lord Lieutenant. And about the 16. of March 1641. there was an Overture made to the Lords Justices by a Letter to the Earl of Castlehaven, (who by his Memoirs gives us occasion to reflect on these things) in the name of the United Lords of the Pale, signed by Gormanston, Nettervile and Slain, for a Cessation of Arms; after that (by his Majesty's Forces transmitted out of England, and 10000 complete fresh men in Ulster, besides the Scotch ten Regiments then in the Field) the Irish were beaten from Drogheda by Sir Henry Tichborn; and that his ies Army was full Master of the Field in all parts of the Pale. To which the Lords Justices and Council thought not fit to hearken; yet certified it to the Lord Lieutenant, and did not as some The Brief Narrative. maliciously suggest upon this Cause merely make his Lordship Prisoner. Such another Paper from the Lord Mountgarret the 23. of March 1642. came to the Earl of Ormond, Lieutenant General of his Majesty's Army, containing Grievances done in England as well as Ireland, to show to the Lords Justices, which lay not in their power to redress; which was also sent to the Lord Lieutenant to be shown to his Majesty. And in August the Confederates sent to the Lieutenant General a Petition directed to his Majesty, which his Lordship presented to the Lords Justices, who forthwith sent it to his Majesty's Principal Secretary; and thereupon a Commission was sent to the Marquis of Ormond to meet and hear what the Rebels could say or propound for themselves; by Virtue of which, his Majesty's Commissioners received the Rebel's Remonstrance at Trim, March 17. 1642. A mere Rhapsody of scandalous Criminations upon the Government, and a justification of their Rebellion; since (1644.) fully answered by a Person then at the Helm, in a Book entitled, The false and scandalous Remonstrance of the Inhuman and bloody Rebels of Ireland, worthy the Earl of Castlehaven's further Information. This Remonstrance, at length, brought forth a Cessation, in hope (as David Routh, titular Bishop of Ossory insinuated) that it would at length prove the ruin of Heresy, and the firmer establishment of the Catholic Faith and Interest. And in truth, whatsoever pretention there was for it, it proved a snare to the English, and no advantage to his Majesty. After which, their Agents were heard by his Majesty in Oxford, who at their departure (amongst many excellent admonitions, worthy so intelligent a Prince) were advised, That if they made haste to assist to suppress the English Rebellion, they might confidently believe he would never forget to whose Merit he owed his Preservation and Restauration, and then it would be in his absolute power to vouchsafe such Graces to them as would not leave them disappointed of their just and full expectations. Words sufficiently August. By which it is apparent, that nothing that ever the Rebels pretended should come to his Majesty's Ears, was obstructed by the Lords Justices or State: Notwithstanding his Lordship is somewhat positive, that the Rebels Petitions (particularly those of the Pale) were never sent to the King. Wherein he assumes the Bleeding Iphigenia's Language, That the Irish to Decemb. 23. 1674. this day were never heard to speak for themselves, which (by what is before cited) is fully disproved. Though their Addresses (I must again say) were bold Capitulations, rather than dutiful Submissions, or acknowledgements of their Guilts; which Father Peter Walsh (this Earls Ghostly Father, P. 127.) takes an especial notice of, with a Resentment worthy himself that (in the * Loy. form. f. 672. Congregation at Dublin 1666. admitted with an unusual Favour) not one moved for a general Petition to be exhibited to his Majesty, imploring his gracious Pardon; notwithstanding the Rebellion 1641. or the behaviour of the Clergy Regular or Secular at Waterford under the Nuncio, 1646. or at Jamestown 1650. even after the Nuncio's Departure; or that they fought against both Laws, and those who had not only the Laws, but the King's special Commission, and broke both Cessations 1643, 1647. both Peace's, 1646, 1648. treated for a Foreign Protector, for the Alienation of the Crown, stood for Mac-Mahon's Book, That an Irish Native might be chosen for their King. Yet that nothing on the State's part (which might induce the Rebels to a submission) might be omitted, they published the 30. of October 1641. a Proclamation, tendering his Majesty's Grace to all seduced Rebels, but none tendered themselves. And the first of November following they set forth another Proclamation, drawn up by Mr. Plunket the Lawyer, (afterwards one of their Party) respecting those of the Pale, who lay next to the Northern Rebels, that in 10 days they might submit, but they joined in the same Rebellion. And the 12. of the same, the Lords Justices and Council reprinted an Order of the Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England, whereby they had power to bestow his Majesty's gracious Pardon to all such as within a