THE Bounds set to FRANCE BY THE Pyrenean Treaty; And the Interest of the CONFEDERATES Not to accept of the Offers of Peace Made at this Time by the FRENCH KING.  
To which are added Some short Reflections; showing, How far England is concerned in the Restitution of that Treaty.  
Together with a List of the Towns and Countries that the French have taken since that Time.  
LONDON: Printed for R. Baldwin, at the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane, 1694.   

THE BOUNDS OF France, etc.  
FOUR Things have contributed to render France so Potent and Formidable as we behold her at this day. In the first Place, the ill observance of her Word, in reference to Treaties of Peace or Truces concluded with other Sovereign States, and which she has violated in a little time after the Exchange of the Ratifications; which has been the Original of all the terrible Misfortunes that have turmoiled Europe for above these Thirty Years, and which, perhaps, will hardly end but with the Princes Reign that first began the fatal Disturbance.  
The second Cause of the Grandeur of France, was the easiness she met with to give her Ambition its full Swinge, by pushing forward to the utmost of their Extent her Exorbitant Pretensions to the Territories and Dominions of her Neighbours, with a Resolution to confine 'em within no other Bounds than those of all Europe, unless a greater Force opposed her.  
The third Cause of her Grandeur, is the Arbitrary Power, and the Sovereign Authority which the Reigning Price has made himself Master of by degrees, by encroaching upon the Liberties of the People, and the Authority of Parliaments. And the fourth, is the extraordinary Means she makes use of to increase her Teasury, and the good use she makes of it, through the good Conduct of those who are entrusted with the management of it.  
As to the first of these Causes which is, The Violation of Treaties, and which we have made choice of for the Subject of this Discourse; All the World knows the Condition to which France was reduced, before the Conclusion of the Pyrenean Peace; or to descend a little lower, during the King's Minority. She could hardly then bring an Army of above thirty thousand Men into the Field, and ●ind Money proportionable to pay 'em. For proof of which, the Queen Mother has been often heard to say, talking Face to Face with her prime Minister Mazarin; Good God where shall we find Men to continue the War, and Money to supply so many pressing Necessities! And a little while after, did we not see M. de Turenne reduced to melt down his Plate, and as it were strip himself to the last Farthing, to keep his Army from Perishing? So hard a thing it was to get Money from the Court, for that many times the Chequer was choir drained, and utterly unable to pay the Soldiers.  
It may be said, that the French Monarchy was supported then by the Cunning and Policy of her Ministers, rather than by her own Forces. Witness what Mazarin said one day to the King. Sir, said he, in respect of the Treasure, Your Majesty's Conquests in your Cabinet, are without all Contradiction, far the greater Number, than those of your Armies. In a word, the Negotiations and Alliances which were made during Mazarin's Ministry, and afterwards under the Marquis of Louvais, contributed more to the Aggrandizing France, and extending her Limits, than the Force of her Arms.  
France then having extremely suffered, during the space of several Years that the War with Spain lasted, she was reduced to a lamentable condition by reason of her Teasure's being exhausted, and the oppression of her Subjects; and it may be said, that notwithstanding all the Polities of Mazarin, the King was fain to put a good Face upon a bad Matter, which is a thing frequently practised among the French. Tho' at the same time she made a bouncing show of nothing less than of being inclined to Peace, a Conduct quite opposite to what she observes at this day: And yet the Proceed of Mazarin made it plainly appear, that France had a greater Inclination to it then Spain. In a word, that Minister had hardly time to bid the Queen adieu; so earnest he was to be upon the Frontiers of the Kingdom.  
But some will object against this, the Pains that Don Antonio Piemontel took at Paris, to persuade Mazarin to hearken to the Propositions of Peace: The great number of Conferences which the Cardinal had with Don Lewis de Haro; the Delays and Difficulties that occurred before the Points of that Peace could be agreed to; all which things manifestly prove the contrary, and that France was not so low as I represent her to be. But I answer, that this was only a Masterpiece of Mazarin's finespun Politics, who made use of all the Shifts and cunning Artifices imaginable, to incline Don Lewis, and Don Piemontel, the Spanish Plenipotentiaries, to grant him all those Advantages which he looked for.  
In a word, Experience shows us, that he was not deceived, since the Project which he had drawn up at Court was followed point by point, and every way to the Advantage of France. The greatest Fault that Spain at that time committed was, that she did not make choice of a Plenipotentiary more sharp-sighted, and more nimble-witted than Lewis de Haro, who was mifinformed of the Rights which the Princes had, who were most remarkably concerned in that Peace. Don Lewis made a World of Oversights in that Negotiation, and had committed many more but for the Assistance of M. d' Aigremont, whom the Prince of Conde sent away Post out of Flanders to instruct him in many things of which he was ignorant.  
It was to have been wished, that for the good and repose of all Europe, and for the particular Interests of the House of Austria, that Spain had been more circumspect in an Affair of that great Importance, wherein the high Dispute was, not only about concluding a solid and lasting Peace, but the Marriage of the Infanta. And I am persuaded that if the King of Spain had had any Idea of good Policy, he would have taken juster Measures than he did, since it was impossible but he must have foreseen, that by that Alliance he went about to lay the foundation of the utter Ruin of the House of Austria. Nor did he want any other Example then that of Lewis XIII. to teach him that the Matches of the Infanta's of Spain, with the Kings of France had been always fatal to the Spaniards.  
It must be acknowledged that the Spanish Court at that time laboured under a most terrible Blindness, that while they were moiling at the Negotiation of Peace, and the Marriage of the Infanta, one of the two young Infant Princes happening to die, there remained no more than the Reigning Price to succeed to the Crown, and he so young and so sickly, that 'twas much questioned whether he would outlive the third Year of his Age. Nevertheless, the Tidings of that young Prince's death, which ought to have made the Court of Spain tremble, considering the Misfortunes that threatened the Kingdom, being carried to Don Lewis de Haro, never put so much as a Minutes stop to the Negotiation. True it is, that de Haro had a deep sense of it; but Mazarin, who had his Prospects, redoubled his Importunities, and hastened more than ever the Conclusion of the Treaty.  
When the Kings of France had the Misfortune to make Alliances that were likely to prove fatal to 'em, and which infallibly would have proved the Ruin of their Dominions, what did they do to break 'em? Witness the Conduct that Lewis XII. observed upon the like Occasion. He had concluded a Treaty of Confederacy with the Emperor Maximilian. The second and third Article of which Treaty imported, that the two Princes should engage themselves to ratify and confirm the Contract of Marriage concluded between Charles Duke of Luxemburgh Son of Archduke Philip, and Madam Claudia of France, the most Christian King's Daughter.  
Lewis promised, that in case he died without Issue Male, that the Dutchies of Milan, Genoa, as also the Countries of Ast and Blois, and all the other Lands and Signiories of his Demesnes should be delivered up, after his Death, and immediately after the Consummation of the Marriage of the Duke of Luxemburgh with Madam Claudia of France, into the Hands of that Princess his Heiress, to enjoy to Perpetuity, upon condition that if she happened to have any Sisters, she should allow 'em a Dowry in Money proportionable to their Birth.  
The Ministers of Lewis XII. after they had seriously considered how disadvantageous this Marriage was to France, and how powerful the House of Austria was like to grow, set all their Engines at work to break it. To which purpose, by the King's consent, there was an Assembly ordered to be summoned, which was held in the year 1506. at Plesses-Les-Tours, where the King was present, and by a knack of Policy, as daring as well found out, they ordered underhand, a famous Doctor of the University of Paris to appear upon the Stage, who came and made a Speech to the King, beseeching him in the Name of all the States of France to match the Princess, his Daughter, with the Duke of Valois, presumptive Heir of the Crown.  
This Doctor, with so much Eloquence, set before the King, the Misfortunes that suddenly threatened France, if he suffered Madam Claudia to marry Charles of Austria, or any other Foreign Prince, that from that very moment the Match was broken off; and by that manner of Proceeding Lewis XII. disengaged himself from his Word and Oath; and the Treaty which was made in 1501. and confirmed by another three Years after at Blois, was declared null and void.  
There's no Question to be made but that Lewis the XII. himself was the Person who ordered the Duke of Valois to be nominated to him by all the States of the Kingdom, to the end that by that means he might bring himself off fairly from his Agreements with Maximilian and Philip his Son, who had reckoned upon the word of that Prince, as upon a thing that was irrevocable.  
This is an Example past all Contradiction, besides a great number of others that might be found in History, sufficient to justify the Reasons which the Court of Spain had then, has she minded her own Interests, to have refused the Marriage of the jufanta to Lewis XIV. who was a Foreign Prince, that they might have bestowed her upon the Emperor's Son, who was of the House of Austria, and had demanded her at the same time.  
However it were, Mazarin in this particular acted the part of a great Politician, and not to mention other Important Services which he did the French Monarch, it may be said, that tho' he had done nothing else during the whole course of his Ministry, this alone was a thing that never ought to be forgot by France. So that he made no scruple, to write to Monsieur le Tellier, immediately after the signing of the Treaty, That there was great Reason to hope a long continuation of the Treaty, in regard that both Parties were equally satisfied. But that in his Opinion, the King had reason to be more contented, because that all the advantage was on his side: And, besides, that there was also this farther Benefit, that Don Lewis, believing he had done his Business admirably well, would never dream of laying hold upon Opportunities for the furture, should they present themselves, to repair the great Prejudices that Spain had received by the Conclusion of that Peace.  
However, had France stook to this Treaty, how disadvantageous soever it was for Spain, and had not transgressed the Limits that were prescribed him, we should not have now beheld all Eurpoe in Arms, and the Princes of the August League unanimously resolved not to surcease the War, till France has restored to every one what she has wrested from 'em since the Conclusion of that Treaty. Her want of Faith and Sincerity not only transported her to declare herself the Irreconcilable Enemy of the House of Austria, by virtue of those Rights which she pretends to claim as yielded up to her by virtue of that Peace, but has openly invaded the Dominions of other Sovereigns of Europe; and without any other Right and Title, than the Challenges of her Ambition and Power, she has run herself into those Excesses, that now make her looked upon with Detestation and Abhorrency.  
We have showed ye the Fault, never to be repaired, that the Court of Spain committed in consenting to the Marriage of the Infanta with Lewis XIV. and to a Treaty of Peace so disadvantageous to her Interests. Now let us see the fatal Event that attended 'em, and begin with the Bounds that were prescribed to France by the Treaty; which done we will examine the Conduct which she observed, to extend those Limits as far as we see 'em now extended: And, lastly, we shall conclude with representing to the Princes of the League, the necessity of being inexorable to the Importunities of France for Peace, unless extremely to their Advantage: Their Interest to keep inviolably united together, and never to listen to the Proposals of France, unless she makes Restitution of all that she has usurped since the Pyrenean Peace.  
All the World knows, that the main thing that obstructed the Pyrenean Treaty, was the Accommodation of the Prince of Conde. We shall not, therefore, trouble ourselves to recite all the Particulars that passed in the great number of Conferences between the Ministers of the two Crowns upon this Subject, as being otherwhere to be met with. 'Tis sufficient to say, that Mazarin had the Honour of the Triumph, and that he obtained of Don Lewis all that he could expect. So true it is, that the Right and Justice of a good Cause are not battery proof against the Artifices of a Crafty Minister, and that Honesty and Sincerity frequently become the Cullies of wily Cunning.  
Don Lewis demanded, that the Prince in consideration of the Services which he had done Spain, should be restored to the Governments and Employments which he possessed before his disgrace, and that the King should secure the Enjoyment of 'em to him and his Son the Duke of Enguien.  
Mazarin, who was the Prince's Irreconcilable Enemy, neatly eluded all that Don Lewis could advance to support his Pret ensions, and told him in a word, that it would be a fruitless loss of Time to make many Disputes about a thing, which the King, his Master, would never consent to. That the Restoration of the Prince to his Governments and Employments, was enough to open a wide Gate for Rebellion, and to encourage the great Lords of France to take up Arms against their Sovereign, and take part with her Enemies upon the least discontent.  
Mazarin's unshaken Constancy in this Particular, quite disarmed Don Lewis, and was the reason, that at length he granted France the two Important Places of Avennes and Juliers, to obtain the Prince's Restoration. So that had not Mazarin been afriad of some unlucky Disappointment, as well on the King of Spain's part, who might alter his Resolution, and refuse his consent to the Infanta's Marriage; as on the Christian Kings side, who was become passionately in love with his Niece, to whom he had made Promises of Marriage: These Considerations, I say, made him press on the Negotiation, or otherwise 'tis most certain that Mazarin had also obtained the City of Cambray.  
'Tis true, that in the first Conferences Don Lewis had proposed to the Cardinal to make an Exchange of Bethune and St. Venant, for some other Places which he offered to give him, upon condition he would consent to let 'em go. Mazarin enlarged himself at first very cunningly upon the Difficulties of accepting an exchange of two such Posts, so important and useful to France; however, if Don Lewis would part with the City of Cambray, together with Cambresis, he hoped he might be able to persuade the King not only to deliver up Bethune and St. Venant, but also bergues and Bassee.  
Don Lewis, having considered with himself, that the loss of Cambray would be a great disadvantage to Spain, and that thereby the whole Low Countries would be exposed to the Invasions of France upon the first Rupture, returned for Answer to the Cardinal, that he would never consent to the exchange of a Fortress so considerable.  
In the mean time Cardinal Mazarin, being very well satisfied with Avennes and Juliers, thought he had gained sufficient, to make amends for his missing Cambray. Which made him say one day, as he was talking to M. de Lionne, that if he could but persuade Spain to deliver up Juliers to the Duke of Newburgh, 'twould be a great satisfaction to him, as being convinced that it would be more for the Honour of France, than the winning of four good Towns.  
So that he made no scruple of writing to the Duke of Orleans, That he had not only got Avennes, which his Royal Highness deemed so important, but also the Restitution of Juliers to the Duke of Newburgh, with other Advantages, which had cost the King no more than the Government of Burgundy for the Prince, and the Employment of Grand Maistre for the Duke of Anguien his Son.  
Avennes, as all the World knows, is a Place of Importance in the Low Countries within the Province of Hainault, between the Sambre and the . It bears the Title of an Earldom, and lies not above four Leagues from Landrecy, and as many from Maubeuge: And this Town was in part the Boundary that was allotted to France on that side: And by the yielding up of that City, the particular Interests of the Prince of Chimai, were sacrificed to the Public. Now let us view the rest of the Boundaries.  
By the XXXV. Article of the Treaty it was concluded, That the King of France should remain seized of, and effectually enjoy the following Places, viz. Arras in the County of Artois, Hesden, Bapaume, Bethune, Lillier, Lens in the County of St. Pol, Terroane, Renti, as also all the other Bailliages and Castellan-ships of the said Artois; except only Air and St. Omer, with their Appurtenances and Annexes.  
By the XXXVI. Article it was agreed, That in the Province of Flanders, the King of France should be possessed of Graveline, the Forts Philip, Ecluse, Hannuin, Bourbourg and St. Venant.  
By the XXXVII. is was concluded, That in the Province and County of Hainault, the most Christian King should enjoy Landreci and Quesnoi.  
By the XXXVIII. Article it was likewise 'greed, That the most Christian King should enjoy in the Duchy of Luxemburgh, the strong Holds of Thionville, Montmedi and Damvilliers; the Provostship of Ivoy, Chavanci, Chateau and the Provostship belonging to it, the Town and Post of Marville, seared upon a little River called Vexin, which belonged formerly in part to the Dukes of Luxemburgh, and partly to those of Barr.  
By the XXXIX. it was agreed, That Marienburgh and Philippeville, seated between the Sambre and the , with their Appurtenances and Annexes should be allowed the most Christian King, in exchange for la Bassee and Berg St. Winox, and the Fort Royal, of which the Catholic King was to remain in Possession.  
by the XLIV. Article it was covenanted, That the Catholic King should re-enter into, and enjoy the County of Charleroy.  
By the XLV. the King of Spain engaged to restore to the most Christian King, Rocroy, Chatelet and Linchamp, with their Dependences and Annexes.  
By the XLVI. Article it was agreed, That the most Christian King should restore to the Catholic King, the Cities and Places of Ypre, Dixmude, Oudenard, Furnes, with their Dependences, etc.  
These were the Boundaries prescribed to France in the Low Countries: We shall now set down the Bounds that were assigned her in Spain.  
