THE WAY TO HONOUR. In three PARTS.  

First Part, of Councils and Councillors.  
Second Part, Of the well-qualified Courtier.  
Third Part, Of Martial Prowess and Learning.   
Illustrated and adorned by many famous Examples, as well Ancient as Modern.  
By B. B. Gent.  
LONDON, Printed for Tho. Parkhurst at the Bible and three Crowns, at the lower end of Cheapside. 1678.   

To the Illustrious and Magnanimous Prince Christopher, Duke of Albemarle, Earl of Torrington, Baron Monk of Potheridge, Beaucamp, and Teys; Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter; one of the Gentlemen of His Majesty's Bedchamber; one of the Lords of His Majesty's Most Honourable Privy-Council; and Lord Lieutenant of the County of Devonshire, and Essex.  
May it please your Grace,  
IF I should present you with what is contained in this Concise Treatise, of The Way to Honour, as binding Rules to your Grace, I should be like to that ridiculous Philosopher, who, not knowing any thing of War, more than some few Martial Axioms, presumed to read Military Lectures to Hannibal, one of the greatest Captains ever Nature produced: Your Noble Soul being endued with such principles of true Honour, that it comprehends all Laws in itself, that direct and manage you. I only assume the boldness, my Lord, to throw these my Labours at your Grace's Feet, humbly begging that they may be shrouded under the Wings of your Grace's most noble Patronage; and I hope your truly Heroic Generosity is such, that it will not disdain the meaner, and obscurer, as well as more Glorious and Resplendent Objects: For I am confident I could not choose a more Glorious Patron of The Way to Honour, than your Grace, the very Mirror of true Honour, and Epitome of Worth. But if my Presumption in this present Dedication be great, yet I hope your Grace's greater goodness may be pleased to pardon the same. And though I am not ignorant that your Grace may be averse from all addresses of this Nature; yet could not such an apprehension beat me from my design, being forced to the attempt by the ardent desire I had to show my humble and profound respects to your Grace's grand, as well Hereditary as Personal Merits, which are of such a transcendent Quality, as that all your Noble, and brave Inclinations, and Deportments show you to be the Generous Son of that incomparable Hero, that miracle of Men, that Wonder of future Ages, the happy restorer of lawful Monarchy, and Loyalty. But here I must acknowledge my own insufficiency, to give due Praises to such eminent Virtue, which has raised itself upon the most solid Foundation of true Honour, that ever bypast Times could produce, Foreign Nations boast of, or Ancient or Modern Story mention, and leave it to a more able Pen, to do your Grace, if possible, and the World that right; but as it is beyond all former example, so I think it is above all real Character: wishing to see your Grace's Ensigns flourish where the Roman Eagles never flew.  
Generous Prince, the Subject of this ensuing Discourse disagrees so much with my present condition, that it may with some show of Justice give occasion to Critics to upbraid me with Presumption: but when they know that neither my Condition, or hopes have formerly been so despicable, or desperate, but that I might with some reason have aspired to something else than what I am; and consider, that Fortune takes delight to display upon the Theatre of preferment, the most remarkable tricks of her malice; they will be no more censorious, but commend the endeavour, though weak, as aiming at the public good.  
As that Glorious Lamp of the World distributes Light, Heat, Life, and motion to inferior bodies, without the least diminution of its Splendour, or inherent virtues; so may this our Rising-Sun send down benevolent influences on our rising hopes, before he reach the Meridian of his Glory. Then will we cry out with Themistocles, we had been undone if we had not been so. I for my part will court occasions to merit the least favourable Aspect, and always acknowledge myself to be,  
Brave Prince, Your Grace's Most humbly devoted Servant. B. B.   

Licenced,  
September 20. 1677. Roger L'Estrange.   

OF COUNCILS AND COUNCILLORS.  

PART. I.  

The PROEM.  
SEEING it is most certain, that in Private Affairs the wisest of Men stand in need of the Advice of others; how much more can such want the Counsel of prudent Men, who reign over multitudes of People, 
* Tac. ●, 4. an.  〈◊〉 encumbered with almost infinite troubles: such, I say, whose least errors are prejudicial to the whole Kingdom, and sometimes to the whole World? Therefore as Tyrants hated Faithful Councillors, and did confer great Honour and Riches, (the just rewards of virtue,) on wicked Men, by whose Flagitious Impiety their Empires were often brought to destruction: So on the contrary we read that the best Princes were always accompanied with Honest and Faithful Ministers. Cajus Caesar had Quintus Pedius; Augustus, Maecenas and Agrippa: Adrian had Celsus, Salvius and Neratius, Marcus Antoninus, Scaevola, Mutianus and Volsianus; and Severus had Pompinianus. You shall hardly find, says Vellius, that eminent Princes did not make use of virtuous Councillors to govern their Fortunes. Great things, says Cicero, 
* Cic. in Cat. majere.  are not done through Strength or Celerity of the Body, but through Council and Authority. And I, says Sallust, have found by much reading and hearing, that all Kingdoms and Commonwealths were prosperous, so long as Good Council had Authority amongst them; but when Favour, Fear and Voluptuousness did corrupt the same, then incontinently their riches were diminished, their command taken from them; and last of all they endured the Yoke of Bondage and Slavery: which was understood, when Pericles, to gain the favour of the Common-people, 
* Plutar.  did take away the Authority of the Areopagitas, or Athenian Judges, and did give the same to the Vulgar. For not long after that Commonwealth did begin to fall, being shaken with Foreign and Civil War. 
* Dionys. Hal. l. 2.  And Judicious Men do think, that the only cause that made Rome flourish so long, was, that they did not follow their own, but the Counsel of their Senate. There is no greater Instrument of a well governed Kingdom, says Tacitus, 
* Lib. 4. Hist.  than a Good Councillor. And to speak it in a Word, the Mind and Understanding are not more necessary in an humane body, than Council is in a Prince. It was a saying of one of the Sages of Greece, that in the Assembly of wise men, Princes themselves grow wise. The Prince becomes good, says Capitolanus, if he make use of good Men for his Councillors. And let it be granted, that the Prince's Commands were sometimes hard; yet they will seem just for this only cause, that they were done with the consent of prudent Men▪ neither can a Prince show a greatee evidence of a good Nature, (according to Cominus) than to choose Councillors famous for their Virtue. For every one will presently judge, that the Inclinations and Manners of the Prince, are corresponding to those of his Favourites. Princes are known by their Councillors, says Oth● the Emperor 
* Lib. ●. Hist.  in Tacitus. Moreover Subjects will fear to offend, or contradict the Command of such Princes, wh●m they know to do all things with the consent of Judicious Men; besides the pleasure which Princes enjoy, who oblige good Men by their affection and benevolence, on whose Virtue and Fidelity they can securely rely.   

CHAP. I. The Definition and Nature of a Council.  
A Council, says the Philosopher, is a certain, investigation or search of those things, by which we can easily come to the end, which we have proposed to ourselves.  
But because in this place we are to speak of the Council of a Prince, we call the same a Lawful Assembly of selected Men, to give Advice to their Prince, in the administration of Affairs, either in Peace or War; by whose help he minds things bypast, beholds those which are present, provides for the future, obtains the happy success of his enterprises, shuns misfortunes, or if that be not possible, finds a way whereby they may become supportable.  
This Council may be considered in three respects, the Persons therein, to wit, the Councillor who giveth Council, and the Prince who asketh the same; next, the things which are handled in the Council, and lastly the end thereof. Three things are to be regarded, says Quintilian, in Persuasions and Councils: what it is, who they are, and to what end.   

CHAP. II. The Description, Qualification, and Duty of a Councillor.  
A Councillor is he, who faithfully and prudently suggesteth to his Prince, what tendeth to the good of the Republic.  
From which Description we must observe two things, his Qualifications, and his Office or Duty. That it may be better understood, the Qualifications of a Councillor are partly from Nature, partly from Industry, and partly from Fortune; to be more brief, they are either innate, or acquired; innate as the Genius, comely form of the Body; and parts acquired by Study or Exercise, Arts, Sciences, etc.  

SECT. I. Of his Genius.  
Seeing then that none can excel in any Virtue, unless they have the Foundation of Nature laid, a Councillor must be of a strong and solid Wit. For as great weights, which cannot be elevated by the mere strength of Men, are easily moved by Engines; so you shall effect that by your Promptitude of Wit, which you oftimes cannot do any other manner of way. There are some prompt motions of the mind, says Cicero, which are quick to excogitate, and fertile to explain and adorn. It is requisite for a Councillor to have a ready and indefaticable Genius, in the managing of Civil Affairs, and who knows to fit his Counsels according to Circumstances. A man is known to have a good Genius, if he be eloquent, quick of apprehension, prompt in answering, clear in instructing, and cautious in serious matters. The Wit, says Seneca, is nourished, and grows by Precepts; adds new persuasions to those already inbred, and amends the bad.  
But a Councillor must know how to use this quickness aright, lest he deserve the name of a Sophister. Whereas therefore we say that a good Genius is needful, that must not be understood merely of one that is acute and great, but of one that is prompt and apt, and which has the direct rule of a solid Judgement. For without this, Affairs many times have destructive and fatal events. Fiery and too subtle Spirits, says Curtius, 
* Lib. 2.  are fit to innovate than manage Affairs, and often destroy their own Authority, if they have any. For it's frequently seen by Nature's decree distributing her gifts amongst Mortals, that a man, although of an excellent Genius, is nevertheless not fit for every sort of employment, and cannot happily enough apply himself to the various Inclinations and Humours of Men. Marcus Cato was such in War, that Men would have judged him to have been born amongst Swords and Pikes; but if he had applied himself to his studies, you would have thought that he had his Birth and Education amongst Books. The moderate and solid spirit of Titus, says Tacitus, and the beauty of his countenance, joined with a certain Majesty in his deportment did augment his Fame and Reputation.   

SECT II. Of his Form.  
The comely Form therefore of the Body, and the Beauty and Gravity of his Countenance, are great Ornaments to a States man. For although they fade either through sickness, or length of time; yet what is beautiful purchaseth Love, seeing external beauty carries the image of what is Divine: and though sometimes a beautiful Nature lurks under an ignoble form, or a gallant spirit is hid in a deformed Body, yet that is very rare. The beauty and comeliness of Scipio Africanus was an admiration to the Ancient Spaniards. The due symmetry of parts in the Body is held in veneration, even amongst the Barbarians; So that they esteemed none capable of great actions, but such as Nature had beautified with an excellent person.   

SECT. III. Of his Age.  
It will not be impertinent that the Age also of a Councillor be spoken of in this place, as another qualification; and what Age is most fitting for the managing Affairs of State. Youth is obnoxious to divers pleasures and Lusts, to Passion, desire of Command, Ambition and Intemperance. Moreover young men's Understandings and Judgements are not so solid, their experience not so great as those of riper years; their Authority less with the People, and are more easily ensnared with the Deceits of their Adversaries: from whence, (and that not undeservedly,) they are called Abortive Statesmen. It is forbidden, says Pliny writing to Trajane, that any assume the Name of Magistrate under Ten Years of Age.  
On the contrary, Old age is for the most part Timorous, Suspicious, Incredulous, and Avaricious. The nearer a Man is to his Grave, he is for the most part the more anxious and fearful, is also more unable to undergo pains and troubles, and more forgetful; by which defects many occasions are ofttimes neglected; and his more talkative Nature, if there be any experience therein, is often turned into obstinacy. For these Reasons Aristotle disapproved of young men, because they were unexperienced, and old men because they were unable.  
The middle Age therefore is most fit for Councillors, which is from Thirty to Sixty. I do not deny but that there may be some Men fit for that employ both before and after that Age: But, according to Furius Coriolanus; It is better for men under Thirty Years, to go to famous Universities, to travel, to learn the Manners and Customs of Men and Nations, to know the Courts of Princes, and to follow the Camp; and for Men above Sixty, to begin to live to themselves, to make use of what they have purchased by their virtue with ease and quietness, and to have a care of the health of their Souls only.   

SECT. iv Of the acquired Qualifications of a Councillor.  

Subsect I. Of the Knowledge and Fear of God.  
Thus much of innate helps, and the Age of a Councillor. Acquired ones relate to those things which are necessary to the right and happy Government of the Commonwealth. Amongst which the Knowledge and Fear of God has the first place. For seeing Impiety doth eradicate all Fear of offending, and that the Councils of the Wicked are fraudulent; It follows that the contempt of Religion doth bring the destruction of Public Affairs. To omit, that it's God only, who gives Understanding, Fortitude, and Riches; who beats back the Violence of Enemies, and who gives Victory and Glory to great Men: How I beseech you, can he give Council in great matters, who has not his mind pure, and shining with Divine Splendour? For who are acceptable to God, are instructed with Divine Councils, and for that cause do seldom err. That which even the Heathens did see, amongst whom the Opinion of Religion, though superstitious and erroneously false, had great Authority. We are bound in our duty by no greater tye, than that of true Religion. As therefore the Common-good can be no ways separated from Honesty, no more can Honesty be separated from Religion. And to conclude, according to Valerius Maximus; They are deceived, says he, who teach that Men are kept in their Duty by Humane Power, and not by the fear of Divine Vengeance. The Councils of Men are punished when they are preferred before those of God.   

