Manifest Truth, OR AN INVERSION OF Truths Manifest.  
Containing a NARRATION of the Proceedings of the Scottish Army, and a Vindication of the Parliament and kingdom of England from the false and injurious aspersions cast on them by the Author of the said Manifest.  PROV. 18. 17. He that is first in his own cause seemeth just, but his neighbour cometh and searcheth him. 
Published by authority.  
LONDON Printed by M. S. for Henry Overton in Popes-head-Alley, and Giles Calvert, at the Spread Eagle at West end of Paul's, 1646.   

THE PREFACE.  
THough all possible care shall be taken, that this ensuing Discourse may need no Apology, yet the misconstruction it is liable to in this quarrelsome age, may require a Preface; in which I shall not, as the Author of Truths Manifest, go about to quicken the appetite of my Reader, by a self-commendation, but (if I regarded the praise of men) should much rather choose to be commended by another, in the end of my work, then by myself in the beginning. But out of a great, and just tenderness of doing, or being thought to do any thing, which might tend to any alienation betwixt these happily united kingdoms, I thought fit to declare, as followeth.  
First, that a hearty union betwixt the two kingdoms of England and Scotland, as it is most agreeable to Religion, and the solemn Covenant, so it is eminently requisite to their mutual preservation, both from the illegal entrenchments of their own King, and from the attempts of foreign Princes or States; for by such an inviolate conjunction▪ they shall be kept from being instrumental to each others ruin, which hath lately been designed upon both successively by their own King, that he might become absolute Lord of them both, to the prejudice, if not ruin, of Religion and Liberty. As also, Strangers, especially the French, shall be prevented in their wonted design, which hath been to raise, and foment differences betwixt these kingdoms, and have been forward to assist Scotland against England, not for love to Scotland, but hatred or fear of England, which they have looked upon as a dangerous Neighbour. And let me add further, that the continuation and confirmation of this Union, will not prove only an Ornament to the Protestant Religion, but a great advantage to the propagating of it, and will also make us more capable of righting ourselves, Confederates, and allies against any injuries or usurpations, that are or shall be offered. And I hope these apprehensions shall over-awe my pen, that it walk very circumspectly in the ensuing discourse.  
Secondly, give me leave to say, that this Union doth not necessarily infer a confusion or mixture: but may as well, and it may be better stand, with a full reservation to each of their peculiar laws, privileges, Governments, and possessions.  
It is hard, if not impossible, to find two persons, that shall concur to an universal compliance in their friendship, but are glad to find a correspondence in some things, and content to yield a mutual forbearance in others. This is more difficult to be found in States, who have besides their diversities of laws and Government, more differences of general and particular Interests, then private persons are capable of. And though through God's mercy, these two kingdoms are more happy than other Confederates, who like bodies exactly spherical touch but in a point, as they have occasion, by their ambassadors, yet the nature of affairs, and men permits not they should meet, as two bodies exactly plain in every point. For, though their Interests be the same, sc▪ the conservation of their Liberties against Tyranny, and Religion the choicest fruit of their Liberty, against any thing destructive to it, yet the customs and constitutions of the Kingdoms, and the dispositions of the people may be so different (besides other incident disadvantages) that an universal close is rather to be desired then expected and something must be left to time, and more to him, who alone challenges the Prerogative of fashioning men's hearts alike.  
And it may be added, that such an union is not only not possible, but not necessary; for Conjunction, being but a means to some further end, is no further requisite, than it conduces to that end of mutual preservation.  
There is indeed, beside the benefit, a native beauty in unity: but to be violent in pressing of it, is to scratch the face that it may be beautiful, and when accomplished (as it is thought) it will be found rather to be a paint, than a natural complexion: I shall only take Liberty to add further, that the pressing an exact uniformity in Church, or a union of mixture in State, (the nature of persons and things not admitting it) may hinder a union of conjunction in those things, which are possible and necessary: And I pray God, it be not the design of some under the pretence of union, in things presently impossible, to promote a difference in that which is necessary.  
Thirdly, as this discourse springs not from any principle of disaffection to the Scottish Nation, so I hope none will force any such conclusions from it, beyond my meaning, though without my guilt. For my part, I freely profess, that I think it may in its own nature, as well as its intent, tend more to the preservation of union, than the occasioning of distraction. Upon this ground, we have patiently received and read two Manifests, to which the Questionist from St. Andrew's hath added something, not a little reflecting upon the Parliament, and kingdom of England; the first untouched produced a second, this second may bring forth, and in the close of it intimates a third, and possibly a worse, till under pretence of justification of our brethren, the charges against ourselves may grow intolerable, and occasion greater inconveniences.  
Fourthly, I hope the distance of time intervening, betwixt the book and the Answer, cannot afford an objection against it. First, I stayed to see, if somebody that was more able, or more concerned, would undertake it. Secondly, it is a business of great tenderness and importance, and occasioned many thoughts of heart, which did long delay it, but could not prevail against it. For I am able truly to say, with the Author of Truths Manifest, that not so much the love and honour of my own Nation, which yet I hope shall be always dear to me, as Covenant, and conscience, and consideration of the good of both kingdoms, have put me upon this work, and carried me through it, for it is found, that unequal compliances, especially with natures not so good, do but make way for greater disadvantages, which cannot always be borne. And though it be always better to suffer wrong then do it, and sometimes better to receive wrong, then require right, yet the most beaten path to peace and justice, which I think now it becomes me, and others to walk in, is neither to do wrong, nor to suffer it. For though a man may part with his own Right for public advantage, yet I know no Rule of parting with other men's right for my own advantage. And therefore though not without sense, yet without fear of any danger that may spring from men, impatient and mindful of oppositions, I enter upon the work, in which I shall observe this method. First, to give a true and short Narrative of the proceedings of the Scotch Army since they came into England, wherein I shall endeavour to do them all possible right. And secondly, make some Animadversions upon divers passages in Truths Manifest, wherein though something may be said against the Manifest, yet nothing against the Truth, for we can do nothing against the Truth.   

THE NARRATIVE.  
AFter that the Parliament of England had conflicted for the space of a year' with the dangers and difficulties of this unhappy war (God in his wisdom and Justice not seeing fit to direct us to the right improvement of our own strength,) they dispatch Commissioners to the kingdom of Scotland, to treat with them about the raising, and bringing in an Army to their assistance against the combination of Papists, Prelates, and Malignants, endeavouring to subvert Religion and Liberty; The Commissioners being four Members of the House of Commons, accompanied with two Reverend Divines of the Assembly, went from London towards the latter end of July, 1643. and in the beginning of August came to Edinburgh, where they were expected before they came, and when they came, welcome.  
The Commissioners upon their coming address themselves to the convention of Estates then sitting, as also to the general Assembly, that they would contribute their help so far as they were concerned; after few days a Covenant was propounded, and agreed on by the Commissioners, and a Committee appointed to consider of that business with them, which was sent immediately into England for approbation, and received it with little or no material alteration, and was returned to Scotland in a short time, and so was generally taken in both kingdoms; while this was in hand, a Treaty also was offered and debated, about bringing an Army for the assistance of the Parliament of England, which was also mutually agreed betwixt the kingdoms, and is of late published.  
After this foundation laid, though the time of year was something unseasonable for building upon it, being winter, the Estates of Scotland having received 50000 l. of the 100000 l. mentioned in the Treaty, bestowed their power and diligence in levying men, so that about the middle of January, an Army well clothed and armed was brought to the Borders of England, which they entered about the twentieth of that month, at which time Lieutenant general Lesley passed over Barwick bridge with some troops of Horse; for the town of Barwick, by the care of the Commissioners of Parliament then in Scotland, who sent one of their own number for that purpose, was happily made a Garrison for the Parliament; and after that, by Treaty betwixt the kingdoms, assigned to the Scots for a Magazine, and retreat, while there should be use of their Army in England.  
A little after the entrance of those Horse and Foot, that came in by the way of Barwick, the Lieutenant general of Foot, Baly, passed the water at Kelsey by the advantage of a great Frost, which bore the Ordnance, and met the noble general the Earl of Leven about Alnwick.  
The Enemy commanded by Sir Thomas Glenham made no opposition in Northumberland, but retreated from the borders to Alnwick, and so to Morpeth, and then to Newcastle; where the Earl of Newcastle met him with more Forces; so that the Scottish Army had a free passage to the works and walls of Newcastle, which they came to about the beginning of February. At their approach after some slight Skirmishes of Horse, there was an attempt made upon a strong Fort at the East-side of the town, but without success; a little after, it was thought fit to dispose the Army to some Quarters near the town, on the North-side of the River Tyne. During the time of their lying there nothing of moment fell out, but the fight at Corbridge, where there was not much hurt done, but the Scots had the worse, losing some Prisoners, and retreating, yet not so hastily, but they took colonel Brandling in their return, who after that became a Proselyte; this was all that passed on the North-side Tyne, saving that the Castle of Warkworth was surrendered to the marquess of Argyle, who marched by the way of the Sea with some Forces to the Army, of which Castle he made one Captain lisle governor; after some time spent on the North-side Trent, the lying of the Army there was found useless, and inconvenient, and a resolution was taken towards the end of February to pass the Tine, leaving only some Forces at Bedlington, and Blythesnooke, to secure that little Harbour being very convenient for Provisions.  
The Enemy at the passing over Tyne made no opposition, but were so kind as to let them march over Newbridge, a very inconvenient passage had it been disputed, and so take possession of Sunderland, a place which proved full of advantages to the Army afterwards, in respect of provisions which were brought thither in great plenty from London, and other places, and exchanged for coal. During the abode of the Army about Sunderland, in the month of March, ending the year 1643. they fortified Sunderland as well as the place was capable, and took a strong Fort at Southshields over against Tynmouth Castle, at the second attempt; In the mean time the enemy's head Quarter was at Durham, where were the Earl of Newcastle Lieutenant general King, sir Charles Lucas (lately come from the South with a supply of Horse, and a very considerable Army;) they came and faced the Scots Army twice within two miles of Sunderland, first on the South side, then on the North-side the River Were. At first we heard of nothing memorable, but very cold nights, in which the Scots Army had good advantage of the Kings, and made good use of it, for by keeping close to them many of the enemy's Horses were reported to be strayed, and their soldier's courage cooled; which was found true at their next appearance. Shortly after, when they drew up about Hilton and Bowdon, at which time also the Scottish Army was drawn out against them, but no engagement of consequence, each Army kept its advantage, only there was some slight skirmishing amongst the hedges, where for aught I ever heard, the number of the slain was equal, or little different; but at last the King's Army drew off, and being discerned so to do by the Scottish army, they fell upon their rear and took some Prisoners, but killed very few, not the tenth part of the number mentioned in (Truths manifest) and so they parted. After this the Scottish Army not being well able to endure their straightness of Quarters, took a resolution to march towards the Enemy, and either fight with him, or enlarge their Quarters; about this my Lord Fairefax who had been long confined to Hull, took the field again, and with sir Thomas Fairfax (a Gentleman who must not be mentioned without Honour, for God hath honoured him) and sir John Meldrum (whose faithfulness to this cause and diligence in it was very eminent) made their first attempt upon Selby, where God was pleased to give them great and seasonable success in storming, and taking that town, and in it a number equal to those that assaulted, notwithstanding the many Horse that were in it, where also was the governor of York, Mr. John Bellasys, who was taken prisoner.  