By the Negotiation began at Madrid, in the Year 1656. upon which the present Treaty was grounded, it was concluded, That the Pyrenean Mountains, which had anciently divided Spain from Gaul, should also part the two Kingdoms at this day.  
In pursuance of which, the most Christian King was to remain in Possession of all the County of Viguery of Jurisdiction of Roussillon, of the County and Jurisdiction of Conflans, and of the Countries, Cities, Places, Castles, Burroughs, Villages and other Places of which it consists. It was also agreed That the County of Cerdaigne, in the Principality of Catalonia, should remain in the Hands of the most Catholic King.  
By the XLIX. the most Christian King engages to restore to the Catholic King, the strong Holds and Ports of Roses, Trinity Fort, Capa de Quers, la Seau d' Vrgel, Toxen, the Castle of Bastide; the Towns and strong Holds of Baga, Ripol, and the County of Cerdaigne, wherein are Belver, Puicerda, Carol, and the Castle of Cerdaigne, in the same condition as then it was. 'Twas also said, That Part of Cerdaigne, that lay in the Pyrenean Mountains on that side next France, should remain to his most Christian Majesty, as should be regulated, by Umpires on both sides.  
The Boundaries allotted to France on Gernany side were Juliers, the chief City of the Duchy of the same Name, which belonged to the Duke of Newburg, from whom it had been ●aken by the Spaniards, but restored to him again by the Treaty: And so the Duke of Newburg being a Confederate with France, that Place was at her Disposal; and as such, we shall look upon it as one of the Barriers that were assigned her on that side. As for Lorraine, the most Catholic King consented by the LXII. Article, that it should be restored to her Lawful Sovereign, upon condition that the Duke should demolish the Fortifications of Nanci; never to be repaired any more. He consented also, that the forementioned Duke should be resettled in the Cities, Places and Countries which he formerly possessed, depending upon the three Bishoprics of Metz, Toul and Verdun, except Moyenvic, surrendered to France by the Treaty of Munster, in 1648. excepting also the County of Clermont, and the Demesnes belonging to it, and the Fortresses, Provostships and Territories of Stenai, Dun and Jamets', with their Revenues; which Places, together with the Duchy of Bar, were to remain united to the Crown of France.  
On Alsatia side it was agreed by the LXVII. Article, That his Catholic Majesty should, by the Treaty, renounce all Rights and Pretensions which he had or might have hereafter to the upper and lower Alsatia, the Zuntga● the County of Ferrette, Brisac and its Depe●● dencies; as also to all the Countries, Placer Rights and Claims that were surrendered 〈◊〉 his most Christian Majesty by the Treaty 〈◊〉 Munster, Octob. 4. 1648. to be united and in corporated into the Crown of France: H●● Catholic Majesty approving, by virtue 〈◊〉 the said Renunciation, the Contents of the said Treaty: In lieu of which Renunciation his most Christian Majesty engages to make just payment of the three Millions of Livers which he was obliged by the said Treaty to pay the Archdukes of Inspruch.  
In the County of Burgundy, it was concluded by the XLVIII. Article, That the most Christian King should restore to the Catholic King, the Fortresses of St. Amour, Bleterans Toux and their Dependences, together with all the Fortified Posts possessed by the Arms o● his most Christian Majesty within the said County, without reserving or detaining any thing to himself.  
As to Italy, it was covenanted by the XLVIII. Article, That the most Christian King should restore to the Catholic King the Fortresses of Valence upon the Po, and Mortara with their Dependences. On the part of Spain, Vercueil was to be restored to the Duke of Savoy, the King of France's Confederate.  
For Brevity's sake, we shall content out selves, with allowing on Italy-side for the French Limits, the Important Place of Pignerol, which we may number among the Fortunate Acquisitions of the King of France during his Reign; and wherein Negotiation and Artifice had a greater share than the pretended Claims which he has always boasted. Such are the Cities of Dunkirk, Casal and Strasburgh, of which more at large in the sequel of our Discourse. It will be sufficient at present to say, That the most Christian King made himself Master of Pignerol by virtue of a particular Treaty made with the Duke of Savoy, by which that Prince delivered to him that Fortress, and had in recompense some certain Territories in Montferrat, for which his Majesty promised to pay the Duke of Mantua the Sum of Fourteen Millions in Gold. Thus France has kept in ever since. And by means of that Fortress, has secured her Frontiers on that side, and has preserved a Passage open to fall into Piedmont and Savoy, when she pleases, and carry her Arms into the Heart of the Territories of the Italian Princes. By the Surrender of that Place, the Dukes of Savoy despoiled themselves of the ancient Liberty which they formerly enjoyed and are become Salves and Victims to the most Christian King.  
Thus in a few Words, we have set down the Limits that were assigned to France by the Pyrenean Treaty, and, as I may so say, the most essential part of that famous Negotiation. I might add to all these Advantages which t●● most Christian King received the particular Interests of the Princes allied to Spain, which Don Lewis sacrificed with so much Imprudence and Cruelty, only to improve and advance the Interests of the Prince of Con●● which vexed the Duke of Lorraine to the So●● to see himself despoiled of half his Territories by a Treaty. Who, thereupon, arrivin●● Post at the Place where the Conferences were held, his Resentment transported him to that degree, that he told Don Lewis to his Fact 'Twas a shame to see with what Ingratitude the House of Austria repaid the great Services which he had done it for about eight an● twenty Years together. That, in short, if 〈◊〉 must be so stripped of his Territories; there re●● maimed nothing more for him to do, but to commit himself to Sea, and wander on the Wave till Fortune found him out a Resting Place.  
Mazarin, whose aim it was to draw that Prince into a closure with France, was over joyed to see him under those Disturbances, as well to mortify him, as to renew his vexation for not having laid hold of those Advantages which the most Christian King had formerly proposed to him, would he have embraced her Interests, and abandoned the House of Austria.  
And indeed France offered to restore the best part of Lorraine, and all his Territories; as also to lend him Forces, in order to Besiege Clermont and Stenay, in the peaceable Possession of which he should have remained: To ●●ve given him Mogenvic, which was at his Majesty's Disposal: And besides all those great advantages, the King promised to look upon ●●m as a Prince, to whom he should have been beholding, for having assisted him at a time than the Civil Wars afflicted France. But ●●e Duke of Lorraine too much addicted t ●●e House of Austria, slighted all these Offers, persuading himself that the King of France would make him pay dearly for 'em, if he would accept 'em.  
The Unfortunate Prince then finding that ●●e had no time to lose, because the Plenipotentiaries were just ready to Sign, offered Mazarin as his last Remedy, to persuade Don Lewis to allow France a considerable Thoroughfare into Alsatia through Franche Conte, with all the Towns and Cities that lay upon that Passage, provided the King would release to him the Duchy of Bar; which was so inconsiderable a thing said he, that he would give the Cardinal his Oath, that it never yielded him 4000 Livers a Year. But the two Plenipotentiaries met with so many difficulties to agree upon Expedients to the Duke's Content, that Mazarin carried it in this, as he had done in all other things. Besides that, he was desirous to reserve for the King his Master the Honour of doing the Duke of Lorraine a Kindness, as he had done in reference to the Prince of Conde, to the end he might bind both the one and the other so much the faster to his Interests; and because it should ne'er be said, that Spain should one day boast to have enforced France to make Restitution of what belonged to those Princes, at the Peril of his Majesty's Clemency, who reserved the Honour of it wholly to himself.  
But if Spain took little care of the Interests of her Confederates, France took a quite contrary Course in respect of Portugal, the Dukes of Newburg, Savoy and Modena, her Allies; for whom the Cardinal procured all the Advantages they could expect. What an Honour was it for France, what a Happiness at the same time for the Duke of Newburg! He did but enter into an Alliance with France, and presently had his Territories restored him France quits all, abandons a part of her own Interests, and causes Restitution to be made of the City of Juliers, to the prejudice of the Emperor's and the Duke of Brandenburgh's Claims: While on the Part of Spain, such Sovereign Princes as the Duke of Lorraine, who had served her above Eight and twenty Years, are deprived of all.  
In truth, most Serene Princes, who are at this day united in Confederacy against France, as I cannot but reflect upon a Conduct so little becoming the Justice of a potent Monarchy, so I cannot but humbly lay befnre you this Noble Memento. That being upon the point of concluding a Peace with the Most Christian King, 〈◊〉 stands with your Honour to take a care, ●●at it be not a Peace like the rest, and that one of the Princes comprehended in this August Confederacy, wherein you have so justly armed yourselves, may have the like occasion to charge you with the same Reproach.  
Methinks I hear France already loudly giving out, as she did in the time of Charles the 〈◊〉 and Francis I That the Protecting of the House of Austria was never capable of securing the Princes that sided with her from Oppression. Witness, say they, what at that me befell the Dukes of Savoy, and what has befallen Duke Victor Amedeas' II. Which manner of Arguing makes me judge that France as a strong Confidence in the Engine she is ●tting at work to bring him off from the confederacy, she fails not to Peal in his ●ars, that he is upon the brink of being Forken by the rest of the Princes, as his Anceers the Duke of Lorraine, and the Prince of himai were formerly; and as an accumution to his Misfortune, of seeing his unhappy Dominions become the Innocent Victim of he Common-Cause, which freequently Sacrifices the Weakest.  
But let ut return to our Subject: And now behold all Europe wistfully expecting to enjoy he Sweets of a solid and durable Peace, after which she has panted so many Years. Spain is the first that has reason to conceive great Hopes from so August a Treaty, and an Alliance that one would think should revive the Amity that flourished between the two House in the Reigns of Ferdinand and Lewis XII Those two Princes in testimony of their intended constant Union, and inviolable Friend ship, would needs that the first Article of the Treaty of Blois, should be expressed in the● Words, The Most Christian King, and the Catholic King shall be as two Souls in one an the same Body.  
Would to God we had as much reason o● our side to continue the same Language, and that we had not rather cause to say of Lewis XIV. what the Historian said of the Dauphin who fled for Succour to the Court 〈◊〉 Burgundy; that upon the Marriage of the Monarch with the Infanta of Spain, Hatred, Altecration, Discord, Brandling, etc. A●● the Devils entered with him into the House 〈◊〉 Austria. 'Tis also observable, that the da● when that unhappy Alliance was conclude was so Tempestuous and so outrageously Sto● my, that the Plenipotentiaries were at a lo● whether they should stay or run out of the Room, so great the Danger was that threatn● 'em. It seemed as if Heaven had had a de● sign to have hindered the conclusion of a Contract that was made on purpose to sow the Seeds of those Dismal Confusions and Calamities that afterwards overwhelmed all Europe.  
And thus we have seen the Bounds that were prescribed to France by the Pyrenaean Treaty. Now let us see how far either her Ambition or her breach of Faith extended 'em and the Springs that she set at work to Invade the Possessions of her Neighbours, and to  herself with the Spoils of so many Oppressed Princes whom she Sacrificed to her Avarice to form the Powerful Monarchy that so long has been the Terror of Europe. Modern Historians have great reason to say, That France is now no longer to be found in France, she is become so much altered and out of Knowledge. How many States, Signiories, Demesnes and Principalities has she Invaded! What Potentate could vaunt himself secure from her impious Tyranny! I find not any in all the four Parts of the World: The whole Earth upbraids her with her Infidelity.  
Let 'em not tell me, that France has obtained to that high degree of Exaltation and Power, by the Rights or Claims that have been yielded to her by virtue of Alliances, or Treaties, which have succeeded that of the Pyrenans. For to that I answer, That the Princes of the League are not to take notice of any other than the Pyrenean Treaty, and that 'tis a favour done her if they should not dispute the Places with her that were allowed her by that Treaty, which was brought to Perfection to the Advantage of France, by the Treachery and Cunning of Mazarin prevailing over the Weakness and witless Insufficiency of Don Lewis.  
'Tis a Truth so generally received that all the World knows it, That France constrained the Confederates, by force of Arms, to conclude the two Treaties of Aix la Chapelle and Nimeguen. So that if the Duke of Venice, Andrea Gritti, called the City of Cambray the Venetian's Purgatory, because all the Treaties there concluded between the two Emperors and the two Kings of France, had been fatal to the most Serene Republic: We may with as much reason call the Cities of Aix la Chappelle and Nimeguen, the Purgatories of the Spaniards and the Confederates in regard of the Injustice of France appropriating to herself, while she had such numerous Armies on foot, the greatest part of their Territories under pompous and chimerical Titles, claims of the Queen, Right of Devolution, Dependency and Covenience, etc.  
And, indeed, if I may presume to say so France may be said to have sound purged both Spain and the Confederates by the Treaties of Aix la Chapelle and Nimeguen, if we consider the Losses which they have sustained through the surrender of a great many Towns and Fortresses, to which the King of France's Power constrained 'em, and to which he had no Right. God grant we may not fall into the like Misfortunes if it should come to another Treaty, in the management of which it will behoove the Confederate Princes to make choice of able and faithful Plenipotentiaries. Let 'em remember, that if Mazarin had the Honour to carry away all the Advantages that France could expect from the Pyrenaean Negotiation; Colbert Croissi was no less successful in that of Nimeguen: And that both the one and the other of those Ministers, were as cunning to improve their Interests, as the t'other side were unwary and negligent in suffering themselves to be surprised.  
After the Pyrenaean Peace, the first step that France made to the extending of her Limits into Germany, was to take a fair occasion to despoil the Duke of Lorraine of his Territories: And this that follows, was the suggestion of her Crafty Ambition. The King of France always made a cunning use of Marriages, and we see but very few Negotiations wherein he has not affected to employ Women; because they are really insinuating, for that the Man must be very obdurate, who can resist the effects of their Charms.  
The King then proposed to the Duke (believing that he would refuse him) a Match between Prince Charles his Nephew, and a Princess of France. The Duke appeared as could as Ice, as having no mind to listen to the Proposal, and, in short, refused to consent to it; persuading himself that the Alliance would prove fatal to him, and be the infallible Ruin of his Territories, and his Nephew that was to succeed him. France finding the first Hook would not take, bethought herself of another Artifice. She set a foot Suspicions, Distrusts and Menaces. Suspicions, by representing to the Duke, that Prince Nicholas Francis 〈◊〉 Brother, and Prince Charles his Nephew betrayed him, and held Intelligence with the Court of France, tho' there were nothing so false. Which done, perceiving the Duke would not declare himself, she raised her Tone a little higher, and gave him to understand, that if he continued obstinate in giving his consent to the Marriage, she would seize upon his Territories, and deliver 'em into ' the Hands of his Nephew.  
The Duke, who had had sufficient Experience all his Life time, what France would do if she were not obeyed, thought there was no way to recoil, but that her unfortunate Destiny had plunged him into an Abyss from Whence he should never be able to deliver himself, but by the loss of what he had most dear and valuable in this World, that is to say, his Liberty and his Territories. So that he resolved to strip himself of his Dutchies of Lorraine and Barr, with their Dependences and Annexes in favour of France, to the end that she should enjoy 'em after his Death, with all the Rights and Privileges of Sovereignty and that they should for ever be united and incorporated into the Demeans of the Crown only that he should enjoy 'em during his Life.  
But the Duke of Lorraine, who had showed so much Constancy at other times, when France sought his Destruction, now imprudently fell into the Springs which she set for him. Which made the Politicians say, That he had more Folly than Judgement in his Conduct. If we consider one Circumstance, that happened the very day that he surrendered his Territories to France, and which is very remarkable, it must be agreed, that the Duke had in a manner lost his Senses. For you must know, That this same Prince being locked up in a Chamber, where he was left all alone for a while, and afterwards told, That he must never think to be let out again till he had renounced his Territories: The Duke, who found himself to be a Prisoner, resolved at length to purchase his Liberty at the expense of all his Signiories. To which purpose, he took the Pen, Ink and Paper, that was left him upon the Table, and drew up in Writing, a Draught of the Resignation of his Dutchies to France. After he had finished the Draught, he filled the Margin of Resignation with a great number of little Birds, which he drew with his Pen, and sent the whole to be delivered to his Majesty, who could not forbear Laughing, to see such an Aviary in Paper: An undeniable Proof that the Duke knew not what he did.  