Subsect. 2. Of Philosophy.  
The second help is Philosophy, of which our Councillor should not be ignorant, but especially of such as consists in Action, to wit, the Morals; neither would I have him ignorant of Natural Philosophy, which consists more in contemplation. It is unseemly for a Minister of State, conversing often with great and learned Men, not to know the Natural causes of things, how those Bodies do consist which we call Elements, what Power or Force causeth Thunder and Lightning, what distinguisheth the Rainbow with such divers colours, what doth raise Winds, causeth Earthquakes, covers the Channels of the Earth continually with Waters, and the like.  
But let him be chief instructed in the Mathematics, the first part whereof is Arithmetic. For how can he without this understand Accounts of what is received and given out, if any time the charge of the Treasury or Exchequer be committed to him.  
Geometry and Geography, without which History cannot be well-understood, Lands cannot be divided, Camps cannot be pitched, Towns builded, Cities and Castles fortified, are also very needful for our Councillor.  
It's absurd in those having the administration of the Commonwealth to be ignorant of those things whereby the same doth subsist. Which Plato understood, when he pronounced that famous sentence as from an Oracle, That Commonwealths should be happy, when either Philosophers did reign; or Princes did addict themselves to Philosophy.  
There is not a more commendable part of Philosophy, says Pliny 
* Epis. 2.  than to do a public good, to know and do Justice, and to put in Practice what Philosophers teach. This part of Philosophy showeth what is honest, and what is not so, what is the end of good and evil; how a Family should be governed; what the Power of the Father is, the Husband, and the Master; with what Virtues and Arts he should be endued who governs; what the best form of Government is; by what means declining and falling Commonwealths are supported, and the best Precepts and Laws whereby they are moderated. Crassus does affirm, 
* Apud Citer. de Orat.  That he cannot be an Orator, who has not learned this part of Philosophy. For every Oration should be of those things which we ought to do, or which we ought to shun; wherein seeing all our duty doth consist, it follows necessarily, that he who is ignorant thereof, should want matter in his speech. Therefore he deservedly exclaims, O Philosophy! the guide of Life, the searcher of Virtue, the banisher of Vice, etc.  
I know that the Opinion of the Vulgar is, that those who in more mature Age are addicted to the study of Philosophy, are Men given to Solitude, and without Experience, and therefore upon no account are fit for Affairs of Government; but they are deceived. For we do not speak here of Philosophy, which consists in the mere Ideas of the Mind, or of those who without Judgement study the same, and are wise except in those things wherein they should be: But of such who join Speculation with Practice. Helvidius Priscus says, Tacitus being but very young, did apply his notable Genius to the like Studies: he did not, as many, cloak their idleness with seeming generous pretences, but did follow the Teachers of Wisdom, that he might be the more fortified against the changes of Fortune, and the more able to show himself in the Commonwealth. Being Quaestor he was chosen to be the Son in-Law of Paetus Thrasea; he was a good Citizen, Senator, Husband, Son-in-Law, Friend, and sufficient in all the Duties of Humane Life; an hater of Riches, a maintainer of Equity, and constant in his Duty without fear. Which are the true Fruits of true Philosophy.   

Subsect. 3. Of his Knowledge of the Laws.  
In the next place I come to speak of the knowledge of the Laws, which flows from this Fountain: for although the secret Councils of Princes should not be too much taken up with deciding of Controversies; yet because the Laws are the firm and sure Foundations of Commonwealths, it were absurd, that a Councillor or Minister of Sat should be ignorant of them. Seeing you are most learned in the Laws, says Pliny in a certain Epistle, whereof a Senator should not be ignorant, I desire to know from you, whether or not I did lately err in the Senate; that I may be instructed, not for the bypast (for that's too late) but for the future, if the like fall out. It's ofttimes needful to establish new Laws, to punish Traitors and Ambitious Conspirators against the Prince and Commonwealth. Moreover when the right of any City, Seaport, River or the like, are debated, from which great Wars do often proceed, by the Knowledge of the Laws, we are not only able to argue learnly concerning the thing controverted, but also to judge whether the War made for such a cause be just, or unjust.   

Subsect. 4. Of his Knowledge of History.  
But above all, the Knowledge of History is most necessary in a Councillor. The Philosopher does justly affirm, that things done are most profitable to consultation. For future things fall often out like to those which are bypast. Of which History furnisheth us with such abundance, that it is almost absolutely necessary to the right Government of our Life, and to the good Aministration of the Republic. But many Readers and Authors themselves go no farther than the bare Knowledge of the thing itself. Thucydides, who may be justly called the Prince of Historians amongst the Grecians, doth notwithstanding so superficially run over that most famous War 'twixt the Athenians and Lacedæmonians, which was almost the destruction of both Conquerors and Conquered, that he gives no other satisfaction to the Readers, but the simple relation of the thing itself. But let Rulers of Commonwealths learn by the example of the Athenians, to be quiet, so long as they can with Honour and Security; seeing Arms should be taken up to defend, not to disturb the public Peace and Tranquillity. Let them not suffer themselves to be carried away with the desire of enlarging their Command, to the destruction of their Native Country. Let them not make strange Wars their own with a note of Infamy, and by seeming to assist their Friends, make a way for their own ruin. If there doth any controversy arise amongst their friends, let them endeavour to reconcile such rather by their Authority and Council, than by aiding the one party, which often proves Destructive to all.  
But let us come to the Writings of other Authors, who would demonstrate that Princes ought to be moderate, and to use that Power over their Subjects which is limited by the Laws. For by the Subjects alienated affections no Power can long endure. So the Command of one has been given to many, that the same might be the cause of the people's safety of Glory, and not their Disgrace and Destruction: such and the like, one may easily gather out of the History of Lucius Brutus. 
* Livius lib. 12.  He who will have the Example of an Excellent Prince, and of all the Virtues which adorn him, let him read the story of Hieron King of Syracuse. 
* Livius 23.24.  On the contrary who desires to know the example of Tyrants falling headlong, despising all Men, and every thing, having his Ears open to the flatteries of Courtiers, and shut to safe Councils, and the complaints of the miserable; Let him behold the Sons-in-Law of this good Prince. If any desire to know how much hurt a Woman can do, let him consider what Demarata did with her Husband Andronedor. If there be great want in Treasures, and that there can be no better way to help the same; Let him consult Marcus Marcellus, and Valerius Levinus, who advised the Senate and People of Rome to a contribution; but so as to begin with the Temples of their greatest Gods; which had such success, that the Nobility bringing to the Treasury, whatever Gold or Silver they had coined, and uncoyned, with such zeal to exceed each others Liberality, the Triumvirs were not able to receive, 
* Li●k. 26.  nor the Clarks to write their Names.  
In reading therefore of History, let a Councillor not only observe the Narration of things done, and their several Circumstances; but also the Councils, Acts, and Events, wherefore that was done, and this omitted; wherefore some events were fortunate, others unfortunate: If any glorious act fall out, whether it was done through Chance and Fortune: or through Virtue and good Council: If any thing fall unhappily out, what could have prevented it; whether the fault was in the Captain, in the bad conduct of his Army, in the ordering of it, in his encamping, whereby he might have had an easy retreat, if routed, and if victorious, what was the cause of it, etc. Let every one endeavour to know, says Livius, 
* In prefatione.  what were the Lives and Manners of those Men, and the Means in Peace and in War, whereby they augmented their Dominions: but you may easily know by contraries: for a little after he says, Then Discipline and Order decaying, and Ambition and Dissension creeping in, they began to run headlong, until they came to our times, wherein we can neither suffer our own Vices nor their Remedies.   

Subsect. 5. Of Travel.  
It is also requisite for our Councillor, to see divers Provinces, and famous Cities, to learn the Manners and Customs of many Nations; to know exactly their Harbours, Ports, Seas, and Rivers, to come to the Knowledge and Conversation of great Men, to frequent the Courts of Princes, to know whether those Provinces which he has seen are well fortified; what Wars they have had in former times, and upon what occasion. Let him also learn the Power of Neighbour Princes, that he may know whom to fear, and whom to trust, with whom to enter into confederacy, and that so exactly, that none can deceive him with any false relation.  
Who doubts but that one so travelled, conversing so long in the Courts of Princes, and frequenting the company of the Nobility eminent for their Virtue, is a more able Councillor, than one, who sitting at home, knows nothing what is done in foreign Nations. Livius 
* Li. 34.  observes that a certain Favourite and intimate Councillor of King Antiochus being ignorant of Foreign Affairs, was the cause of his ruin by persuading him to make War with the Romans.   

Subsect. 6. Of his Eloquence.  
Seeing God has given to Man two most peculiar Properties in the one of which is the force of Understanding, and Judgement, which we call Reason, in the other the faculty of speaking, it is not enough to understand aright and judge prudently, unless you can express the same handsomely.  
Therefore it's necessary that a Councillor be eloquent, and that he express himself readily upon every subject and occasion: For, it may sometimes happen, that he may be sent to other Princes, or States to persuade or dissuade, to praise or accuse, to congratulate or threaten, or to speak to the vulgar to bring them from their fury to reason, and then a Councellor's Speech ought to be adorned with wise and grave sentences; yet so as not to favour of too much affectation, but be accommodated to the ears of the hearers, and that his arguments and reasons be not farfetched. It's a good reward of great pains, says Quintilian 
* l. 10. c. 7.  to have the faculty of speaking readily and wittily. What is more effectual to allure the will, and move the mind, than Eloquence: But in such cases I do not commend a tedious and incoherent speech, but such as is succinct and material. The short Oration of Publius Valerius did bring the armed Roman Multitude to their wont Obedience. 
* Valer. Max. l. 4.   
Three things are enjoined a Senator, says Cicero, that he be present, 
* delegibus.  for when the Senate is full it has the more Authority: that he speak in due time, and that he speak in few words, lest he be burdensome.  
I find that there are three several ways in giving of Council, to wit, with Reason, Authority, and Example: which if joined together must of necessity have great force. Therefore if a Councillor do not approve of the matter proposed, or of the Opinions of others who have given theirs before him, let him take heed that what he speaks against the same may be able to prove it by valid and firm reasons. And because there are few who take it kindly that their Opinion should be refuted, he must use all honour and respect in his words, and shun such as are contentious. Neither let him give his Judgement as infallible, Matters in consultation, (says the Philosopher) are contingent, and may fall out other-ways: Therefore it's enough for him to satisfy his Conscience. Pericles before he spoke any thing in public did always wish, that no word might escape him which was impertinent.   

Subsect. 7. Of his Skill in Language.  
I add the knowledge of Languages, wherewith Councillors should be adorned, especially of such Countries, where his Prince either governs, or which he useth either as his Friends or Enemies. This knowledge is of great use for the better managing of Foreign Affairs. The speech of one who useth an Interpreter can neither be so acceptable, nor so effectual: for thereby you cannot move the affections of Men, there being a certain Emphasis of Speech and Grace in Action, peculiar to the Expressions and Practice of each Nation, which not rightly distinguished, may make so great and irreconcilable a breach; as may possibly frustrate the intention of the consultation. Themistocles 
* Plutar.  the most active Man of his time in Greece, and the most prudent in giving and taking Council, when he fled from Athens to the King of Persia, would not declare his mind, before he had learned the Persian tongue, that thereby he might be enabled to speak to the King without an Interpreter, which he judged to be of no small moment.   

Subsect. 2. Of his Martial knowledge.  
And because according to Cicero, all things are shrouded under the wings of Warlike virtue; Let a Councillor learn the Art of War, and understand the Order of Horse and Foot, and the drawing up of an Army: Let him know the distances of Mountains and Valleys, and the situation of Cities, etc. What is more frequent in the Secret-council of Princes, than consultations of War, of Armies, of Camps, Provisions, Stratagems, of fortifying Towns, of repelling the sudden incursions of Neighbouring Enemies, and depopulations of Provinces. There were none admitted of old into the Roman Senate, whose Virtue was not famous in Peace and War. Livius speaks after this manner 
* lib. 3.9.  of M. P. Cato. The knowledge of the Laws, says he, has advanced one, eloquence another, and military virtue the third. But this Man's Genius was fit for every employment, that men would have thought he had been born for that particular affair he went about. Valiant of his hands, and famous in many signal fights, having thereby obtained great Honour, he was a brave General, great Statesman, and good Orator.     