This business has hardly been parallelled since this war, save at Wakefield, when general Goring was taken in like manner by sir Thomas Fairfax, and his party rather than Army.  
Newcastle hearing this news, and fearing lest York also (the receptacle of most of the Northern Papists, who were not in arms, whom he had most reason to respect) should be surprised or surrendered, thought best to move Southward with his army, and did accordingly, and getting start of the Scots army, by a sudden march came to York about the middle of April, and lodged the remainder of his Foot there, (for his Northern expedition had lost him many men who were wearied out with the hardiness of the Scots) and sent sir Charles Lucas away Southward with his Horse, which were followed by some Scottish and Yorkshire Horse, but not overtaken.  
The Scottish Army followed Southward, and joined with the Forces under command of my Lord Fairfax, betwixt Wetherby and Selby, where after consultation they draw near to York, and if a sufficient strength could be made up by the accession of the Earl of manchester's Forces, which was desired and hoped, they resolved to sit down before York, which was accordingly done; general Leven pitching his Quarter at Midlethorp, my Lord Fairfax at Foulford, and my Lord Manchester at Heslington, the Scots Quarters kept in the town on the westside of the River, the Earl of Manchester and Lord Fairfax on the East-side; and to my Lord Fairfax his assistance, was sent a very noble Gentleman and able Commander, sir James Lunsdaine, with a Regiment or two of foot, who lay at Foulford; the Horse of all the Armies in the mean time were sent towards the West of Yorkshire, which was the only way the Enemy had to come, and interrupt the siege, the other ways by the advantage of Rivers, being impassible upon opposition; this siege was carried on with very commendable unanimity, and correspondency of Counsels on all sides, each acting their part. The Scots took in a Fort on the southside of the Town, attempted another near the great Fort, but held it not, and had several skirmishes with the enemy's Horse, in one of which they lost a gallant Gentleman, lieutenant colonel Ballantine, who not content with a little honour, to gain more lost his life; my Lord manchester's men made their approaches very near at Bowden, and Monk-barres, my Lord Fairfax his men at Wolmsgate, where they took a Church and divers prisoners in it, only Major general Crawfurd, a valiant and forward man, made an unhappy attempt upon the manor House, without due notice to the other Forces, and was beaten out with the loss of many men. After this siege had continued two months or thereabouts, towards the end of June Prince Rupert comes to the relief of York, by the way of Lancashire, draining Garrisons and raising men with all diligence and severity, and thereto added an act of cruelty at Boulton. At this time upon the importunity of Lancashire, sir John Meldrum (after that by his conduct, the Castle of Cawood, and the strong Fort of Airesmouth were taken, which much advantaged our provisions from Hull by water) was sent with a Party thither to do what service he had opportunity, howsoever to secure, if possible, the Town of Manchester, which had been yet inviolate for the Parliament, and accordingly did so. The Prince after he had strengthened himself what he could, draws near to York by the way of Burrowbridge, and comes upon the North-side of the River Owse, whereupon the Armies resolve to join and fight him, and so the last of June, the siege was raised, the town in some measure relieved; but the Prince not satisfied with that he had done, would needs draw over the River again, about three miles from York to fight our Forces, upon that side the River; in which he made a desperate attempt, and as I am informed, was so told by Lieutenant general King, in regard our army might fall upon him while he was passing the River. But he was resolved and gave command to the Earl of Newcastle, to draw his men out of York to his assistance; which was done, though not so soon as was expected, but soon enough to a bad bargain. Our united Armies were marching off, thinking to prevent the Princes march Southward, and were going towards Tadcaster on the day of the fight, thinking to cross some nearer way, and meet him in his return: but he saved them that labour, and drew up in their rear in a place called Hessey-Moore, near Long-Marston, of which sir Thomas Fairfax (having the rear) gave speedy notice, and Orders were presently given to face about to the Enemy, which was accordingly done; and the Prince's Army being drawn up in the Moor, our Armies drew up into the fields adjoining, and so much of the heath as was left them; Sir Thomas Fairfax commanded the right wing, consisting of his own Horse, and some from Lancashire, Lieutenant general Cromwell the left wing; the Scots Horse were equally divided, three Regiments on the right wing, and three on the left: on which wing also was there then general Major David Lesley. My Lord manchester's foot were drawn on the left Wing next the Horse, and the Scots foot and my Lord Fairefax's in the body, and right wing; the battle began about six or seven of the clock in the evening, July the 2. The right Wing commanded by sir Thomas Fairfax was disordered, for he had among other disadvantages these two especially; first, the worst part of the ground being so full of Whinnes as that his Horse could not march up, and was next the hedges possessed by the Enemy. Secondly, he had also many new raised Horse which had never seen service, who did not play the part of Reserves as became them, so that after his own Regiment and colonel lambert's had charged, with valour and good success, for want of supplies that wing was wholly routed, himself stayed in the field, where he received a mark of Honour on his face; the Scots Horse also on that side quit the field, and left the Earl of Lyndeseys' Regiment of Foot standing bare, which yet acquitted itself well, for sir Charles Lucas coming up with Horse to charge them, his own Horse was shot in the head of his Regiment, and he was taken Prisoner.  
But, whilst this was doing on the right, our friends on the left wing sped very well (through God's mercy) and wholly routed the Enemy, and came about to the right, and at last cleared the field, became Masters of the enemy's Carriages and Artillery, and left more dead bodies than hath been at any battle since these wars began, and had slain more, but that the shelter of night, and a near Garrison hindered pursuit. The lot of the body of Foot, especially of Scots and my Lord Fairfax's, was so promiscuous, some standing, some flying, that I can give no perfect account of it. As for the Passage in Truth its manifest concerning Lieutenant general Cromwell, and their Lieutenant general Lesley, I should be loath to meddle in it, and wish the Author of the Manifest had not; but something must be said in the Animadversions.  
Thus was God pleased to use the Scots Army in doing its part to the breaking of the strong Army of the North, and the defeating of the Prince, who brought into the field that day an Army very strong and well accomplished. Quem dies vidit veniens superbum, Hunc dies vidit fugiens jacentem. If any will make a further enquiry, and say who did best, I could wish I might be put to no other answer then (God did all;) which is the best way to decide Controversies of this kind; for no man loses when He gains honour.  
After this happy Victory, the discouraged Enemy take several courses, Prince Rupert with his Retinue (for his Army was gone) marched on Northward to Allerton, and so by Richmond back again the way that he came. The Earl of Newcastle with his dear Confidents, Widrington and Carnaby, went to Scarborough, and so beyond Sea; and with them lieutenant general King. The Government of York by this means was devolved upon Sir Thomas Glenham, who still undertakes desperate cures.  
Our own Forces, after the generals had time to meet, and the confusion of the fight (which lasts longer than the time of it) was over, and our wounded men provided for, fall to work again, and the Fight being on Tuesday July 2. on Thursday or Friday following a Party of Horse were sent under the Command of Lesley and Cromwell to follow the Enemy, but they were first gotten into the Dales, and became almost uncapable of annoyance. The body of the Army returned to the Siege of York, which about a fortnight after was surrendered to the Parliament upon Treaty betwixt Commissioners on both parts. And thus was God pleased to bless these united Forces with a Victory and City, in which the Scots as they had their part of pains and hazard, so deserve their proportionable share of thanks and honour.  
After this my Lord Manchester marched away towards Lincoln, his Forces taking some Castles in Yorkshire by the way, as Sheffield, and Tickhill. The Lord Fairfax remained in York, and disposed his Forces to the blocking up of some Castles in Yorkshire. The Scots Army marched Northward again.  
And that I may not omit any thing concerning that Army, while general Leven was employed in these services about York, the Northern parts, and that part of the Scots Army left behind, passed some danger and hardship in Northumberland. Morpeth Castle, held by Lieutenant colonel Somervill, was delivered up with the provisions and goods in it to colonel Clavering. And the Fort at southshields, though not gotten sine sanguine, was lost sine sudore, upon a bare Summons from Montrosse and Clavering.  
At this time also Sunderland was faced and outfaced by the mentioned Cavaliers, who came to Bishops Wermouth, and plundered some of their victuals, but the town was preserved, where amongst others the English seamen being much concerned (for their ships were then in the harbour) well acquitted themselves. But the Earl of Callander then coming into England with an additional Force; among whom the Lord Sinclare, Montgomery, and Levingston, dispelled these mists, and before the return of the Scots Army took in Hartlepoole and Stockton upon surrender, and placed Garrisons in them as seemed best to him; and a little before the return of the noble Earl of Leven from Yorkshire, he had entered Gateshead, Town of the southside of Newcastle, parted from it only by the River, by which means the Town of Newcastle was wholly blocked up on the southside.  
After the return of the general, a Bridge was made over the Tine, and he disposed his Army on the Northside, and approached close to the town with his foot, the Horse being sent Westward towards Cumberland and Westmoreland. During this Siege, which continued above two months, the Enemy made frequent and sharp Sallies, and the general frequent and fair offers, to which the upstart Knight Marlay returned very peremptory and sometimes abusive answers, which were reckoned for at last; if they be not, they may be. But at length after much diligence and patience, the general and the Commanders then resident with the Army, resolved upon a Storm, and to that end prepared Mines and Batteries, and upon October 19th fell on at several parts of the town, at the breach made by Cannon there was no entrance, and the most loss on the Scots part was there, but the Mines taking well, especially one at White-friars' Tower, they entered, and both to our and their benefit took that strong and rich town. Sir John Marly the governor, with the Scottish Earl of Crasurd, and others, retreated to the Castle, expecting thence to make their terms, but could get none but those of mercy, which considering the persons, was too good for them, though less could not be granted. After the entrance there was little blood shed, but the common soldier betook himself to what he could, the Officer almost to what he would. For herein the Scots are more orderly than the English. Among our Armies commonly the soldier gets the greatest share of the spoil, the Officers generally being not so earnest at the prey; and the English soldiers are not so easily commanded as the Scots in such a case. For the Scots soldiers will very orderly stand sentinel at the door they are appointed to, and for some small matter preserve a house with its appurtenances for their Commanders, so that the town was not (especially the best houses) spoiled in specie, but only purged by a composition, which was fortuitous, according as the nature of the Chapmen was, some good bargains, some ill. And thus was Newcastle reduced, which (to speak as much truth as the Manifest) was a very remarkable service, being the only thing of moment wherein that Army hath been engaged apart from other Forces in England these two years. And to make this good success complete, that the Passage from the Coale-Indies might be clear, Tynmouth Castle, Commanded by Sir Thomas riddel, out of a sympathy betwixt the town-clerk and the Major of Newcastle, was surrendered upon Articles, and Garrisons placed in both town and Castle, by order of the Scots Commanders and general.  
After these places thus taken, and in this manner settled, and the business of Fines & Compositions at Newcastle dispatched, it was time to dispose the Scots Army (which had been most of the precedent Winter in the fields) to their Winter Quarters. To that purpose two or three Regiments of Horse, and a Regiment of dragoons were allotted to abide in Cumberland, and Westmoreland; three Regiments of Horse sent into the North-Riding of Yorkshire: Northumberland and bishopric of Durham, were appointed to the foot, and some odd Troops of Horse. The Horse in Cumberland had by this time made some entrance upon the Siege of Carlisle; Sir Wilfrid Lawson, and others Cumberland▪ men being joined with them, who had raised both Horse and foot for that service; of which more in the Animadversions.  