convenient time (to be declared by the Governors of that Kingdom) should return to their due obedience, which effected nothing on the Rebels. No more did his Majesty's Gracious Proclamation of the first of January 1641. under his Royal Signature and Privy Signet, commanding them to lay down Arms. And when the Parliament met the 16. of November 1641. and there was a necessity to prorogue it after two days, by reason of the present state and condition wherein the Kingdom stood. The Lords Justices and Council were so careful, that no Jealousies or Pretence should arise thence, as if his Majesty would withdraw any of his Acts of Grace, that they, by his Majesty's directions, did make known to the Parliament, That his Majesty would not depart from any his former Favours promised to them for settling their Estates, to such as should remain faithful and loyal. Nay so desirous were the Lords Justices and Council to draw off from that Combination the Lords and Gentry of the Pale, that Feb. 8. 1641. when they set Prices on the Rebels heads (to which they were authorized,) they never named the Lords of the Pale, and but few of the Gentry amongst the Conspirators, though in an insolent and most prodigious manner they had acted with them. And when the Lords Justices employed a Committee of Parliament to them, they scornfully rejected them, tearing the Order of Parliament, and the Letter that accompanied them. Using no better the Lord Moor, and others appointed to treat with them afterwards; Nor (at another time) some of their own Clergy, that if it had been possible they might have won them to Obedience. Yet further, so desirous was the State to compose all difference betwixt them and the Rebels, that after Sir Richard Barnewell and Patrick Barnewell Esq, both of the County of Meath, had joined with the Northern Rebels, the State (upon their pretence, that if they might have a Commission to Parley with the Rebels, they hoped to do some good for the quiet of the Kingdom) granted them Commissions to that end; although it after appeared (by a very frivolous and scornful return) that this was sought by them only to gain some colour of security for their Rebellious complying with the Rebels, dealing thence most deceitfully in all things expected from the Lords Justices and Council. Could there be greater evidence than these of his Majesty's Governors inclination to Peace and Mercy? It is no wonder that the Confederates, to effect their Empire, should make their way through any calumny they can defame the State withal; that palliating their own Treachery, they might colourably charge the State. Whereas the Irish were so far from being provoked by the State, that no less a testimony than the Word of that great, just and wise Prince, King Charles' I. is extant to Posterity. That he did extremely detest the odious Rebellion which the Recusants of Ireland had, without ground or colour, raised against him, his Crown and dignity. And as for the Lords Justices and most of the Councils being of the Parliaments Persuasion, it is an imputation so unjust, that the World may be defied to evidence wherein they further agreed than to manage the War as it was left to the Parliament, taking their best measures from the King himself. And thus much I may add, that if exceptions were particularly taken against one of the Lords Justices, the Times being ticklish and apt (on misconstructions) to disgust some, the other (more than that he was his Colleague) was so far from being excepted against, maugre whosoever hath the countenance to face his Majesty with the contrary; that he was instituted again with Sir Henry Tichborn in the Government. Nor to this day did ever any, save some Bigot in Popery and Rebellion, blast his memory or actions; unless being reduced to little, for being a perfect Englishman, he may be taxed with too much credulity to trust to Acts and Promises, when he might have secured his Arrears out of the public Revenues, then at his disposure, and yet not have tripled his Estate to what it was before the Rebellion. Fifthly, As to the Racking of Sir John Read: It doth not appear by whose Order it was done; nor consequently who was obliged to answer this Objection. But it is well known the said Read faltered much in the pretence of his business. Nor is it a thing to be wondered at, that one, suspicious, and a Stranger, should be strictly examined in a time of general Conspiracy, the course being often used for Discovery, though not for Evidence. But the Lord Castlehaven puts us in mind, (P. 12.) He was his Majesty's sworn Servant, a Stranger to the Country, unengaged, and an Eye-witness of the Remonstrants Proceedings: That he was his Majesty's sworn Servant, may be likely by the Impost he had upon Butter, procured for him from the King by some chief men of the Society as a * L'Estr. Hist. C. 1. f. 182. Reward for his detestable Service in perverting a Minister and his Family to the Popish Religion; in whose house in Long-Acre the Jesuits Plot (discovered