CHAP. III. Of his Office or Duty.  
WE have spoken already of the Qualifications of a Councillor, innate and acquired, now let us come to the Duty of a Councillor; which doth chief consist in this, to love his Prince and Country with sincere affection. It's nothing to know aright what is to be done, or to be eloquent therein, if the hatred of the Republic, or any wicked design obstruct the candid expression of his good Council. 
Plutarch.  It was a Custom of old amongst the Athenians, that when the people in their Assemblies did consult concerning the Commonwealth, the Herald with a loud voice did curse him and his posterity, who did give any bad or pernicious Counsel, to the hurt or damage of his Country. It was the saying of a wise man, That there was nothing more dangerous than a quick and subtle spirit, without fidelity and love to his Prince and Country. We should, says A. ristides to 
* Herodotus.  Themistocles, not contend with private hatred, but whether of us can be more beneficial to our Country. Admirable was the constancy of affection which Fabius Maximus did show to his. Being cheated by the public of the money which he told down to Hannibal, 
* Li. 3. c. 8.  says Valerius Maximus, for the Redeeming of Captives, he did notwithstanding hold his peace. The Senate did make, contrary to the Laws, Quintus Minutius, Master of the Horse, equal to the Dictator, yet he was still silent. Being moreover often injured, he remained still the same man, and did not suffer himself to be angry at the Republic.  
A Counsellor should therefore lay aside hatred against his Adversaries, favour towards his Friends, arrogancy in himself, and all private interests, if prejudicial to the public good. All men, says Sallust, who consult of dubious matters, aught to be free from hatred, friendship, anger, and pity; for no man can both serve his own desires and the public good: And in another place, Let the mind, says he, in consultations be free, obnoxious to neither crimes nor lusts. Why so? Because it cannot be that one given to vice should not favour the same.  
Let the life therefore of a Councillor be good and just, which may serve as a rule to other Ministers, and as an Example to his Prince. When at Sparta a certain vicious Fellow had given a good counsel, the people rejected it. But the Ephori did command a grave old man to give the same, as pouring it out of a dirty Vessel into a clean one, that it might be acceptable to the multitude. Virtues and manners, says the Philosopher, conduce much to persuade. The foundation of perpetual commendation and good fame, is goodness, fidelity, and justice, without which nothing can be commendable. Let him not therefore be an hater of good men, or a calumniator; let him not persecute men with injurious words or actions publicly or privately.  
Truth also should be still in the mouth of a Councillor; for there is nothing more base than such Councillors, who conceal the same from their Prince. But truth procureth hatred. What then? He deserves not the name of a Councillor, who is afraid thereof. Who fears hatred too much knows not how to Govern, says Seneca. We may sometimes not only bear and comply with the errors of our Prince, but also lovingly cover the same, yet in public Consultations the truth should never be concealed. The contrary practice made Pliny complain, We see such Courts, says he, wherein it's dangerous to speak what we would, and disgraceful to speak what we would not. And in another place he commends Trajan, because he suffered his Councillors to give their opinions freely, and that the first was not approved, but the best. Antistius Labeo told Augustus, that every one ought to give their opinion freely, and without fear in the Senate. What doth it signify, to be knowing and experienced in Affairs, and to nourish good endeavours, and the desire of well-doing, if the alacrity of the mind be wanting to express the same when occasion occurs; or if fear, suspicion, or any other impediment obstruct the free and sincere declaration of the heart.  
But if any be found of a timorous spirit he should be encouraged by his Prince; for good Princes ought to stir up and animate their Councillors to speak freely, and to declare unto them that they (Princes) only seek what is conducing to the public profit 
* Paleot. , and to hear their opinions with attention, and a pleasant countenance. Who doubts but that the freedom of good counsel is obstructed when the Prince is angry, and does manifest that he hears more willingly what pleaseth than what is profitable. The safety of that Prince, says the Historian, is desperate, to whom what is profitable is harsh, and who hears nothing with patience but what is smoothing. When it was debated in the Roman Senate, whether the Corn brought from Sicily should be given gratis, or sold for a small price to the Common-people: Coriolanus stood up, and told That they ought not to have any thing by way of Gift, that thereby they should be the more petulant and lascivious; that it was better to hold them low with want and penury, whereby they would of necessity be more modest, and more ready to go about their duty; that thereby they should employ themselves 
* Dionys. Halicar. l. 7. Liv. l. 2. Plin de Viris illust.  with manuring their Lands, and not with raising and somenting seditions, and that idleness and luxury which proceeds from abundance would make the Laws contemned. A noble and Aristocratical opinion, but not at all popular. Therefore the Tribunes who heard the same in the Senate, did relate it to the people, by whom incontinently a day is appointed to Coriolanus. But he did easily free himself of his accusation, though the people were very much incensed against him. They acknowledged that Coriolanus had done nothing but his duty. Where is there any liberty of speaking, if not in deliberations and giving of counsel? King Lysimachus did show great favour to Philippides the Athenian, because he did speak freely and sincerely, and did lead a good and honest life, free from adulation. Hieron 
* Plin.  used to say, That there was no man troublesome to him who spoke freely. Severus did not only show himself courteous and affable to all men, but he desired them also to speak freely what they thought, and would argue with them without disdain 
* Aelius Lamprid. in Alex.  or bitterness. Messala Valerius being enquired by Tiberius 
† Tacit. lib. 1. annal. , whether he did give his opinion by his command or not, did answer that it was of his own accord, and that he would never use an other Opinion than his own, in things belonging to the Commonwealth. And I would advise a Prince not to trust those who use to praise 
† Tacit lib. 2. annal.  what is either good or bad in him.  
But here a Councillor ought to shun two extremes: The one lest he confound his freedom of speech with boldness and immodesty, which comes to pass, when any obstinate in their own opinion, under colour of freedom, doth reflect on others, which ought rather to be called petulancy, than ingenious and innocent freedom. For that which is innocent has only regard to the public good, says Tacitus. The other is, lest under pretext of well-doing he fall into plain flattery. We shall find an Example of such adulation in Plutarch. Hear, O Tiberius 
* De descrip. amicorum & adulator.  Caesar, for what we do all tacitly reprehend you, though no man dare do it publicly; you destroy your body with continual cares for the Republic. Behold the flattery of some base parasite, to a Bloody Tyrant.  

SECT. I. Of his Attention and Diligence.  
It is also requisite for a Councillor to give an attentive ear, to  is spoken in Council, and by what arguments they confirm their Opinion, lest he err in his answers: which Lycurgus desiring to show, of what moment this was, commanded there should be no pictures in Councel-rooms, lest the thoughts of Councillors should be diverted; but that they might be wholly taken up with what they had in hand.  
Out of Council let him be diligent in meditating, reading, arguing, and considering the end of every thing, every circumstance, and the various contingencies in humane actions; which is a practical knowledge, and very profitable in the administration of Affairs. 
* Plut. in moral.  It is most requisite in our Councillor to use this exact diligence in consultations, that he may conjecture by observed experiments what is the evil consequence of every bad deliberation, and what are the causes of obstructions, which may be found out by a diligent foresight:  
And seeing many inconveniences do arise from his ignorance of that Commonwealth wherein he serves, and whereof he has the care; it is requisite that he know the least thing belonging thereto, but especially such as pertain to the commnnd in which he is: Let him consider the nature of his own and Neighbouring People. Some things are to be regarded in an old and firmly settled Commonwealth, which is not so much exposed to Envy and Sedition; and other things are more properly to be regarded in a new ill-grounded one.  
He should also know the nature of the Prince and Court, thereby to understand perfectly the dispositions of other Ministers and Councillors, what the Command of the Prince is, what Provinces, Cities, Towns, and Forts are under his Subjection, the Situation of Places, etc. What is controverted in the Principality, with whom, and for what causes, wherein the People are most delighted, by what they are fustained, how they are affected toward their Prince, what the customs and subsidies of the people are, what are imported and exported; what his Treasury is, whether his Subjects are oppressed with Taxes or other Burdens; whether they are rich or poor, what number of Soldiers can be raised in particular Provinces; what Leagues, Affinities, and Confederacies his Prince has with other Nations, what can be expected thereby. And finally, let him confer all his study, care, thoughts and diligence, in every thing, which neglected, might prove detrimental to the Republic. Who knew the Nature of the Vulgar, says Tacitus, 
* Lib. 2. hist.  and the Inclinations of the Senate, were esteemed knowing and wise Men.  
It's the part also of a vigilant and diligent Councillor, to catch hold of any sudden occasion. Wherefore we see great men have come to that greatness by prudently laying hold of good occasions. The Popes of Rome used to implore the aid of the Constantinopolitan Emperors, upon any eminent danger from a Foreign Enemy, for whose negligence Charles the great was called by Pope Leo the 
* Paulus Emtlius lib. 2.  third, and he by knowing prudently to lay hold on the occasion, and taking the patronage of the Roman Church upon him, did purchase the Empire to himself and his posterity. Upon the like account the French, at the instigation of the Pope of Rome, did become Masters of the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily. Alphonsus' King of Arragon being called to the Kingdom of Naples by Queen Johanne, and he not neglecting so good an occasion, did obtain that Kingdom with the great applause of the neopolitans, and consent of the Pope. There could be more examples produced: but let these suffice to excite the diligence of a Councillor, to lay hold on occasions, where great prudence is needful.  
But it may be enquired in this place, whether a Councillor or Minister of State ought to be so diligent, that he is obliged to give his Council to his Prince, although he be not required thereto. The inveterate Custom of requiring counsel doth move the doubt, because this man who intrudes himself in giving the same seems curious, and would have his prudence esteemed greater than either that of his Prince, or the rest of his fellow. Ministers. As it is not the part therefore of a prudent Physician, to intrude himself to a sick person, not being called, so neither that of a Counsellor to a Prince. But notwithstanding this, the more learned do think, that in matters of great moment, when necessity urgeth, he may speak, although not required, for the public good; and there is no doubt but that this was observed by the Roman Senators. Is it not granted, says Scaptius to the Consuls, to speak for the good of the Republic; Which notwithstanding will be the more seasonable and fortunate, if a Councillor examine diligently his Council which he is to give, lest he should be deceived, which would be ridiculous; and then all circumstances, whether he has spoken formerly upon the like account to his Prince, whether Time, Place, or the State of Affairs do require it, whether it can more opportunely be deferred, whether he himself be acceptable and in favour with his Prince; or whether he thinks that it can be done more effectually by another, whether others did make trial of the like, and with what success. Another Question may arise in this place; Whether a Councillor knowing some what to be done in the Council unto which he cannot assent with a safe Conscience may keep himself at home that day, without being defective in his Duty? The doubt is, because it's better not to come, than be forced to assent to a bad Council. But the contrary is clear from the former question: for if I am obliged to give my Council to my Prince, though not required, for the Public good; much less can I shun ask. It is so far therefore, from being a lawful excuse, that on the contrary it obligeth a Councillor * the more to be present that Day. 
Paleot. 5.4.8.  The occasion of more weighty and difficult Affairs distinguisheth true Councillors from others; for the former, the more dangerous business are, the more do they prepare themselves for such, for the good of the Republic. The other do withdraw, when the least Dangers or Difficulties do arise. It was written above the Gate of the Roman Senate-house, 
* Cieere de legibus.  Senatori qui nec aderit, aut causa, aut culpa, esto. Plutarch says of Cato 
† in ejus vita. , that he came always to the Senate. He was afraid lest any thing should have been done through favour in his absence. It's the part of a good Senator, says Cicero, to be always present in the Senate. Should he deserve the name of a Soldier, who being commanded to fight would shun the same for any evident danger. Neither let it move a Councillor that he himself only shall be of his own Opinion, and therefore that his coming to Council shall be to no effect: For besides, that this is no lawful excuse for his absence, How oft I pray you do we see, that one has drawn all the rest of different Opinions to his, by the strength of Reason and Arguments; but granting that it were; not so, yet it will be sufficient that he has done his Duty.   

SECT. II. Of his Secrecy.  
That which next belongs to the Duty of a Councillor is, that upon no account he divulge any secret committed to him: for if it be hateful to reveal the Secret of a Friend, in a private person; how much more is it in a Minister of State to divulge the Counsels or Determinations of his Prince, contrary to his own fidelity. The Law of the Egyptians 
* Diodor. Siculus lib. 38.  did command that Man's Tongue to be cut out, who did detect the Secrets of the Commonwealth. I say Secrets; for there are several matters handled in Counsels, which are not so, as the reformation of Manners, the punishment of Vice and Impiety: from the relation of which there is neither scandal nor hurt to be feared. Tully gives this excellent commendation of Cato: That there was never word escaped him, whereof he had reason to be sorry afterward. We read that Quintus Fabius Max. 
* Waler. Max. lib. 2. cap. 1.  was reproved by the Consuls in very sharp words, for speaking something concerning the third Punic War, which being resolved upon in the Senate secretly, was to be declared shortly after. The constancy of Pompey was admirable 
† Val. Max. lib. 3. c. 3, , who being Ambassador, was intercepted by King Gentius, and being commanded to reveal the designs of the Roman Senate, did hold his finger to a burning Torch, by which constancy the King despairing to extort any thing from him by torments, did insist no farther thereon.   

SECT. III. Of his Fortitude.  
From this last example it doth appear, that a Councillor ought to have a bold and undaunted courage, lest he be afraid of offending any, when he is about his Duty. There is nothing more pernicious in a Commonwealth, than such a Councillor 
* Os●r de Regnum institnm.  who is timorous, who shuns pains and diligence, and who too much fears his Life and Fortune. Who is not diligent doth make no progress in Affairs, he prolongs them, or leaves the administration thereof to wicked Men, and doth accumulate business upon business; who fears dangers doth confirm the boldness of his Enemies. The Counsels of timorous men, says Tacitus, 
† Lib. 3. an nalium.  are uncertain. Metellus perceiving the designs of the Tribunes of the people, and with what danger they would burst out to the prejudice of the Commonwealth, chose rather to be exiled, than consent to their Laws. Can any Man be called more constant than this Man, says Valerius Maximus, who lest he should have been forced to recall his Opinion, suffered himself rather to be banished his Country, wherein he had obtained the greatest degree of honour? Sylla did enter Rome armed and convening the Senate was very instant, that Marius should be declared an Enemy, and when none durst withstand him, only Scaevola would not assent thereto: although says he, you threaten me with Legions of Soldiers, with whom you have already surrounded the Senate-house, or with Death itself, yet shall you not make me declare Marius an Enemy, who saved Rome and all Italy from apparent ruin. He is not a Man of any Fortitude whose courage doth not grow amidst the greatest dangers.  
Yet notwithstanding we ought not to be forgetful of the reverence due to our Prince: For to give due observance and reverence to him, and to be punctual in our Duty without fear, are not inconsistent.  
But what we have spoken of Constancy, is not so to be understood, that a Counsellor may not sometimes change his Opinion upon any good emergent cause. It is fit to change for the better, than insist in what is badly begun. Neither needs he fear the blame of Levity: For no learned Man, says Cicero, will call that unconstancy. And in another place, he says, that a constant obstinate perseverance in one Opinion was never commendable in great Statesmen.   

SECT. iv Of his Temperance.  
HOW necessary a virtue this is, will appear from the advantages and benefits acquired by the due observance of it; for she alone, (like a skilful Pilot) keeps us steady in the tempestuous occurrences of weighty matters, and makes every faculty of our Souls officious in their subserviency to Reason, without which the Soul (as a Bark becalmed at Sea) suffers a vertigo, by the sudden stop of her progress; and having lost her rudder rowles too and fro in a in a fantastic motion, till she become drunk with the agitation which has lulled her functions asleep in vicious stupidity, and made her wholly useless.  
How difficult a Virtue this is, may be collected from so numerous a variety of objects of repugnant natures both exterior and interior, which continually invade the sensual faculties of the soul to embrace them, affording indeed such strong Temptations, as no intermission can well afford him time to deliberate on the refusal.  
We would advise therefore our Councillor in the first place, to shun Envy and Ambition, as more especially coincident to the corruption of his Ministry. For such infected with those two vices, cannot but have more regard to their own ends, than to the Honour of their Prince and good of their Country, and are ofttimes the cause of their own, and Country's destruction, of which History furnisheth us with almost innumerable examples.  
In the next place it belongs also to the Duty of a Councillor, to shun Avarice and study Liberality. As Avarice is the root of all evil, so Charity and Beneficence is the root of all good. You shall do a great good, says Sallust to your Country, yourself, and to all mankind, if you eradicate, or if that be not possible, you lessen the desire of riches: For where that takes possession, neither Discipline, good Arts, nor a good Genius have any force. And a little after: But Avarice is a cruel and intolerable wild Beast, which destroys Cities, Lands, Houses, yea and the very Temples of the Gods, mixeth what is Divine with Humane, and neither Arms nor Walls do hinder it from penetrating. Marcus Crassus was the most noble, most eloquent, most learned in the Laws; was Chief-Priest, and the richest of all the Romans next to Sylla. But insatiable Avarice did obscure those virtues. If the desire of private gain, says Demosthenes, do not obstruct the public good, it is in some measure tolerable for Councillors to be rich: but because we see for the most part, how much a Minister of State increaseth in riches, so much is the Commonwealth depauperated. Let a Councillor therefore beware of too much desire of gain, for his too weighty Coffers are often the cause of his own destruction,  
Let him also shun Prodigality as much as Avarice. Make use of such Councillors, says Basilius, 
† King James to his Sonnc Prince Henry in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  who have governed their own Estate well; for how can one trust another with his Estate, who never knew to manage his own aright. Great circum spection is to be used in Liberality, says Cicero. Our riches should not be so closely shut up, that benignity cannot open them: nor always so unlocked as to be open upon every occasion to all.   