After the Army thus was disposed of, the Committee also and the general disposed themselves into Scotland, and left our English Commanders and the soldiers to dispute matters of assessment and Provision, Impar Congressus. During this time of Winter I have not heard any thing of service from that Army, only that some foot were sent to the assistance of Sir John Meldrum at the Siege of Scarborough-Castle; and some also were sent to Pontfract, but had not liberty to stay the end of these works, in regard of other employment. So that we have free leave to pass on to the Spring; at which time the Scottish Committee for the Army after the dispatch of their own affairs in Parliament and Assembly returned. The general himself being come before into England toward the end of January.  
In the second years service, the first thing that offers itself was lieutenant general Lesleys going with a Party of Horse and foot to the assistance of Sir William Brereton, who was then besieging Beeston-Castle, and intending Chester, but hearing that Prince Rupert was drawing towards him with a considerable force, sent to the Committee of both kingdoms at Westmoreland for aid, who desired that lieutenant general Lesley might go with a Party of Horse to his assistance; which accordingly was done. A Party of Yorkshire Horse being also joined with him; but of that conjunction we had no further news or fruit, but that the Enemy came not far enough to fight us; and our Forces stood upon the defensive. Whereupon the Lieutenant general shortly after returned into the West-Riding of Yorkshire about Hallifax, where he remained for a space.  
About this time the Parliament finding ground to new-mould the several Armies under the Command of the Earls of Essex and Manchester, and Sir William Walter, (a course of equal hazard and necessity) which God hath since blessed with success to admiration, into one body, under the Command of the valiant and victorious Sir Thomas Fairfax; by this means, and especially by the forwardness and opposition of some, who made it their great business to cross this work, (so little did they value the public good in respect of their own conceits, wills, and interests) it came to pass that we lost some ground in the start at the Spring, but through men's diligence, and God's blessing, it was quickly recovered. About this time (I say) the Parliament sent to the Scots Army and their Committee, that they would hasten the advance of that Army Southward with all possible speed, in regard that this change and opposition had brought their affairs into some distraction; And to enable and encourage them for their March, sent them 30000. li. And accordingly about the time that Sir Thomas Fairfax, upon order from the Committee of both kingdoms, marched from Windsor westward with a piece of an Army, which was the first of May; the Scots Army came to Rippon in Yorkshire, where there were several debates betwixt their Committee and our Commanders, about matter of Provisions, the English Commanders still pressing the necessity of Marching Southward (the King having drawn his Army into the field) and promising all possible care for accommodation; But in the midst of these disputes, the King drawing Northward, and the Scots having intelligence out of Cheshire of the King's intendment, to send a flying Army over the Hills through Lancashire into Scotland: The debate about marching Southwards, and making Provisions for it, was turned into a dispute which was the best way into Lancashire; for the journey was resolved by the Scots. The English Commissioners told them, if they must go, the nearest way & passable enough, was the way that Prince Rupert marched from Lancashire to the relief of York, which was by Skippon; but they chose rather to go about by the way of Stainmore (commonly called in those parts, The devil's Gallary, for the uncouthness of it) into Westmoreland, which had a little before resisted: some Scottish Officers requiring Contribution (as they say) beyond their power, and beside the Parliaments authority. There they stayed some time, but the flying Army being not to be found or heard of, the Scots march back again the same way to Rippon about the beginning of June.  
First, having sent some more commanded men to Carlisle, which was shortly after reduced by the joined Forces, Scots and English, which I only mention now left in the Narrative I should be thought fit to omit an action of moment, but reserve the story of it to another place, at which time the Parliament sent down two of their own Members, to wait on the Scots Army, and hasten their march Southwards, who accompanied the Army to Nottingham, and from thence the chief Officers of the Scots Army sent a Letter to the Parliament, which the Author of Truth's manifest thinks fitter to print, though neither they that writ it, nor they that received it, judged meet to do. Within two days after the date of the Letter, it pleased God to honour the Army under the Command of sir Thomas Fairfax, and bless these kingdoms with an eminent, and seasonable victory over the royal Army at Nazeby, which was a happy foundation of the recovery of Leicester within three days after, and many other successes, wherewith God hath followed their valour and diligence to this day. By this means the heat of the war was over for that year, especially in these parts, the King having no field Forces left, but those under the Command of Goring in the West. After this the Scots Army with all readiness march Southward through Warwickshire, Worstershire, and so towards Hereford, whither some Commissioners were sent from Parliament to join Counsels and endeavours with them; a field Enemy not appearing they resolve to besiege Hereford, the reducing which place was thought very necessary for the prevention of the King's recruits commonly fetched from those parts. The siege went on hopefully, Mines and Batteries were prepared, and the taking of the City (which never was accounted very strong) continually expected: but in the mean time, it pleased God to suffer Montrosse with his wicked crew to give our Brethren in Scotland a sad overthrow (I am sure all good people had reason to account, it so) at Kylsyth, where many good men were lost, and the Forces of that kingdom almost totally dissipated; which occasioned the recourse of many eminent persons to Barwick, and discovered a more general malignancy in Scotland, then was expected. The news of this coming to the Army, after some consultation had, they raised their siege, to which they were induced, as by the condition of their own Country, so by the report, of the Kings coming towards them with a strength of Horse, which might endanger them, they having sent Lieutenant general Lesley away towards the North, where he stayed with respect to Scotland, as also to interrupt the King's intentions Northward, whither he most applied himself. When sir Thomas Fairfax was gone Westward with his Army, it was expected, that the party with Lieutenant general Lesley, and the English with him should have pursued, or fallen upon the enemy at that time, but the King marching Southward towards Huntington, and the Scottish Horse being bound Northward, it could not be.  
At this time, the necessities of Scotland so requiring, the Lieutenant general marched into Scotland, where suddenly after his arrival, he happily falls upon Montrosse now divided from Kilketto, and not looking for him so soon, and obtains a happy victory over him, and seasonably (through God's mercy) altars the face of things in Scotland. This news meets the Scottish army (marching Northwards) in Yorkshire, and stays their journey further, and gives them liberty to repose in the North and West ridings of that County, which by the calamity of these wars are now almost wasted, and will be brought either to utter ruin, or some dangerous way of preventing it, unless the Parliament afford timely relief. While the Army was quartering here, the Lord Digby comes with a Party of Horse, as is said, for Scotland, he surprises the English Foot, quartered at Sherburne, but by the seasonable pursuit of colonel Copley and colonel Lilburne was defeated, lost his booty and his baggage, with divers Letters of moment into the bargain; and was forced to take a hilly way to Cumberland, where sir John Browne got an advantage of him as his remnant was passing over a water, where the tide hindered one part from the relief of the other; and so he was forced to the Isle of Man, and thence hath betaken himself into Ireland, from whence we daily hear from him.  
This passage concerning my Lord Digby (though his greatest blow was by the Yorkshire Forces) I thought fit to insert that I might not omit that action of sir John Browne's, which the Parliament was pleased to take notice of. After the Scottish Army had lain sometime in Yorkshire, about November, at the desire of the Parliament, and the Committee of both kingdoms, they marched to block up Newarke on the North-side, where they had possession given them of Muskham Bridge (which the Enemy had intended to burn, but did it not) and the Fort in the Island that commands it, which makes their work on the North-side Trent very easy, in regard the town, Forts, and Castle stand on the southside the River. Since their blocking up Newarke there hath not been much of action; once the Enemy by the advantage of the Ice fell into their Quarters, killed the Adjutant general of Foot, but received as well as did hurts: since that the Enemy made a sally upon the Scots, who were making a Fort in the Island, but after some little loss on each part, were very well repelled and beaten in. And let me not forget the readiness of the Lieutenant general, to send some Foot to colonel Poyntz, for the strengthening his Quarters at Stoake. And so have we followed the Scots Army, consisting now of about seven or eight thousand Horse and foot, most Horse, (according to a Muster lately taken by the English Commissioners) to the siege of Newarke, where also is a Committee of Lords, and Commons from the Parliament, contributing their best assistance to the carrying on the Service against Newarke, who have above these three months expected a Committee from Scotland, to join with them according to the Treaty, but they are not yet come; It is hoped (notwithstanding) that there shall be such mutual care and concurrence betwixt the Forces, as that strong Garrison shall in due time be reduced to the great advantage of the North, and happiness of the whole kingdom, which is very much concerned in the success of it.  
And thus have you a true Narrative of the entrance, and proceedings of the Scottish Army since it came into England, where I have not willingly, nor (I hope) negligently omitted any thing material; more circumstances might have been brought in to attend the substance of this discourse, but many of them being not acceptable, it was thought best to omit them, or at least refer them to the second part, which contains Animadversions upon some passages of the Manifest, and other Papers printed to the disadvantage of Truth, and reflecting upon the Parliament of England.   

THE Animadversions  
FIRST, the whole book and the printing of it, to me, deserves an Animadversion. Who is this man that makes so bold an adventure, to intermeddle in things of highest consequence, betwixt the two kingdoms, their Parliaments and Armies; which their wisdom and tenderness made them forbear? Me thinks their silence might have prompted reverence to the Author. He calls indeed his book An Answer, pag. 4. and alleges Scripture for it; but to whom is it An Answer? none had put pen to paper in this business, it came not into the thought of any wise man to meddle, and the very Diurnals which bespatter everybody, were very modest, as to the Scots and their Army. Therefore is the Gentleman constrained for want of work to make himself an Adversary, which he calls by the name of Sinisirous Reports in the second line of his Relation. Had it not been better to have suffered these Reports to have vanished in the air, then to give them the advantage of an echo? I fear lest the work prove unprofitable, as unnecessary works use to do; forward vindications sometimes occasion untoward Questions, and controverted things have sometimes more advantage by silence then debate. But well meaning men (as they are styled) must be undeceived; Let that be put to the issue whether so, or rather whether those that have been before deceived by Reports, be not now cozened in Print. If it be found so, it is a double fault, the falsehood in the book is one, Truth in the title another, 
— Per amici fallere nomen  
Tuta frequensque via est, sed via crimen habet.   
But to the particulars  
The first thing is his Animadversions upon the Commissioners of Scotland, for not being so popular in their applications, and satisfactions to the multitude as he thinks fit; In which, notice may be taken of his expressions and of his charge; the expressions to me seem disproportionable to the honour, and employment of so Honourable and worthy persons. He tells them, pag. 3, That he cannot esteem their prudence in this. Pag. 4. You have mistaken the right way sirs, ibid. you are hugely mistaken. Pag. 11. He chargeth them with being meal-mouthed, and with remissness, and concludes with his magisterial hopes, pag. 13. that being freely admonished, they will mend this slip: and adds a resolution, that till the Commissioners did the thing he advises, he would take a Commission from himself to do it. To all which I say no more then, indignus tu qui diceres tamen. For the charge I may add, neque hoc opprobrio digni sunt. Men in trust and Authority should take care that the People may rather have the advantage, than the knowledge of their proceedings. Things that are to be done by them are necessarily to be made known to them, and to satisfy them in their obedience, the ground of the command, or something showing the Equity and necessity of it, is usually premitted, as is done in the preamble of Acts, Ordinances and Declarations. But to make known the debates, and those human passions incident thereunto, it were sometimes to discover nakedness where it ought not, to minister strifes, to make the people Judges of them whom they have made so. I have heard that the custom of Scotland is otherwise, where there is a diligent eye had to the press (which is not as here (which is one of our faults) prostitute to the lust of every Pamphlet) and a reverend reservedness kept upon their Counsels and actions: only so far as the people are concerned in obeying, things are carefully made known to them, and difficulties removed. And certainly, those that are reserved at home, will not judge it meet to be very open elsewhere: for though the Proverb is not strictly to be applied, yet it carries a general equity and decency; In alien●m domum cum veneris mutus & surdus esto.  