by Andrea's ab Habernfield, a Nobleman of Bohemia) was contrived against the King and Kingdoms. By Nation he was a Scot, in Office a Secular Jesuit, Lieutenant Colonel to Sir Henry Bruce a Papist, in the Earl of Strafford's new raised Army of 8000 in Ireland, and (as his Lordship says) happily an Eye-witness of the Remonstrants Proceedings, therefore the more to be suspected being like to palliate that to the King, which he was privy to in so treacherous a manner. But we cannot allow that he was unengaged, for that (as we have shown) he was formerly interessed in an abominable Plot, and we never heard that he detested it since, and was of the same Faith with the Conspirators, a * So termed in the Impeachment against Fa. Philip's, Straff. Trial, f. 752. Substitute of the Jesuits. All that could be wrung from him (though his Lordship will have it, that he carried a Remonstrance to the King to beg his pardon for what the Confederates had done) was that he had a Petition from a few particular persons about their own concern, not one word of a Remonstrance of Grievances. So as hence it is clear, the State ought not to be taxed for keeping back any Petitions from the King. Neither could that, or his Lordships other pretences be any just motive to desert the State. It being more rational to have adhered to the King's Justice than (in defiance thereof) to fly to his declared Enemies. But the Earl of Castlehaven having taken his way towards the Mountains of Wickloe, he cared little for the Justices; that is, for his Majesty's Authority. Nor was it a wonder, he intending to associate himself with those who had renounced God and the King; and so hastening to Kilkenny in two or three days he joined with the Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholics, entering into their Oath of Association, by which all were bound to obey them, being persuaded thereto through the Love the Country bore him, and his Relation, in reference to his three Sisters married amongst them. Notwithstanding his Majesty's Proclamation Jan. 1. 1641. Declaring All adhering to those lewd and wicked persons then in Rebellion in his Kingdom of Ireland, to be Rebels and Traitors against his Royal Person, and Enemies to his Royal Crown of England and Ireland; Ordering them to be prosecuted with Fire and Sword, as Persons who (by their high Disloyalty against him their lawful and undoubted King and Sovereign) had made themselves unworthy of any Mercy or Favour. And notwithstanding his late Majesties and his Parliaments difference at that time, whereby the siding of such a Person of Quality as his Lordship with the Rebels, brought in Question his Majesty's countenancing of them, when in prosecuting of them, the Royal Army every where succeeded to their chastisement. Yet in despite of this success, his Majesty's Proclamations, and the horrid Examples of Cruelty the Rebels had committed on the English in that Kingdom in a time of settled Peace, without the least occasion given, as his Lordship words it in his Epistle to the Reader, He swore to the hazard of his Life and Estate, to assist▪ prosecute and maintain their Association. As to which Oath I shall not say much, it being elsewhere answered, and particularly well commented on in the Letter to the Earl of Castlehaven. (P. 50.) But I shall mind him of what the Act of Settlement (somewhat slightly spoken of by his Lordship) says, That the Confederates disowned and rejected his, and his Royal Father's undoubted Right to Ireland, even while they (in the outward form of their proceedings) treacherously used their Majesty's names; withal, impiously seeming by words and shows to swear unto that, which by the whole Series of their Deeds they denied. So as whatsoever satisfaction his Lordship took in the Model of their Government, or the pretence of their Oath (with which he was much pleased) this Act of Settlement must brand their Proceedings to Posterity. And since the E. of Castlehav. is so often pleased to bring in the Marq. of Ormond as consulting with him, I cannot omit how his Excellency takes notice in his Letter to Loughreogh, that notwithstanding the Confederates continual Declarations of Loyalty to his Majesty, and their sincerity and earnestness to advance his Service and Interest; they have continually by themselves and their known Instruments, practised the direct contrary. Which considered I cannot think his being one of the Supreme Council, and General of the Horse under Preston (before the Cessation) could ever sublimate his Birth or Loyalty. For in imitation of Good the Precedent is preferred, so is Imitation in Evil worse than the Precedent, and that yet worse, where there is more time for Deliberation. His Lordship joined not with the Confederates in many Months after their Rebellion, when he saw a Design of setting up a Supreme Council, in opposition to his Majesty's Authority; and was not ignorant of the unpunished Villainies and Murders by the Confederates. And now being seated in the Supreme