SECT. I. Of his Courteous and Affable Deportment.  
But Meekness, Courtesy, Piety, Benevolence towards our Neighbour, and Hospitality, are the Concomitants of Liberality. Let therefore a Councillor be of easy access, let him encourage the bashful and timorous; let him hear Strangers with Patience and Civility, and let not the reasonable requests of any be troublesome to him. By which procedure he shall not only do his Duty, but also obtain the good will of all Men. Marcus Crassus was much commended 
† Plutar. in Crasso.  because he did not refuse any Citizen at any time his Patronage; was affable and civil to all, and only of all Men, made Avarice popular.  
Great Men use to be touched with the desire of Glory above measure, from whence Pride and the contempt of others do proceed. A contemning Spirit and Pride, says Sallust, 
† De Bello Jugur.  are the Common-evils of the Nobility. Therefore I would have a Councillor think frequently, 
† Tacitus lib. 4. hist.  that all things belonging to Mortals are unconstant, and that the more he has obtained, the more uncertain he is therein: that Modesty and Humility ought not to be contemned by the greatest of Men; and that God is a lover of Humility and an hater of Pride and Arrogance. If you would measure your own shadow, says Archidamus to King Philip, who did write proudly and arrogantly to him, after his Victory at Chaeronea, you shall not find it one hair greater than before your Victory.    

CHAP. IU. Of the Prudent Deportment of Princes in Counsels.  
BUT because it is not sufficient to give prudent Council, unless the Prince make use of it, and it is as great Wisdom, amongst the divers Counsels of many to discern and put in execution what are best, as to give Council aright; for, according to Cicero, there is prudence required as well in taking, as in giving Council. It comes often to pass, that Princes are deceived, to the great prejudice of the Republic, who attribute too much to themselves and their own opinion. Ptolemy King of Egypt, having left Alexandria upon some controversy 
† Plutar. in Ca●one.  with his Subjects, did come to Rome to be restored to his Kingdom by Pompey and Caesar. Having consulted Cato touching this matter, he was freely and ingeniously reprehended by him for deserting such happiness, and objecting himself to the affronts, briberies, and avarice of the Roman Nobility, and advised to regain the favour of his subjects. But one day waiting long at the Gates of one of the Senators, he did lament his inconsiderate enterprise, and that he had refused the advice of so good a Man. Hannibal, when he fled to King Antiochus, did advise him to make Italy the Seat of the War, which he neglected: But being o'ercome by the Romans, he confessed too late that Hannibal had rightly foreseen, what was absolutely necessary to have been done. I have ofttimes heard, says Livius, 
† Lib. 36.  that he is the first Man who counsel aright; that he is the next who can accept, or make use of a good Council; and that he is the last of all who can neither give nor receive the same. But because to be first is denied us, let us endeavour to be second, and whilst we learn to command, let us resolve to obey the Council of prudent men.  
But sometimes Princes are doubtful, timorous, and as Caesar says, every thing fails them, and so not having their Judgement clear, they are deceived, and brought to inconveniences. Which Guiceiardin did observe in Peter de Medici's seeking Council and Advice from the Venetians, who endeavoured therein to serve their own ends. Also the Council of Ludovick Sforce may be observed, whereby he moved the French King to undertake that Neopolitan expedition against the Arragon's.  
Great Judgement therefore is needful, not only in choosing Councillors, whether they are so qualified as we have spoken of formerly, whether they have born any public charge, and whether they have shown Diligence and Fidelity in the administration thereof; whether they are the heads of any faction, left under pretence of Justice they revenge private Quarrels with public Arms: but also in following Councils. It's the greatest prudence in humane life, says Aristotle, to make good use of advice. The words of Mutianus to Vespasian are to be observed: 
† Tacitus lib. 2.  Whosoever enters into deliberations of great and weighty Affairs, aught to examine whether what is begun, be profitable to the Commonwealth, honourable or feisible. He also who Counsels must be considered, whether he adds his own danger to his advice, or to whom the chief praise redounds. Let him therefore who is to consult consider diligently, whether what is consulted concerns the Councillor directly, for all Counsels in a man's own cause are to be suspected; or whether it be honest or lawful: for if it deviate from honesty, it is bad: whether it doth principally regard the public good or private profit: let him hear patiently what is spoken by contrary parties, and disagreeing opinions, and observe with what Reasons and Arguments they are confirmed. If the business seem difficult, let him deliberate better, or defer it to another time. There is no greater Enemy to Consultations, says Livius, than too much haste. Too late and unprofitable repentance doth follow such Counsels. Therefore the Author of the Utopian Commonwealth says, That nothing is disputed there 
† Sir Tho. More lib. 2. de Magistra.  the same day it's propounded in the Council, but deferred till the next Council-day, lest any should babble out what comes first in his Mouth, but that he may 〈◊〉 leisure excogitate with what Arguments he may defend his Opinion; lest through a perverse and preposterous shame, he should rather destroy the public safety, than the fame of his own abilities, by his precipitated rather than considerate Opinion. This precept or advice seems to be taken from the Emperor Severus, who after the business proposed, did give time to his Councillors to deliberate with themselves touching all Particulars and Circumstances, lest they should have been forced to speak of great Affairs without mature deliberation, which has also been the destruction of many, who despising slow, yet secure Counsels, did embrace contrary ones. 
† Tac. lib. 2. annal.  Laurentius Medici's Duke of Florence, did vary when he consulted his Friends, whose Fidelity or Constancy he suspected. Whom he resolved to admit into his consultation, he did consult them not together, but severally; so when he found many opinions to agree in one, he thought that the best.  
It is requisite also for a Prince to know every thing done relating to the State in his Dominions, left he be deceived by bad Councillors. But he must take heed in the mean while that he give not too much credit to malicious detractors and tale-bearers: For mere lies and calumnies are often buzzed in the Prince's ears thereby, from whence do proceed the danger, yea destruction of the innocent. It's observed by wisemen, that such persons are never faithful. Says Tacitus, 
† lib. 4. an.  they are a sort of People found out for Public Destruction.  
A Prince should suffer his Councillors to give their opinion freely, so as in the mean while they be joined amongst themselves by mutual concord. Factions amongst Statesmen are ever fatal. The pertinacy of private hatred, says Tacitus, 
† lib. 1. hest.  doth often draw on Public Destruction. And in another place 
† lib. 5 annal  The hatred of the Consuls tends to the Destruction of the Commonwealth. Those great Men have many followers, to whom they easily join themselves, by whose help they exercise their hatred, to the undoing of many, and sometimes of their Prince and Country to boot.  
I add also, that Princes should choose Councillors not through recommendations, and friendship, but such as he knows well-qualified, and able for such employment.  
And finally, a Prince ought not to discard or turn off, without great cause, the good and faithful Councillors of his predecessors, from whom he might learn much, very profitable to good government. Louis the eleventh, King of France, advised his Son Charles not to innovate any thing in the Government of the Kingdom, and to retain his Ancient Favourites, and Servants: For he had found by experience, that his banishing from the Court, Men of approved virtue, was the only cause that he had fallen into so many and so great dangers, and of the War and manifold Conspiracies which did soon after break forth.   

CHAP. V Of Affairs deliberated in Councils.  
WE have already spoken of the Persons in a Council, it follows that we speak something of Affairs and Debates deliberated therein. Such only are to be agitated in this great Consistory which belong to the greatest Affairs of the Commonwealth, and to the State itself: As those of Religion, and of the Laws and Magistrates, Peace and War, of Public Fidelity, of keeping the Public Peace, of entering into Leagues and defending the same, of the Controversies of the Grandees, of the Negligence of Magistrates and Officers of State, of the Secrets of Embassies and the like. 
† Bod. lib. 3. c. 1.  For the Council of Princes ought to be busied with grand Affairs, and not with trivial Matters, or the small Controversies of private Persons. Whoso assembles a Council of great and learned men for matters of small moment, may be compared to Apion, who having called Homer from the dead did only inquire who were his Parents.  
But if you desire to know where other business should be handled, such as belong to the Revenues and Treasury of the Prince, to the punishment of delinquents and the like? I answer, there ought to be more Councils appointed dissering in Offices, Business and Ministers. The Spaniard has seven, separated by so many Courts within the King's Palace, that he may easily go to any as Affairs call him. The first is that of the Exchequer, which has the care of the public Treasure, and of the Revenues of the Empire, of the Tributes and Customs of the Subjects, of what is imported and exported, of the Lands, of the Crown, of the spoils of Enemies, of Merchandise, etc. The second is the Court Military, which is employed about the fortification of Towns, the Custody of bordering places, the provision for Camps and Armies, and the like. The third is for the Provision of Victual, and has a care that so much abound, that a part thereof may be sent to Neighbouring Provinces. The The fourth is the Court of Law, whereunto all private, civil Controversies do belong. The fifth is Criminal, whereunto the cognizance of criminal matters doth pertain. The sixth is Censorial, to which the castigation of Manners is committed. And the last is the great Court which has the Authority over all the former, and hath the care of making and abrogating of Laws.   

CHAP. VI Of the end of Councils  
WHatever man does should always be to some end. Whoso therefore is ignorant thereof, loseth the hope of obtaining the same. Our Councils must err, says Seneca, which have not a Mark whereunto they are directed. As therefore a Physician doth propose to himself the health of his Patient, and a General Victory; so should a Councillor the Glory of God, and the Honour and good good of his Prince and Country. It is apparent enough, by the reading of Ancient Writers, that the Roman Senate did chief regard, what was conducing to the good of the Republic, to the profit of the City, and to the Common safety. Hence you see those usual forms; E Republica esse, also, Si quis aliter fecisset, eum contra rempublicam facturum. Who rules the Common wealth, says Cicero, aught to remember two precepts of Plato; the one is, so to regard the utility of their Country, that whatever they do may tend thereto, forgetting their own private interest. The other to have a care of the whole Body of the Commonwealth, lest by only defending one part, they desert the rest: For the administration of the Republic should tend to the profit of those who are to be protected, and not of such to whom their protection is entrusted.— (Claudian.) 
Tu civem patremque geras, tu consule cunctis.  
Nec tibi, nec tua te moveant, sed publica vota.  
Thou must a Father to thy Country be,  
Provide for all, not for thyself only;  
If thou'lt deserve that every Man should love thee,  
Let public good not private profit move thee.   
The public good should be understood, not so much to belong to the Prince, as to the Commonwealth. For he himself ought to neglect his own private profit if it be contrary to the public good. Few have a care of the Public Honour, says Tacitus, which should be chief regarded by a Councillor, and whereof the Athenians were very careful: For Themistocles had determined, after his victory over Xerxes, that his Country should obtain the Principality of Greece, and for that end had refolved to burn the Fleet of the Lacedæmonians privately, that thereby their Riches and Strength might be ruined; he did therefore tell the People, that he had something to propose of great consequence, and desired them to name one to consult with him about it, lest being divulged by the Multitude it might prove prejudicial to the Commonwealth, whereupon Aristides was named by the people; who after hearing, seeing Themistocles err in the end, which was the public honour, did relate that his Council was profitable to the Republic, but dishonourable and flagitious. The whole Assembly did therefore incontinently declare, that that Council was to be rejected, which, to the addition of command did join public dishonour. Tacitus doth find amongst the Writers of those times, that the Letters of Adgandrestius were read in the Senate, wherein he Promised the death of Arminus, if poison should be sent to him to effect the same, and answered by them, that the Romans would take Revenge of their Enemies publicly and armed, and not by fraud and murder. Whatever Deeds, (says the Lawyer) are against Religion, Reputation, and Good Manners are upon no account to be done by us.  
These are (if not all) at least the chief things which can be spoken generally of Councils, and which I have brought to an end, with, I hope, no empty brevity, having added the Testimonies of learned Authors. I therefore leave it to the Judgement of the candid and judicious Readers.  
The end of the First Part.    

THE WELL-QUALIFIED COURTIER.  
PART II.  