The Gentleman makes some Objections which he answers, he that hides can find, but unawares ties some knots which he cannot easily undo. For instance his second Objection, in the Answer to which he affirms, that the Commissioners of Scotland do not sufficiently discharge their duty, in making known to the Parliament and Assembly to the full, the truth of all things by their papers, which he proves by an assertion, which for want of other strength he doubles, that what is de facto concerning all, must be made known to all. The sounder axiom were, what concerns all to know must be made known to all, for otherwise who will deny, but the people are concerned in Counsels, Deliberations, and conclusions of things to be done, they being the subject and end of them, and yet this Author grants, that these things are to be made known to the trusties of State? But I have no mind to wrangle. Let us see the strength of the Argument, which is this. The trusties of the State and Church are not Lords of them, but servants: therefore the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland are to impart to the people of England their papers, and proceedings. This conclusion seems to me larger than the premises, and like to have the lot of a building wider than the foundation; the true inference from the Antecedent is rather this. Therefore the Commissioners of Scotland, as good servants, should give an account to them, that intrust them so far, as is expected or required. But show me where the people of England conferred that trust upon the Commissioners from Scotland, or where they required any account; doubtless those Honourable Persons do give account, and satisfaction to them, from whom they received their Commission and trust, and need not do it to any other.  
And though that expression of servants, as opposed to a Lordly usurpation, is good as to the thing, yet the word seems to give too specious a ground for such a corrupt inference as this; If the Rulers be servants, the people are Masters; whereas the truth is, the Magistrate serves the good of the people rather than the people, as the Apostle expresseth it, Rom. 13. They are the Ministers of God to the people for good. Ministers or servants of God, that this their appellation, to the people's good, that is their use. Thus the Angels serve the Saints, who are yet lower than the Angels, and pastors the people, whom yet they rule over in the Lord. Me thinks those that hate Independency in the Church, should not affect popularity in the State, but any thing for a turn. But let me leave this Rule with my friends and countrymen, that though it be fit that all exorbitant usurpation, and arbitrary dominion of Rulers have a seasonable stop, lest public Liberty suffer, yet must it be done without debasing those in authority, whose honour and esteem with the people, is necessary to the order and conservation of the whole; always provided, that this tender regard need not be had to any of what place soever, that are in open hostility against the people, who make no other use of their power and Reputation, then to deceive, and destroy the people; of which our instance is too near.  
As for the freedom of John Knox, and George Bucanan mentioned pag. 12. I could well consent it were revived, so it be rightly bestowed, as by them it was, sc. against the Popery of the than Queen, and the self-interests of great men in public works, and against tyranny in Princes: King Charles deserves a severer schoolmaster than ever King James had.  
Secondly, after this expostulation with the Commissioners ending pag. 14. the Narration begins, in which the Author lays open in the first place, the carriage of things betwixt the Scots, and the King at their first entrance, which I meddle not with, only give this note on the behalf of England, that whatsoever was then done (as is alleged) contrary to justice and Faith, must not be set in the least degree upon the account of this kingdom, whose proper Representative is the Parliament, who disclaimed the whole business, it was the work of the King, not the kingdom, of the Faction, not the Nation. But I rest in the thoughts of the Act of pacification.  
Thirdly, the next thing to be insisted on, is of more consequence, and will require a full clearing, which is found at the 18. pag. sc. The Scots under God, are the cause of assembling the Parliament, of the continuance of it, and of the preservation of it from total destruction and ruin. And to this purpose, there are divers passages, which I think fittest to sum up together, and give them some dilucidation rather than opposition. Another expression of this kind is, pag. 94. The Scots were in a kind the only hinderers of the Kings compassing his design. pag. 99 100 For whom they have hazarded, and many lost their lives, when they might all this while have sat at home quietly. pag. 112. They make our quarrel theirs, have undergone the burden for our sakes, to free us from it. They are become miserable to pull us out of misery, a thing not to be paralleled. Pag. 114. They have crucified themselves for their Brethren. Pag. 142. Who have ventured, yea, lost themselves in a manner, with all that is dear unto men, for their sakes, to do them a double good, to help them out of trouble, and settle a Reformation among them.  
God forbid, that I should be one of those ingrate children, mentioned and cried out on by this Author. It is far from my thought or purpose, to deny, or to diminish the kindness of our brethren, whose help was desired and was seasonable, but let us understand ourselves, and how the matter stands betwixt these two kingdoms. We are indebted to Scotland, I wish an even reckoning, and long friendship, but I am not yet of opinion we owe ourselves to them: and if the Author of the Manifest be consulted, you shall find an intimation of some other Obligations then mere kindness unto us. As for instance, pag. 24. It is said, that the Scots (when they began to interest themselves in this business,) they could not in Conscience, and honesty sit quiet any longer, and neither say nor do: but I take no advantage of this, we are beholding to men for doing what in conscience and honesty they are bound, though they should hurt themselves more in violating Conscience and honour, then in suffering us to be violated. To this you shall find a more external ground added, pag. 28. viz. Now the State of Scotland, seeing the common Enemy come to that height, that nothing will satisfy him, but total subversion of Church and State, inthese Dominions, only they perhaps, might be kept for the last, though in intention they had been the first, judge it not enough for their interest in the common cause, to keep an Army in Ireland, but to be upon their Guard at home, and to help their Brethren in England with the Sword, since all other means so often tried were disappointed by the malice of the Enemies: And this resolution is said to have been taken, before Commissioners were sent from England to desire their assistance, Pag. 30. So that you may observe the Enemy was a common Enemy, the Cause a common Cause, the danger to these Dominions; the Scots like to suffer as deep, though not so soon, if they had sat still. But give me leave, paulo altius repetere, and to consider the ancient mutual ties, and later friendships betwixt these kingdoms, which may be a good means to continue, and confirm their present correspondence.  
So long as these kingdoms were under divers (especially popish) Princes, their condition was like that of Israel, 2. Chron. 15. 3. when it was without a true God, without a teaching Priest, and without Law. At which time, there was no peace to him that went out, nor to him that came in, but great vexations were upon all the Inhabitants of the Countries, and Nation was destroyed of Nation, and City of City. The mutual spoils and losses of these neighbour kingdoms, being well considered by that wise Prince Henry the seventh, he lays a probable foundation of conjunction, in giving his eldest Daughter to the King of Scots, whose posterity upon the failing of the issue of his son, Henry the eight, might inherit both kingdoms, which hath since come to pass. In the time of Edward the sixt, it was thought fit by that Prince (whose wisdom and virtue was beyond his years) and his council, to make the conjunction more sure, and therefore agreed with the Kingdom of Scotland for a Match betwixt this young King, and the Daughter of James the fifth, afterward Queen of France and Scotland. But the politicians of those times in Scotland chose rather to marry their young Princess to France then England; it may be, forecasting, upon the fail of issue in Henry the eights children, that it would be more for their advantage to have a Scottish-man or a Frenchman King of England, than an Englishman of Scotland, though (if I may speak it without offence) I think they might have had more comfort in that young Prince Edward 6. had God continued his life and reign, than England hath had of the two Kings they have had from Scotland; of whom Truths Manifest says; 
Pag. 23.  That there hath been more Christian blood shed in these latter years, under the end of King James his and King Charles his reigns, by their Commissions, Approbations, Connivences, and not forbidding what at home, and what abroad, all which upon the matter, they might have stopped, if it had been their pleasure, than were in the time of the ten Roman Persecutions.  
But although the English had received some disengagement by the non-performance of that Match, which was aggravated on both parts by a Fight at Musselborough field; yet when the Scots were sore troubled, and their Religion & Liberty endangered by the said Queen, returned from France into Scotland, who called the French in to her assistance against her native Subjects; the renowned Queen Elizabeth, and her prudent council, though this kingdom had continual war with Spain, yet feared not to provoke the French, by affording seasonable help to her distressed Neighbours, sending to their relief 6000 men, which were maintained at the charge of the kingdom of England; Which was then thankfully and justly called to mind by the kingdom of Scotland when this last treaty was to be made. So that if we break off here, the kindness rests not on our part. But I shall as gladly proceed to repeat the good turns done to this kingdom, as by it, and rejoice in the mutual obligation. And that I may not break in too suddenly upon the late affairs of these kingdoms, give me leave as a manuduction thereto to give a brief touch of the Method of Reformation in this Island, and but a word, for the body of the Story may be had elsewhere. It pleased God at the bringing of this Island out of Popery, to honour Scotland with a more full departure from Romish Idolatry and Superstition, for though England wholly renounced their Doctrine, yet some dregs of discipline and superstitious Ceremonies remained.  
The Scots had indeed some advantages that we had not; Their Queen was obnoxious, their young King in his nonage, they had some Nobles and Ministers zealous and well affected, so that through God's blessing they obtained a Reformation in that point, though not with so little difficulty as should give them ground to expect it should be done here on a sudden. But as for England, in Queen Elizabeth's time, she had so much trouble for Holland, with Spain, and in Ireland, that her council thought not fit to adventure upon the trouble of an alteration in this point, which they foresaw, and we find to be great. And besides, many of our Reformers being Bishops, could not so well understand the convenience of their own abolishment. In King James his time, though we might have expected to have been better, in regard he came from a reformed kingdom, yet it was far worse with us, for he came with an innate bitterness against Puritans, which was fomented by our English Bishops, so that he became a great Persecutor of unconformity; And according to the Proverb, seldom comes a better, since the reign of this King, especially since the preferment of the late Archbishop of Canterbury, it hath been much worse with us, for in stead of reforming, we were deforming, and, in stead of renouncing, returning to Rome apace.  
But all this while England wanted not its honour in the eyes of God and good men; For God favoured it with men eminent in learning, able and earnest assertors of the Doctrine of the Gospel, against the Champions of Rome, Bellarmine and his fellows, such were Whitaker, Reynolds, jewel, Fulke, Perkings, &c. with more practical Preachers and Writers, and a greater measure of the Power of godliness, than other reformed Churches. Thus we see, Non omnis fert omnia tellus. Scotland had its advantages, and so had England, that neither they without us, nor we without them might be made perfect, but that we might contribute to the reformation of each other, and both to our neighbours.  