These were the first Fruits which France reaped from the Pyrenean Peace, and the effect of the LXVII. and LXIX. Articles; Mazarin took care to insert into the Articles of the Treaty, and which he needs would undertake to dictate himself. By the first it was agreed, That neither Duke Charles, nor any Prince of his House, should continue in Arms, but should be obliged to disband his Forces upon the Publication of the Peace. The second Article confirmed, That the Duke should allow a free Thoroughfare for his Majesty's Armies to march into Alsatia, to Brisac or Philipsburgh, when ever the King should demand it. Observe the depth of the Artifice. France consents the Lorraine should be restored to her Lawful Sovereign, but she reserves Passages and Thoroughfare to return thither when she pleases. She consents, That a Sovereign Prince shall enjoy his Liberty for the future; but, first, he must lay down his Arms; secondly, he must demolish the Fortifications of his strong Holds, and France must have the keeping of the Keys of his Dominions; to the end, that when she has a mind to make herself Mistress of 'em, she may do it without meeting any Resistance.  
Thus you see the Bounds of the French Monarchy enlarged of a sudden, and extended into Germany, by the addition of all the Territories of a Sovereign Prince, without having any Right or Pretence to Invade 'em, but because they lay convenient for her: Tho' Advocate Talon spent all the Reason and Argument he had to the last drop, to prove the contrary in a full Parliament; asserting, That Lorraine had always depended upon the Crown of France, and, consequently, that 'twas but just it should be reunited to the Crown.  
The King of France, considering the good luck that had attended him on Germany side, turned all his Designs toward the Low Countries, to see whether Fortune would present him with any favourable occasion to aggrandise himself, and enlarge his Frontiers that way. To that purpose, he cast his Eyes upon Dunkirk, with a Resolution to sacrifice Hecatombs, so he might but get that Important Place out of the Hands of the English. And, indeed, the strict Ties of Amity contracted with King Charles, during his Exile, had decoyed that Unfortunate Prince into an Engagement not to refuse him any thing; and, knowing his weak side, he made him an Offer, underhand, of four Millions, and a fair Mistress over and above the Market-price: Charms sufficiently powerful to engage him to make such a false Step, as rendered, and will for ever render, both him and his Memory odious to Posterity.  
But the Ambition of France stopped not here; there was a necessity of giving it its full swinge; the Revenues and Right of the Church must not be spared, when the Aggrandisement of France was the main thing in dispute. Her Bounds were still to narrow for her to be confined within 'em. Therefore she fell upon Pope Alexander VII. and seized upon Avignon, after she had enraged the People of that City to mutiny against the Governor. If you ask what Ground she had for her Pretensions? She will answer, That the Pope did not do what he would have had done for him. Hence it came to pass, that the order of all things was ranversed. The eldest Son of the Church takes up the Rod to chastise the common Father of the Christians, because he proves disobedient; whereas, 'tis generally seen, that Fathers correct their Children when they fail of their Duty.  
Pepin, the Son of Charles Martell, the Twenty Third King of France, of the second Race, was the Glory of his Age, and the greatest Example of Piety and Veneration towards the Popes, of any among all our Kings. His Zeal so eminent, when he marched into Italy to secure Pope Zachary, most cruelly persecuted by the Lombard's; the Marks of his Friendship and Tenderness bestowed upon Pope Stephen III. who fled for Refuge into France; and his raising the Siege of Rome, which Astolphus, King of the Lombard's was constrained to quit, as being enforced to sue for Peace to Pepin, who kept him close blocked up; all these signal Services which he did the holy See, acquired him the glorious Surname of Most Christian.  
Now if we compare King Pepin's Conduct, with the Behaviour of Lewis XIV. toward the Popes, 'twill be no difficult thing to conclude, that the Court of Rome never had a greater Enemy than this Prince; and, consequently, that there is nothing which he less deserves then the Surname of Most Christian. If you demand a Reason for all these Extravagancies, you need no more than consult his Ambition; that Passion will make answer, That when once it got Possession of his Heart, there was nothing in the World which it did not prompt him to undertake for the satisfaction of it. So that 'tis no wonder if the Rights of the Church, and whatever is more Sacred and Augnst, are become Victims to his Exorbitant Desires.  
But what does France do further still? She was obliged by one of the Articles to abandon the Protection of Portugal; promising, withal, to employ her utmost Industry to persuade that Prince, in Friendly Terms, to compose the Differences which he had with Spain. But hardly were the Ratifications exchanged, before she made a Laughing Stock of her Promises: She gave out Commissions underhand, and caused the Drums to beat up publicly at Paris, in order to the Raising of Soldiers for the service of that Crown.  
But all this is nothing: Here comes another Tragical Event, that makes her Mistress, all of a sudden, of a vast extent of Country, of several Signiores, Dukedoms, Marquisats and Earldoms; and because that was not enough to satisfy her unsatiable Avarice, whole Kingdoms must become her Victim and her Prey. I mean the Death of Philip IU. The loss of that Prince drew Tears from the Eyes of Spain, and all Europe; but France leapt for Joy. That Ambitious Potentate finding the time was come to spread abroad his vast Designs, and extend his Limits, at the Expenses of the House of Austria, sacrifices whatever is most sacred in Religion, and in the venerable Alliance which he had contracted: Neither Honour, Oaths, Faith solemnly sworn, nothing is capable to stop him.  
However, that he might still preserve some shadow of Justice, and authorise his Conduce by some show of Reason, his Majesty public shed a Manifesto, wherein he set up the Queen's claim to Brabant, and some other Provinces of the Low Countries. This Right was otherwise called a devolved Right, by virtue of which a Brother born in the second Wedlock, is excluded from the Succession, b● a Sister of the first Venture. And this is the Dispute between France and Spain; Charles II. being the Issue by the second Marriage.  
The King of France, therefore, having demanded of the Queen Regent of Spain the Dominions devolved to him in right of Mari Teresa his Wife, he would not stay till the Council of Sapin returned him an Answer His Impatience to aggrandise himself and extend his Limits, spurred him on to be beforehand with all the World: So that without any Declaration of War he seizes upon Bergue, Furnes, Tournai, Dovay, Courtray, L'Isle, Oudenard, Alost, and all the Places that lay convenient for him: And to these Conquests, he joins the Important Cities of Salins, Besanson and Dole; after which followed the total Reduction of Franche Conpte.  
Nothing could stop the Rapidness of his Arms; there was a necessity of altering his Bounds, and he must enlarge 'em to the utmost extent of his boundless Ambition. Nothing could stand in his way but the Triple Alliance; nothing else could make him consent to a Treaty of Peace: By which he restores back to Spain nothing but what he pleases himself, while he keeps those Places which he deems of greatest Importance, and most proper to savour his Erterprises. He therefore consents to a Treaty at Aix la Chapelle, but with a mental Reservation, as Mahonia called it; that is to say, That he promised Spain to lay down his Arms, provided she quits to him all the Places and Towns, that he had seized in 1667. reserving to himself a Power to begin the War again, so soon as the Peace should be concluded.  
Spain is there enforced to quit Chatle●●●, Binch, Ath, Dovay, Tournay, Oudenard, L'Isle, Armentier, Courtray, Bergh and Furnes, with all their Dependencies, Appurtenances and Jurisdictions. One would have thought, that after so many Advantages France would have been satisfied, and would have let the Confederates and Spain have been at quiet, at least, for some Years. But that was the least of her Intention. For in 1671. her old insatiable Passion roused her again, and she that had violated the Pyrenean Peace, the most solemn, the most sacred, that France ever made, signed by all the Nobility and Grandees of both Crowns, might with much more reason infringe the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle.  
Well, then, without consulting any other than her old Mistress Ambition (and, always when that Passion gives the word, his Armies are ready to march, and his Generals are in a condition to put his Designs in Execution) the first Step, then, that France made after the Peace of Aix la Chapelle, was her declaring War against Holland, after she had made use of all the Artifices imaginable to break off the Engagement, that united 'em with England and Sweden. If you demand a Reason for this Rupture; she will answer, That the King had Inducements to look upon those People no otherwise then as the Enemies of his Realm, and upon no other Grounds marches his Armies, and in less than six Weeks takes from the Hollanders three whole Provinces of seven that compose their Commonwealth, together with all the strong Fortresses upon the Banks of the Vahal and the ●ld Rhine.  
She seizes upon Franche Conte the second ●ime, and bushes on her Conquests as far as ●t was possible for her to do, with Orders to ●her Forces to commit all the Ravages imaginable; allowing no Bounds to her vast Designs, than such as the opposition of a greater Force was able to prescribe her.  
So soon as she had obtained her Ends, and saw her Affairs in a thriving condition, by the great Advantages which her victorious Arms had acquired, she observed the same Conduct as she observes at this day; that is to say, she offered Propositions of Peace to the Confederates, rather to disunite 'em, than out of any Compassion to the Calamities of Europe, as she gave out, occasioned by the most bloody and cruel War that ever was known.  
Never was France more eager after Peace then at that time; there was never a petty Prince or State that was comprehended in the League, to whom she did not make advantageous Offers; with a Design, that if she could bring off any one, they who last laid down their Arms should become Victims to her Resentment, and their Territories, and their Countries be abandoned to the Plunder and Fury of his Soldiers. I cannot here forbear to recite what the Marquis of Louvois said one day to the King upon this occasion. Sir, said he, if your Majesty can but once disunite the Princes of the League, France will have reason to admire her Happiness and to boast of never having concluded so advantageous a Peace. To which purpose 'tis requisite, that she stoop to considerable Condescensions, and that she offer to make Restitution of Places that may form a good Barrier in Flanders, for which she may make herself amends, by retaking 'em after the Conclusion of the Peace.  
Charles' V having a design to enthral all Germany, finding himself so far from succeeding in his Enterprises, that he perceived the liberty of the Princes, which he endeavoured to oppress, gather Strength every day more than other, and that their Union became more Potent, resolved to make 'em very advantageous Proposals of Peace: as, likewise, to Francis I. the most formidable of all his Enemies, believing, that if he consented once to an Accommodation, he should easily compass the rest. And this is the Course that Lewis the Great takes at this day.  
However it were. France having luckily attained her end, after she found the knack of separating the Hollanders from their Confederates, surceases her offering Peace to the rest, but imposes the Law upon 'em, and forces 'em to an Acceptance, mangre their unwillingness. So that Spain was constrained to resign Irrevocably and for ever Franche Conpte, together with the Cities of Valencionnes, Bouchain, Conde, Cambray, Airs, Sc. Omer, Ipres, War●ic and Warnton upon the Lies, Cassel, Bovay, Maubege, with all their Signiores, Appurtenances and Dependences.  
France on the other side engages, but with Mazarin's Mental Reservation, to restore Charleroy, Binch, Ath, Oudenard and Countray, which had been resigned to her before the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle. In like manner, she restored the Duchy of Limberg, and the Country of Oultremouse, together with the City and Citadel of Gaunt, the City of Leuve in Brabant, St. Ghilain in Hainault, and the City of Puicerda in Catalonia.  
Now look how much France advances in the Negotiation of the Peace at Nimeguen, especially after she had found a way to satisfy the Hollanders and Spaniards, whether to their content or no it mattered not, but more especially the foremost who were the principal Sinews of the League, she raises her Tone a litter higher, and never concerns herself with what the rest of the Confederates will do: She knows what she had to do, to bring 'em to her Bow. So that the Emperor, the Princes of the Empire, and the Duke of Lorraine, who are the last to be agreed with, having nothing to do but to prepare for a new War, if they obstinately stand out, and refuse the Propositions that are made 'em, Blows immediately follow Threats; she marches her Forces into the Territories of those Princes, and constrains 'em, by the unheard of Ravages and Cruelties there committed, to accept the severe Conditions which she offers 'em, and so sells 'em their Peace at a dear rate.  
After this manner the Treaty between France and Spain was concluded in 1678. and the Emperor was fain to comply the next Year: Between whom and France it was agreed, That his Imperial Majesty and the most Christian King, should renew and confirm the Contents of the Treaty of Munster in 1648. except in some Points.  
By this Treaty, the most Christian King engages to resign and transfer to the Emperor, and his Heirs and Successors, the perpetual Right of Protection and Possession of the City of Philipsburgh, which he possessed by virtue of the Peace of Munster. On the other side, his Imperial Majesty, in the name of the whole House of Austria and of the Empire, promises to resign and transfer to his most Christian Majesty and his Successors, the City and Citadel of Friburgh, with the three Villages depending upon it, excepting the Diocesan Rights, which were reserved to the Bishop and Church of Constance, to which it belonged.  
Next to the Emperor, the Elector of Brandenburg was forced, in his turn, to obey France, and to restore to Sweden all that he had won from that Crown; so that the Elector, finding himself the only innocent Victim of the Party, whose Interests he had so generously espoused, laid it so heinously to Heart, as to vow, That if he had been so easy, ●s to the time past, to intermeddle with other People's Quarrels, he would be so prudent for ●e future, as to consider twice before he de●ar'd once. What a Consolation it was to ●e most Christian King, to see that all ●●ings went to wrack on the Confederates ●de, after the Hollanders had quitted that Union. Therefore, most Serene Princes, may ●othing ever be so prevalent as to disunite ●our Confederacy; for 'tis by your united ●orce that you will obtain a lasting and ●urable Peace; nor is there any other pro●able Means to bring down the Pride of France.  
As for Prince Charles of Lorraine, it was ●greed by the XII. Article, That he should ●e restored to the Territories which Duke Charles his Uncle enjoyed in 1670. at what ●ime France made herself Mistress of 'em, ●pon condition that the City of Nanci and the Dependencies, should belong to the King in Sovereignty. And it was also agreed, That besides the Thoroughfare, which the deceased Duke had granted to his Majesty in 1667. Prince Charles should engage to allow him two more, from Nanci to Metz; and so unto Franche Conte. In this manner France consents to the Restitution of Lorraine, as she had done by the Pyrenean Peace; but Colbert Croissi, in imitation of Mazarin, labours 〈◊〉 preserve a Thoroughfare and High Roa●● for his Majesty's Forces, to the end that if 〈◊〉 Fancy should take him to seize upon th●● Dukedom a third time, he may always find 〈◊〉 open and ready to receive him. Moreover the King engaged by the XVII Article to 〈◊〉 sign and transfer to him the Propriety an● Sovereignty of the City of Toul, with 〈◊〉 Banlieu or Precinct of a League in compass belonging to it, to make him amends for 〈◊〉 loss of Nanci. France had also promis●● to give him in exchange for the City an● Provostship of Longwic, and Equivalent in o●● of the three Bishoprics: But she made a 〈◊〉 of that Article as well as of all the rest. Wh●● the day of signing Treaties is once over, sh●● never thinks herself bound to perform an● more.  
The Landgraviate of Alsatia, and the Government of that Province, the three Bishop ricks of Metz, Toul and Verdun, and Sangovi●● with Brisac, were also to be resigned to France by the Treaties of Munster and Nimeguen.  
After so many Resignations and Surrenders one would have thought that this Ambitious Potentate should have been satisfied; but fa● from that, he gave the Emperor to understand, in a short time after, that since he had surrendered one part of that Province to him the whole belonged to him by Rights of Dependency, Convenience, Equivocation, Compensation, and a thousand other Chimerical Plaims, which he readily invented, and which ●ought reunions into Fashion. So that the are Langraviate, with Brisac and Sandgaw, which lie in the upper Alsatia, being resigned 〈◊〉 him, they must be taken for the whole Alsatia, tho' they make but one part of it.  
As to the Government of the Province which only referred to the lower Alsatia, 'twas expressly agreed by the Treaty, That France ●ould only enjoy the Right of the Admini●●ation of Justice, without appropriating to ●er self any Right of Sovereignty; but she ●ugh'd at that Exception. So that 'twas a manifest Usurpation, and a mere pretence to oppress the Liberty of all Alsatia, as being ●●vested with a single Prerogative: That liberty, which had been always so dear to ●hat Province, and which it had enjoyed for ●o many Years, as a Member of the Empire.  
I would fain know to what purpose served ●ll the Care and Pains which the Emperor's Plenipotentiaries took, to insert expressly the Names of the Countries and Places which were to be resigned to the Emperor, and which were not to be surrendered. 'Twas said, That the Landgraviat, and all the rest of Alsatia, should enjoy the same Franchises and Privileges which they had enjoyed under the House of Austria. But France passing by all these Reservations made a Jest of 'em, a●● using the Lands that were not surrendered 〈◊〉 the same Pride and Cruelty, as those 〈◊〉 were, has so ordered the Matter, that the Subjects of that Province have sufficiently experienced the rigorous Effecrs of his Tyranny.  