THE PROEM.  
IT's frequently seen, that Courtiers who cannot obtain those Preferments, Honours and Riches, whereunto they have long aspired, accuse the ingratitude of their Prince: sometimes they impute their misfortunes to the envy of their Fellow-Courtiers; and sometimes to the blindness of Fortune: and then exclaim with Seneca, 
O Fortuna viris invid afortibus,  
Quam non aequa bonis praemia dividis?  
O Unjust Fortune, brave Men often find,  
Rewards unworthy of a noble mind.   
But for the most part in my opinion they complain without cause. For although Princes do often bestow greater Riches and Honours on Parasites and Flatterers, and do trust such more willingly, than those to whom (perhaps) they own their Life and Sceptre: For that saying of Tacitus is most true, That obligations are acceptable so long as they seem to be within the compass of reward, but when they are without the same, they procure hatred in lieu of favour. And although good and modest men are often deluded by the fraud of Wicked Courtiers, by whose secret accusations, says Tacitus, 
* lib. 1. hist.  they are disgraced, being ignorant thereof, and that they may the more easily be deceived, they are praised to their faces; yet notwithstanding men may see (for let us always acknowledge the truth) that the effects of the evils do proceed from themselves, who are the causes thereof; because they follow the Court, being destitute of those Arts, Manners, and Qualifications requisite in a Courtier.  
It's a great folly to undertake any thing above our reach, and there is hardly so bad a Prince to be found, who desires not that his Affairs should be managed with diligence and prudence, and consequently doth bestow Honours and Riches on faithful and prudent Ministers.  
But Envy, which is always the concomitant of Virtue, and follows her as the shadow doth the body, is often an obstruction of our honest endeavours. Let that be granted; Yet we must o'ercome that with our prudence, says Tacitus.  
But you insist that the favour of Princes is unconstant, and that those who can do all and all with them, do often notwithstanding fall into disgrace, yea and in danger of their Lives.  
Namque, hos e 
* Lucret. lib. 5. de. re. not.  summo quasi  
fulmen dejicit ictos  
Invidia, interdum contemptim in tartara terrae.  
As if with Thunder struck than Envy must  
What's high exalted level with the dust.  
Hermeas was of great Authority with Antiochus 
* Polyb. l. 7. : yet he was killed in the sight and by the approbation of this Prince. Lucius, Aleus Sejanus was in such favour with Tiberius 
* Dio. in Tiberio.  that he made him his Colleague in the Empire; yet he was adjudged to die, his Body to be thrown into the River Tiber, and his Children to be murdered, and many others whom for brevity's sake I omit.  
This is all true, but if we will take a more strict observation, we shall find that the favour of Princes is not in itself destructive, but to those who know not how to use the same. Men cannot be cautious enough, says Curtius, 
* lib. 4.  amidst so many flatteries of Fortune. Intolerable ambition and Pride made Hermeas hated; treason and perfidiousness was the cause of Alius Sejanus' destruction. Neither ought we to admire that in Courtiers, when we find that Princes themselves have been brought to ruin on the same occasion.  
Quid memorem eversas urbes Regumque ruinas?  
Inque rogo Craesum Priamumque in littore truncum,  
Cui nec Troja rogus. Quid Xerxem majus et ipso?  
Naufragium pelago, quid captos agminereges?  
Of ruin'd Kings why should I mention make?  
The fate of Priam, Croesus at the stake.  
How Xerxes great from as great Shipwreck fled,  
And Kings in triumph often captive led.  
On the contrary, if we behold those who from a low birth have become famous, and ponderate their actions, we shall find that they have been eminently qualified above others. As Agathocles, Ptolemy the first, Hieron, Servius, Tullius, Silla, Vespasian, the Emperor Probus, Justin, Ottoman, and many more, who although of obscure birth, did notwithstanding obtain great Honours, and royal Dignities, by their virtue and diligence. Great Trees which are long in growing, says Curtius, are extirpated in a short time. It's folly for him who aims at their fruit, not to consider their height. Beware lest in stiving to get to their top, you do not fall with those Branches you catched hold of.   

CHAP. I. Of his Education.  
THerefore good Education is most effectual, which directs the Councils and Determinations of Men's Lives to the exactest rule of prudence and true virtue; by which Natures are corrected and made pliable. Nature produceth youth easy to be led either way, so that when it finds a Guide, it is induced to follow either his vicious or virtuous inclinations. A good nature conduceth very much, but then especially when cultivated by an honest Education. He must therefore have a care who has noble and high designs, to be instructed in all good Arts and Manners, not to accustom himself to delicate but simple food, not to idleness but labour, not to riot but decent parsimony, not to temerity and impudence, but modesty and sweetness; not to licentiousness but fear and reverence, not to pleasures but to the Liberal Sciences. I wish, says Quintilian, that we did not so abuse the nature of our Children; that tender education, which we call indulgence, breaks the nerves of both body and mind.  
We see therefore Plato, that most grave teacher of virtue, in almost all his Dialogues, exhorting Parents to educate their Children aright.  
Though this principle unfoldeth many objects necessary to the forming our present subject. Yet since most of them are rather preparatives than pollishments, we will here pass by those institutions, that are usually proper to the two first Ages, infancy and puerility. And taking our Courtier in his adolescence, propose only in reference to our present subject, those distinctions requisite to his employment, languages, letters, and travel.  
But because we have spoken already of all those in the first part, we think it superfluous to insist thereon. Only let not a Courtier be ignorant of the knowledge of Histories, without which a man can hardly obtain the name of a grave and prudent person. As an old man is esteemed more prudent than a young man, says Quintilian, because he has seen what has fallen out through the course of many years: so we must confess that he is the most prudent, who knows the actions and events, not only of his own but of past Ages. What is prudence else, but the observation of events, and of things present and future, drawn from what is bypast. History is the mirror of civil life, where Hero's, Princes, and Nobles, who are appointed to Govern, aught to behold themselves. To be short, History furnisheth us not only with Examples of civil prudence, but also with those of Military Virtue. If one would know how to take the occasions of time and place to fight, let him read the Lives of 
* Plutarch.  Lysander and Xantippus. If he would make use of warlike stratagems, let him imitate Timotheus, Iphicrates, and Hannibal. If being victorious he would let the Enemy escape, lest despair should produce boldness, let him read the Example of 
† Id.  Themistocles to Xerxes. But if any affirm that such things cannot be learned by reading only, let him propose to himself Lucius Lucullus, whom Cicero writes at his departure from Rome to have been altogether ignorant of malitary Affairs, but partly by enquiry, partly by reading, he was become so great a Captain when he came into Asia, that Mithridates did confess he never knew a greater. I only add, seeing there are abundance of Historians, that we must choose the best. Amongst the Grecians, Thucydides, Xenophon, Polybius, Plutarch, and Nicetas were famous. Amongst the Romans, Livy, Tacitus, Sallust, Caesar, Quintus Curtius, and Suetonius. Of modern Historians, Guicciardine, Conestagius, Cominus, Sleidan, and Davila are the best.  
These are so to be read, that we may observe not only what was done, but upon what occasion, what way, when, and in what state of Affairs.   

CHAP. II. Of his sweetness and integrity of Manners in general.  
FOR brevity's sake, which hitherto I have greatly affected; I will forbear to speak any more of the rest of the exercises of the mind comprehended in Learning, or of the exercises of the Body, as riding, fencing, dancing and the like, of all which our Courtier should not be ignorant, and only insist, though succinctly, on his sweetness, affability and manners, which Cicero calls the Ornament of humane life, and which procures the deserved love and admiration of all. For as the beauty and comeliness of the body attracts the eyes of men, so a sweet and courteous nature gains the hearts and affections of every one. As harsh wine, says Socrates, is unpleasant to the taste; so are rugged and rustic manners to conversation.  

SECT. I. Of his Gate, Speech and Habit.  
It is not sufficient to do, says the Historian, but it's also requisite to do with a grace. Let not therefore the Gate of a Courtier incline to levity or vanity, but let it be grave without affectation.  
And because the speech is the Character of the mind, he shall observe a decorum therein, of Persons, Times and Place, that he may speak pertinently, and after a different manner to his Prince, Equals and Inferiors. For this Elegancy in speaking is a sign of the interior virtue, which cannot be perpetual, unless it proceed from such an excellent inclination of the Soul. Much can be feigned in the Carriage, Countenance and Speech, which are not in the Soul; but it's impossible that it can be of any long continuance.  
And as to the habit, let every thing be avoided that may therein effeminate: whoso has too great a care of his Body, says a Divine, neglects his Soul. Let the habit of a Courtier be agreeable with a decency to the Country and Court wherein he lives, handsome and fashionable without affectation, which he should change according to the Place, Cause, Age, or Time.  

Subsect. 1. Of his Deportment towards his Prince.  
What we have already spoken is of great moment in our Courtier, but what shall follow will be of far greater, and the more accurately to be observed, because we see many err therein.  
First we shall show how a Courtier ought to carry himself to his Prince, then to his Equals, therein to shun envy as much as possible may be, and lastly with what virtues he should be endued.  
Above all things I admonish our Courtier to be such in effect, as he would desire to seem to his Prince and others, and let not his Tongue descent from his Heart. He is as great an Enemy to me, says Homer, as the Gates of Hell, who speaks one thing and thinks another. No Lie grows old, says Euripides. And as the love of Men to a painted ●●ore can be of no long continuance, (for with the first heat the deceit appears, and the face thereby becomes more ugly,) so when dissemblers are suspected (which commonly happeneth) they incur the hatred of their Prince and others. Real pain doth follow false pleasure; real disgrace, false Honour; and real destruction false profit. To omit, that it is against Christian-piety, which consists wholly in the simplicity of the mind.  

Verum hodie laus est non ultima, fingere vultum,  
Et simulare probe: Nec qui vel fallere nescit,  
Mentirive, ferit Sapientis nomen in aula.   

Dissimulation, and well-feigned faces,  
Once hateful vices now are no disgraces:  
Who cannot cheat, and lie, he strives in vain  
The name of wise in Court e'er to obtain.   

Divis. 1. Of his Assiduity and Diligence.  
Having laid this Foundation, I say that Assiduity and Diligence are necessarily requisite in our Courtier. This is chief to be regarded by us, says Antonius in Cicero; there is nothing which it cannot obtain: For whatever falls under our charge we accomplish with Care, Vigilance and Labour, and in a word Diligence, in which one Virtue all the rest are contained. It is good to be admired in what we have by Fortune. But it's far better to have obtained what is glorious and honourable, by our own industry; for the former happens to good and bad, but the other, (according to Demosthenes) to none but generous and brave spirits. We see Courtiers ofttimes complain, that being very observant of their Prince, they are notwithstanding in little favour, and how should that be?  
The Answer is easy, for when the Sun shines on divers Edifices, those seem most illustrious who have the greatest Glass-lights: so Princes advance such Courtiers most, who by virtue and diligence are the most fit for the administration of Affairs. By diligence therefore a Courtier will obtain that his Prince make frequent use of him; for such they favour more than others. It's no wonder, says Demosthenes, that he who refuseth no pains, is always present upon every occasion, and neglects not the least moment of time, to obtain his desires before others. All things fall out prosperously, says 
† Cato apud Salustium.  Sallust, by watching, doing, and consulting aright; but when you addict yourself to laziness and idleness, you shall in vain implore the angry Gods.  
We call him a diligent Courtier who seldom removes his thoughts from what is committed to his charge, who makes it his only care that his Prince receive no prejudice, 
Both to foresee and to prevent  
Dangers as soon as they are meant.  who spares no pains nor dangers, but rather remains as upon a perpetual watch, who if he be sent to another Prince, observes his nature and manners, his strength and power, his customs and treasure, his Confederates and Allies, and all his form of Government.  
And so much of the diligence of our Courtier, where it's to be observed, that the least affected, and most remote from ostentation, is the most commendable. As Paterculus observes aright in Piso; that he did what was to be done without noise. As on the contrary, officious curiosity renders men hateful. To be curious, says Cicero, is to desire to know what doth not belong unto us: which denotes him to be a man of levity or little sincerity.   

Divis. 2. Of his Secrecy.  
Philiopides did answer King Lysimachus wisely, when he asked what he should communicate to him; any thing but your secrets, says he. It is a most dangerous thing to know the secrets of Princes, because they are always jealous of such persons, says Cassiodorus. Therefore our Courtier should not reveal the secrets of his Prince to any, but especially such as he is entrusted with. The Persians did conceal the secrets of their Kings with admirable sidelity; no fear or hope could draw one syllable thereof from them, and a man cannot undergo great Affairs, to whom it's a trouble to hold his tongue, says Curtius. They are ridiculous, who out of an ostentative vanity, rejoice to relate what is done every day in the Cabinet-council of their Prince, that thereby they may show how much they are in favour with him. A certain Athenian did invite the Ambassadors of King Philip to his house, and some Philosophers, amongst whom Zeno was one, and when all were merry and argued much upon several Subjects, Zeno in the mean while was still silent. Which the Ambassadors perceiving, did ask him what they should relate to their King. That you have seen, answers Zeno, an old man at Athens who knew how to be silent amongst Cups. It is praise worthy to speak well, but it deserves no less praise to know when to be silent. When Aristotle sent Calistines his Scholar and Kinsman to Alexander, he did admonish him to speak seldom, and prudently to him, who had the power of life and death upon his tongue. Which advice rejected by Calistines, was the cause 
* Curtius.  of his destruction.  
In the next place I would advise our Courtier, to make as honourable mention of his former Master (if he has had any) as if he were yet alive; and not to complain of him, although he thinks it acceptable to his Prince; otherwise he shall fall into two inconveniences. The one, the Prince shall imagine, that he may expect the like himself through process of time; the other he will think it the Courtiers own fault, that he was not in greater favour with his former Master.   

Divis. 3. Of his love and affection to his Prince.  
As the rays cannot be separated from the Sun, heat from Fire, cold from Ice, nor Snow from whiteness, so cannot benevolence, familiarity, society, and concord be separated from love. Seeing, I say, nothing doth more gain affection than tokens of love, let a Courtier endeavour to the utmost of his power to make his Prince understand that he loves him. Love (according to the Proverb) begets love. It were ingratitude, indeed, not to love and favour those, by whom we know we are not a little beloved, and have our dependence. I would have signs of this affection towards our Prince shown, so oft as occasion requires, not only in matters of great moment, as to suffer inconveniences, or lay down your very life for your Prince; but also in lesser concerns, if necessity requires.  
To which 'tis much conducing to know the nature of his Prince, and of his Favourites, and to observe to what he is naturally inclined. Histories show by many Examples how much Aristotle did know the nature and inclinations of Alexander. And Tacitus says, that Sejanus knew exactly the nature of Tiberius.  
The signs of love are these, to honour and respect not only the Prince himself, but all those whom he favours, to be so subservient to the humour of his Master, to shun the society of those whom he suspects, providing he avoid flattery and affectation.   

Divis. 4. Of flattery and affectation.  
Flattery is the sign of a lying, base, servile spirit, hateful to private men, and prejudicial to Princes, whom it in infatuates and brings often to ruin. Therefore as we see them severely punished who throw poison into public Springs, so should they also, who by their adulation corrupt their Prince and Master, and draw him from the study of equity to wickedness, and from continency to follow his lustful inclinations. For the Prince is as a Fountain, from which the Laws flow, and justice is required; in him Examples of Virtue should be found; from him aid is implored against wicked 
† Agapediaca.  men, and from him the reward of Virtue is expected.  
The other, which our Courtier should shun, is affectation; which though not so odious, yet is it the symptom of an unsolid and foolish spirit: For that too much diligence and subserviency to the humours of Princes carries the similitude of adulation, which is abominable.  
To all which I shall only add two directions, the one is, That seeing prosperous Gales do not always breath in the Courts of Princes, we should, when they do, catch hold of the occasion. The other is, when you resolve to desire any thing from your Prince, those things are to be required, which he can bestow with the least expense.    