You will pardon this digression, I return. After King James had outgrown his tutors, hankered after Spain, and was come into England, He went about to pull down what was built in Scotland for matter of discipline, and interrupted the Liberty of the Assemblies, as at Perth more especially, though his nature was to accomplish his designs rather by artifice then by violence; King Charles succeeds him in his crown and intention, but drives more furiously than his Father, and ventures the overturning all; and so am I come to the late troubles of Scotland, about the year 1638. At which time both kingdoms had Bishops, but Scotland first cast them off, to which they had these advantages. First, their natural Antipathy against Episcopacy, which is generally remarkable in that Nation. Secondly, the absence of the King, who was not there to countenance them with his presence, and support them with his interest and authority, as here. It is no small advantage to have an absent King. A King prevents the Factions of an Aristocracy: His absence takes away the Enormities of a Court, and the advantages to Tyranny. And as they had more advantage, so had they more reason to begin; They had a Service-book put upon them against Law, more corrupt than ours, which was established by a Law then in force. Their work was but to assert their Rights against innovation, ours to enlarge our Reformation, and add something de novo, which is a much harder and a more questionable work. But however it was very happy for them and us, that they had such an opportunity, & hearts to use it as they did, in standing in the breach like to be made upon the Religion and Liberties of both kingdoms. To come yet nearer, This dispute betwixt the King and his Party on the one side, the Lords and Ministers of Scotland on the other, grows to blows, and Armies are prepared on each hand. How stood the affection of the commonalty of England in this Cause? How backward were they to raise men, to pay money? the soldiers that were raised in many places fell to pulling down Altars, breaking Images, as a work which pleased them better than to go against Scotland in that Cause. And whilst some were preparing to fight against them, many were actually stirring and wrestling with God for them in prayers; Such was the affection they bore to that Cause and kingdom.  
And when the Parliament was called, to which God made the Scottish broils an advantage, (though the affairs of England could not long have stood in that temper they were in) how tender were they of contributing any thing to the war against them, and chose rather to adventure their own dissolution than a breach with them. And when they were the second time convened, even to this present Parliament, how readily did they gratify their brethren with a competent sum called brotherly assistance, to be paid by this kingdom for the injuries done by a Faction in it? And this carriage of the Parliament is acknowledged to be worthy, and obliging by the Convention of the Estates of Scotland, in their Declaration premitted at their Entrance. So that hitherto we were not behindhand with them. It remains then that this great obligation must arise from the present conjunction. But if we consider the grounds, the terms, and issue, it may appear not to be extraordinary. As for the grounds, if this Author in his 28. Pag. already mentioned, be not authentic, let me allege those that are; sc. the Convention in the short Declaration premitted at their coming into this kingdom in January 1643. Where beside and before the Law of Love requiring us to bear each others' burden, you may find a Law of Nature mentioned, enjoining them to preserve themselves by preventing their neighbour's ruin. It is indeed a kindness for a man to help to quench a fire in his neighbour's house, though his own be next; but if his house had not been so near, it may be the man had been further off. So that it was not a sole respect to us that brought them, for that is no Fiction, though it be Poetry, Tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardet. So much for the Ground. The terms were as betwixt Strangers and Mercenaries, though we love and embrace the title of brethren, as appears by the Treaty, wherein it is required and agreed that England be at the whole charge of paying this Army, (the terms upon which they serve France and Holland) and expected that this kingdom be responsible for incident charges and losses. What could be further asked? And look to the issue, if God grant it, when this kingdom will be found to have afforded all the charge and most of the force for the preservation of England and Ireland directly, and Scotland as really, though by consequence; for prius and posterius makes no great difference, which was the case as this Author acknowledgeth, Pag. 28.  
And thus have I given account of the true state as near as I could learn it of the Obligations betwixt these two kingdoms, which afford this Result; That we should love one another. As for the particular words which occasioned this discourse, which are three times repeated in the Manifest, sc. that the Scots were the cause of calling, continuing, preserving from ruin this present Parliament, let me say thus much to them. As for the calling it, they were the occasion, but not the cause. As for the continuance of it, this is the account, we feeling the smart of broken Parliaments, as also our debts and necessities calling for money, it could not be borrowed but upon public Faith, this was not to be given but in Parliament; whereupon a noble Gentleman, Mr Pierrepont by name, (who was not then much acquainted with the Scots) moved upon those grounds for an act of continuance of this Parliament, and it passed. As for the preservation of it from ruin, this Clause following immediately upon the author's discourse of the Scots refusing the King's offers which he made them of the four Northern Counties, &c. if they would lend their hand to the Parliaments ruin, induceth me to believe, he means that not destruction for preservation. But do not the publicans so? Could they do less than forbear the attempt of ruining that Parliament which had been so careful to hinder all means of furthering the wrong or ruin of Scotland. I know not what kindness it was not to do it, I am sure it had been barbarous cruelty and injustice to have done it; but if the Gentleman mean they were the cause of our preservation positively, by affording their seasonable help, it is acknowledged upon the Grounds and terms already mentioned, sc. their own preservation as well as ours, and full satisfaction.  
The Manifest proceeds in declaring the readiness of the Scots for the help of Ireland: I will by no means extenuate the courtesy, but that also is easily reducible to their own interest, which they had reason to regard, their labour being bestowed in Ulster which lay near to Scotland, and would have been a very ill Neighbour in the Rebels hands. As also it may be considered that they had divers Scottish Plantations in those parts, which it concerned them to do their best to preserve for their love to their Countrymen, and to keep off the burden of their coming over to themselves. But I deny not but they have suffered something from Ireland, and done something for it, and nodoubt with respect to Religion, and the common good of these kingdoms. But I being not so well acquainted with those affairs, forbear to speak more of them; Let the British in Ulster speak.  
After the narration of the Scots interposing with the King 
Pag. 29.  by Commissioners sent to Oxford, and their resolution upon the success of it already mentioned, he proceeds to the Parliaments sending into Scotland for assistance, and to aggravate the kindness of their coming, he reflects upon the Parliament for not sending till their affairs were almost in despair, adding the danger of not calling for help till things were too low. This low condition is described by him in the same page, viz. The overrunning of the North, the beating Sir William Waller at the Devizes, surrendering Bristol and Banbury Castle basely (as he calls it.) Toward the clearing of the truth in this, the Author affords us some help, which I shall endeavour to make out as far as truth will suffer; His words that I shall make use of are these; For the Parliament to try if they could do the business themselves without troubling the Scots was wisdom; for what need you call for aid, and trouble your Neighbours, when you can do your business alone? Certainly, the hopes of compassing our business without the help of an Army thence, was the ground of their being no sooner called, though this Author allegeth other mystical grounds, pag. 30. But we stayed too long; Not so long as the Gentleman mentions, neither were our affairs so low as he expresses. We have good reason to remember the time of our sending thither, which was in July 1643. But whereas it is said, that Sir William Waller was ruined at the vieth, and Bristol taken, before our sending. The latter is absolutely denied, for our Commissioners had not news of the loss of Bristol till they were in Scotland. As for Sir William Waller's defeat, it is true he was scattered before the Commissioners went from London, but the Commissioners were named, and the Instructions preparing, and the journey fully resolved on before that defeat, even when Sir William Waller had utterly spoiled Hopto's Army with continual fighting. And as for the subjection of the North to the Earl of Newcastle, except Hull, it is not strictly true, for Wraisell-Castle likewise held out, and was never taken by the King's Forces. But I acknowledge that added not much to the state of our affairs; I seek not advantages, I have too many given me.  
Pag. 31. as also pag. 56. Upon mention of the Covenant for settling of the Church according to the Word of God, and conform to the best reformed Churches, he adds, and by name to the Church of Scotland. This I take to be a falsification of the Covenant, which when I took I understood to have no more reference to one reformed Church then to another, no more to Scotland then New-England; though I believe Old England uncapable of that Government is in New. All that is particularise (with respect to Church-Government) on the behalf of Scotland, is that we joyno in preservation of it against the common Enemy, supposed by all to be Pupists and Prelates; the plain intent of which to me seems to be an endeavour to preserve Scotland from any relapse to the corruptions they had escaped, and not to preclude it from any further reformation, if need should be. I can hardly forbear urging you with that of Job, cap. 13. ver. 7. Let us allege fair and argue accordingly, especially since your Title is Truths Manifest, and mine Manifest Truths.  
As for the Relation of their passing Northumberland with so little opposition, yet so much want, you are referred partly to the Narrative, which is true; as for the want spoken of, it was not so great as is pretended, neither was the county of Northumberland so much then wasted (for it hath endured very much since) but that it afforded many sheep, which were killed by the Scots the first or second night of their Entrance. If their want had been greater, the fault had been partly their own, who undertook to bring in forty days' provision, which if it had been done would have given liberty for getting Provisions beforehand.  
Pag. 35. 36. He gives a Relation of the raising the Siege at York, and the battle at Marston Moor, where the fault is laid wholly upon the Yorkshire Horse, which was not so, but I refer to the Narrative; only, I must take notice of his extolling the service of the Major general of the Scotch Horse, who is certainly a very able Commander. But I must differ in that point, with Truths Manifest. For the Scotch Horse which he commanded on the left Wing, were none of them drawn up in the Front that day, nor yet the next Reserve, (as I am informed) but as a Reserve to the Reserve, and being weaker Horse than my Lord Manchester's, were designed rather to the chase (if God should so bless us) then to the Charge. What whole bodies they charged I know not, but have made the best inquiry I can. As for the provocation which the Author had to magnify the forenamed Gentleman, by the unseemly appellation of the Saviour of the three kingdoms, (for so I believe he means, though it be printed the Savour) given to Lieutenant general Cromwell, for aught I hear, it was attributed to him by a Scottishman, Major general Craford by name, which he could not help, and I hope, and think, I may say that he is angry at the expression, his modesty and piety in that respect hath been answerable to his valour and success; and upon a strict examination, you will find that he was in the field to the last, though his service might be a little hindered, after the first charge by the shot, which though it was not very dangerous, being but a rake in the neck, yet the pistol being discharged so near, that the powder hurt his face, and troubled his eyes, was a better excuse for withdrawing (if he had done so, which yet he did not) than many a gay man had that day.  
Pag. 37. It is said that the Scots upon the taking of Newcastle carried themselves with such moderation, that the Enemies who had been in arms against them, were constrained to speak well of them.  
Their moderation is acknowledged as to violence, but as for the Testimony fetched from the mouth of the Enemies, there was too much reason for it, in regard that they, especially one of the principal of them, Sir Nicholas Cole, a person excepted from pardon, in the Propositions of both kingdoms sent to the King at Oxford, was detained for some time from the Justice of the Parliament of England (who sent a Warrant for him) by the general of the Artillery (then commanding in chief, in the absence of the noble general,) who kept him company frequently, let him live in all freedom and jollity, and would not part with him, till by an Order from the Parliament of Scotland, procured by a Commissioner sent thither, he was constrained so to do: and for other Enemies they sought and found protection in some Regiments of the Scottish Army, which occasioned their speaking well: But I have no mind to aggravate, but must add, that the excuse he makes of Military order in the next page, satisfies not; for as I take it, our Military force serves for nothing, but the establishment of civil power and peace; I know no Military Order could keep the party above named, from being disposed according to the will of the Parliament, from the 20. of October, till the February after, and till the Parliament of Scotland very justly, and honourably interposed their Authority.  
Pag. 38. and 39 He makes a digression to set forth the malignancy and poverty of the North, thereby to prejudice many of their just complaints, and to make the stirring of the Westmoreland-men the more inexcusable. I shall give you as true an account as the Manifest of the North, both in general, and with respect to the particular mentioned of the rising in Westmoreland. First, as for the Malignancy of the North, it had three disadvantages, first, its distance from the Parliament and City of London. Secondly, the want of good Ministers, which I wish the Parliament and Assembly would heartily consider of, there being not above four Ministers in the four Northern Counties capable of persecution by the Enemy, when these wars began. The people are destroyed for want of knowledge; If some of that strength which hath been spent at London in endless Debares about Discipline, had been bestowed in Doctrine in the North, and such like barren places, 
Heu quantum terrae potuit pelagique parari,  
Hoc quem civiles, &c.   