It would require a large Volume to enumerate all the Articles that France has violated; and, therefore, we shall refer those th●● desire a more particular Account, to th●● Authors who have discoursed at large up●● the Negotiation of the Peace of Nimeguen.  
All Europe wearied with so many Breachy and wicked Encroachments, panted after 〈◊〉 thing but Peace, and prepared to enjoy it 〈◊〉 some Years; and there was some reason 〈◊〉 hope, that France having reaped such a plentiful Harvest of Advantages from the Alli●● would have set bounds to her Designs, a●● lived in perfect Unionws i'th' the House of A●stria, and the rest of the Princes of Europ●● But neither is all this any thing: Her Limi●● are not yet enough extended; nor will an●● thing less content here, than the Limits of th●● whole Earth.  
The Reason why I cannot here forbear t●● recite the words of St. Austin, To make Wa●● upon our Neighbours, and thence to carry it sti●● farther into other Countries, oppressing People that never did us harm, and this merely out o●● an Ambitious Desire of Empire; what is it els● but a glorious sort of Robbing upon the High● way? Thus, in a few Words, you have the 〈◊〉 of all the Heroic Virtues of Lewis the ●●eat, his Panegyric in Miniature. To ●●ich we may add, those Verses of Juvenal, ●●eaking of the Insatiable desire of Alexander, 〈◊〉 aggrandise his Fame.  
Vnus Pellaeo Juveni non sufficit Orbis:  
Aestuat Infoelix Angusto Limite mundi,  
 Gyarae clausus scopulis, Parvoque seripho.  
Cum tamen a figulis munitam intraverit Vrbem,  
Sarcophago contentus erit—  
That Prince who was too little for the Universe, and the Universe too little for him, ●●d whose Ambition could never be assuaged, ●eing entered into Babylon, was forced to be contented with a single Coffin.  
My Opinion is, that as much may be said 〈◊〉 Lewis the Great, and that this swelling Monarch, having been the Scourge of his Age, ●he Terror of his Enemies, and the most Ambitious Prince that ever swayed the Sceptre of France, will be at length constrained to confine the vast extent of his Designs, and his Insatiable desire of Aggrandizing himself, to a scanty Tomb prepared for him at St. Denis', ●here to be laid up among the Illustrious and Highborn Lumber of the World. But this is not the Business in hand; we must stay till he's dead. In the mean time, let us see what he has done further. He has violate the Pyrenean Treaty, and that of Aix la Ch●pelle; now let us consider, whether he held 〈◊〉 Peace of Nimeguen more sacred or more 〈◊〉 violable.  
In the Year, 1688. France makes her 〈◊〉 Mistress of two the most Important Places 〈◊〉 Europe: To which purpose, observe the Artifices that Luovis makes use of. He conceals his Order of Knighthood under his upper Coat, puts himself into a Disguise, tak● Post-Horses, and flies from Versailles, attented only by one single Lackey, and comes 〈◊〉 cognito to Strasburgh. Being arrived at 〈◊〉 Entrance into the Plain, within Canon-sh●● of the City, there he found the Coach of 〈◊〉 Chief Burgomaster of the Town, that 〈◊〉 for his coming; into which he whipped, 〈◊〉 fear of being known, and ordered his Lackeys who was also in the Disguise of a Hor●● courser, to go before with the two Horse● and lodge at the White Horse, where he 〈◊〉 to stay, and make a show of trucking for Ho●●ses, till he had notice of the Day and He●● of his return.  
Louvois was conducted to the Chief Burge●● master's House, who had found a way to rid●● himself of his Wife and Children, by sending 'em to his House in the Country, about thr●● Leagues from the City, keeping no Body 〈◊〉 attend him at home, but a very faithful Val●● de Chambre. The rest of the Magistrates that were of the Cabal, were to randezouze in 〈◊〉 Nighttime; and as soon as they were 〈◊〉 together, they fell to the Business. Louvois began the Treaty with a Proposal of great ●●dvantages and Rewards which his Majesty ●●serv'd particularly for them, after the Conclusion of an Affair, which he looked upon as 〈◊〉 Concern of great Importance to his other ●●esigns. And to render his Chapmen the ●●ore favourable, he added to his other Marks 〈◊〉 Friendship and Acknowledgement, some ●●urses of 500 Luidores apiece, of which he presented one to every particular Person, telling 'em with a Smile, at the time that he ●ade the Presents, That his Majesty was not 〈◊〉 rich as fully to remunerate the great Obliga●●ons which they were about to confer upon him; however, that they had to do with a Prince, who ●●anted neither  nor Power to make 'em Great Lords in France.  
At the Fourth Conference 'twas agreed, That Louvois should engage for the payment of 400000. Livers in ready Money to the Chief Burgomaster, and that every one of the Provosts, Consuls and Magistrates the were of ●he Cabal, should have for their share 300000 Livers; in consideration of which, the Keys of the City should be put into his Hands; and the said City was to be put into his Majesty's Hands, to reckon from the 23d of October, 1661. which was the Day made choice of for his Majesty's taking Livery and Seizsin. Besides that, Louvois engaged to allo●● the said Magistrates their House-Rent fre●● at his Majesty's Charge, from the time 〈◊〉 their Arrival at Paris, assuring 'em of 〈◊〉 Majesty's Friendship and Protection, against all that should make any Attempt upon the● Liberty.  
France having thus made herself Mistre●● of the Capital City of Alsatia, Louvois se●● word to the Duke of Mantua, that if he 〈◊〉 a mind to quit Casal for Money, he would 〈◊〉 him down two Millions upon the Nail. 〈◊〉 Importance of that Negotiation, and the fe●● the Court was in lest the Secret should be 〈◊〉 vulged, caused his Majesty to make choice● Colbert Croissi, in the absence of Louvois, 〈◊〉 had proffered to undertake a Journey 〈◊〉 Italy, as he had done into Alsatia, but th●● the Fatigues of his first Journey would 〈◊〉 permit him. At length Colbert Croissi departed in all haste, after he had received full 〈◊〉 structions, and came to Casal Incognitoes where he had a Conference Face to Face 〈◊〉 the Duke. As they were about to take the leaves, after the first Treaty which they 〈◊〉 together, Colbert pulling out some Papers out 〈◊〉 his Pocket, unluckily let fall his Memoirs u●der the Table, which the Duke took up, so so●● as the Minister was gone out of the Room● and having read 'em, he found the Purport 〈◊〉 'em to be, That in case the Duke made a●● scruple to part with Casal for two Millio● Colbert should come up to his Price  〈◊〉 were, and that if he only stook for Money, ●●at he should mount up to four Millions, ●aving the rest to his Prudence. But above 〈◊〉 things, he had order not to return, till 〈◊〉 Affair was fully concluded.  
The next day in the Morning, coming to ●tend the Duke, as he was dressing himself, 〈◊〉 of the Prince's Pages neatly slipped the ●emoire into the Minister's Pocket, without ●●ing perceived; and then the Duke making 〈◊〉 if he knew nothing of his Orders, told 〈◊〉, 'Twas impossible to deliver up such an important Place as Casal, under less than four stillions in Silver, and that he expected 'em 〈◊〉 be paid upon the Day that the Town was 〈◊〉 be delivered, or immediately after signing 〈◊〉 Treaty. Colbert was extremely surprised 〈◊〉 hear that the Duke's Mind was so strangely ●●er'd from what it was the Day before, and signing that he would return home without ●●ing any thing, told the Duke, that he would 〈◊〉 as much as lay in his Power, and that he ●●ould presume to exceed his Master's Orders 〈◊〉 far as some few hundred thousand Livres ●●ould reach, above the two Millions that he 〈◊〉 offered the Day before. 'Twas agreed 〈◊〉, That his Master should give 500000 ●●vres more, above the Two Millions that he 〈◊〉 offered the Day before, together with an ●●nnual Pension of 200000, which should be ●●gularly paid during his Life. Upon this, the poor Prince fell into the Snare, and 〈◊〉 glitter of the French Lewidores daz'ld him 〈◊〉 that degree, that he signed the Contract of Sal●● and Colbert returned to Court in less than Si●● Weeks.  
Thus France became the Mistress of Tw●● strong Barriers, without so much as drawing a Sword, which secured her both on Germany and Italy side. Besides these notorious Attempts upon the Peace, the most Christian King besieged Courtray, and won it. Whi●● done, he spent no less than 3000 Bombs up●● Luxemburgh, and laid it in Ashes. If the Sp●niards complain of these Cruelties, he 〈◊〉 swers 'em, That the Marquis of Grana 〈◊〉 committed Acts of Hostility, which he nev●● so much as dreamt of, and then, like a 〈◊〉 Man, let's lose all his Fury, and sends Bot●flers and Montal to commit all the Ravag●● imaginable; orders 'em to waste all befo●● 'em with Fire and Sword, to the very Ga●● of Mons, and to act those Villainies and Cruelties in the midst of Peace, that scarce cou●● have been committed in the height of a 〈◊〉 bloody War.  
If Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgun●● had the Surname of Terrible given him 2● Years after his Death, because he renew●● the Rigour of War in former Times, 〈◊〉 which had been discontinued for some Ag●● among the Christians; it may be said 〈◊〉 Lewis the Great has outdone him, and 〈◊〉 never any Prince has rendered himself more Terrible in History, or more odious to the World, than this Monarch has made himself, by his Cruelties and Barbarities, during the whole Course of his Reign. But let us proceed to the other Breaches of the Peace.  
The most Christian King, perceiving that ●ll the Princes of Europe lay secure and careless, and that not so much as one of 'em stirred ●o oppose his Designs, while every one minded noting but his own particular Interests, thought himself at Liberty to do whatever he pleased. Thereupon, he bethought himself of building Fortresses along the Rhine, upon the Territories of his Enemies, and Barriers and Securities of his Conquests, but which exposed their Dominions to the first Fury and Havocks of a War, in case of a Rupture, and enabled him to carry his Arms into the Heart of Germany, before the Forces of the Empire could be in a Condition to march. With this Design he erected that important Fortress of Mount-Royal upon the Moselle, within the Peninsula of Trebon, upon a steep Rock, almost encompassed with the River: he fortiyed Sar-Lewis upon the Sar; and raised the Fort of Huninghen, consisting of Five Bastions, seated upon the Rhine, with a wooden Bridge a little below Bale in Sungouw. To which we may add the Forts which he raised upon the Rhine near Strasburgh, etc.  
When these Enormous Actions were complained of in France, the Answer was ready 〈◊〉 For the Imperial Ministers were told, That their Master had no reason to be jealous 〈◊〉 what she did; for that she was very well satisfied, there was nothing done contrary to the Peace.  
In the Year 1684. France gives the Catholic King to understand, that he was to deliver into her Hands the Equivalent that had been offered her, in lieu of the Country o● Alost, and upon the King of Spain's refusing immediately to satisfy her new Pretensions, Lewis XIV. lays Siege to Luxemburgh, and in less than a Month makes him Master of that important Fortress, the Key of all Germany.  
After she had thus worried all Europe, she bethought herself of citeing the Prince's o● the Empire before Sovereign Courts and Tribunals, erected at Mets and Brisac, where French Commissioners, being both Judges and Parties, pronounced Sentences of Condemnation, by virtue of certain Parchments gnawed by the Rats and soiled with Dust and Smoke, to the end they might look old, and consequently the more Authentic. Which Writings being drawn by a Famous Advocate of Paris, contained Claims and Pretensions of France, to several States, Signiories and Counties, by virtue of Reunions and Dependencies of Lands, which had been granted by the Treaties of Munster and Nimeguen. But 'tis to be observed, that these Claims were so much the more Imaginary and Chimerical, because it had been agreed by the Articles of the Treaties, That France should renounce 'em: Yet all those Renunciations were not able to put a stop to her. She had always one Code or Digest, at hand, apart by themselves; and when she had a fancy to despoil any Prince of his Territories, or to seize upon any Lands that lay convenient for her, she never failed of a Pretence. Her Laws were like a Saddle, for all Horses, and she gave 'em what Interpretation she pleased: So that 'tis no wonder to see her Commenting upon all the Articles of the Treaties, and wresting the Sense to her own Advantage.  
Two Months after the taking of Luxemburgh, France perceiving that that New Conquest had manifestly discovered her Ambition, and set the Low Countries and all Germany a Murmuring, and very near incensed 'em to a new War, and disappoint her Designs, which were, still to be gaining at a cheap rate, under the shadow of Peace, bethought herself of one of the neatest knacks of Policy that ever she was guilty of. She proposed to the Emperor, to Spain, and the State's General of the United Provinces, a Truce of twenty Years; and in regard her Armies were still marching at the same time that she makes her Demands, that she may be able to make 'em good, she ordered her Ambassadors to let those Potentates understand, That if they refused to consent to the advantageous Offers of a Truce to secure the Repose and Tranquillity of Christendom, she was resolved to declare open War against 'em. Who would have thought, but that France had then been full of Sincerity and good Will? To hear the Language of her Ambassadors and Plenipotentiaries, a Man would have sworn, That the Truce would infallibly have proved more sacred and inviolable than the three preceding Treaties.  
The Hollanders were the first that fell into the Snare, in hopes to have enjoyed a solid and durable Peace; a Lure which France has all along dextrously made use of when ever she had a design to amuse the King of Spain, who seeing himself the continual mark of that Ambitious Crown, was willing to have secured his poor Countries from the Ravages to which they were exposed, and to deliver 'em from the Mischiefs they had suffered for almost thirty Years together: And, therefore, for these Reasons they consented to a Truce for 20 Years. The Emperor, who was already engaged in a War with the Ottoman Port, whose prodigious Numbers made all Germany tremble, found himself in a kind of Necessity to temporize with France, for fear of drawing that powerful and dangerous Enemy upon his Shoulders, and so submitted to the Truce after the Example of Holland and Spain.  
And thus you see how the most Christian King obtained his Ends. For by this Treaty he secured his Conquests, lulled the Hollanders asleep, and amused the Emperor and Princes of the Empire: All these Potentates being so credulous as to fall into the Snare, maugre the Experience they had so many times already had of his Infidelity. What does Lewis the Great do after this? He prepares to bring to an absolute Conclusion, the Grand Work which his Ambition had set on foot; and which he had been labouring to bring about for above forty Years together, I mean, the Universal Monarchy. To which purpose, there was no Precaution which that Prince did not take. He allied himself to the Ottoman Port; he dispatched away Marshal d' Humiers to the Court of England, and engages King James to side with him: He purchases the Friendship of Poland and the Czars of Muscovy; he proposes Offers to the Northern Crowns and the Princes of Italy; he endeavours to gain the three Ecclesiastical Electors, and to appoint Coadjutors that were devoted to his Interests: He does all he can to carry Fustenburgh's Election; he quarrels with the Court of Rome; he revokes the Edict of Nants, drives the Reformed out of his Kingdom; makes strict Alliances with the King of Siam to ruin the Hollanders' Trade; and bargains with the Swissers what he shall give 'em to sit still and look on.  
We might here give a particular Accounted of the great Preparations of France to sprin● the Mines that were to make her Mistress o● all the strong Holds of Europe. She reckoned upon the Conquest of the Remainder of the Low Countries and Holland, as a certain and infallible thing. King James had given him a Promise of it, and that Prince's word was Irrevocable. Germany being at the same time attacked by all the Forces of France and Turkey, must have sunk under the Burden, and have become the Prey of potent Enemies: And at the same time likewise all the Dominions of the King of Spain were just ready to change their Master, and to see themselves subdued under the French Monarchy, which was to have no other Limits than those of all Europe.  
The most Christian King had so surely built upon these Foundations, and had taken such true Measures, that a Man might have justly said, That nothing could have stopped him. But then of a sudden happens the Blow which could only do the Business, a Blow the most fatal and deadly that ever happened to France, and which rendered abortive all her Designs in an instant; ranverses that Colossus of Pride and Ambition that had been Erected upon the Ruins of so many poor States and Sovereignty's, at the expense of Treaties broken, and which consisted only in the hopes of Invading the rest that lay fit for Convenience. I mean, the Revolution of England; the Prince of Orange, his vowed Enemy, is made King of Great Britain, and made it appear, That only England was able to deliver Europe from the oppression of the French Crown.  