Subsect. 2. Of his deportment towards his Equals.  
Now let us prosecute in few words what a Courtier should observe in his carriage toward his Equals. And first let him shun as much as possible he can every accident by which he may incur the wrath of his Companions. If he be preferred by his Prince, let him not forget or be ashamed of his old Friends, if honest men; let him not obstinately hinder the profit of others; let him not baffle his Friends, or jest too satirically with them: For some there are, according to Quintilian, who had rather lose a Friend than a Jest. Consider always diligently for what cause, in what company, against whom, and what is spoken.  
A Courtier should beware that he use not any petulant or proud expression, not befitting the time, place, or persons.  
Next, Let him beware of Flatterers and Dissemblers, for those do insinuate themselves to pry into men's secrets, that upon occasion they may obstruct their designs; and it is very difficult to distinguish such men from true friends: for, according to Quintilian, it's the greatest Art to conceal dissimulation cunningly. Notwithstanding, if our Courtier will use great circumspection, learn to know himself, and distinguish prudently his true friends, he shall easily detect the artifice of Dissemblers. Who therefore do extol hyperbolically your wit, virtue, and courtesy, and who cover your Vices with contrary virtues? who call Temerity Fortitude, Negligence Clemency, Prodigality Magnificence, and that always to your face; such you may justly suspect.  
Hunc quem vina tibi, quem mensa paravit amicum,  
Esse putas fide pectus amicitia?  
Vinum amat & cyathos & summa & ostrea, non te:  
Sublato vino, nullus amicus erit?  
Think you that friendship always will endure,  
Which wine and dainties only did procure?  
He loves thy treats, and not thyself; therefore  
When they are gone he'll be thy friend no more.  
Let him be cautious therefore in choosing a Friend, but so as to endeavour to obtain the love of all; which he shall easily do, if he be humane, liberal and affable to them.    

SECT. II. Of his Virtues.  
Now it remains that we speak of the Virtues wherewith our Courtier should be qualified, for there is nothing which allures more the Affections of Men. We love those in some respects, says Tully, for their virtue, whom we have never so much as seen; Who doth not hate baseness, avarice, and cruelty? For there is no man so flagitious, who would not desire to have come to what he has obtained by wickedness, without a Crime; for the baseness of the guilt doth so much affect those who are addicted to vice, that they are hateful to themselves, and do carry their punishment in their own Conscience. And although all the virtues should allure us, and make us love those whom we see endued therewith: yet some are more becoming, according to the several qualities and conditions of Men. As for example, magnificence becomes a Prince, but not a Plebeian.  

Subsect. 1. Of his Fortitude.  
First Fortitude is required in our Courtier, that if it be necessary he may with an undaunted mind offer himself to dangers for his Prince, his Country and himself. For as the Palmtree doth not bow down when any weight hangs thereon, but of its own accord raises itself up against its burden; so the more a gallant spirit is oppressed with business or the assaults of Fortune, the more doth he remain erected and undaunted, as Pliny prudently observes. Let not our Courtier fear too much what can befall him; let him suffer unfortunate accidents patiently, and let him not do any thing with a timorous and faint heart.   

Subsect. 2. Of his Temperance.  
But pleasure is the mother of all evil, by whose flatteries what is good by nature is corrupted: Hence Tully no less truly than clogantly, Who are led away with pleasures, says he, and give themselves to the allurements of vices and dishonest desires, let not such endeavour to attain to honours, nor meddle with the Commonwealth; let brave spirits suffer pains for their Country, and let them enjoy their lazy idleness. Therefore it's absolutely necessary that our Courtier be temperate. Temperance, says Seneca, commands over pleasures, etc. Xenophanes said, that nothing bad could proceed from that man, who had studied and embraced Temperance. No voluptuous pleasures deceive a temperate man; he keeps his Hands, Eyes, and Heart free from what doth not concern him; is not ensnared with the pleasures of vice; lives sparingly, continently, strictly, and soberly. Moreover this virtue is the Mother of good health; as on the contrary intemperance is the cause of sickness and death. Two things (says Cornificius to Herennius) moves men most to wickedness, Luxury and Avarice. Whores are fatal pleasures; fly from them if you be wise. Caius Gracchus upon his return from Sardinia told the Romans, that he had so lived in the Province, that no man could say he had taken a Farthing in Gifts or Bribes; or that any Whore had entered his House for two years' time he had been there. I shall only add the words of Seneca concerning Ebriety. It doth include and detect every vice, it removes all shame which curbs bad designs; when too much Wine intoxicate the brain, what ever evil did formerly lurk bursts then out: then the Whoremaster doth not wait for a private room, but grants to his lust whatever it desires; then the impudent doth profess and publish his faults, than the petulant doth contain neither Tongue, nor Hands: Pride grows in the insolent, and cruelty in the fierce, etc. And a little after, But consider, says he, what mischief this Vice has done, It has delivered fierce and Warlike Nations to their Enemies; It has ruined invincible Armies, and destroyed conquering Princes. Travels, Fights, Rivers falling from unknown places, Seas, cold Winters, Dangers and Difficulties suffered Alexander to live. But excess of drinking did destroy him.     

CHAP. III. Whether an Ambassador may exceed the bounds of his Instructions.  
BEcause Princes do often employ Courtiers in Embassies, I will only move one question, which I think not altogether impertinent in this place, though it has little coherence with our precedent discourse, and that is, Whether an Ambassador may go beyond the limits of his Instructions, if any thing fall out to the advantage of his Prince, whereof he was ignorant when he the Prince did give him his Instructions. The cause of the doubt is, that he who goes beyond the limits of his Commission, though he do it not either out of malice or pride, seems to contemn his Master, or esteem too much of himself or his own prudence, which is most odious. And then if the business doth not succeed prosperously, he must incur the blame of disobedience and indeprecable punishment. But if it succeed, then is it esteemed the benefit of Fortune. In the administration therefore of public Affairs, it was a crime to do contrary to what was commanded, though done with Virtue, Valour, and Success. Which Manlius Torquatus did teach by a sad Example 
† Lib. 8. , but profitable to Youth in following Ages. I shall only add another of Crassus Mutianus, who in the Siege of a certain Town, standing in need of a strong Beam to his battering Ram, did write to an Architect to send him the bigger of two Masts which he had seen by him; who considering the thing, did send the lesser, as more fit to make that instrument of War, contrary to what was commanded him. Incontinently Crassus sends for the man, and having heard his Reasons, commanded him to be whipped to death: a severe command will some say, for the Artist thought he had done the best, by the Precepts of Art. I would grant that, if Crassus had asked Counsel and not Obedience. The Office of him who commands is corrupted and dissolved, says Agellius, if any answer to what he is commanded with unrequired Counsel, and not with due obedience. From which it may be concluded that nothing ought to be done or said but what was commanded by the Prince. But I think that this Question should be decided thus: Either he has time to advertise his Prince of any new emergent business, and may expect other Instructions; or the thing itself can upon no account be deferred. In the former cases I doubt not but the Prince 
† Octavius Magius.  should be informed thereof. But if the business admit not of that delay, it's better to adhere to his instructions. It can hardly be expressed how much disobedience displeaseth Princes. But if the matter be of great consequence; the hurt which may proceed from thence must be considered diligently, and care must be had that he be not deceived in his opinion, and then that course must be taken which tends to the manifest profit and honour of his Prince, the causes whereof must be presently signified to him by Letters. But if the profit be dubious, he must not do any thing easily beyond his Commission; lest he endanger his fame and reputation, if any thing fall out unfortunately. For Princes use to observe, not the Actions, but the Events thereof.  
The end of the second Part.    

OF MARTIAL PROWESS AND LEARNING.  
PART III.  

The INTRODUCTION.  
MAny Men are persuaded that the ancient Writers have treated so gravely and accurately of every thing belonging to human life, that there is no subject almost left to after-ages, (though perhaps no less learned) wherein to exercise their Wit, Parts, and Learning; concluding it most necessary to admire, believe, and rest in Antiquity. Yet, as the honour of doing valiantly is no robbery of the Hero's of ancient times, but their fortiude rather set as an example to be imitated by brave Martial Spirits; so the Learning of the Ancients should not be neglected, but should move Men qualified with literature, not only to follow their footsteps, but animate us, if possible, to exceed them for the benefit of our Age and Country. Now, though I (for my part) come far short of the Ancients in either; yet I hope I shall be pardoned if I, a little, in this third and last part of my discourse, endeavour what I think necessary for public good.  
Seeing therefore it's often inquired, whether Mars or Minerva is the more profitable to Mankind, and whether Soldiers or Gownsmen ought to have the precedency: We shall in short declare what is probably and usually alleged on both sides, for the satisfaction of those to whom the naked truth is more acceptable than common opinion; whereas I hope I may, in some measure, answer the expectation of the curious, as also confirm myself in the love of virtue.  
When this visible World could not subsist without order, and human pravity grew daily to be the most Potent, God, after the Flood, ordained politic Government and Principalities, to contain the rebellious in their duty, and to punish public Enemies endeavouring the destruction of Mankind; and then through process of time Families were collected in one Society, Laws were established, and Judges and Governors were appointed. And because God and Nature did endue every man with a gift to exercise some peculiar Art, Faculty, or Science; and that there is no man who doth not stand in need of the help of another, 
Arist. Polit. cap. 2. August. lib. 15. the civet. Dei.  divers Degrees and Orders of Societies were afterwards appointed, which being sociably joined amongst themselves, at length made a City or Commonwealth, such as are mentioned by Plato, Aristotle, Xenophon, and Polybius. Yet it is most certain, that Military Virtue and Learning did exceed all other Faculties, invented either to sustain or adorn Civil Life.   