I wish Ministers were more of the temper of that holy Apostle, who laboured more abundantly than they all, who strived to preach the Gospel, not where Christ was named, lest he should build on another man's foundation. But the warmth 
Rom. 15. 20.  and accommodations of the South, and Principles of self-love in men too suitable to them, are fundi nostri calamitas. This hath been the principal means, how the Northern parts both of England and Scotland, have proved so disadvantageous to this Cause. And lastly, the Nobility of these parts, who were well affected, lived out of the country, and the Gentry, (through the want of the powerful preaching of the Gospel) were not so sound, which hath made the North in the condition it was: But yet give me leave to say, that for aught I ever observed or heard, the Commonalty of these parts were never so ill affected, but if due care had been taken to engage them, they had been as serviceable to this Cause as any other, Northumberland, as Norfolk.  
But more particularly for Cumberland and Westmoreland, they have showed themselves the least disaffected of any other, For first, though they were arrayed, by Sir Philip Musgrave, under the pretence of the defence of their own Countries, yet they never would be persuaded to go out of them, to the prejudice of the Parliament, (for aught I have heard) they were willing to agree with Laneashire, and when they were in arms, and might have resisted the Scotch Horse, (for they had that strength, which the Horse thought not fit to force,) yet upon a Letter from Mr. Barwis, they gave way for the Scots to come in among them. And the County of Cumberland raised 1800. Foot, and 400. Horse at their own charge, under the Command of Sir Wilfred Lawson, for the reduction of Carlisle. And these Counties were not so poor, but that in the space of six months, or little more, the Scottish Horse and dragoons had from thence about the value of one hundred thousand pounds, in money and provisions, more than ever the Earl of Newcastle had from them, which argues they were not so poor, and spent, as that they were sensible of the least thing could be demanded. And to speak more particularly of Westmoreland, where the resistance to the Scots was, though I know no man justifies the action, for they should have addressed to the Parliament, yet these things may be considered. First, they had expended for the entertainment of the Scotch Army, 40000. l. or thereabouts: as much as they could well endure without intermission, so that now indeed they began to be sensible. Secondly, the general had so far resented their charge, that he had under his hand forbidden his soldier's levies of money. Thirdly, the Parliament had also made an Ordinance for the entertainment of the Scottish Army, dated February 20. laying the charge of it upon all parts of the kingdom, in their power, that the North might be eased, (which for aught the Scottish Officers than knew, might be effectual for their pay.) Fourthly, the Scottish Horse there quartered, had so full pay for the Winter, that the necessities of the County were beyond the necessity of the soldier. These things considered, will make the Westmoreland men's resistance, though (it may be) not justifiable yet not wholly inexcusable, seeing their ground was necessity, and their end the vindication, not only of the Authority of Parliament, forbidding arbitrary Impositions by Armies, and ordering other ways of provision for soldiers: but of the Scottish general who had strictly forbidden the continuance of the assessment.  
There is added, pag. 39 a bitter, and I think unjust reflection upon the Commissioners, employed by the Parliament in the North, who were Sir William Armyne, Mr. Hatcher, Mr. Robert Goodwin, Mr. Barwis, Mr. Darley, Mr. Fenwick, who put too much power in the hands of wicked Malignants, as Recusants, Prelaticks, men lately in actual Rebellion, who spoil the country, oppress honest men, &c. A high Charge: but no proof except the Assertion, he says indeed that men without exception (and that is strange, seeing Mr. Musgrave the chief of them is a Sectary) are sent up to the Parliament, to acquaint the Houses with the state of business. These mentioned Gentlemen were troubled, that they had no more, or better choice to make Committees in the North, but certainly, they did to their apprehension choose the best and most serviceable, and they challenge you to name the professed Recusants. As for Prelaticks and Common Prayer-Booke-men, in that Country where they knew no other Government, or Service, it's no considerable exception: as for men that have been in actual Rebellion against the State; it may be granted, that they employed men, who according to Ordinance of Parliament had been Delinquents, though not active against the Parliament, for want of other; and for this; besides their necessity, they had such examples on both hands of them, in England, but especially Scotland, for the employing of neutral, and not so well affected men, that it may be they passed over this rub with the less difficulty. And as for the spoiling the Country and oppressing honest men, the Committee are willing to join issue, whether they or the Scottish Army (for you put me to it) have most spoiled the country, and oppressed honest men. As for the men deputed from Cumberland, to complain of Mr. Barwis and the rest; some of them may be honest, as I hope Mr. Musgrave and his partner are, but certainly they are inconsiderate in this point, they find faults, and 'tis easy so to do, it's like, in that, and other Committees there are too many, as covetousness and Partiality (of which who ever are guilty, for their own sake and the kingdoms, let them amend it) but to go about to disgrace and displace men in Authority, faithful for the main (as they have showed it) and not to be able to name men fit to succeed, is but to give advantage to the destruction of their country by the division of it, and to make a gap for some body else, who it may be will less mind their good, to strike in. I much suspect the drift of this Author, when he would go about to possess us, that all our affairs in the North are in ill hands, but I will not insist upon suspicions. And that Gentleman with some other well-affected to the public, viz,. have been too forward in charging the proceedings of Parliament, and their Committees, pleading Magna Charta, and the liberty of the Subject: Alas, our ancestors never made provision for such times as these, and if all the laws which are to have free passage in times of peace, should now be urged, we could have no martial Law, no pressing men, fortifying other men's houses, cutting through their grounds to make works, and so should lose our Liberty, whilst we are defending known laws (which was the King's old snare) cannot serve for dangers unknown, when the laws were made: I hope the Parliament will be as careful to countenance Law and Liberty as may be, but we must not expect, but that in many cases it should be broken, and only that it may be preserved. As the case stands with us, it may go for Malignancy or high indiscretion, to oppose and quarrel with the proceedings of the Parliament; God hath made them Instruments of much good, and I hope will of much more. The Reader is desired to pardon this digression, the discontents fomented by some against the Authority of the Houses, is so dangerous, that it hath enforced it.  
From the 41. to 44. pag. The Author of the Manifest gives an account of the advance of the Scottish Army Southward in the Spring, where he tells of their march from Newcastle to Rippon, and from Rippon into Westmoreland, and so to Rippon again, and then to Nottingham, and casts in the story of the printed papers called the Manifest.  
The excuse of the Scots, and the fault of the Countries is declared to be in the slack providing of Draughts, and Provisions. But let us examine the true state of the business, concerning their marching or not marching Southward, that is, over the Trent, till the later end of June. The Parliament upon the grounds mentioned in the Narrative, sent for their speedy advance Southward in March, and sent them 30000. l. in money, their desired proportion of arms and Ammunition to fit them for service. The Manifest says, that the delay of the march from Newcastle to the first of May, was from the unreadiness of Draughts. The losses and wants of the parts about Newcastle sustained in the siege, and by assessments all the Winter, had made them, though not so able, yet very willing to forward the advance of the Scots, knowing their ease by it; and it will be proved, that in the midst of the complaints for Draughts, divers of their Officers, took money of those that brought them in, and released them: But that is a small matter: They came to Rippon, or at least part of them about the beginning of May, how comes the stop there? It's alleged to be want of Draughts and provisions. First, for Draughts, certainly the County of York could not so little understand their own condition (of which their suffering could not but make them sensible) if they had not had an apprehension of the public Service, as not to afford them all possible Requisites to their march Southwards: for as for the County, it did undergo ten times the charge by their stay there; and as for my Lord Fairefax, and the Committee, they were so apprehensive of the Inconveniences of their not marching, that they saw besides the disappointment of the Parliament, their own forces in danger of ruin by the quarter and assessments of the Scottish Army. Concerning Draughts, I add this further. The not relieving Draughts by the way, and not restoring them when they served their proportion, and exacting money for freeing them, makes the people more backward than they should, or otherwise would be. For it's certain, that the Heresordshire men were some of them at Northallerton in Yorkshire seeking their Draughts this Winter, and the Yorkshire, Cumberland, and Westmoreland men, were forced to give money for releasing their Draughts, and some to sell their Oxen at under rates, and leave their wanes behind them. And truly I am not satisfied, how the Scottish Army should come by Draughts so easily to march back into Westmoreland, as to be ready on a sudden, without further trouble to the Committee to march thither, but could get no accommodation for marching Southward. If they used the same rigour for Draughts for Service (which is more reasonable) as they do for money for subsistence, they would never want them long: Will you give me leave to say, that was not the only reason, but that time was not the season of their marching. For when our Commissioners came to a rendezvous at Bramham-moore, Lieutenant general Lesley upon their appearance, came galloping up with this expression, I have it, I have it, and tells them he had received intelligence from Sir William Brereton, that the King was sending a flying Army through Lancashire into Scotland, but the Letters were not produced to our Commissioners, who therefore moved for surer intelligence, before they marched toward Westmoreland, and went away with that expectation: but the next news they heard was, the Scottish Army marched early next morning, and were gone twenty four miles before they heard of them: And thus went they back into Westmoreland, where they were when the King took Leicester. And since the Manifest adds, they had come sooner from Westmoreland, but that they also were slow, and unwilling in providing Draughts and Provisions: Give me leave to say this for truth; that when they were to march back from Westmoreland, the Yorkshire Draughts which brought them thither were not gone back, and thereupon Mr. Barwis and the Committees there, (to spare the pains and hazard of their own Draughts) would have agreed with the Yorkshire men for a sum of money, to let their Draughts be employed back again, which was refused by the Scots under pretence of trouble to the Yorkshire men. So that Westmoreland Draughts must needs go, and Warrants were granted for 75 by the Committee of Cumberland & Westmoreland, which came in so well that the general of the Artillery gave a very good testimony to the readiness of the Committee and County, notwithstanding all their pretended disaffection: And so much for the business of Draughts; unless I should add the story of that Officer who at the Siege of Newcastle sent for Draughts to Barwick, and then sold the Oxen.  
Now for Provisions, let me add something. First, it was expected that the Scottish Army upon the Receipt of 30000. li. to enable them to advance, should have made some provision of victuals to be carried along against a time of necessity, for in their ordinary Marches not near an Enemy the Country would afford it. Secondly, the Scottish general sent to the Committees of York only to cause Provisions to be brought to the places where the Army should lodge from night to night, and not the provision of a Magazine, which they would have done rather than have occasioned their stay in Yorkshire, to the prejudice of the public and themselves. Thirdly, when they came and demanded provisions, the Committee used all possible diligence to procure them, only they desired a full resolution for their March Southward, before they delivered them. And when the Army was marching into Westmoreland, the provisions were going toward Brambam-Moore, and those parts. Fourthly, Why could not they as well march Southward toward Nottinghamshire, a very plentiful country, without such a stock of Provisions, as over Stainemoore, a most barren place, and go into Westmoreland, a Country which the Manifest says was so spent, that they were sensible of the least Demands? And for Provisions when they came from Westmoreland, in a very short space, they had four or five days' provision, according to their demand of 18000 weight per diem, made ready for them, by the special diligence of Mr Barwis, to whom I cannot but give the testimony of a very honest and faithful man to the public, and one who hath deserved better at some men's hands than he hath found. And so about the beginning of June they began their journey Southward again, and passed speedily through Yorkshire, without any of those difficulties which hindered (as is said) their march before. And in the mean time Lieutenant general Cromwell being a man not acceptable to the Scots, and excepted against as one whom their Army would not join in service with, was called back, and colonel Vermuden sent with a Party of Horse to strengthen their Army, but he not finding them, being gone into Westmoreland, he marched back, not without hazard, and came and resigned his Regiment before Naseby fight. I have no more to add in reference to this part of the Manifest, but to remark his observation on the Yorkshire Horse, which he saith were not a third part of the thousand armed. Give me leave to answer; the Yorkshire-men had been better horsed and armed both, had it not been for the very great burden upon that County, by reason of the Scottish Army, which was one reason of the distraction of those Forces.  