Council, where he Walsh s. 115. made up the 25. with relation to no Province, but the Kingdom in general; He observes: First, That if a Letter came to them written in Irish, it would be wondered at, and hardly could one be found to read it. (P. 23.) Thereby implying that the Council was composed merely of English, the worse to be liked, not having English spirits. But it is evident few or none (except himself) were other than excellently skilled in the Irish. What else did Darcy, Martin, the Lords Mountgarret and Muskery, the rest of the Commissioners, their Archbishops of Dublin and Tuam, with Tirlogh O Neil do there? Every of which (besides all their Covents, of which there were several in Kilkenny) used it frequently as their Native Speech, ordering several of their Acts, sometimes in Irish as well as English, to be printed at Waterford by Thomas Bowrke, Printer to the Confederate Catholics of Ireland. Secondly, That they were not in Case to bring to Justice those that begun the Rebellion. What Justice he means, is not for me to divine▪ but it is apparent that what those did, the Supreme Council countenanced; else they would not have moved by joint Council, lived on one public Stock of Maintenance; nor had the victory of one been the victory of the other, which through the Scene was equally acknowledged. Thirdly, His Lordship observes, that he never saw any of them esteemed or advanced. I know not what he esteems Advancement, but I find in the General Assembly Sir Phelim O Neil, Tirlogh O Neil, Philip Mac Mulmore O Rely, Hubert Fox, Pierce Fitz-Gerald▪ John Bellew, John Stanley, James Fleming, Roger Moor, etc. All men at first proscribed. And his Lordship tells us of Owen O Neil in the great and notable Assembly at Waterford. And were I well acquainted with the List of the Supreme Council, no question but I might find some that appeared first in Rebellion brooding there, as others to the end entertained as Generals and supreme Officers in their Army; than which, what can be more of Esteem, or of greater Advancement? In the next place his Lordship takes notice of his good Fortune at Birrh, to begin with an action of charity. (P. 23.) And certainly the effect was good, but whether from a principle of right Charity (which proceeds from a love of God to his Creatures) or Policy, I shall not busy myself to conclude. But as the Case stood, his Majesty's Army was so prosperous in all parts, as had any less been done (than what he undertook) the return would have certainly been very severe; though when the best he can pretend to is summed up at Birrh, it must be concluded he was fortunate in Disloyalty. It is not my intention to speak any thing of his Lordship's Encounters (they are under consideration) his * P. 67. success in appeasing Mutinies, his ⸫ P. 87. Counsels, and the † P. 73, etc. Mercy he showed to any, (with which he seems to be much satisfied;) no man doubts but his inbred Gallantry, Education and Experience (P. 115. 119.) in this and other Wars (in which he had been long trained) led him to many Attempts, all could not be unfortunate, Policy as well as Arms being often prevalent. Though for that (P. 33.) wherein he succeeded against Sr. Charles Vavafor, so many miscarriages fell out to impede Sir Charles' success, as the Encounter there rather resembled an Incursion than a Battle; and may parallel the great General's Parties attempt at Fienagh, where the Horse being sent over to skirmish, the English mingling with them on a sudden, the Foot could do nothing, but through fear to kill their own, left the Bridge, Castle▪ and all free to the Enemy, (P. 46.) And for those who were killed after quarter given at Cloghlea Castle, the Act was so much resented by Sir Charles' as (had he come off at the Pass his Lordship encountered him) the manager of that unsaithfulness had been no less severely punished than those his Lordship mentions (P. 67.) who (contrary to the Conditions given by his Men to the Castle, he hath forgotten the name of) were sadly used by his Soldiers, rifled, wounded, slain. Not long after this, it seems the Marquis of Ormond's Letter came by a Trumpeter to the Supreme Council then at Ross, who was quickly dispatched with a slight Answer, (P. 35.) which the Earl of Castlehaven resenting (on consultation with others) returned from the Supreme Council a Letter to his Excellency, That they had summoned a General Assembly, in order to acknowledge the King's gracious favour in naming him his Commissioner to hear their Grievances and redress them. Which may be well looked on as a Reflection, how far he had deviated, and a respect to his Excellency; whilst it cannot but lay a foul aspersion on the Supreme Council, who could be so insolent as to dispatch a slight Answer to his Majesty's Condescensions. Though the 8. of July afterwards his Lordship joining with the said Supreme Council▪ in returning the insufferable Answer they sent to the States * See Hist: of the Execrable Irish Rebel: f. 128. Warrant for the Release of Synnot, can hardly be wiped off with a tolerable excuse. This Letter soon after brought on a Treaty, which ended in the Cessation at Sigginstown, Septemb. 