CHAP. I. Whether Mars or Minerva are to be preferred.  
BUt although a Commonwealth stand in need of both alike, and both aught equally to be honoured; yet it has come to pass, through Pride and Ambition, (which two Vices sprung chief from the depravation of Humane Nature) that Military men have not so much deserved, as usurped the first place, having despised and contemned those, who applying themselves to Learning with no less pains and danger, have done excellent service to their Country. On the contrary, Learned men complain, that they are defrauded of their due honour, and endeavour to recover the same: It is necessary therefore to search out the Reasons of this Controversy.  
We come now to the Arguments of both Parties: The first for the Military Prerogative is thought to be Antiquity; for Nimrod, the Son of Chus, by his Martial Prowess subdued Nations, and brought in the use of Arms.  
An other very strong Argument is, that Empires are commanded by Arms, as with a Bridle, and so transmitted to Posterity, of which we are furnished with almost innumerable examples out of Histories, as well Sacred as Profane. But the most remarkable is, the counsel of Pansa and Hircius, which Experience proved. Those men did persuade Julius Caesar to govern by Arms the Empire of Rome obtained by his Martial Virtue; when he by doing the contrary, was the cause of his own destruction.  
Thirdly, they say, by Arms our Country is defended; and when our Enemies are o'ercome, and all danger removed, a general safety is procured. Examples are in readiness to any read in History. On the contrary, Countries wanting Military defence, are exposed to the Rapine of Enemies. Poor Hungaria gives an example of this; and many think that the boldness of the Turk had not succeeded so far, if Ladislaus the Successor of Mathias Corvinus in that Kingdom, had observed more diligently Military Discipline.  
Fourthly, It makes much for Soldiers, that the World admires Power, Warlike Glory, and Triumphs; which because notorious, needs no probation.  
Fifthly, The Art Military consists in the active part, when the knowledge of Learning is only busied with mere Contemplation; therefore Martial Prowess is the more honourable.  
Sixthly and lastly, Brave Warlike actions make men immortal, and therefore the more to be esteemed.  
I answer to what was spoken in the first place of Antiquity, that it is very much controverted, whether Learning had its Birth after the expedition of Nimrod, who began to Reign in Babylon, or invented by the Aethiopians, as Diodorus Siculus asserts in his fourth Book, or taught first by Moses, according to 
* Lib. 8. & 10.  Eusebius. For Josephus in his first Book of Antiquity says, that Letters were in use before the Flood; and that the Sons of Seth, the Son of Adam, did write in two Pillars, one of Stone, and the other of Brick, the nature of the Heavens, and the motion of the Stars. Epigenes also makes mention, that there were Observations of the Stars many years before the Flood; from which it appears, that the use of Letters has been from the beginning, which are the words of Pliny in the seventh Book of his Natural History. It might therefore be, that Moses or Abraham, to whom Philo attributes the invention of Letters, did restore those again which perished in the Flood, which were transferred from the Syrians to the Phoenicians, and from them to the Grecians by Cadmus; and then enriched and further propagated by Palamedes in the time of the Trojan War. But to conclude, it's agreed upon, that time only doth not introduce true Pre-eminence, that Excellency which is requisite being wanting.  
The second Argument is refuted thus, Arms only are not sufficient, nor are great exploits done by them only. Moreover in time of War when Martial prowess doth act, barbarity reigns, Countries are laid waste, Justice neglected, and horrid Cruelties committed. Italy of old, the Mistress of the Universe, did give a most clear testimony of this, when it was delacerated so miserably by those Northern People the Goths, Huns, Vandals, and Lombard's. On the contrary, in time of Peace Learning flourisheth, and Justice is administered. Moreover Affairs happen often, which require learning and prudence more than armed force. Hence is that of Cicero in his first Book de Officiis, Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea linguae, that is, Let Arms give place to the Gown, and let the Laureate Soldier give place to the eloquent Orator. Neither when the Sword rages can Princes want the industry of learned men, for in declaring, managing, and ending the War, there is great need of such. Wherefore the ancient Grecians did so join both Arts together, that thereby they not only overcame the Persians, but also subdued other Warlike Nations. The Romans famous for their Martial Valour were also no less learned: for (according to the Comic Poet) its nothing to be brave abroad, unless men be wise at home. And as reason and judgement are more excellent than the strength of the body, or boldness in fight: So a Scholar is more to be honoured than a Soldier. John galleass Duke of Milan, being an Enemy of the Florentines, used to say, That he received more hurt by the Letters of Collutius Pierius, than by a thousand armed Soldiers: To confirm which, we shall bring in that saying of the most wise Cato in his Oration against Catoline; Non solis armis Respublica Romana crevit, sedalia fuere qua illos magnos fecere, domi industria, foris justum imperium, animus in consulendo liber, neque delicto neque libidini obnoxius. The Roman Commonwealth did not increase by Arms only, but there were other things which made it great; industry at home, a just command abroad, freedom in Consultations, obnoxious to neither Crimes nor unlawful desires. Florus says, That Empires were obtained by strength, but preserved by equity and justice. Wise Antiquity made use of the Fiction of Pallas, whom they made the Praeses of War and Learning.  
Thirdly, It was argued for Military Virtue, that our Country was defended by Arms. We grant this partly, but yet not by Arms only, as appears from what is already spoken. For if defence (according to the ancient Military Law) is better than offence, it certainly consists more in counsel and prudence, than in fight. It has been the destruction of many, and of their Country also, to trust to the hazard of a Battle. Again, Arms are more easily taken up, than laid down; therefore it's most uncertain to put confidence in Arms only.  
Fourthly, it was argued for martial prowess, that Warlike Glory is in greater admiration than Learning. To which I answer, that whereas Kings and Princes do honour the one more than the other, that is occasioned through Ambition, or greedy desire of command: neither can Glory purchased by Arms be of long continuance without Prudence and Learning; for it's the opinion of the judicious, that military discipline, (from whence Warlike Glory doth flow as from its Fountain) did take its original from Homer. That learned man Alianus did teach the Emperor Adrian an excellent military order of drawing up of Soldiers, in equal proportions and just distances. The Macedonian Phalanx (which Alexander the great made use of with so much success and glory) is thought to have proceeded from one verse of Homer. johannes Bodinus in method. hist. makes mention, that Selimus causing Caesar's Commentaries to be translated into his own natural Language, was so expert in his manner of warfare, that in a short time he joined a great part of afric and Asia the less to the Empire of his Predecessors. Valerius Maximus makes mention that Lucius Paulus had not routed the Persians, 
Lib. 6.  if Gallus Sulpitius the Philosopher, had not removed that fear in the Roman Camp, proceeding from a sudden Eclipse of the Moon, by discoursing elegantly of the nature of the Heavens, and the cause of that change.  
The answer to the fifth Argument is easy. For we speak not of that Learning which consists merely in the Ideas of the mind, or in fantastic Aristotelian notions, but of such as joins knowledge and practice together, which will not always be kept in obscurity, but will shine at length, to the good of the Republic, Agesilaus King of the Lacedæmonians said (when it was debated whether Justice or Fortitude had the precedency) that there was no need of Fortitude, if all men would adhere to Justice. Baldus affirmed, that Common wealth stood more in need of Gownsmen, than Soldiers, because times of peace are of longer continuance than those of War.  
The true glory of Ancient Princes chief consisted in the honour, they paid to Learning and learned men, and in that they used their Council and Assistance in governing their Kingdoms. For as in Diseases of the Body one skiful Physician is better than a thousand Mountebanks; so when the whole Commonwealth is affected, one learned Gown-man is worth a numerous Army. Lampridius says, that the good Emperor Aurelius, and the brave Severus, did always converse familiary with prudent and learned men, and in civil Affairs did use the Council of learned men only; but in any military business (besides old Officers) they consulted also the learned. Many Kings at the point of Death have recommended their Children and Successors to learned men's tuition, calling them not only their Friends and Fathers, but also their best Treasure. On the contrary vicious Princes have vilipended learned Men, and esteemed it more laudable to extol toll those, who were most agreeable to their pernicious inclinations, whose service they could use in the perpetration of their crimes, and oppression of their Subjects.  
We are to answer now to the objection of the immortality of warlike Prowess; thus we must be forced to confess, if we behold the perpetual memory of both, that it is rather contained in Learning than in martial Prowess. To the former we are indebted for the remembrance of what is either well or ill done, and so without it the Art of Governing would be imperfect, and next to Oblivion. Who would have known the Caesars, (says Pliny the second, in his Epistle to Cornelius Priscus) if Suetonius had not lived? Who would have known Scipio and Pompey, so famous for their great triumphs, if Learned Men had not written in their praise? And seeing the acts of fortitude in one Individual, are only during the life of one Man, whatever is written for the benefit of the Republic is continual, according to Vigetius, in his second Book de re militari.  
And, though amongst the Scythians, and other fierce and barbarous Nations, Arms had the precedency; and that by an ancient Aethiopian Statute those were made, Kings who exceeded others in the stature of Body; yet, on the contrary, amongst the Grecians, Egyptians, Indians, and Persians (according to Bonsinus) Wisdom and Learning were so much preferred, that they did choose Kings from the Altars of their Gods, and Schools of Philosophers. For Learning infuseth into Men the sense of a Divinity, informs their Manners, and conserveses the Commonwealth. The Lacedæmonians (by the Law of Lycurgus) did not give honours to the rich and potent, but to those endued with Prudence and Virtue. And in the Indian Kingdoms and Countries, found out by the Portuguesses, Learning is in great esteem; for none there, without it, can obtain any Office, much less the 
* Osor. lib. 3. de gloria.  Principality. Homer the Father of Poets makes Pallas always a Friend to Achilles and Ulysses, which he did because they were Men of reason, and good Counsel. And in his 2. lib. Iliadum Agamemnon desires in his Army not ten Ajaces, but Nestores. And the Wisdom of Aeneas is said to have been of more use in the defence of Troy, than the valour and strength of Hector. The Commonwealth of Venice seems to be of longer continuance than that of Rome, not so much for her martial Valour, as politic Government.  

SECT I. Showing the People incline either to Mars or Mercury, as their Prince is inclined.  
Thus considering what is already spoken, it will not be difficult to find out what Profession is the better. But now Learned Men, to the shame of a Nation, do vail to Soldiers, give them a tacit renunciation of their right, and acquiesce in the vulgar Opinion, which is, for the most part, ever false.  
I would allow indeed, that our Nobility and Gentry following the Wars for the safety of their King and Country, should not be defrauded of their due honour, so as Gownsmen on the other side be not wronged, and vilipended; and I do think that neither Party should permit the other to give their judgement in their own proper cause, which I shall in this place forbear also to do, and only say, That Men are stirred up to those Professions and Arts which are in greatest esteem for the time; according to Plato in his 4th. Book de Republica. Nero declaimed in the first year of his Reign, according to the Example of Pompey the Great, and Augustus Caesar, and immediately there was such abundance of Orators, and the Study of Eloquence so flourished, that many from low fortunes were made Senators, 
* Sueto. de clara Rheter.  and obtained great honours. In the Reign of Charles the fifth all his Courtiers did learn the French Tongue, because the Emperor himself delighted in it. So Aristotle truly said, that 
* lib. 2. Polit. c. 9  the inclinations of Princes were examples to his Subjects: because the Life of a Prince is a perpetual Law or Decree concerning Manners, as Pliny doth elegantly show Trajan and Claudian, wittily in his admonition to Honorius.  
Componitur Orbis,  
Regis ad exemplum, nec sic inflectere sensus,  
Humanos edicta valent, ut vita regentum,  
Mobile mutatur semper cum Principe vulgus.  
Men follow still the footsteps of their King,  
Nor are Laws able humane minds to bring  
Under command, so much as his life, why?  
The Vulgar with the Prince doth change always.  
Count Palavicin is introduced in Castilion's Courtier, and alleging some subtle reasons, doth conclude that Arms had the precedency, yet he courteously avoids the opinion of Petrus Bembus his Collocutor. For this man doth quote Alexander the Great, who did not envy Achilles for the glory of his martial fortitude, but that he had Homer for a publisher of his praises. The Author also in his true Courtier (wherein he represents the Idea of a Prince) requires Letters to go hand in hand as inseparable Companions. The Emperor Frederick the third used to say; that he could in one hour make many Soldiers, but that in his whole life he could never make a Politician. Caesar, says Heliodor, can give Riches and Honours, but he cannot make an Orator.   

SECT. II. Learning has by many been slighted, and by as many esteemed.  
But Letters have had powerful Adversaries, and what is good pleaseth but few. The Emperor Licinus called them a public plague. Valerianus was also a great Enemy to learning. And it is said that Nero's Mother diverted him from the study of Philosophy. Luis the eleventh King of France would not have his Son Charles the eighth instructed in Letters and liberal Sciences. And the Father of Eberhart, Count of Wittenberg, did upon his Deathbed bind his Councillors by an Oath, that they should not permit his Son to learn the Latin Tongue.  
How much more is the Judgement of Alexander the great, (though most desirous of military glory) to be esteemed. For writing to his Master Aristotle, he told him that it was his desire rather to excel in Knowledge, than in Arms. That Mirror of Princes, Alphonsus' King of Arragon, did prudently affirm, that he would rather lose his Kingdom, than be ignorant of that Learning with which he was endued. The Emperor Leo, and his Son Constantine, desired nothing more than to advance Learning: And their Successor to their Empire and Virtue, did give admirable respect to Learned men, saying, that he had rather be famous by his Learning, than by his Empire, as Baptista Egnatius relates in the Lives of the Caesars. Jovius in his Eulogies of Martial Hero's, observes the saying of Mathias King of Hungaria, that a King could not be famous in War, unless fortified with Learning; he knew the manner of War-fare of every Age, and the very Stratagems of the Ancients drawn out of Histories, seeing those Experiments, which would be of great use in War, cannot be understood but by long Experience, which could easily be comprehended by reading the examples of Antiquity: Therefore many Princes in the managing of difficult Affairs, have too late bewailed that they did not in their Youth apply themselves to Learning: Insomuch that some in more mature years have not been ashamed to learn the Latin Tongue, as did that Noble Elector of Saxony: For Learning is the Nerves and Arteries of good Government, and the Ornament of Civil Life. For the most part, it's despair or constraint makes a Soldier, which is thought to be the last refuge of hope-despairing men. We see many accustomed to unhonest actions go to the Wars, but few return with Honour or Riches. Finally, such is for the most part the condition of Affairs, that more is lost than acquired in War, wherein wholesome counsel seldom finds acceptance; nor is it tolerable to err twice, and wherein (according to Julius Caesar) Fortune shows her unconstancy most: But she has not so much power over Learned men, for where ever they go, they carry all along with them, and even in Shipwreck they lose not any thing, when Soldiers are in a perpetual fear of losing all.   

SECT. III. Showing some Noble Souls to be tam Marte, quam Mercuria  
But some men do argue, that there are many Soldiers, who with great honour have joined Martial Prowess and Learning together; therefore that Learned men only are to be Postponed.  
To which it's answered, that many have endeavoured, but few obtained that honour. For Nature (according to Plato) produces men regularly qualified for one Art or Science only, and making haste to two so different, she perfects neither well: Amongst the Ancient Grecians, Pericles, Xenophon, and Thucydides; amongst the Romans, Julius Caesar, Lucullus, and Cato, were eminent in both. And Vellius Paterculus in his second Volume of the Roman Story, writes after this manner of Drusus Claudius, who died in Germany, That it was uncertain whether his Genius was more fit for Martial, than Civil Affairs. But commonly, without perpetual exercise, to which the short life of Man can hardly be sufficient, a perfect Soldier, i. e. a great Captain, and an excellent Gown-man, able to govern the Helm of Affairs (for we speak as well of Knowledge as of Experience) can hardly be found in one Individual. If any attain to this Heroic Excellency, as Antonius Duprato, Great Chancellor to Francis the first King of France, by whose Valour the Suetzers were overthrown in a great Battle, or Mathaeus Cardinal of Sedun, who a little before o'ercome the Army of Lewis the Eleventh in Italy; or if any for the future shall be famous for both those noble and glorious qualities, and thereby shall be useful to their Country, in equity they ought to be ranked above the degree of either ordinary Captains, or Gownsmen. Perseus' the Son of Jupiter having ended the War in Mauritania with happy success, and obtained the Kingdom of the Argives, in the end erected a public School in Helecon, and was himself famous for his Learning; for which causes the Poets feign that he was placed amongst the Stars.   

SECT. iv The Decision of the Controversy.  
Having refuted therefore that Objection, it seems to give the precedency to Learning, because Soldiers are but the Executioners of Learned Gown men; and therefore the Law says, that Soldiers ought to be Defenders, not Lords and Masters.  
Now though it is not our intention to determine positively in so difficult a matter, yet we will conclude by a threefold distinction, for thereby are contrarieties ofttimes accorded. If I found a Guide, says Socrates, who knew how to distinguish aright, I would follow his footsteps, as those of some Deity.  
The first distinction is, That men must regard the Custom of the place, and accordingly either Soldiers or Learned men are to be preferred: For Custom and Use is of no contemptible Authority, especially if it be continued with public consent.  
The other distinction is drawn from the time; for sometimes Learned men, sometimes Soldiers are in the greater esteem. That Vulgar saying doth agree to this, Distingue tempora, & quadrabit Scriptura.  
Thirdly, Acts are diligently to be considered; for a Gown-man in any act agreeing to his Calling, is without doubt to be preferred; as on the contrary, a Soldier in Military actions has the precedency. Isocrates writing to the Lords of Mytilene, advises them to give the next honour to themselves to Learned men.  
But this notwithstanding, it cannot be denied, but that Military Dignity is of a large extent; for it comprehends Knights, Barons, Earls, Marquesses, Dukes, and the very Emperor or King himself, whereby a certain rule for this Pre-eminency can the less be given, for it varies daily, according to age, office, or employment, favour, dignity, time, place, act, custom, will, pleasure and inclination, which nevertheless ought not to be prejudicial to Gownsmen, and that for the public good, in whose favour Degrees and Orders were introduced. In this case then men must have recourse to Custom, and the beforenamed distinctions.    