As for what he saith about publishing the Papers delivered in to the Houses of Parliament, by the Scottish Commissioners, under the title of the Scots Manifest, by I know not whom. If the Commissioners hand was in the printing, sure they would not have disclaimed it, as this Author saith they did, if their hand was not in it, it was printed underhand, contrary to the passage of play underboard and clandestine dealing, Pag. 51. As also the Letter from Nottingham, signed by the chief Officers of the Army, which was sent to the Parliament and not to the people, and I think ought not to have been published without the consent of them to whom they were written: I suppose them that wrote it knew as little of the printing it as they that received it; but if printing Letters be so convenient, you may soon have enough of that work.  
In the 46. & 47. Pag. He adds a word or two about moneys received by the Scottish Army, provisions made for, and the behaviour of the Army. To which first he gives an assurance in the name of the Scots (which I know not what authorlty he hath to use) that they desire an universal trial of all things, it may be so, but his warrant is not sufficient.  
To these he gives brief answers (scil.) short of money, scant of provisions, of their carriage indifferent. Give me leave to add something more. First for money, it cannot be denied, but that the proportion of money allotted them by the Treaty was not paid monthly, neither doth the Treaty undertake it shall exactly, for (knowing the want, and distractions of the kingdom) there is an addition made of public Faith, for the part unpaid; but I add these things. First, that the Parliament hath not been able to give them their expected pay, for all the Counties of this kingdom, except London, and the Association for the maintenance of the English Army, have either wholly or in some part been under the enemy, or been constrained to maintain a force for their defence; so that they could not afford much (especially through the wast, and depopulation following the war, the estates of Delinquents which was principally intended for the way of their maintenance being made little of) and whether the Parliament should so dispose the part left free, as not to have some maintenance for an English Army, for the service of England, let reasonable men judge. Secondly, though they have not had so much as might be expected in an orderly way, yet some way or other, by their own unwarranted assessments and otherwise they have had no small Sums: The particulars must rest till the account: And they were so vigilant (let me not say violent) in making provision for themselves, that it gave occasion to many to remit their care and endeavour in providing for them. And lastly, although the foot soldier doth not abound, for he is kept to his four pence a day in provision, yet the Officers and Horsemen have not felt any want this long time, as appears by their very liberal expenses in clothes and drinkings, which every market-town near their Quarters can witness. If the Parliament could have paid them duly, and did not, they have been very ill husbands, for certainly it were far better for this kingdom they received money to disspend here, and pay their Quarters, then to refer to the confused reckoning for Quarters, and sending money into Scotland. I could wish that this kingdom were not so forward in their promises and undertakings, for no man looks at our willingness in promising, but reflects upon our weakness in performing. As for their pay comparative to other Armies, we can affirm that in other Armies there is as much want among their foot, who sometimes have neither money nor provisions, and not so much excess among the Horse: we know Forces in England, that have had as little pay as this Author saith this Army had, a month in seven, and yet never assessed the Country without leave from the Parliament, nor used violence towards the people, but were content with Free Quarter, who have yet done very good service too. As for Provisions, the instance of Hereford shall be satisfied in its place: As for other places I am sure there are many have been very glad to give what they could, or had, and be glad if they might so escape; and as for that foul imputation of some men's detaining Provisions, that so the Army might be disenabled for service; certainly those men as they are no friends to the Scots Army, so are they enemies to the Parliament and good of the kingdom; and this Author is bound to discover them by his Covenant; We have had more need of their service, especially before Naseby, then to hinder them from it: As for the disorders of the Army, the Author is in some measure ingenuous, and confesses the necessity of some miscarriages which will be in an Army, especially unpaid, but I may say safely I know Armies better ordered; want of pay is some excuse for Free Quarter or Pillage, but for rapes, murders, violence, swearing, drunkenness, I know none, neither do I believe them to be punished, according to ecclesiastical and military Law, as is pretended. And take it not ill, that I say, if you love the Presbytery, reform the Army, for it is very scandalous.  
Pag. 51. He proceeds to the constitution of the Committee of both kingdoms; and Pag. 56. & 57 to the corruptions of some of the English of that Committee, let us consider of both.  
It's true, the Parliament out of their earnest desire of a most arct union with their Brethren, desired a conjunction not only of Forces, but of counsels, which so long as both kingdoms do earnestly and entirely promote the common interest of both in the same way, hath its advantages; but giveme leave to say, that as the matter is ordered, the conjunction is not equal in every point, for Scotland hath besides their Committee joined with ours for the regulating their Army in our service, Commanders interested in the knowledge of our especial affairs, and the ordering of our English Forces, we have not so in Scotland, but are mere strangers to the business, and Armies of that kingdom, notwithstanding the great dependence that our affairs have upon theirs while we have a common enemy.  
And further, they have Committees joined with ours for the raising and receiving money, as at goldsmith's Hall, and at Newcastle, where at first a lock was set upon the customehouse-door by the appointment of the Scottish Committee, with an intent solely to administer the money-business there, afterward they were content with a mutual key, of so ill credit are our English Officers (I know not the reason) but we have no joined Muster-Master nor paymaster of that Army to take account how the money is expended, but these are things I have little to do with, yet they are manifest truths.  
The constitution of the Committee, I know none disallows when the Parliament hath consented to it: but let us look to the corruption where it is found, that contrary to the Order of that Committee where the Scots have a negative voice, and nothing is done, or at least ought to be done, without their knowledge and consent, concerning Peace, or war, publicly or privately, directly, or indirectly, &c. Two things have been foully carried on the English Part. First, the naming and assembling a Sub-Committee without knowledge of the Scots, this was in my Lord savil case, who came with overtures of getting Oxford delivered to the Parliament, and Goring's Horse brought over to us, where it seems the Lord Say, Mr. solicitor, and Mr. Crew were appointed to speak with him, which they had like to have paid dear for, in regard that a Minister of London, unadvisedly being set on by a Scottish Minister, and Commissioner, went to the Exchange, and misreported the business, that some men of special note in our Parliament, were treating with the Enemy about delivering our towns to them, to the amusement of the City, and the danger of the Gentlemen. Let the Reader consider the time, and circumstances of this accusation, and judge whether it were not a design fitted for the ruin of the new-modeled Army, and those who had been active in it. But they that knew the Order and, practise of that Committee, affirm this was not unusual, nor had been before excepted against, to appoint a Sub-committee all English without a Scottish Commissioner. And the House of Commons after solemn hearing the whole business, adjudged that the Sub-Committee had done their duty, and ordered Mr. Cranford to acknowledge his fault, and pay 500 l. to each of them, though I believe they regard no pecuniary benefit. As for the latter concerning Pat: Napar, I am informed the case was this, the Lord Lauderdaile told the Committee, there was a Scottish man had business to impart to them concerning Oxford, a Sub-Committee was appointed (the Committee sitting) whereof the said Lord was one to examine the man, and receive his information, which was concerning the Forces and Provisions in Oxford: but his Information being only coincident with intelligence formerly received, it was the less regarded: but as for that secret of the easy place, it is easier to say then to prove it, for the Gentlemen of that Sub-Committee knew of no such advantage, and therefore could not disclose it, and therefore let Patrick lay his hand upon his heart, &c. as is advised, pag. 57 But why will you give me so just, nay so necessary occasion by the mention of these deviations (as you make them) of the English Members of the Committee of both kingdoms, from the Rule, to put you, and others in mind of the carriage of things betwixt the Scots Committee, joined with the English Commissioners in the North, for ordering the Scots Army, where the English have been so far from having a negative in any thing, that in many things they have had no vote at all? How often have those Forces been disposed of, diminished, increased, removed from place to place, from England to Scotland, and back again, without the knowledge and consent of our Commissioners? How are some Garrisons put into English towns and Castles, without their consent required, others without their consent obtained? for there is no Scottish Garrison in any English town, or Castle, which hath the consent of the Parliament, except Berwick, where a governor was placed with the approbation of the English Commissioners, to whom equally with the Scots, the disposal of the Army is by Treaty committed, and this hath been done, or at least not altered, by the Scots Committee of themselves without sending to the Parliament, or convention of Estates in Scotland, as we are constrained to the Parliament of England, in case of the dissent of the Scots, so that there we have no negative, or to no purpose, which is here so strictly expected; I am sorry you have put me to this discourse.  