And, now most Serene Princes, you are within 〈◊〉 very little of reducing France within the Bounds of the Pyrenean Peace, if your Union subsists but two Campaigns longer. Therefore, whatever Advantages France proposes, ●ow soft and obliging so ever her Caresses may be, reject 'em all. Let the Experience of what is past, instruct ye to avoid at present what has been the Ruin of all the Leagues that have been formerly contracted against her. You have to do with a crafty and potent Enemy; and as she has found the Benefit of her Maxims practised in the late Wars, she makes use, at present, of the same to break your Union.  
How earnest is she at the Court of Rome? How importunate with the Northern Crowns and the laudable Cantons to persuade 'em to take the Meditation upon 'em? To this purpose she spares neither Gold nor Silver, nor Embassies, and it is in good part discovered, that she offered six Millions to any one that could procure a Peace. And which is worse, we find to our Sorrow, that her Pains have not proved altogether fruitless, by the Steps that some People tread, who interest themselves too much in her Concerns.  
But some zealous Adherents to that Crow● will object and say, That 'tis high time to pu● a stop to the Miseries that afflict Europe, an● you ought not any longer to refuse that Peac● to France which she demands, since she make● such advantageous Offers, seeing the Denial will render you responsible before God fo● all the Blood that is shed and for all the dismal Calamities that attend War. The mo●● Christian King, say they, offers the Confederates Conditions altogether reasonable; h● offers 'em Barriers sufficient to secure thei● Liberty, and to secure 'em for the future from the prodigious Forces of that Crown. Those Offers are these that follow:  
France proposes, by the Danish Envoy, That first in respect of the Emperor, the Princes and States of the Empire, the Duchess of Lorraine and Savoy, the Advantages which his Armies have gained upon his Enemies, shall make no alteration in the Conditions that have been communicated to his Danish Majesty.  
That in respect of the King of Spain, his most Christian Majesty might justly keep all his Conquests after the Example of the Catholic Kings; but that to facilitate a Peace, he is willing to restore Roses and Believers, and, in a word, all that he has conquered in Catalonia, during this last War. He adds, That he had still more reason to keep, for the safery of his Frontiers, all the Conquests that he had won in Flanders, yet for the forming of 〈◊〉 Barrier that might remove all occasion of disquiet from the United Provinces, he would restore to the King of Spain, Mons and Na●●ur, and offered to demonish Charleroy.  
As to the Country of Liege, he would re●ore the City and Castle of Hue to the Bishopric, and make amends for Dinant and Bovilion, by reuniting such a Portion of the Country of Luxemburgh, as should lie most for the convenience of the Bishopric, and as should be deemed reasonable by chosen Arbitrators.  
He consents to the resettling of Trade with the State's General, according to the Agreements in the Treaty of Nimeguen without any Alteration.  
In case of the King of Spain's Death, he consents that the Elector of Bavaria shall enjoy those Countries, provided the Emperor will declare the same to be his Will and Pleasure: And, that tho' the Deceased Queen's Renunciation to Spain during her Minority be Void, for the Reasons already made public to the World, his Majesty is willing, as well for himself as for the Dauphin, to confirm he said Renunciation in favour of the Duke of Bavaria, with all the requisite Formalities; adding withal, that he makes no question but that this Engagement will convince the Confederates beyond all other things of the reality of the Peace which he proposes to 'em.  
As to the Affairs of England, the Royal Majesty● being wounded in the Person of the K. of Grea● Britain, his Most Christian Majesty makes no question but that the King of Sweeden and the Emperor himself will propose some Expedient to put an end to that Difference: And moreover his Most Christian Majesty has no pretention directly nor indirectly to England; excepting what he claimed during this War to the Islands and Continents of America, of which he demands Restitution, being ready to renew with that Crown the last Treaty of Commerce, which was in force when the War began.  
As for what concerns Germany, his Most Christian Majesty-consents, that the Treaty of Munster and Nimeguen, shall remain in full Force and Vigour.  
That the Truce in 1684. might be changed into a Definitive Treaty of Peace; nevertheless with these Exceptions.  
That in compensation for Strasburg, France shall Surrender up Mont Royal and Trarbag, after the Fortifications are Demolished, granting that it be for the security of the Empire. Besides that, his most Christian Majesty will restore Philipsbourg and Fribourg to the Emperor and the Empire, together with the Fortifications, in the same condition as now they are. That Fort Lewis and Huninghen shall be Demolished: That Heydelburg and the Palatinat shall be restored to the Palatinate; France taking upon her to make Madam amends for the Succession of the Electors her Father and Brother; an Article which his Most Christian Majesty stands very much upon.  
In regard of the Duke of Lorraine, the Most Christian King consents that the Treaty of Nimeguen shall be observed, Sar Lovis, Briche and Hombourg excepted, for which there shall be an Equivalent given of an equal Revenue.  
That the most Serene Republic of Venice shall be Arbitratrix if there be any Reunions to make; and for the putting a conclusion to all Differences between France and the rest of the Princes, she will agree to any just and reasonable Proposals that shall be made on their Part and in their Name.  
In truth, we must acknowledge, that France is become all on a sudden very Tractable and very Conscientious; she who was wont to gripe all, and restore nothing, now offers the Confederates the Restitution of all the Places during the last War.  
Most Serene Princes, here is a particular Favour, which the Most Christian King vouchsafes ye: He is willing notwithstanding your Obstinacy to continue the War, to heap his Graces upon ye, to the end you may have reason to forget the Mischiefs he has done ye. He offers to be Reconciled with ye, and lay down his Arms, provided you will accept of his Propositions of Peace, and rely upon his Promises.  
After this, 'tis to be thought, that you will have no cause to Complain: And the Adherents of France will be apt to tell ye, that Lewis XIV. is at this day Triumphant and Victorious, and consequently that 'tis for him to give Laws to his Enemies, and to make no Restitutions at all, but what he pleases himself. But to this I answer, If France has got such great Advantages over the Princes of the League, and is so much a gainer by the War, why does she talk of Peace? To spare you therefore the pains of alleging some good Reason or other, in justification of a Prince whose Interests you so hearty Maintain; I shall only repeat what Mazarine upon the like occasion wrote to M. Lionne, Secretary of State, concerning the Negotiation of the Pyrenaean Peace. For as to what remains, said he, I should make no scruple to acknowledge the seeking after Peace, when the Progress and Reputation of the King's Arms in the next Campain, shall have advanced his Majesty's Renown to the highest pitch it can arrive at, etc.  
These were the Sentiments of the most Subtle and Crafty Minister that ever France had, who decides the Question in few words. The Most Christian King has so well profited by the Maxims of that great Politician, that 'tis with him an inviolable Law not to swerve from the Practice thereof to this day. Nor was Mazarin alone of this Opinion: The Marquis of Louvois jumps with him in the same Sentiments. And tho' he were not of so sublime a Genius as Mazarin, the Reputation he acquired during his Ministry, renders ●im Authentic enough to be quoted for a good Author. You shall hear what he said to Colbert Croissi, when he gave him his last Instructions how to carry himself at the Negotiation of Nimeguen, whither he was sent with the Character of a Plenipotentiary.  
I know very well, said he, that the Confederate Princes will make a Judgement to the Prejudice of his Majesty, of his Conduct in inviting 'em to a Peace; but it matters not, the Advantages he will receive thereby, will amply recompense the Wrong which his Honour will suffer; besides that, we shall come off well enough by giving out that his Majesty vouchsafed to afford Peace to Europe.  
Thus you see what has been all along the Temper of France; this is no Maxim of Yesterday, as being practised by several of his Majesty's Ancestors: Witness what Comines reports of Lewis XI. That that same Prince to get himself out of the Briars at a time when Paris, the Capital City of his Kingdom was within a very little of being Besieged by the Burgundians, deemed it the only way in the World he could take, to Temporize. He thought it by no means proper to venture his Kingdom upon the Hazard of a Battle, and therefore laboured underhand to Dis-unite the Princes and Lords of the Confederacy; which succeeded very luckily, and by that means he got the better of his Enemies. Henry IU. and Lewis XIII. took the same Course: And still when France has been overwhelmed with the great number of her Enemies, it has been always her way to ruin their Union with fair and plausible Proposals of Peace.  
But if it may be said, that the French Monarchy had always Great Masters in this Scienice, Lewis XIV has outdone 'em all: His Reign has been a continued Series of deceitful Promises, violated Faith, and Treaties broken. In a word, this Prince observing himself Attacked by the most Potent Confederacy that ever was entered into against France, can never take a better opportunity to propose Peace then when her Triumphant Arms may seem to boast of some Advantages. The same Arms are fickle and uncertain, and Fortune that has favoured him hitherto, may forsake him, and reduce his Affairs to the most Pitiful Condition in the World. It looks then, if we may judge of Events by the disposal and management of things, as if France afraid of strange Revolutions, sufficient to ravish from him in an instant, all the Honour and Glories he has hitherto enjoyed, and despoil her Conquests gained by breach of Treaties, sought to effect by Policy what she cannot compass by Force.  
There are four things that urge the Crown of France to press the Confederates so earnestly for a Treaty of Peace. The First, is the condition of her Affairs, which at present is savourable enough, in regard of the Progresses which her Arms have made. The Second is, her Apprehensions, lest the Confederates considerably augmenting their Forces and redoubling their Efforts, should weaken her in such a manner, as to disable her for the future from making a further Progress upon her Neighbours, if they permit her to keep her own. The Third is, the hopes that she has of luckily obtaining her ends by the same Artifices which she made use of at the Peace of Nimiguen. And the Fourth is, the low ebb of her Exchequer, and the deplorable condition of the People, reduced to utmost Misery by Famine and want of Corn.  
As to the condition of her Affairs, most certain it is, that France is well advised in taking this time to make her Proposals of Peace. She was never so happy, nor so much caressed by Fortune as now. For five Years together, that the War has been declared, excepting the First Campaign, wherein the Confederates triumphed, upon the reducing of Mayence, Keiserwart, Bon, etc. to which we may add, that famous Atchieument at the Boyn, the memorable Victory with which it was attended, the Engagement by Sea, and the Duke of Savoy's Irruption into the Dauphinate; all other things may be said to have been prosperous for France. So that if she could inveigle the Confederate Princes into a Negotiation, at a time when every thing smiles upo● her, she may have just reason to expect tha● such a Negotiation will be attended with 〈◊〉 Peace, no less glorious and advantageous fo● her, then that of the Pyreneans, Aix la Chapelle or Nimeguen. For proof of which, than needs no more but to reflect upon the Offer of the Envoys of Denmark to the Court o● England and the States of the United Provinces, which we have already recited. Which Offers are so inconsiderable, That 'tis a mee● Insulting, and an Affront put upon the Honour of so many Princes, to presume that they would ever listen to such Proposals.  
As to the Apprehensions of. France lest the Confederates should redouble their Efforts, and constrain the most Christian King to confine himself within much narrower Limits, 'tis as certain, That her Fears are not groundless; and that 'tis but good Counsel given to the most Christian King to advise him to bid his Generals and his Soldiers whet their Swords betimes, and have their Arms in a readiness, because that in all Likelihood we shall have a warm Campaign of it.  
The most Christian King, perhaps, did ne'er expect that England, turmoiled as she had been with Factions and Dissensions, that harassed the Peace and Tranquillity of the Kingdom, would have taken a Resolution to conclude the War by Efforts of Puissance and constant Opposition, by granting the Men ●nd Money which King William desired. Nor 〈◊〉 England the only Confederate so well in●in'd to the common Cause: The United provinces, and the rest of the Princes and ●tates that compose the League, unanimously conclude, to sacrifice the whole toward the obtaining a lasting and durable Peace. And ●ence it is that we behold such numerous Armies, such prodigious Forces mustered together on the Confederates side, amounting, ●●s they say, to no less than 400000 Men: Which, if it be true, France will find it a difficult Task to fend off the Blows on every side. And I am persuaded, that Marshal Luxemburgh, as much puffed up as he is with the Advantages that he obtained by number, will be constrained to acknowledge himself mistaken, when he promised the King his Master, that he would sing Te deum, before the end of April, in the Cathedral of Maestrich.  
As to his hopes of attaining his Ends by means of the same Artifices which he made use of at the Peace of Nimeguen, that you may be plainly convinced of it, there needs no more than to reflect upon the Conduct which he observes in respect of every Prince in particular, and of all in general, to disunite and draw 'em off the one from the other. He began with the Duke of Savoy, upon whom he put the Duke of Orleans, believing his Highness might be wrought to a Condescension, when touched in the most sensible part, which was, when he came to be importuned by the Duchess, his Wife.  
It may be said, that she omitted nothing to infuse into him favourable Sentiments in the behalf of France. She has been seen to weep warm Tears, to fall upon her Knees and embrace the Prince her Husband, beseeching him with all the Tenderness imaginable, To put an end to the War; to have Compassion upon his Family and his harassed Territories, and lastly to rememember that France was only able to restore him to his ancient Liberty. She also delivered to him Letters, written with the King's own Hand, wherein that Monarch promised him, upon the Faith of a Prince, that he would forget what was past, and that he was ready to grant him all the Advantages that he could desire. That to render the Peace the more venerable and inviolable, it should be sealed for a perpetual Alliance between the two Houses, to which his Majesty would add the Marriage of one of the Sons of France with the young Duchess of Savoy, when they should be of Age, which would knit those indissoluble Knots, that nothing would be able to untie for the future, etc.  
After he had thus assailed the Duke of Savoy, what Springs did he not set at work in the Court of Rome to gain their Favour, and incline the Pope openly to favour his Interests, by inculcating into the Catholic Princes the Necessity of Breaking those Engagements ●hat united 'em with the Protestants. A Union, added he, that drew after it the inevitable Destruction of the Roman Religion, and erected. Heresy upon the Ruins of it, if the Holy Father did not save it, by inspiring into ●he Emperor, the King of Spain, and the rest of the Cotholick Princes speedy Inclinations ●o reconcile themselves with France.  
As for his Imperial Majesty, what Pains ●as he Court of France not taken to draw him off from the rest of the Confederates? And finding that all the Importunities of the Court of Rome wrought no impression upon the Mind of that Prince, and that nothing was able to shake his Constancy, did not the most Christian King dispatch an Express to the Court of Vienna, to present the Emperor with a Treaty of separate Peace, and make him very advantageous Offers, if he would but consent to it? After he had gone thus forward, did he not publish a Manifesto upon the Rhine, and in all the Courts of Germany, to engage the Princes and States of the Empire to lay down their Arms, and stand Neuters, or else to accept the Proposals already made 'em?  
What has he left undone to obtain the Mediation of the Northern Crowns, of the Republic of Venice, of the laudable Cantons, to incline those Potentates to espouse his Interests? Has he not sent away Embassy upon Embassy, and how many Millions has he offered besides? The Count d'Avaux offer'● Sweden the Restitution of the Duchy of Deu● Ponts, and repayment of all the Losses sustained, reckoning from the very first Day tha● France made herself Mistress of it; beside four Millions, and 500000 Livres, which would be actually paid down, together with a Pension of 200000 Livres, if his Swedis● Majesty would effectually interpose his Mediation with King William, the most zealous for continuance of the War. Upon the Kin● of Sweden's refusal to accept these Offers Bonrepos offered the Court of Denmark Six millions, together with Mademoiselle de— to be given in Marriage to the Prince Royal of Denmark, according to the Project begu● at Paris, before the departure of that Prince 〈◊〉 his most Christian Majesty offering, besides, 〈◊〉 pay the Dowry, and to decree all things immediately after the Ratification of the Peace And the Steps which the Envoys of his Danish Majesty tread both in the Court of England and in Holland, have made it appear that those Offers were not made in vain. Now let us see what Proposals M. de la hay, the French Ambassador made to the Republic of Venice. He offered the Signiory, besides Three Millions in Silver, which were to be paid down, that the King his Master should engage to prevail with the Grand Signior to grant her Great Advantages, and conclude a separate Treaty of Peace with her, 〈◊〉 the Exclusion of the Emperor and ●he King of Poland, if she would employ her Good Offices, as well at Rome, to persuade the Duke of Savoy to restore Peace to ●taly, as in other Courts of the Catholic Princes in confederacy against France. I omit several private Conferences between his most Christian Majesty and the Venetian Envoy, upon this Subject, before his departure from Paris, when he went from thence to reside in ●he Court of Spain.  