15. 1643. till which was effected, all Parties (writes his Lordship, P. 36. ) laboured to get into possession of what they could. This in the King's Party was very tolerable, but as to his (intending thereby to retain by force his Majesty's Castles, to out his good Subjects of their Inheritance, and to keep up their usurped Authority) was looked on as very unjust and insolent. Especially when his Majesty's Commission of Grace (for a Cessation of Arms) was in execution, and his Prime Commissioner (near the place his Lordship besieged) employing his Officers to procure necessary Provisions for him. However the Earl of Castlehaven proceeded in that manner to a Cessation, which in truth proved but a Stratagem to draw the English Forces out of Ireland, that the Confederates might reign alone. After which his Lordship was chosen (by the General Assembly) Generalissimo, (Owen O Neil being thereof disappointed) of which and his proceeding afterwards (being that they seemed more to respect the King's Affairs) I shall not say much, his Memoirs having spoken sufficiently. And as to the Lord Inchiquin's changing Parties, (which he often reflects on) his Lordship hath expressed his sense, though in justification of the Lord Inchiquin more need not be said than what he in his Letter to Colonel Jones June 23. 1649. there says for himself, That he had changed the Party, not the Cause, bidding him make all things the same they were pretended, and he was the same he ever was. But to proceed, The Lord Castlehaven writes, (P. 54, 56. ) That he served not the Confederate Catholics after the Service he had done them in his Expedition in Munster. Though he accounts it a kindness to have been confided in by them, whom we are able to make good, did first assume, usurp and exercise the Power of Life and Death, make Peace and War, Levy and Coin Money, and did many other Acts of Sovereign Authority; concluding in that excellent Model of Government (P. 22.) he takes the freedom to commend, That no Temporal Government or Jurisdiction should be assumed, kept or exercised within that Kingdom, or any Province thereof, than what is approved or instituted by their General Assembly. Considering which, how his Lordship should account it a kindness to be entertained by such a Confederacy, being a Peer of England, and descended thence from an ancient Stock of Worth and Honour, I must confess I have not yet arrived at that Morality to understand it such. Though to complete this Government the Popish Lawyers were principal Instruments, making use of their Learning and Skill for subversion of Government and good Order, seasonably observed by the Person of Honour in his Letter to the E. of Castlehaven, and may (I hope) for the future be an item in the State's admittance of such to the Bar. And his Lordship must pardon the shrewd Memory of the▪ English, if they call to mind how (in so bloody a Cause) he could join with the Confederates against such detestations of that Rebellion, as his late Majesty signified almost in every Declaration and Message; and is (in his present Majesty's Declaration Novemb. 5.) remembered as a heinous Rebellion, and unnatural Insurrection. Which since the Receipt of the Letter from the Person of Honour, the Earl of Castlehaven is convinced, or (at least is content) to acknowledge in his Epistle to the Reader (added since he published his Memoirs) that it was a Rebellion all the Water of the Sea cannot wash off that Nation. But to help that, his Lordship is acquainted (in the Col. Letter P. 10.) That he was ordered to go to him, and use his endeavours to persuade him to hasten a Peace, for which (from the beginning of the War▪) his Lordship had always laboured: with respect doubtless to his Oath of Association, by which he was obliged not directly nor indirectly to do any Act prejudicial to the Cause he had undertaken to maintain, (viz.) the Exercise of the Roman Catholic Faith and Religion, etc. throughout the Kingdom, and all that should engage therein. An Oath absolutely destructive to the English and their Interest. Certainly there is not any thing that bespeaks a Christian more than a Mind conciled to Truth and Union. But how those ends should meet in the Peace he designed, was very unlikely, considering his Majesty's Concessions to the Adventurers, the inestimable loss the English Protestants had suffered, and the Enquiry there ought to have been for the innocent Blood poured forth like Water, in Ireland; the least of which never came under consideration. In as much as it is notably observed by the Person of Honour, (P. 58.) That the Irish did the English more hurt, and advantaged themselves more by the Cessation and two first Peace's, than ever they did or could do by open Force after the first Massacre; nothing (writes Colonel Jones in his Letter to the Marquis of Ormond, March 31. 