CHAP. II. Admonition to such as incline either to Learning, or Arms.  
SEeing therefore due honour is given to virtue, which we will distinguish into military and civil, ingenious youth is to be admonished, that the fewer attain to this double dignity, the more earnestly they may endeavour the same, and being of noble Parents they may make themselves famous by following their footsteps in virtue; and in what Families military glory has been resplendent, they may imitate their Ancestors, not neglecting Literature, whereby Men are rendered more capable of performing great Erterprises. Let those who apply themselves to Learning through their innate inclination, know that a large Field of Glory is Patent to them, unless leaving their study they be drawn to vice, or to do any thing against their Vocation. For there cannot be an equal condition of all Men in this Life, nor can this civil Society consist without distinction of Persons and Qualities, that some may command, others obey. And seeing the Office of Magistracy is divided into Laws divine and humane, consisting morally in the defence of the innocent, and punishment of the wicked, the Commonwealth cannot well want either order.  

SECT. I. What true Nobility is, by way of Digression.  
But it will not (I hope) be altogether impertinent in this place to make a short Digression concerning true Nobility, which I shall touch in few words.  
First therefore, where the excellency of Virtue is absent, the reward thereof, i. e. the honour of Nobility, is due to no Man, and so the cause ceasing, the effect also ceases.  
Secondly, the inveterate Custom of making Men of good Birth, and void of Virtue noble, seems unreasonable; therefore it's either absolutely to be cancelled, or reduced to the square of Equity.  
Thirdly, Riches ought not to come into consideration, for they are things separated from Nobility; and in respect thereof Merchants or Mechanics abounding in Riches, yea base Fellows uncapable of Dignities may be called Noble, because Riches are fluent and mutable, and Virtue immovable and permanent. There was no entry to the Temple of Honour at Rome but through that of Virtue, thereby signifying that there was no true Honour without Virtue.  
Fourthly, if Men consider Power of itself, it cannot make true Nobility, yet the common error has taken such deep root, that it can hardly be eradicated. But every Man is more to be esteemed for what he has acquired by his own virtue, than of what is left him by his Ancestors.  † Ovid. 13. Meta. 
Nam genus & proavos & quae non † fecimus ipsi,  
Vix ca nostra voco.  
Our birth, and what doth not from us proceed,  
Can with small reason be called ours indeed.  
The Vulgar doth abuse the name of true Nobility, and judges according to the objects; when notwithstanding true Nobility consists not in what is only external, as Antiquity, Riches, great Possessions, and Dignities, but requires an interior perfection. Yet we see unworthy men honoured, and he is for the most part of less esteem who is endued with wisdom and learning, if poor, than a rich person with an empty head. I would not what is said to be otherways understood, than that the presumption of high birth should so long have place, as men nobly born show themselves worthy of the honour they by their birth assume, and then its just to use them with all honour and respect.  
But (according to Mathaeus de afflictis) the first species of Nobility flows from divine wisdom; The second from true Virtue; The third from dignity and secular Power; The fourth from his Lands and Possessions which he holds immediately of his Prince; The fifth from Military Orders or Degrees. I speak of such who have Commissions from the King or Commonwealth; for to be a private Soldier, is rather a slavery than an honour. The sixth is from the Antiquity of Noble Progenitors, which if joined with virtue (according to Baldus) makes true Nobility, who calls it generosity adorned with magnanimity. The seventh species proceeds from their Office or Calling. I shall say no more, but refer the curious to that famous Treatise of Andrea's Tiraquillus concerning this subject.   

SECT. II. Of the tragical fates of many brave men, both Statesmen and Martial.  
NOW (as we hinted before) Civil Government consists in Gownsmen and Soldiers; for as humane health consists in the harmony of the body and soul, and as the heart and brain are refreshed with sweet Odours and Ointments, and as humane actions are better performed by the right disposition of the mind; so in the prudent conjunction of those two noble Qualifications doth the healthful temperature of the Politic Body consist. Justice and Fortitude are famous Virtues, and Augustus Caesar is much commended by Suetonius for both. If Learning for some contrary Custom is not so much esteemed as Martial Prowess, yet is it necessary in a well-governed Commonwealth, that they walk hand in hand. I am not able to extort the Sword from the Soldier, or willing to extol the Learned to the others prejudice: for the one is joined with dangers, the other with pains and watch. Moreover for many and just causes I am to acquiesce in the opinion of others, lest in the decision of so difficult a Question, I incur the hatred and disdain of the more learned and judicious.  
First therefore, I observe, that both were ordained by God, and both necessary to the Commonwealth. The greatest defence of the Republic (says the Lawyer) proceeds from Martial Prowess and Justice. Both have a lawful Function, because our Saviour at his coming did not abrogate Civil Polity, as Julian the Apostate and his impious Parasites blasphemously cried out. Christ approves of warfare in the Centurion: Nature teaches this in irrational Creatures. The Bees bred only to the use of mankind, have their King, their Camps, their Officers, they march out to Battle, draw together, fight abroad, toil and labour at home; they reward industry, and punish idleness. So War is approved by the Law of Nations, provided it be just, and undertaken by the command of the Prince or Commonwealth. So learned men do exercise a no less lawful and beautiful Function, for without such the world would be a Chaos of confusion.  
Secondly, Soldiers ought to be contented with their pay, and ought not to wrong or oppress any. So a Minister of State should be contented with his Salary, and not to extend his hands to iniquity.  
Thirdly, An excellent Soldier and Scholar are in great esteem, both at home and abroad, and obtain perpetual honour. Pirates desired to see Scipio the African, when he lived in his eclipsed glory at Linternum. And certain Nobles came from the remotest parts of Spain, not to see Rome the most glorious City of the Universe, but Livius famous for his Eloquence. And such is the sweetness of Learning, that it moves the affections of the weaker Sex. Olympia Fulvia of Ferrara, a most ingenious Woman, in those latter times lived and died in Germany, whose Orations and learned Works are yet extant. After the same manner, many Viragoes endued with masculine courage, have affected and obtained the honour of warlike fortitude. The Roman Virgin Clelia, being one of the Pledges given to King Porsenna, in the nighttime escaped her Guards, took Horse, and by her speedy passing the River, not only freed her City of a dangerous siege, but of all fear.  
Thirdly we read that many Warlike Hero's, and Eminent Gownsmen, who at home and abroad have deserved well of their Country, have fallen from the height of Honour into great Calamities. Therefore we may exclaim with Lucan, in his First Book of the Civil War 'twixt Caesar and Pompey.  
Invida fatorum series summisque negatum,  
Stare diu, nimioque graves sub pondere lapsus.  
Fates envious course continuance doth deny,  
To mighty Men, who greatest falls do try.  
What is more famous than the exile of Scipio 
* Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 3.  and Themistocles? Franciscus Bussonus General of the Venetian Army, a Man Valiant and active against Philip Duke of Milan, after his taking of Verona and Brixia, was accused of perfidious delay, brought to Venice in the course of his Actions, and there 
* Petrus Just. l. 7. hist. Venetae.  beheaded. Conradine, the Nephew of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, for the loss of a Battle at the instigation of the Pope, and the Archduke of Austria, had his Head struck off in the Marketplace of the City of Naples. Socrates the wisest of Greece, by the testimony of the Oracle, died a 
* Val. Max. lib. 7. cap. 2.  violent death. Cicero the Fountain of Roman Eloquence, was first banished 
* Plut. in vita Ciceron.  and then beheaded. William Huguenot, Chancellor to Charles Duke of Burgundy, after the death of his Prince at Nancy, was beheaded by the People of Gaunt. That famous Lawyer Alpianus was banished by Heliogabolus. Bellisarius and Narses, two famous and glorious Captains, after they had obtained great and honourable Victories, were thrust from their commands, and reduced to misery by the Emperor Justinian. Gonsalvo, having obtained the name of great Captain by the consent of all Christendom, after he had confirmed the Kingdom of Naples to his Master, 
† Jovius in his life.  by his singular Virtue and Constancy, was required to give up his Accounts, and thereby brought in disgrace. I shall forbear to produce examples of latter Favourites, as also of those who have suffered for the glory of God and good of their Country, (because I do not intent here a Martyrology.) If we would but look into the Courts of Princes even of latter times, what a Multitude of evils and misfortunes would offer themselves? and how many examples of the Courts inconstancy could we instance.  

Subsect. 1. Showing the causes of their so sad fate.  
I judge the causes thereof to be, either those in great favour with Kings and Princes do put too much confidence therein, or oppressed with envy (which is the inseparable Concomitant of Virtue and Felicity) they fall into disgrace; or Fortune (according to her custom) at length deserts Men loaded with riches and honours; or their Spirits fail them being oppressed with the weight of affairs. Injustice and desire of private gain have also been the ruin of many. Hence you may see Men blinded with avarice and ambition run beyond the limits of their duty, and many (according to Polybius) more fit to innovate than manage affairs. To which may be added the change of the Prince his inclination, which appears after Favourites have acquired great riches and dignities. For (according to Martial,) Immodicis brevis est aetas & rara senectus.  
Next the divulging of the Prince's secrets: And finally the anger and suspicion of Princes: for such give themselves up to their own humours, and whilst they endeavour to confirm their authority, they err sometimes in the excess of punishing.  
These are the ordinary causes of the ruin of many brave Men. There are also other Theological reasons. First, the godly Man is not innocent before God, it's needful for all Men to be subject to afflictions, that therein their divine virtues may be exercised. Before I was afflicted I went astray, says the Psalmist, and trouble gives understanding, says Esaias. Secondly, that it may appear, that all things are not ruled by human Counsels, because it's written, I will destroy the wisdom of the wise.  
The more therefore with the Apostle to Timothy is the safety of Princes to be recommended to God, that they may do what is good and just in his eyes, lest afterwards Vices turn into Manners, where at length (according to Seneca) there is no redress. Let their Ministers, who are entrusted with Offices either military or civil, endeavour to follow the Dictates of Virtue, hoping felicity in their actions from God to whom they must give an account. Whereby it will come to pass that they shall have comfort in whatsoever calamity, and shall not suffer any thing, but what will be conducing to the good of their Souls. But lest we involve ourselves in this Labyrinth beyond our intention, let us refer the whole matter to the secret, yet just judgement of God.     

CHAP. III. Showing that Arms and Learning go hand in hand together.  
IT follows therefore that Letters and Arms should not only accord, but be inseparably conjoined, besides the Reason's , because Martial Prowess doth furnish matter to Learning. Hence was Hercules called Musagetes, and was adored in a Temple dedicated to himself, and the Muses; as on the contrary Learned men do Eternize the Memory of virtuous actions, that they may be also Immortal to Posterity. Suetonius Tranquillus writ a Book of such as were famous in the Roman Commonwealth, either for their warlike actions, or civil policy. Saint Jerom following his Example, writ a Book of Holy Men, famous in the Church of God. And in latter times, Paulus Jovius did honour, with splendid Eulogies, men famous either for their Martial Prowess, or their refined and learned Wits.  
The dangerous Contentions for Honour ought to be shunned, and the same given to Virtue, whose proper reward it is, and that without any envy, whereby whole Commonwealths have perished, and of which History furnisheth us with many famous Examples. Who contend for Honour in a Commonwealth (says Plato) are like Mariners striving in a Tempest who should be Pilot, which cannot be without the evident danger of all. It's the part therefore of wise men to hate Emulations, and the greedy desire of Vainglory, and to follow Honour, but not ambitiously to covet the same. Ambition was prohibited of old at 
† Cicero de Orato.  Rome, by the severest Laws. If all the enduements of Body and Mind, and all External Dignities were considered, we would find that they were not sufficient to the tranquillity of Humane Life; we should augment therefore the care of Piety, and lessen the solicitude of perishing things, and especially that specious trouble which we see most strictly joined with acquired Power. It is written, Do all to the Glory of God; this is the end which all Christians should propose to themselves; the rest do not only perish with us, but in the midst of our course they withdraw themselves, and vanish. The Government of men is obnoxious to divers Changes, therefore it stands in need of men fitted for all times, as divers Remedies are to be used according to the nature of men's Diseases: Sometimes Arms, sometimes Learning is required, and neither can subsist without the other. It is absolutely necessary, that Justice be attended with Arms; and it is certain, that God is the Fountain of Justice, and that the highest and lowest Vocations are governed by him: Therefore we should pray for Concord, Humility, and Mutual Love.    

The Conclusion.  
NOw at the close, Ingenuous Youth should be admonished, that as the Civil Perfection of Man consists in Military and Doctoral Dignities; and as in this Politic Government divers Offices are required, they would study those two Noble Arts without pride, or mutual contempt. And let those who are to be Soldiers consider, that the Defenders of their Country shall have Glory on Earth, and Felicity in Heaven. But where there is a necessity of War, let it be undertaken, that nothing seem to be required but Peace; whereby (according to 
† Hist. Roman. lib. 2.  Velleius) the Laws and Justice flourish: For a certain Honourable Peace is far better than an uncertain event of War: All the events of Warare uncertain, says Cicero. Moreover, although what we know is far less than what we are ignorant of, for (according to the Apostle) in this life we know but in part: Young men ought to learn what is necessary to the just Government of the Commonwealth, whereunto Earthly Riches and Honours should not invite them so much, as that Celestial Remuneration, of which the Followers of true Virtue are certain. Finally, let them contain themselves within the limits of their Vocation, neither let them (alured with the desire of Superiority, which is always joined with present danger) attempt any thing beyond their ability.  
O happy England! if young Men of noble Birth and opulent fortunes, would not lose their youthful years in riot, voluptuous pleasures, and all sorts of sensuality; but would instruct and adorn their minds with virtuous Sciences. By so doing they should not only learn to live well themselves, but also to rule others aright; they should the better acquire political knowledge, and instructed with virtuous Precepts of Philosophy should contain themselves within the limits of their duty, be more fit for the Government of the Commonwealth either in Peace or War, and extend and augment the splendour of their Birth by their laudable actions. Those are the Pillars and Supporters of solid Honour and Glory, by those Wings we mount to Heaven, and by those watch and pains we acquire eternal Fame and Glory.   
FINIS.   

ERRATA.  
PAge 10. line 30. for Councillors, read Councillor. P. 13. l. 4. after be, r. so. p. 16. l. 18. for Treasures r. in the Treasury. l. 27. r. that, after Liberality. p. 77. l. 24. deal to be. p. 92. l. 21. for Mercuris r. Mercurio.