How did Amelot labour with the laudable Cantons? He displayed all his Eloquence in several Speeches, which he made in their Diets, and left nothing undone to advance the King his Master's Interests. His most effectual Propositions were reduced to an Offer of Four Millions and 500000 Livres, to which he addded, the Payment of all their Arrears: All which Advantages, said he farther, would be attended with a perpetual and inviolable Alliance with the Crown of France, by virtue of which the laudable Cantons would be protected at all Times, and the Liberty and Repose which they have enjoyed hitherto would be secured from the Attempts of all that sought their Disturbance. And all that the King demanded for so many Favours, was only that they should be Mediators for a Peace.  
Let us proceed to the fourth Reason that engages France to sue for a Peace, which is the low Estate of her Exchequer, and the miserable Condition to which the People are reduced. And to be fully satisfied in this particular, there needs no more than to consider, That the most Christian King has so little spared his People in Time of Peace, that 'tis no wonder to see 'em now reduced to utmost Misery. Certain it is, let him put on as good a Face as he pleases, that he clearly reputes of a Conduct so opposite to his real Interests. Good Policy requires that a Prince should diligently labour in search of all the most probable ways to procure the flourishing Condition of his Kingdom, while a sound Peace secures him from all Attempts and Interruptions of his Enemies: To discharge his Subjects from the ponderous Burdens, with which they are overwhelmed during the War; to revoke all Decrees and Declarations that tended to their Ruin; and lastly, to deliver 'em from all those Burdensome Impositions and chargeable Taxes with which they were oppressed in Time of War; to the end they may have liberty to take Breath, and recover their decayed Strength, that they may be the better enabled to bear new Burdens, when the Exigencies of the State require it.  
Quite the contrary were the Proceed of Lewis the Great, for no sooner were the Pyrenean Peace, the Treaties of Aix la Chapelle, and Nimeguen concluded, but he turns his Arms against his own Subjects, and not content with the Devastations of all Europe, he ransacks the Bowels of his own Kingdom ●nd causes his People to wish a thousand Times for War rather than Peace; to the end that so many miserable Wretches might live ●ecure from his Ambitious Tyranny. What ●s there to be imagined that France has left ●ndone to ruin his own Subjects? Her Councils has exhausted itself, in Decrees; no ●ooner is one made public, but three more ●re in the Press. The Parliaments and Sovereign Courts that were formerly Protectors of ●he People, and which were erected in the Reigns of this King's Predecessors, to balance ●he Royal Authority, are now reduced to such 〈◊〉 base and sordid Compliance with the Prince, ●hat they only sit to consent to, and authorise ●is encroachments upon the People.  
The Farmers, and they who have managed ●he Public Treasure, what have they left un●●one, what Artifices have they not made use ●f to draw all the Money of the Kingdom in●o the King's Coffers? Have we not seen a ●olbert almost murder himself by tormenting ●is Brains in finding out a thousand Tricks to ●educe the People to utmost Beggary? That Great Man was the Object of Court Adoration, but the Abomination of the People. Nor can I here forbear to recite what one Day ●e answered his Majesty, upon occasion of some new Imposts that were going to be laid upon his Subjects. For upon the King's telling him, That such Exactions would enforce the People to cry out, merely for Wan● and finding themselves utterly unable to pay their Assessments, for that no body could pay who had it not. O, Sir, said he, your Subjects are like a Sack of Flower, the more yo● shake it, the more Meal comes forth. However it were, both that Minister, they that preceded, and they that followed him in th● management of the Finances, understood 〈◊〉 well to squeeze the Kingdom of France, tha● whereas Thirty Millions was the highest Su● to which the Revenue of the Crown amounted formerly, they have raised it to above 〈◊〉 hundred and threescore. We must not therefore think it strange to see that Monarchy oppressed as now it is, and the People reduced t● utmost Misery.  
Besides all these ways, the most Christia● King still puts in practise a great number 〈◊〉 others, which have equally contributed to th● Ruin of his Subjects; such are his Quartering of Soldiers, Creations of New Offices and suppressing of others; his pretended Extirpation of the Huguenot Heresy; and hi● Pious Foundations, of which the Kingdom i● full. His sordid Compliance with the Monk● and Clergy, who possessing the fairest Portion of his Realm, have heaped up vast Treasures and Riches, to the impoverishment 〈◊〉 the meaner sort, who subsist only by their La●●our and Industry. His prodigious Expenses 〈◊〉 building Royal Houses, and erecting sumptuous Monuments to his future Fame. The ●ast Treasures he has wasted in bringing Ri●ers into Places in despite of Mountains, the ●●lid Oppositions of Nature, which he has ●●t through, and Valleys which he has filled 〈◊〉; all which cost France several Millions, and ●●rty Thousand of her best Men. We may ●●d to all this, the joining of two Seas, and ●●e Royal Canal, in which hard Labours the ●●ing sacrificed the same number of his select●●● Subjects. The enhauncing and abatement of Money, which has ruined Trade, and ●●ck'd his People to the last drop of their ●●ood. The vast number of Forts and For●esses which he has built and raised upon all ●e Frontiers of the Kingdom, which has cost ●m immense Sums. The Pensions which he ●●s paid in all the Courts of Europe to make ●●liances, or for the maintenance of his Emis●ries, which costs him several Millions, and ●e keeping afoot near two hundred thousand ●●en in time of Peace, and 400000 in time of ●●ar; the vast Sums which he expends in ●●ring out great Fleets, besides what his Magazines of Ammunition and Provision upon the frontiers cost him. All this, I say, contri●●tes to the Ruin of France, and to reduce it 〈◊〉 that deplorable Condition wherein we find ●●at this day.  
Let it be as it will, the most Christia● King having consumed the most solid part 〈◊〉 the Crown Demesnes, in so many extravagant ways of Expense, it may be said, Tha● he has acted like those unwary Gamester's who, having undone themselves by Play 〈◊〉 know not where to betake themselves to ge● more. But this Prince is not only contented to have played away his own Revenues, 〈◊〉 has also gamed away the Estates of his Subjects; and by that means has reduced Fran●● to those Extremities which are enough to overturn it. So that 'tis no wonder to see Famine rage within his Kingdom.  
The most Christian Lewis XIV. might hav● wished, that his Father Lewis XIII. in imitation of Dagobert the ' Leventh King of Franc● had been so pious, or rather a Person of so mu●● Foresight, as to have covered the Church 〈◊〉 St. Denis with Silver; to the end, that after he had drained his Exchequer, he might hav● had the same shift at a Pinch, as Clovis, the So● of Dagobert had, who uncovered the Church and made use of the Money to save Franc● which then began to be afflicted with a mo●● terrible Dearth. But Henry IU. and Lewi● XIII. had so much Work upon their Hand● that their Reigns might well be said, to b● rather Iron than Silver Reigns; and that the● were so far from having any Overplus' to la● out upon Dagobert's pious uses, that they we●● forced to borrow, to supply the Exigencies 〈◊〉 the State.  
Lewis XIV. was the Prince who of all the Kings of France possessed the vastest heap of Trea●ure, and who beheld himself the most puissant of all his Predecessors, by the prodigious Improvement of his Finances and Revenues. To be convinced of this, there needs ●o more but to consider, That the Revenues of the Crown hardly mounted to 16 Millions in the Reigns of the Valois'. In Henry ●V.'s time, they ascanded to Thirty. Richlieu ●nder Lewis XIII. raised 'em to Forty five, ●nd after him Mazarine advanced 'em to a●ove sixty: Which was nothing to what they are mounted at present; for, according to an exact Computation, Colbert and the rest of ●he Publicans and Sinners, have advanced 'em ●o above a hundred and fifty Millions. But ●f the Treasures of this Monarch were more immense, his Ambition was also proportionable, and if they have been so far from being sufficient to satisfy it, that he has been also fain ●o sacrifice the Estates of the Church, and ●he Spoils of the Altars, after he has laid Im●osts upon all things else imaginable, he must ●e forced, at length, to lay a swinging Tex upon Urine, as formerly Vespasian did.  
An unfortunate Gamester, after he has lost all, endeavours to recover himself by all the ways he can imagine, and managing the Cards or the Dice by himself in his own Hand, bethinks himself at length of playing soul. Thus the King of France, having ruined himself, his People and his Kingdoms, by imprudently engaging himself in a burdensome War, and which having been prosperous a● the beginning, has proved fatal to him in th● end, endeavours to get himself out of th● Briars as well as he can. To which purpose he offers Peace to the Princes of the Confederacy, and sets all Springs at work to brea● the Union. He makes 'em Proposals ambiguous and full of Delusion; what he offer to day, he revokes to morrow. He order Cardinal Fourbin to tell the Court of Rome That he is ready to lay down Arms, and t● enter into a Negotiation with the Confederate Princes; but first, there must be a settlement for King James agreed upon.  
To the Northern Crowns his Ambassadors talk another sort of Language, and tell 'em● That as to the Affairs of England, in regard that Royal Majesty appears to be wounded in the Person of King James, he makes no question, but the King of Sweden and the Emperor, will take it upon 'em to propose some Expedient to determine that Difference. As to the Court of Vienna, 'tis about ten Months since, that he made Proposals of Peace to his Imperial Majesty, quite different from those that appeared in his Manifesto published upon the Rhine. There is not any one of the Confederate Princes or States, to whom he has not offered Proposals altogether different from those which he now propounds. Witness his Temptations to the Duke of Savoy, first by Chanlais, then by Catinat, and then by other Ministers.  
As to the State's General of the United Provinces, France made 'em Proposals, first by Oxesterne, formerly the Swedish Ambassador, who had two Audiences to that purpose, ●esides the Proposals made 'em by M. Lenthe the Danish Envoy. She has observed the same conduct at the Court of England, where M. Scheel now talks at another rate. Several other Projects have been presented at the Courts of all the rest of the Confederate Princes, wherein there is nothing solid or constant. shich is a convincing Proof that the most Christian King seeks only to draw the Confederates into a Negotiation, to obtain a Cessation of Arms on purpose to amuse 'em, while he on the other side assays by more powerful efforts to ruin their Union.  
And this is Lewis XIV's foul Play, and the compass which he fetches to ●attain his Ends, and disentangle himself out of the Noose that hampers him, by saving, if possible, the best part of his Conquests, and delivering his Impoverished Dominions from the ponderous Burdens which they groan under. And now 'tis for the Confederate Princes to consider what they have to do, and not to suffer themselves to be deluded by the false and deceitful shifts of France, and seriously to reflect upon the fatal Misfortunes that will infallibly attend the conclusion of a disadvantagiou Peace, if lending their Ears to the Offers o● France, they neglect the fairest opportunity that ever was, to humble that haughty and perfidious Potentate, at a time when he beg for Peace, and when there needs no more the● two Campaigns to obtain all the Advantage● which they can expect to reap from thei● Perseverance. Which is so much the mo●● Important, as being the reason that has arms all Europe against him, and occasioned tha● august and potent Confederacy of so many justly incensed Princes, and who are equally interested therein.  
But what Assurances shall they have tha● the Peace which the most Christian King now proposes, shall not be violated like th● Pyrenean Peace, and the Treaties of Aix 〈◊〉 Chapelle and Nimeguen? How can they rely upon the Oath of a Prince, who acknowledges no other Law then that of his Ambition and Will? At the Peace of Arras, lip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, not being willing to trust Charles VII. who had broken his word in several other Treaties, was desirous that the last Article of the Treaty should run in these words: That the King for assurance of the observation and full performance of the said Treaty, should deliver it sealed by the Princes of his Blood, the Grandees of the Kingdom, and the principal Men of the chief Cities; and that in case of any Breach, those Princes and Lords should be absolved from their Oaths of Fidelity toward the King, and be obliged to serve the Duke against him.  
The Precautions of the Duke of Burgundy upon that occasion, might in some measure serve as a Garranty to secure the observance of Charles VII's Word and Oath. But it is ●o be considered, That the condition of the Grandees of the Kingdom, was not then the same as now it is. Charles VII. wanted a great deal of being so well beloved, and so much feared by the People and Nobility of France, as Lewis XIV. at this day. The ways which he has taken to gain the Affection of his Subjects are quite different. Formerly a little thing would have opened a wide Gate to Faction and Revolt, and incensed the Grandees and Lords of the Kingdom to take Arms: But now the Case is altered. The King has reduced 'em all equally to such a dependence upon him, that no Body dares stir; and it would be in vain for the Confederate Princes to think of laying the foundation of a solid and lasting Peace upon any such Article, in imitation of the Duke of Burgundy.  
For proof of this we may observe, that since the beginning of this Reign, looking backward as far as the King's Minority, France has no longer cared to be sensible or take notice of the Troubles that had lacerated her very Bowels: So that notwithstanding all the Efforts that were used to re-kindle the same Sparks, it was impossible to bring it to pass. To which, it may be said that Mazarin and the Ministers that succeeded him, as also the King himself, who is sharp-sighted enough, did not contribute a little by means of their good management at the beginning. And in regard the People are ignorant in Polities, and for that it is impossible for 'em to dive into the secrets of the Cabinet, 'twas an easy thing for that Monarch, being so good a Matchiavilian as he is, to reduce his Subjects under that Bondage, wherein we now behold 'em. He easily brought it to pass, by depriving 'em of all the means that might prove a Bait to Insurrection.  
Therefore, it behoves the Confederate Princes to take another course, which is, to oppose him with a puissant Force proportionable to his own, and to tyre him out by a prolongation of the War, which will at length enforce him, when throughly debilitated and brought upon his last Legs, to restore to every one their Rights, and what he has usurped by breach of Treaties, and no less treacherous in observance of his word.  
As often as I revolve in my mind the Quarrels which Lewis XII. had with Ferdinand King of Arragon, and compare the Genius's of those two Princes one with the other, as well as their Conduct, I cannot forbear to apply it to the Contests at this present between Lewis XIV. and the Confederate Princes. For in all the Treaties that Lewis made with Ferdinand, the latter was always too hard for the former: And it may be said, That of the Princes that ever reigned, there never was one more perfidious, or who more gloriously vaunted in the Display of his Dishonesty; as may appear by the Reply which he made his Secretary, who telling his Master how Lewis complained extremely of his having deceived him twice. Twice! replied Ferdinand, By God he lies like a Tooth-drawer, I have cheated him above ten times.  
I am persuaded that the most Christian King has outdone Ferdinand in point of Knavery: So that if the Confederates should reproach him with having twice deceived 'em, he might truly answer, that he had deceived 'em as oft as he concluded Treaties with 'em. So that the Confederate Princes have no more to do then to consider, how little Ground they have to depened upon that Monarch, who boasts the Trophies of his Perfidiousness no less than Ferdinand. But the Friends of France will answer, That Lewis XII. was as little scrupulous in violating his word, in his Treaties with Maximilian the Emperor; witness the Treaties of Trent and Blois. Which if it be true, and that Princes violate their Words and Oaths as soon as they have pledged and sworn 'em, to what purpose do Treaties serve? We must say, as Silius said to Hannibal, That Alliance and Justice hang at the point of the Sword, and that prevailing Power is the only Law among the great ones: And thus you see a wide Gate set open for Plunder and Robbery, and there Remains no more for us to do, but to prepare ourselves for open and perpetual War, and the continual shedding of Blood, with as much Cruelty and Barbarism, as Beasts of Prey: According to the words of Seneca, speaking of unjust Wars. I can safely say, 'tis not only a piece of Cruelty, but the natural Inclination of a Savage Beast, to delight in nothing but Blood. We may call it a turning of the Brains topsie-turvie, or a sort of Madness, for there are several kinds of it; Tho' none more visible than that which transports Men to Murder and Butchery.  
We may aver, without wronging the Honour of Lewis the Great, that Seneca learns him a good Lesson in this Place, and not only him but all other Ambitious Princes. Nor is Seneca the only Abhorrer of these abominable Principles. That Man, says Aristotle, must needs be looked upon as very cruel, who makes his Friends his Enemies, out of a Desire only to make War. In like manner says Dio the Prusiean, To be prone to War and Combat without a Cause, is a pure Madness that seeks Mischief for Mischief's sake.  