1649.) being to the English Interest in that Kingdom more pernicious and apparently destructive. However (after near three years' deliberation) his Majesty was forced to the Peace 1646. in assurance of a vigorous Assistance, as before Act of Settlement, f. 10. he had been forced to the Cessation. And this not as * Walsh's Reply to the Pers. of Q. P. 102. one will have it, who (to wipe off the Force his Majesty was put to) will have the Expression to be meant of those that erected that odious Court for taking away the life of the Excellent King Charles the First, and not of the Confederates; whereas the Cessation 1643. and Peace 1646. (to which his Majesty says his Father was forced) was some years before that odious Court was ever thought on, or erected. Upon the breach of which Peace, the Earl of Castlehaven, observes, (P. 80.) That Story mentions not any one thing that had so fatal a consequence. The Articles of which being notoriously violated (it is no matter, whether through the Nuncio's standing for Glamorgans' Peace, treacherously obtained, and disallowed of by the King, or the Confederates private dissensions, both proceeding from animosities to the State.) But certain it is, That all the Rebels Proceedings, and their Demands, however condescended to, were insolent Treason. Besides the Lord Lieutenant was infamously used, forced out of the Kingdom, the Parliament then sitting at Dublin, Registering it to Posterity, That the Irish were an insolent and, upon all advantages, a perfidious and bloody Enemy. None accompanying his Excellency to Dublin in his hazardous Retreat thithes▪ when he and the Protestant Army were designed to be cut off by Owen O Neil, but the Earl of Castlehaven, (P. 75.) who, upon the Rebels blocking up of Dublin, advised the Lord Lieutenant, (P. 78.) rather to deliver it to the Parliament than the Rebels; for that when the King should have England he would have Ireland with it▪ which otherwise with the Nuncio and his Party might remain separate. A right Conclusion, and that (if it were his advice,) determined for the best. * The Marqs Letter to Col. Jones, March 17▪ 1649. Sure it is, the Marquis of Ormond chose to capitulate with Jones and others employed by the two Houses of Parliament, to deliver up Dublin into their hands, and other places, for that he could no longer hold them, rather than to suffer them to be taken by an Army instigated by a Foreigner, to the danger of the whole Kingdom, and the destruction of those he had so long protected. Afterwards I find his Lordship for some time retired, in the interim the Lord Inchiquin, the Lord Taaff, and other considerable Persons united. Upon which the Marquis of Ormond, at the request of the Confederates to the Queen and Prince, was wrought upon to reassume his Lieutenantship, with whom the E. of Castlehav▪ returned. The Lord Lieutenant entered upon this Employment, when the King was in his greatest trouble; solemnly then concluding with all imaginable satisfaction to the Confederates, (though highly dishonourable to The Pers. of Hon. Letter. P. 27. the Crown of England, and destructive to the Protestants) the Peace of 1648. as before he had done the Peace of 1646. upon the frequent commands he had▪ not too let slip the means of settling that Kingdom fully under his Majesty's obedience, which none could blame the King to make, upon difficult Conditions, That he might get such a United Power of his own Subjects, as might have been able (with God's blessing) to have prevented that infamous and horrid Parricide which ensued. Though generous souls would rather have adventured all Interests, than to have enhanced their price on his Majesty's necessities. But to come to the Peace, which the Confederates (as his Lordship writes, P. 81.) confirmed and sealed with the blood of more than 20000 of their best men, who lost their lives to maintain it, refusing in the mean while all Offers of Peace, and that even to the very last, from the Parliament. It would take up more time than can be dispensed with (at present) to answer all that is here alleged. I cannot say but as many as his Lordship affirms may be lost of the Irish; but that they fell in maintenance of this Peace, he must give me leave to doubt: In as much as Owen O Neil, the Earl of Antrim, and all the Northern Rebels refused to submit thereunto. Whose assistance to the other Party he cannot forget, and on what grounds they became Mercenary to Sir Charles Coot, no more than that no Towns that the Confederates had but Kilkenny would receive a Garrison, (P. 42.) And I am confident it is not out of his memory what the Clergy did at Jamestown, August 12. 