However it be, this is certain, that the most Christian King himself being the Author of all the Calamities and Misfortunes that at present turmoil Europe, as well as his Counsellors, among whom we may number Luxemburgh, who may be called his Right Hand, and the Person who infuses into him a good part of these Cruelties which his Armies commit, will be no less responsible before God, then if he should imbrue his Hands in the same Massacres. Let him give out as long as he pleases, by his Ministers and Emissaries in all the Courts of Europe, That he burns with a Desire to stop the Bleeding Veins of of so many Innocents', who shed their Blood in this cruel War: Let him publish by sound of Trumpet, by Heralds at Arms, in all the chief Streets of his Capital City, his eager Passion to restore Peace to his Subjects: Let him order the Archbishop of Paris to order the tiring all the Saints in Heaven, with his Forty Hours prayers; Let him weary the Holy Father with Importunities, to mediate an Accommodation between him and the Catholic Princes, as formerly did Paul III. between Charles V and Francis I.  
We must answer him in a Word, that 'tis not his Grief for the Sufferings of Christendom, that inclines him to a Peace, but his eager desire to dissolve the Union of the Confederate Princes, whose power infuses into him Fears of dreadful Consequence; resolved, after he has recovered Strength, to recommence the War, and plague all Europe with more Mischiefs in the midst of Peace then in the heat of bloody War.  
If this Monarch have now more pious and equitable Sentiments, and such as are truly different from those which he had when he concluded the Three so often-mentioned Treaties, together with the Truce for Twenty Years, let him make 'em appear by the Restitution of all that he has usurped since the first Peace concluded in the Island of Pheasants. The Roman Lawyers affirm, That he is a public Robber, who being demanded, wherefore he detains the Possession of such or such a thing, has no other reason to give then only because he possesses it. To which we may add that Saying of Aristotle, speaking of those who advise War, That they very seldom take any heed whether it be Just and Lawful to reduce their Neighbours under the Yoke of Bondage, who never gave them any Cause; or to oppress those, who never did 'em any Injury.  
Should the Question be put to France, by what Rights she now possesses so many Principalities and separate Dominions, of which she has despoiled so many several Sovereign Princes? It would not suffice her to allege her chimerical Rights of Reunion, Dependence and Conv●●●●ence, pumped from the hollow Noddle of some old Advocate of the Parliament of Paris, more fit to be derided then to be the Ground of any serious Contest, wherein important Matters of Fact must be supported by sound, solid and undeniable Reasons. But if you can but get France from thence, as out of her Fortress, in regard she had no other Reason to give, she must be constrained to acknowledge, that she possesses 'em, because she possesses 'em. So that is not this a perfect Robbery and a manifest Usurpation of her Neighbour's Rights? and is there any Wrong done her in demanding Restitution? Ought she not to be contented with her having enjoyed 'em so many Years, and to have all-a-long received the Revenues which amount to immense Sums? It may be thought also, that the Princes of the League would do her a great Favour, if they discharge her at so cheap a rate, as the restoring 'em in the same Condition as actually now they are, which, without Contradiction, is far worse then what they were in when she first seized upon 'em. For examgle, Alsatia, Franche Conte, the Dutchies of Burgundy, Lorraine and Bar; of Luxemburg and Deux Ponts, the County of Chini, the Principality of Orange, part of Brabant and Fland●●s, all which she has usurped and annexed to the Crown. No Body can be ignorant that all these were opulent and flourishing Countries under the Dominion of their Lawful Sovereigns, whereas at present they are impoverished, and reduced to utmost misery. Can a true Computation be made of the Wealth which they abounded in before they were invaded by France, I am persuaded there would not now be found so much Money in all together, as one single Principality was worth at that Time. So that if France be discharged for making Restitution of 'em in their present condition, she must needs be a prodigious Gainer, considering that she goes clear away with all the Spoils, of which she has stripped those Provinces to their Skins, to erect a Puissance always formidable to her Neighbours.  
On the other side, it may be said, that if the Confederates enforce that Crown to dismember from her Dominions so many potent Principalities, and so many lovely Acquisitions, they may justly promise to themselves a just and durable Peace, by disabling her to extend her ambitious Encroachments, as hitherto she has done. There is no doubt but the Predecessors of Lewis the Great would shave been as active and as troublesome to their Neighbours as he, had they had the same Force and the same Treasures. The Desire of growing Great is natural to all Sovereigns, and it is looked upon as a Noble Passion, when it is sufficiently supported to carry on Great Erterprises, and is attended with Prosperity. So that if the Reigns of Henry IU. and Lewis XIII. were not so fortunate and flourishing as that of Lewis XIV. 'twas because they wanted Power, and because their Revenues were so small, that they could hardly bring into the Field an Army of above 40 or 50000 Men, whereas France, under this Ragin, has extended her Limits so far as she has done by the vast Augmentation of her Forces, and prodigious Advancemen of her Revenus; to which her Violation of Treaties has greatly contributed. She finds herself enlarged by a great number of Dukedoms, Earldoms, Principalities, Lordships, Signiories and Territories sufficient altogether to compose a Kingdom as vast and of as large an extent as ancient France; nay, though you should consider it as it was before the Pyrenean Peace.  
'Tis Time then, most Serene Confederate Princes, to bethink yourselves of prescribing Bounds to this ambitious Puissance, such as may secure your Liberty, your Repose, and the Welfare of your Dominions. You know full well, what your staying so long has cost ye, and past Experience ought to instruct ye, that you have no time to lose; and that if you let slip this favourable Opportunity, which Fortune has put into your Hands, such another may not suddenly return. The Marquis of Louvois told the King, some Months before his Death, That he foresaw this War would be like the Preceding: That your Projects and your Erterprises would vanish in Smoke; That Misunderstanding begins to get footing among ye; that one Campaign more would shatter the Union, and that there wanted nothing but the Loss of a Battle, to make a second Peace of Nimeguen. That is to say, a Peace both Glorious and Advantageous for France, and unfortunate to the Confederates. This Minister, zealous for his Master's Interests, grounded his Arguments and Conjectures upon the small Resistance which you made till now; which occasioned the loss of several Battles, and the taking of several considerable Towns. And, to speak, as we find things, it was not greatly for the Honour of so many Princes as the Confederacy consiss of, that only England and the United Provinces have fought effectually against France.  
These Two Potentates have done every thing, have paid every thing, have supplied every thing: So that ' is no wonder if they have obtained signal Advantages. At the same Time France assails ye on every side; Her Armies are early in the Field; they ravage your Territories, and carry all before 'em with Fire, with Sword and Desolation, while you remain  in Winter-Quarters, till the Enemy has made himself Master of the most Advantageous Posts, and consumed your Forage.  
I bury in silence a great number of Defects and Failings which King William has endeavoured to repair with indefatigable Pains and Industry. 'Tis to that great Prince, to whom all Europe is at this Day beholding for the happy condition of her Affairs, which put all the Confederates in hopes of a speedy and solid Peace. It is only to be wished that the Zeal of that undaunted Monarch were well seconded, and that all the Confederate Princes and States would push on their utmost Efforts, towards putting a final End to so glorious an Enterprise, after which so many People, under Oppression, so earnestly pant.  
Now, to be convinced that there needs no more than the good fortune of one Compaign, successful to the Confederates, to obtain of France what has been usurped since the Pyrenean Treaty, let us only consider her Advances, and her Condescensions to obtain a Peace. Having hitherto sown, in vain, her Treasures in all the Courts of Europe, to purchase the Neutrality of several Members of the Confederacy, or the Mediation of the Northern Crowns, and other States and Princes, devoted to her Interests; finding that all this produced nothing, she flattered herself, as her last Remedy, that the Court of Rome would have Authority enough to awe the Catholic Princes into an Accommodation. To that purpose she left nothing omitted to procure the Favour of that Court; and it may be said that her Sedulities were not Fruitless on that side, and that it was none of the Holy Father's Fault, if the Emperor and the Catholic King did not abandon the Common Cause, to make a separate Peace.  
It had been well for France, that the present Pope had had the good luck or the Genius o● Clement VIII. at the Peace of Vervin, concluded in 1598. That Holy Father pressed s● importunately upon Henry iv and Philip I● that he persuaded those Two Princes at length into a Reconciliation, and to restore Tranquillity to Christendom. Nevertheless it was not procured without a world of Toil and Difficulty, witness the extraordinary Pain● that the Pope's Legate, Cardinal Alexander d● Medicis took, who was sent to Henry IU. and had not that Cardinal been as cunning as he was, he had never succeeded, nor done his Business as he did, with that Prince. Nor was the Reverend Father, Friar Bonaventure Calatagirone, General of the Franciscan Order, less dextrous in persuading Prince Albert, Archduke of Austria, and Nephew to Philip. II. So that the Holy Father wrought so effectually by the means of those two great Men, that he persuaded both Crowns to lay down their Arms, and so second the Repose and Tranquillity of Europe, which was almost in the same Confusion as now it is.  
France having always observed that the Popes had been always the Sovereign Umpires and Arbitrators of the Quarrels between the Two Houses, could not take a more advantageous and more favourable Course then ●ow she did. But, as we have already observed, 'twas not sufficient for France to be ●econcil d to the Court of Rome, by sacrificing ●o her all her Resentments, which seemed to ●end to a personal Enmity and Disobedience, which France had displayed to all the World with so much Pride and Haughtiness, and ●y this means to have induced her to espouse ●er Interests; there was a necessity of something more, that should have met in the Person of the present Pope, a cunning Dexterity, ●ike that of Clement VIII. and Paul III. who Mediated the Peace between Charles V and Francis I.  
If Clement was put to so much Trouble before he could pacify the Troubles that rendered Henry IU. and Philip II. Irreconcilable, Pope Paul had much more to do with Charles V and Francis I. who being come to Nice, where Pope Paul III. expeced 'em to put an end to their Differences, as a Common Father and Mediator, all that the Holy Father who was the most Perspicatious and Politic Prince of his Age, could do, was to make those two Monarches agree upon a Truce for Ten Years, without seeing each other; it being impossible for him to persuade 'em to a final Peace. So that one may safely say, that Affairs are at present in the same posture, and that there appears but very little hope for the Most Christian King to expect a Peace by the way of Rome. The Union of the Confederate Princes is knit so fast, that 'tis in vain for him to think to dissolve it by any Intrigues of the Spiritual Court. As Crafty as the Cardinals Fourbin and d' Estrees are, and whatever Artifices they make use of, we do not find they have made any progress as yet. So that France having nothing to trust to but her Arms, of necessity she must renew her preparations for the War, or propound more Honourable and Advantageous Offers in order to a Peace, than those already presented by the Ministers of Denmark.  
The Confederate Princes will never consent to any Treaty that is not attended with the Restitution of all that France has Usurped since the Pyrenean Treaty. Let her thunder out her Resentment in the rage and fury of new Cruelties: Let her Burn and lay all Waste before her: Let her do all the Mischief that formerly was practised by Charles the Bald, Sur-named the Terrible, with a design to obtain by Force what he cannot obtain by Gentle Means. Let him make his Protestations in all the Courts of Europe, that he is ready to lay down his Arms: Let him proclaim as loud as he pleases by the Mouths of his Emissaries, the sincerity of his Intentions: Let him exalt himself in Promises, and with a thousand Rodomantadoes sound forth the Advantages which he offers the Confederates; All this will never inveigle 'em to accept of a Treaty.  
The Confederate Princes are now resolved to imitate the Conduct of Henry iv toward Philip II. For Henry having too often experienced how little all the Promises of the Spanish Monarch were to be relied upon, would never enter into any Negotiation, till he had made Restitution of all his Conquests; and ordered him to be told, that when he had restored back all that he had taken from him, than should the Spaniard see what he would do. The Confederate Princes have both reason, and are likewise in a condition to hold the King of France's Nose to the same Grindstone. When he has restored to every particular Person what he has wrested from 'em by Invasion; the Estates and Fortresses of which he has despoiled several Sovereign Princes, Then the Allies will enter into a Negotiation, to the end they may all together agree upon the Means the most effectual to procure a solid and lasting Peace.  
If they delay to enter into a Negotiation till France shall make a Previous Offer of restoring all she has won since the Pyrenean Treaty, there is no question but she will do as she did at the Peace of Nimeguen, that is to say, she will commit more Havoc and Cruelties then in the greatest heat of War, on purpose to make 'em hasten the conclusion of the Treaty, and be more willing to grant her Demands. This Condct of hers is so much the more Advantageous, because she knows by Experience, that her talking of Peace, was wont to lull the Confederates asleep, while on the other side Misunderstanding crept in among 'em; besides that, they were willing to lessent their Forces at a time when it became 'em rather to redouble their Efforts.  
If the King of France had the good luck to Succeed, and that he effectually persuaded the Confederate Princes to accept his Offers, He had no small reason at that imte to boast his having restored Peace to Europen, but they might well cry out with Horace for all that,  
Quid dignum tanto feret hic Promissor hiatu,  
Parturiunt Montes nascetur Ridiculus Mus.  
Andbe had likewise as much reason to say, that he had the honour to make all the Confederates draw their Swords, and to Disarm 'em when they had done; and that that same Potent League, sufficient to have made the French Monarchy Tremble, and reduce her to her ancient Bounds, did nothing more than only Forge the Shackles themselves, with which France intended to have bound 'em to a more cruel Slavery then what they had endured before.  
To be convinced of this, there needs no more but to consider, that all that France offers to restore to the Confederates, may be retaken by her Arms in less than one Campain, so soon as the Confederates should have laid down their Arms and Disbanded their forces. There's no necessity for me to enlarge upon the Proof of this: 'Tis sufficient to say, ●he King of France has no other Aim, then to ●evive his old Maxims, presently after the conclusion of the Peace. And indeed 'tis a hard matter for an Unlimited Prince to set Bounds to ●is Designs, and to root out of his Heart, the principles which Ambition and Avarice, have Planted there with so much Industry even from ●is tender Youth. And therefore we must not abuse ourselves; so long as Lewis the Great continues Great, as being surrounded with such a real and effectual Power as he now Possesses, which may be said to be the highest degree of Exaltation and Grandeur to which 〈◊〉 Prince can attain, he will always give Laws to Europe, and all the rest of the Princes must depend upon him in such a manner, as never to be able to Affranchise themselves but by his Downfall.  
Let 'em Upbraid as much as they please Charles the Gross with his want of Sincerity during the whose course of his Reign, and the paltry Artifices he made use of to rid himself of his Enemies; he never altered his Conduct nor his Maxims; so long as he had the Power in his Hands, he was always the same; and it may be said, that he never began to live in Repose and to become wise, till he was Banished into a Village of Swabia, with a very mean Pension, where he Died for Grief. Lothair the Son of Lewis Oultremer the XXXIV King of France, was a Prince the most Perfidious and the most Turbulent that ever ascended the Throne of the French Monarchy; and as he lived, so he died, and retained his abominable Principle to his Death. So that we may safely say, That so long as the most Christian King continues as Potent as he is at present, he will never suffer his Neighbours to be at Quiet; and the Confederate Princes must be always preparing themselves for new Combustions, after the conclusion of a Peace. Which will be foe far from lessening his Forces, that it will acquire him new degrees of Glory and Grandeur.  
Since then 'tis so absolutely necessary to reject the present Offers of the Most Christian King, and that there is no other way to obtain a firm Peace, but by the continuance of a brisk War, in order to bring down the Power of this Monarch, there is no time to lose; within a MOnth or six Weeks, his Armies will be in the Field, and if we may believe him, he will be no longer bound to stand to his Royal Word, which he gave the 15th of March. The Duke of Luxemburg gins to Liquor his Boots, and is preparing in earnest to show us some new Trick of his Necromancy. And this same Marshal, whom the Prince of Conde was wont to call L'Enfant perdu, or a Child of the forlorn Hope, in reference to his turbulent and sanguinary Genius, has promised his Majesty, that tho' it cost him his Life, he will make him Master this Campaign, either of Liege or Mastricht, or at the worst of a second Field-Victory, no less Glorious than that of Landen, out of a confidence, that one of these Events will force the Confederates in despite of their Teeth, to accept the Peace which he Offers.  
But to return to the Battle of Landen; I cannot forbear to write a pleasant Passage, which is reported of the Marshal. So soon as the Battle was over, seeing himself environed with a crowd of Lieutenant Generals, Camp-Marshals, Brigadiers, Major-Generals and other Officers of the Army, who came all to Congratulate him for the signal Victory he had own, Ha! Boys, said he, How shall we call this Battle? Upon which, while every one stood gaping one upon another, not knowing what to Answer, and that some were of Opinion to call it be the Name of the Place where it was Fought, according to Custom, the Marshal replied, No, Gentlemen, we will call it the Bavin-Battle: instead of calling it the Battle of Landen, we must call it the Battle of Bavins. And indeed he had reason enough to call it so. However, if he deceived the Confederates, by Attacking an Army of no more than Forty Thousand, with another of a Hundred and twenty Thousand, let him take heed he be not deceived in his turn, if ever he be forced to Fight upon equal Terms, as in all probability he may be this very Campaign. Nevertheless we may be bold to tell him this, That if he acted like a Master in the Art of War in time of Fight, he committed the fault of an ignorant Apprentice, in not pursuing his Victory, and reaping no Fruit of so much Blood as had been shed. But to return to the Subject,  
Boufflers, another Favourite of the French Monarch, promised him Mountains and Wonders; and for a greater proof of his Zeal and Devotion to his Majesty's Service, he has already caused his Sword to be Whetted, and his own and the Arms of the French Guards, together with the Flambeaux for the House-Burners, to be Blessed by the Archbishop of Paris; with a resolution to fight like a Termagant, and to lay Waste all before him with Fire and Sword. Catinat also no less famous for the Laurels he gathered in the Field of Marsaglia, makes as great Promises to the King his Master; and if his Majesty will believe him, the Duke of Savoy runs a great hazard of losing the rest of his Dominions, and of hearing French Te Deums Sung in the Cathedral of Turin.  
The Dauphin also, who is to Command in Germany, if he be not Countermanded, wants neither Courage nor good Will. He has given signal proofs of both upon several Occasions, and if we may believe him, Lewis of Baden's Business is only to seek for an Asylum and a Camp that may secure him from the loss of a Battle, like that of the last Campaign. And as an accumulation to the Vaunt of so many Hero's that labour by Concert for the Honour of their Prince, and to draw Dun out of the Mire, there wants nothing but a second Smyrna Fleet, and Tourville Admiral of a French Navy, to render him as Glorious by Sea, as the other Generals pretend to be by Land.  
We are then in great expectation of some extraordinary Event, which must decide the good or bad Fortune of so many Princes, which the Most Christian King has enforced to betake themselves to Arms. And the Confederate Princes are so much the rather inclined to terminate the Differences by the Sword, because they find it impossible to obtain by any other means an Accommodation with France. Which is no more than what the most Christian King has made most clearly apparent, by the ridiculous Proposals offered by the Ministers of the Northern Crowns. So that War being indispensably necessary, it behoves 'em to prepare for it in good earnest.  
If we may believe the News that is brought us from some Persons residing in the Court of France, 'tis said that his Most Christian Majesty was in a pelting Chafe to hear that his Offers were rejected with so much Scorn; and there was not a day passed over his Head, that he did not confer with Marshal de Luxemburg, about what Enterprise was fi● to be undertaken, and where it was most proper to open the Campaign. For the King well knowing of what Importance it would be to his Affairs, would fain have something done Remarkable to raise the drooping hope of his dejected People, and which might a● the same time uphold the Reputation of hi● Arms, and constrain the Confederates a● length to accept the Peace which he Offer 'em. All these Considerations put him to a great Nonplus. To begin in Flanders with the Siege of some Place of Importance, would not be amiss; But as ill Luck will have it there are no more Mons' and Namur's to take, there remain two Places only be worthy the Presenceof so great a King; Liege and Maestriecht. But the Custody and Preservation of one of these Places, is entrusted with the Spaniards; and for that Luxemburg has had too much experience of the Bravery of the Hollanders, 'tis not his Opinion that his Majesty should adventure his Fame and Reputation upon a Siege where he must fight against whole Armies, of which the Garrisons are Composed. So that his Majesty in all likelihood will be contented with taking a Journey into Flanders, to give his Ladies a little fresh Air; and if he finds no probability of doing any thing considerable, he will return by the way of Dinant, under pretence of some Indisposition of Body.  
If the Marshals of Luxemburg, de Lorge, Catinat and Bouflers, are to be believed, there will be some set-Battles this Year; and therefore it was not thought convenient to undertake any this last Winter, for fear of Tiring out the Soldiers, considering the need of Fresh Men to support so many great Actions. Only the French could wish their Cavalry were a little more Numerous, and that they could be supplied with the Horses which the Jews of Metz engaged to procure 'em. But the strict Order taken by the Confederates, was an Invincible Obstacle which they never expected.  
Thus you see what famous Exploits were designed in the Cabinet at Versailles. But if the Confederate Princes do their Duty, and act, by concert, 'tis in a manner certain, that France will only Triumph in Imagination, and that she runs a great hazard of seeing herself in as bad or worse Condition in the end of the Campaign as she was at the Beginning. The Confederates with much more reason, hope to Ruin her by prolonging the War, and to enforce her in despite of all her Flourishes and Bravadoes, to Surrender back all her Usurpations. 'Tis a good Omen for the Confederates, that France gins the first of all to talk of Peace, and that she offers to restore some part of her Conquests. 'Tis a sign she is weary of the War, and that her Conscience upbraids her with Perfidiousness, and at the same time ordains her to make restitution of her Usurpations, if she intends to be Reconciled with her Enemies. As for the Confederates, who are without Reproach in that Particular, they are not yet so harassed by the incumbent Necessities and fatal Exigencies attending a long War, but that with far less Prejudice, they can still maintain their Resolutions of never harkening to a Treaty, unless that France submit to surrender whatever she has possessed herself of by Invasion since the Pyrenean Peace.   

ADDENDA.  
THAT it is the general Interest of Europe, to have the Pyrenean Treaty restored to its full Force, has been shown at large in the foregoing Discourses; but how particularly England is concerned in that Restitution, is what will appear by the following Reflections; wherein I intent to show that it is particularly both the Interest and Honour of this Nation, never to consent to a Peace, till the Affairs of Europe be reduced to the same condition as they were when the Treaty, we speak of, was concluded.  
'Tis agreed on all hands, That the Peace of Christendom cannot be lasting and firm, unless there be an Equilibrium between the two Greatest Powers: For, when at any Time one prevails over the other, Ambition never wants a Pretence to make War; which, in its consequence, though at first began only between them Two, yet in the end sets all the States of Christendom together by the Ears and involves them in all the Miseries that attends a most barbarous and unmerciful War. So long as the Spaniards were at the Top of the Wheel, what Troubles, Wars and Misfortunes did they not occasion in Christendom by their foolish and immoderate Ambition, to Lord it over all the World besides And since the French have succeeded them in their Fortunes and Designs, what Barbarities, desolations and Cruelties have we not seen and felt? This therefore showeth the absolute necessity of an Equilibrum between France and the House of Austria; but the Question is how to come at it.  
Whosoever will be at the pains to consider well what has been said before, must agree, That there is no other way left to balance those two Powers, but to revive the Pyrenean Treaty; which put such reasonable Bounds to those two contending Empires, that, I dare say, it would be very easy to preserve Peace in Christendom, did the Christians but mind their own true Interest. But, perhaps, some will say against this; How can you affirm that that Treaty did set the Scales even between those two Crowns, seeing the French are grown so powerful since that time, and the Spaniards on the other Hand have suffered such considerable Losses? This is a great Objection, I confess indeed, and that which seems, at first, a Demonstration, that that Treaty was too advantageous to France; yet when it is throughly enquired into, it will appear to be very trivial, and of no force at all, as I hope to show before I have done.  
And the better to clear this Difficulty, I say, first That to pretend to set such an exact Equilibrium between France and the House of Austria, as may infallibly secure the Peace of Europe, without the concurrence of the other States, is a foolish and an idle Speculation, and, indeed, an Impossibility.  
2. That all that we can reasonably expect, is, to set France and the House of Austria in such a condition, that whenever one of them shall venture to disturb the Peace of Europe, it might be in the power of another State to turn the Scales, and command them to be quiet. And  
3. I say, That the Treaty concluded at the Pyrenees, left France and the House of Austria, in such a condition.  
Now to prove this, I have nothing else to do, but to show, That there was then such a Power in being, as was able to keep both the French and Spaniards in Peace, and that was England. But to set this truth in its full Light, I shall only put the Reader in mind of the Causes of the Growth of France, in which the Author of the foregoing Treatise is, in my Opinion, very defective.  
For tho' the great Ability of their Ministers of State, the good use of their Money, and the Arbitrary Power of their King, may have contributed very much to these Conquests; yet, after all, they own more, to say not all, to the kindness of King Charles II. and to the supine carelessness of the English. This will appear the more visible, if we consider the happy Circumstances that King Charles was in upon his Restoration. The Effeminacy, Luxury, and other Vices which have been since so common amongst us, were then unknown to the English; for Cromwell had left him a true, sober and warlike Nation. Our Seamen having kerbed the Dutch, they defied (and that with Justice) all the Powers of the World to contend with them for the Empire of the Sea: We were Masters of Dunkirk, a very considerable Place, and which lying between the French and Spaniards, was, as we may say, a Throne upon which a King of England could decide, without Appeal, the Differences between France and Spain. In short, to crown all this, King Charles found the most liberal People that ever was. Now, after this, who will deny that England was then in a condition to restrain the French, and oblige them to stand still, tho' they had been in a much better posture than they were: For these Divisions were not altogether appeased, and their Fleet, at that time, was so very inconsiderable, that they made but a very little figure at Sea.  
By what has been said, I hope it appears, That if a Peace has not reigned in Europe since the Pyrenean Treaty, it is not because there was not an Equilibrum set between France and the House of Austria, but only because those whose glorivos Province it was to maintain the public Peace, were corruptible Men; and, therefore, I conclude, that if that Treaty be restored, if the Affairs of Eurpoe were reduced to the same Condition as they were then in, we shall enjoy a lasting Peace: For it is not to be supposed that any King of England for the future, will be persuaded to sell Dunkirk to the Franch; to teach them how to manage their Fleet; to join with them against the Dutch, our Confederates; and, in a word, to suffer them to swallow Flanders, or any other Country. 'Tis said, indeed, that Glory is the inseparable Companion of Princes; but sure I am, that the Prince we speak of, must be excepted out of that Rule; for had he felt any sting of that noble Passion, is it to be believed, that he would have divested himself of the most glorious Advantage and Title, that ever any Christian Prince enjoyed, viz. of being the Umpire of Europe, and the Defender of the Peace, as well as of the Faith?  
Now since the Restitution of the Pyrenean Treaty is so absolutely necessary for the Peace of Christendom, 'tis plain, That England, a● well as other Nations now in Confederacy wit● her, must be engaged to continue the War ti● we obtain it; but, besides, we are engaged by the Ties of Honour and Glory in th● Quarrel. It hath been our ofrmer Prince's Negligence, or our own, that hath made s● wide a Breach in Europe; and are we no● bound in Honour, as well as in Justice, t● make it up? We have lost the fairest Flowe● of our Crown, in parting with the Advanta● ge I have mentioned; are we not bound therefore, for the Glory of our Country t● strive to regain them? Dunkirk, I know, wa● not yielded to the English by the Pyrenea● Treaty; but was it not then our own, sino● soon after King Chrales sold it?  
How much the loss of Calais was bewailed by our Forefathers, I think needless to te● my Reader, since it hastened the death o● Queen Mary herself; but with what Tranquillity we suffered the loss of Dunkirk, is indeed a Subject of Wonder; but I think it still a grerter, to hear many People say, that it is against our Interest to demand the Restitution of that Place, unless they will say, that Calais was of more advantage to England, which I have no reason to believe, as I could easily show, if I would break the Bounds which I have prescribed to myself.  
I would conclude here, and truly 'tis high time, but I think myself obliged to answer, or at least to prevent an Objection, which some People may possibly make. If almost all the Princes of Europe in Confederacy together, are scarce now able to resist France, how is it possible that England along should keep the Balance even between that Kingdom and the House of Austria? To this I answer, that if France was supposed to be always as powerful, as it is at this day, or as it has been for many Years of late, the Objection would then hold good, and I should reckon myself something worse than a Fool to believe that England and Spain would be able to counterbalance it, since, as it is observed, so many States in conjunction together, find it a difficult matter to do it; but if the French are once brought back to the Pyrenean Treaty, and once shut up within these ancient Bounds, than I dare say, That England will be able to turn the Scale to what side soever she pleases, and especially if Dunkirk be rrestored to us. All the World knows, that the French have made great Conquests, and consequently that they must be stronger than they were formerly; but the better to make this Truth sensible, and to give at the same time a just Idea of their present Strength, I'll offer to the Reader a List of the principal Towns and Countries which they have acquired (to use their own Phrase) since the Pyrenean Treaty.  

Dunkirk  
Bergue St. Vinox  
Ypres  
Menin  
Furnes  
Tournay  
Lille  
Dovay  
St. Omer  
Valenciennes  
Conde  
Bouchain  
Cambray  
Aire  
St. Guilain  
Mons  
Charleroy  
Namur  
Hue  
Dinant  
Charlemont  
Maubeuge  
Luxemburgh with all its Dependencies  
The whole Duchy of Lorraine   
The County of Burgundy, in which are very Considerable Places, as,  

Besancon  
Dole  
Salins, etc.  
Treves or Tryers, with almost that Electorate.  
Montroial  
Strasbourgh  
Philipsbourgh  
Landau  
Friburgh  
The whole Duchy of Savoy  
Suse  
Cazal  
Nisse  
Ville Franche  
Roses, and many others which for brevity-sake I shall omit.   
All these Places are extraordinary well fortified, and have large Dependencies, and this makes France so powerful, and almost impenetrable either in Flanders or Germany; but it must be granted, that if the French were once obliged to restore them to their right Owners, they would cease to be so formidable; from whence I conclude again, that it is in the Pyrenean Treaty alone, we can find that Equilibrium I have spoken of, and which is so absolutely necessary to the Peace of Europe.  
FINIS.   

Books Printed for Richard Bladwin, at the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane.  
A Poem on the late Promotions of several Eminent Persons in Church and State by N. Tate, Servant to their Majesties.  
Pleasure with Profit: Consisting of Recreations of divers kinds, viz. Numerical, Geometrical, Mechanical, Statical, Astronomical Horometrical, Cryptographical, Magnetical Automatical, Chemical and Historical. Published to recreate Ingenious Spirits; and to induce them to make farther scrutiny into these (and the like) Sublime Sciences. And to divert them from following such Vices, to which Youth (in this Age) are so much inclined. By William Leybourn, Philomathes To this Work is also annexed, a Treatise o● Algebra, according to the late Improvements applied to Numerical Questions, and Geometry; with a New Series for the speedy Extraction of Roots; as also a Converging Series for all manner of adsected Equations. By R. Sault, Master of the Mathematical School in Adam's Court, in Broad-street, near the Royal Exchange.  
Letters of State, written by Mr. John Milton, to most of the Sovereign Princes and Republics of Europe, from the Year 1649. till the Year 1659. To which is added, An Account of his Life; together with several of his Poems; and a Catalogue of his Works, never, before Printed.  
Bibliotheca Politica: Or, an Enquiry into the Ancient Constitution of the English Government; with respect both to the just Extent of Regal Power, and to the Rights and Liberties of the Subject. Wherein all the chief Arguments as well against as for the Late Revolution, are impartially represented and considered, in XIII. Dialogues. Collected out of the best Authors both Ancient and Modern. To which is added, An Alphabetical Index to the whole Work.  
The Works of Francis Rabelais, M. D. Or the Lives, Heroic Deeds and Say of Gargantua and Pantagruel; Done out of French by Sir Tho. urchard, Kt. and others: With a large account of the Life and Works of the Author; particularly an Explanation of the most difficult Passages in them. Never before published in any Language.  
Mercury; or the Secret and Swift Messenger: Showing how a Man may with Privacy and Speed communicate his Thoughts to a Friend at any distance. The Second Edition, by the Right Reverend Father in God, John Wilkins, late Lord Bishop of Chester. Printed for Richard Baldwin, where are to be had, The World in the Moon, and Mathematical Magic.  
An Essay concerning Obedience to the Supreme Powers, and the Duty of Subjects in all Revolutions: With some Considerations touching the present Juncture of Affairs.  
A Collection of Speeches of the Right Honourable Henry at Earl of Warrington, viz. I. His Speech upon his being Sworn Mayor of Chester, in November, 1691. II. His Speech to the Grand-Jury at Chester, April 13. 1692. III. His Charge to the Grand-Jury at the Quarter-Sessions held for the County of Chester, on the 11th of October, 1692. iv His Charge to the Grand-Jury at the Quarter-Sessions, held for the County of Chester, on the 25th Day of April, 1693.  
FINIS.