1650. two days after that they had sent the Bishop of Dromore and Doctor Kelly to persuade the Lord Lieutenant to leave the Kingdom, claiming thereby a Power Paramount to his Majesty's Authority, seconding their Excommunication with daily affronts, searching for him at Galway as for a Criminal person, their Clergy denying to revoke their Excommunication, or to give assurance to him, or the Commissioners of Trust, for not attempting the like for the future. The Commissioners too of Trust (on whom much was reposed) being not all of like integrity. The Hist, of the Ir. Reb. f▪ 227, 233. The over balance of the Government being clearly in the Irish hands. Others whom some cried were Ormonists, being upon the matter Ciphers, as eminently appeared in the Conference at The Hist. of the Ir. Reb. f. 233. Kilkenny, and yet 20000 lost their lives to maintain the Peace of 1648. This Noble Earls Memoirs furnish us with Actions of a notable and active General, such as engaged his Soldiers in Judgement as well as Duty, (P. 136.) so as it may be expected with the Persian General, that he knew every Soldier by his name, and therefore might the more particularly affirm that 20000 fell in maintenance of the Peace of 1648. Yet who shall consider the Premises, and those who afterwards submitted, will believe some unites are wanting to complete his Arithmetic. It may be he hath forgot that Captain Stafford (a Roman Catholic) yielded up the Castle of Wexford unto Cromwell, and entered himself into his Service, by which there ensued a notable effusion of blood. And I see it is out of his mind▪ how a Party of the Confederates contracted with Ireton to give an Inlet for his Army into Limerick, by securing a Port for that purpose; when, at the same time, Hugh O Neil their Governor opposed it. And though he hath not forgot how he hindered the General Assembly met at Loghreogh (upon the Marquis of clanrickard's entry on the Government) to agree with the Parliament; yet it cannot but be remembered, how unanimously they treated about it; so as what was prevented in the General, Parties afterwards concluded severally. As May 12. 1652. all under the Earl of Westmeath and the Lord Muskery (with whom there were several Lords, Knights and Persons of Quality comprehended,) concluded an Agreement with the Parliament, though others dissented by reason that they could not have the like Conditions, not for any affection to the King's Cause, or in maintenance of the Peace, 1648. but by reason the bloodiness of their Crimes could never be absolved. This being the truth, how may it be said, That to the end they refused all Offers of Peace to the Parliament. Vind. Cath. p. 208. Non defuerunt (writes an Author of the Conspiracy) Catholici, proh pudor! maxim Paci & Ormonio hactenus adversarii, qui hisce Cromwellii legibus sese subderent. More we might say, but the time wastes. However we cannot draw off till we have somewhat considered his Lordship's Charge, (P. 81.) That since his Majesty's happy Restauration, the Estates of such as maintained the Peace to the last, have been given away by the Acts of Settlement, some very few excepted. The bleeding Iphigenia (a leading man in the Supreme Council) first raised this Cry, Wonders, writes he, being done since his Majesty's Restauration, Rebels are made honest men, and honest men Rebels, by the King's Royal Pleasure. Excellent language! and that, it seems, which is the sense of the principal Romanists at this day; else the late unfortunate Viscount Stafford would not so readily (as he is charged by the eloquent and judicious Lord Chancellor) have reviled his Majesty for misplacing his Bounty, and rewarding none but Traitors and Rebels. Which agreeing with what we have mentioned, may be reason sufficient to fix his Lordship a while here centring in Opinion. Not that I do deny, but happily there were some (who after their first defection) faithfully performed what they promised (more out of Interest than Duty,) and are not satisfied to their expectations. Yet it is to be weighed, that the Peace was made with the Community, not particular Persons, with the Collective Body of the Irish, not any dissenting Clergy: so as the Breach being almost General, Individuals could not have the benefit thereof. Nor hath the Act of Settlement declared any Estates forfeited for fight for his Majesty, but for being guilty of the horridst Rebellion History ever recorded. Neither doth his Majesty give any part of such forfeited Estates as a Reward to any for fight against him, as if thereby from being Rebels they were made honest men: But thereby he is graciously pleased to continue and confirm the Estates in the hands of his Protestant Subjects, formerly possessed thereof as Adventurers or Soldiers, redeeming their Error of a Temporal Defection by arresting the first Opportunity, (without consulting the success thereof, or capitulating with their Swords in their hands, as did the Irish) to hazard their lives for his Majesty's Restauration: so as it seems somewhat harsh, to say, That the Estates of some few only were exempted, when his Majesty in his gracious Declaration for the Settlement of Ireland, November 30. 1660. saith, We cannot doubt but that all who have merited from us, will confess that we have been so far from being failing to them, that we have as well provided for them, as after so great troubles and confusions, and after such blessed circumstances of our Restauration, they could reasonably expect. And it is clear by the Act pursuant to that Declaration, that the most eminent and considerable Persons (even such as soon after those who began the Rebellion in the North) who took up Arms, summoned, by the Intrusion of the Clergy, a general Congregation, they by a packed Party of bloody Papists in Rebellion and Confederacy, a General Assembly, those a Supreme Council concurring with the malice and hatred of the former, who necessitated his Majesty to a Cessation, fetched in the Nuncio, abjured both Peace's, confederated with the Clergy, kept the Lord Lieutenant out of the principal Towns, and twice forced him out of the Kingdom, who was their Asylum, their Advocate, compassionately designing excellent things for them, though with great hardship and damage to the English. These afterwards ascribing all his Actions, his Counsels, how provident, how sincere soever, foedae Proditioni, (writes Vind. Cath. p. 223.) whilst he suffered much calumny for his desire of preserving many of them that fell into his hands, as some of the Assembly could witness, who were by his means preserved, and might testify as much: Treating however with Foreigners for Aid and Protection, are restored in Blood and Estate, not respecting a Condition in that Act, That such as entered into the Roman Catholic Confederacy at any time before the Articles of Peace 1648. should not be restored as innocent Papists. And his Lordship dates their kindness in admitting him to their Confederacy, An. 1642. And are these with his Lordship only a few? When his Majesty had a Prospect of his Return for England, he was so condescending (as having notice that Edmund Reily Archbishop of Armagh had attempted to instigate the Male contents against his coming in, promising to that end great assistance from a conjunction of the stronger Part of the Roman Catholic Irish) that he had Don Stephano de Gameno (then Spanish Ambassador with the States) spoken to, that by a Command from Rome, the said Reily might be revoked immediately out of Ireland, else he should be put to the Stress of signing a Warrant for his Execution. Considering which, as his Majesties other condescensions, it looks ill that so signal a Grace should be so diminutatively expressed; as if a few only were exempted by his clemency. But to return to his Memoirs. The Earl of Castlehaven having been retired, for some difficulties concerning Command, (P. 96.) is now joined again with the Army before Dublin, quartering near Rathmines, the success of which, his Lordship not being in chief Command, (P. 136.) I shall not mention; no Army or Party of Army being ever beaten so by an Enemy as to lose their ground to the end of the Fight where he commanded in Chief: yet his Excellency had many gallant Persons with him; and this Lord was designed a particular Post, which he does not tell us how he quitted. However, the blame is not always to be fixed where it may most justly be placed. Nor if the Lord Inchiquin had not gone into Munster with the 1100 Horse, as he was ordered to do at a Council of War * See the M. of Ormond's Letter to Loghreog. f. 110. , who is here † 97. and elsewhere ‖ 63, 64, 83, 84, 97, 98, etc. reflected on as if it had been a particular Project of his own, could the Contingencies of that day have been secured, all the Gallantry that was afterwards showed, being not sufficient to redeem the misfortune (I will not say the miscarriage) of that day which in time brought on the Earl of Clanrickard to be Deputy, before (writes his Lordship, P. 116,) no more than a Spectator; whereas in November 1646. he was made Lieut. General of the Army and the great Confident of the Lord Lieutenant and Confederates. Hence the Earl of Castlehaven, upon the Lord Lieutenants retreat into France, made a Noble Figure in the following War, though it is observed, not without severity and fierce Prosecution of the English. And it cannot but be said, (P. 112.) that (according to his Excellency's command) he kept a bustle as long as he could, and seasonably opposed the Duke of Lorrain's Agent, (P. 125.) hating to buy a supply so dear, as to give footing, or colour of pretence, or title to any foreign Prince, on hopes of succour thence. Which redounds much to his honour, though the Abbot of St. Katherine's did land, and by the Confederates (met at Galway) was treated with, without the privity of the Deputy who was not far from them. Afterwards not being able to bustle further, his Lordship, the L. Castlehav. (P. 124.) was dispatched into France for Succours, which failing he procured, the Lord Deputy his Majesty's Letter acknowledging his good Service, ordering him that he should make the best Conditions for himself and Party, that he could. Which was the last of the Earl of Castlehaven's Employments; but remains a standing honour to his Lordship, and a Justice due to the Marquis of Clanrickard's Merits. FINIS.