Pag. 54. 55. as also 59 60. you will pardon my going backwards and forwards, I must follow my Leader; The Manifest gives an account of the divers correspondencies of the Scots Commissioners, sometimes with one sort of men, sometimes with another: I suppose the Gentleman may be bolder with them than I: they are men in public employment, and should not be bandied by a private pen, I shall say nothing to their disadvantage, they notwithstanding any alteration of their company have kept constant to their Principles, and Counsels, which have been to set up the presbyterial Government in England (which is their declared business) and that in full power and virtue, without connivance at Sects, schisms; this could not be done till the common Enemy was weakened, and therefore both the Scots and Independents might well join, for they both had hopes: but when the Scots saw the Sectaries not altered in opinions, but expecting the Liberty of their own practice, the grow strange to each other, as being bound several ways, and to supply their place another party strikes in, partly out of concurrence with the Scots in Church-Government, and partly out of envy and opposition to the Independents, who as they thought had supplanted them: but since those men who were most averse to the coming in of the Scots, greatest strangers afterwards, most forward to have them gone, are so handsomely come about to an intimate conjunction with the Scots, quid non speremus? the world may turn once again, and the old friendship may be renewed, let us not be too much prejudiced. And the Author reduces this mistake to the Church-Government; as I do; only he speaks of a stipulation given from the English Commissioners to the Scots when in Scotland, to go heartily along with them in settling Church-Government, I know no private stipulation, as for the Covenant, which is the mutual public stipulation, I hope we shall all stand to, to endeavour Reformation according to the word of God; but if my observation fail me not, the distances (though I desire not to meddle with them) have been also kept with men like affected with them, for the main of Church-Government, and was occasioned also by the business of the new model, of which more by and by. Pag. 57 58. There is mention made of the unreasonableness of the Siege at Oxford, while the Enemy was ranging abroad, and calling back the Party that followed the King, both being against the advice of the Scots, and how fit it was, rather for Sir Tho: Fairfax his Army to follow the King at that time, than the Scots, and herein refer to the condition of each Army. And since we are called upon to try these things, and not suffer them to be carried away in hugger (as the word is) let it be tried. First, for the siege at Oxford, of which I think this a true account, it is well known how earnest endeavours there were almost on all parts, to hinder the new moulding of the Armies, how when seven thousand Horse and foot were got together about Redding, and Windsor, they were dispatched into the West, and when they had marched as fair as Blairford, which is about seventy miles from Windsor, they were by Order from the Committee of both kingdoms divided, and Sir Thomas Fairfax with 3500. commanded back towards Oxford, where the King had joined his Horse, and almost completed his Army for the Spring, so that Sir Thomas Fairfax with his party could not march through Wiltshire, but was constrained to go through Hamshire for safety; before his return the King marched from Oxford, Lieutenant general Cromwell, and Major general Browne followed him as near as they well might, with another part of the Army, so that, that Army was already in three parts, far distant from each other; the desires of the Parliament were sent down to the North, for the speedy advance of the Scots Army, which was fitter for the field then Sir Thomas Fairfaxes, for they had twelve or fourteen thousand men in a body, in Yorkshire, and besides the Yorkshire Horse, a Party of the new model (which makes another division of the Army) was sent under colonel Vermuden to join with them, so that they wanted neither men, money; (for 30000. l. was sent them in order to their advance) arms, nor Ammunition, which also they had received in good proportion: as for Draughts and Provisions we have said enough before: but Sir Thomas Fairfax's Army, when joined with Cromwell, Rosseter, and when Vermuden not finding the Scots Army, which was gone into Westmoreland, was returned, and when he had the accession of some Association, and Northampton Horse, was but eleven hundred, or thereabouts, and therefore was it thought but reasonable that his Army should have a little time to gather together; and that the pretence of sitting still might not be made against it, it was appointed rather to lie upon the enemy's Quarters about Oxford, than our own, that the reduction, and recruiting of it might be perfected. As for the calling back the Party following the King, they were too weak to follow him, because too weak to fight him, for they were but equal (when joined with the other part of the Army) at Naseby fight. And besides if they had advanced, it had been under the Command of Lieutenant general Cromwell, with whom the Scots had no mind to join, and so the Service might have been prejudiced. And so have you the story of the Siege of Oxford, in which you think there is so much disadvantage to the public on our part.  
Pag. 62. We have a story of the Treaty at Uxbridge, wherein this Author (as if he meant division) is not content to extol the faithfulness, Resolution, Prudence, knowledge of the Scottish Commissioners, which never was questioned: but he reflects unworthily upon the English Commissioners in these words. The King's Commissioners feeling the Pulse of the Parliament Commissioners, did promise unto themselves, upon what ground they know best, or at least should know, that they could carry all things to their minds, if it were not for the rude and stiffnecked Scots, (it's his own language) who were so firm to their Principles, and resolved rather to follow on the work with honour and Conscience, then to yield to a base agreement to the prejudice of Church and State. Consider here, first the charge, that had it not been for the Scots, distinct from the English Commissioners, the Court Commissioners had compassed their ends, which were certainly very disadvantageous, if not destructive to the Parliament and kingdom, which without straining amounts to thus much; that the Parliament sent Commissioners to the Treaty, that were either so unwise, or so unfaithful, as that, had it not been for the Scottish assistants, the Cause of the Parliament and kingdom, had been through them prejudiced, if not betrayed. And to this in opposition to the English, he makes an addition of the firmness, honour, Conscience and resolution of the Scottish Commissioners. I wonder at this in stead of answering it. Let us consider who were employed, men we always had an honourable opinion of, and shall have, notwithstanding any such unjust and unworthy suggestions, which have no proof nor can have, to whom we must give this testimony, that in that, as in other our affairs, they carried themselves with all diligence and faithfulness, so that the treaty ended without our prejudice, and there an end of it.  
Pag. 63. The next thing in order is the new model, wherein the Parliament is a little beholding to him, for he justifies that action of the Parliament, by the necessity of it, in regard of the faults of some who were employed in the Armies, which the Parliament had attempted to amend in a fair way, but to small purpose. To which let me add another reason, that by the reduction of the Armies, the Officers were abated, especially the most costly ones, as general Officers, and the charge lessened, that the Parliament might be the better able to pay other Officers in their Service.  
We are told of the interposition of the Scottish Commissioners in that affair, advising the Parliament by their paper put in to that purpose, to choose (as this Author says) men of ability and experience, and faithful to the cause, which latter he expounds to be men, not inclined to Sects, and schisms; I remember that paper of the Scottish Commissioners, was then wondered at, but now it is not; If their counsel were followed, as this Author confesses in some degree it was, there is the less reason to complain, but who ever complains, I thank God for the new model.  
And before we pass from the new model, two exceptions must be cleared, which this Author makes concerning it.  
First, Concerning the Covenant, pag. 64. where he wonders and doubts, he wonders it should admit any debate in the Parliament, whether the Armies should be put to the oath; and then why the common soldiers should not be put to it: and then doubts that the order for the taking of it by the Commanders is not so well observed. For the debates and orders of the Parliament, I do not use to debate them over again, especially when satisfied in these two things, that a common soldier that hath not taken the Covenant, may do very good service to the kingdom, and that there is not the same reason why it should be pressed upon them as upon the enemies coming in, because we doubt them more than we do these, and therefore offer them a discovery and engagement. But for the Covenant I have taken it, and approve the taking of it, though I have neither power nor will to compel it. As for the doubt that the Officers take it not, I cannot satisfy it, but I am sure they do the things that it obliges to, better than many that have taken it, and to me a Covenant not taken is much better than a Covenant not kept.  
To which I add, Novimus & quite, we can tell you when and where, the Scottish Army hath in articles of Treaty and surrender agreed to an article in these words; That the national Covenant shall not be enforced, either upon Officer, soldier, Gentleman, or clergyman, as in the Capitulation for Tinmouth-Castle, and to the like purpose at Carlisle, though our Armies have always (for aught I ever heard) refused to accept of any such article, as at Bristol; but require a subjection to all Ordinances of Parliament. So that notwithstanding this exception, it seems our Commanders either love the Covenant better than they, or Castles not so well.  
As for the reason of some men's backwardness to the Covenant, which is alleged to be their averseness to the Presbyterian government, I see no reason why that should be a reason, because there is no mention of the presbyterial government in the Covenant, nor (for aught I know) any intention of it any further, than it is found agreeable to the word of God, which we all profess a submission to. And it is well known that learned and godly men, though not satisfied in the presbyterial government, have taken the Covenant, as knowing that no particular government, but the word of God, is set up as the rule of reformation.  
It may be your interpretation of the Covenant to reach so far, and your addition of the Church of Scotland, may discourage men from taking it, lest not interpreting it as you, they should give you the scandal of Covenant-breaking.  
Here comes in the ●●rned dispute of active and passive obedience, where it is affirmed that passive obedience is a great absurdity; That is only an absurdity in language, which is an absurdity in use, for use makes propriety; but this expression being very common (and that among Scholars) is not absurd. And therefore this Author gives so much respect to Divines, as not to except against their use of this expression, with respect to Christ.  
Obedience is taken either positively, for performance of the command; or privatively, for not resistance or submission, as Phil. 2. 8. He became obedient unto death; which is ordinarily called passive obedience. He saith all virtue consists in action, Moralists say so, but yet they allow silence and patience to be virtues, which cannot be said to be actions, but rather forbearances of action; though some intimate act of the mind belongs to them, as also to this submission; It is accounted a great virtue or rather grace in Christ, that being reviled, he reviled not again, yet there was no action. But your principle makes well for the new model, if all virtue consists in action, Sir Thomas Fairfax his Army being active, must be concluded, virtuous, notwithstanding Independency.  
Before I come to the second exception about the new model, scil. the leaving out the Scottish Officers, notice must be taken of a loose discourse, Pag. 67, 68, 69. occasioned by a Speech uttered publicly, by one to this purpose, That the main quarrel the Parliament stood for at first, and thereafter, did take up arms for, was not Religion, nor the reformation of the Church, but the freedom and liberty of the Subject. Which saying he pleads to be injurious, but handles it injuriously; for he makes the sense of that speech to be this; The Parliament did not from the beginning intend a true reformation of Religion, which it affords not, the Parliament may intend reformation, and yet not fight for it. And without prejudice to the Parliament, let me declare my opinion. The Parliament (I doubt not) did look at Religion as the foundation and perfection of the kingdom's happiness, and had it chiefly in their eye. Some indeed have thought them more intent to Liberty, upon a mistake they could not be earnest for Religion, unless they were for Liberty, (which is the fence and preservative of the practice of it;) But yet if I were asked the ground of the Parliaments taking up arms de facto, I should not answer the reformation of Religion, (for I make some question whether Religion, especially the reformation of it, be so proper a quarrel for the sword) but that seeing the King instead of suffering Justice to be executed upon offenders, prepared violence against the Parliament, and in it against our liberty, with all the fruits of it, (of which the enjoyment of Religion was the choicest) they raised an Army to defend us and themselves, that they might sit with freedom and liberty to perform their trust, for the preservation and reformation of the kingdom, which they have attended as much as the difficulties and distractions of the times would permit. And to that end called an Assembly of Divines, that they might from them receive some light to direct them in the execution of their power in matters of Religion.  
He spends some further time in discussing that Position, Whether Liberty were the main quarrel.  
I answer, They looked at liberty, primò, but not primarion, Religion as the furthest end, but Liberty as the next means: The infringement of liberty gives advantage to corruption in Religion, as our Adversaries well know, when they with equal pace brought on slavery and superstition. Here the Author takes a needless ground to tell the people that which is not true, That they are in a worse case in respect of Liberty then formerly, by paralleling Committees with the Star-Chamber, and Taxes with Ship-money. This sounds more like sedition then truth; For howsoever Committees may be guilty of partialities and miscarriages, yet their main intent is our preservation, not our burden, as the other Courts were. And we have now a better appeal from a Committee to the Parliament, than we had from the Star-chamber to the King. Injury may be done now as well as then, but not so professedly, or with so little remedy.  
And as for taxes heavier than Shipmoney, I wonder either at your face or at your judgement. In the beginning of the 70 pag. you make a plaster of the necessity of taxes, but it is not so wide as the wound: The wiser of the people see and discover your fallacious dealing, and see a great deal of difference betwixt the Kings destroying their right in Ship▪ money, and the Parliaments preserving their right notwithstanding taxes, which I hope will not last long.  
I pass to the second exception against the new model, pag. 72. 74. which is led up by a story of the Kings courting the Scottish Officers, and his success, which I meddle not with. The exception is, that at the making of the New model, were cashiered of the Scots in one day above two hundred brave fellows. I answer, the Parliament were entering upon a way of good husbandry in reducing their Armies, and it may be, they thought these brave fellows would be too chargeable. But in earnest, you say two hundred of the Scots were cashiered, you should have used a milder term, and said reduced. Cashiering implies a fault, Reduction none. As two hundred Scots, so sour hundred English were at that time put out of employment, and brave fellows too for aught I know. It's strange to me that the Parliament of England should not (without exception) form an Army as seems best to them for their own defence and the kingdoms; Especially when the Scots had so great an Army in England, and another in Ireland, where employment was to be had. But the Parliament to show they had no national respect, named four Colonels of the new model, and some captains, besides a lieutenant Colonel, who is adjutant general of their foot, a place of great trust; who all except the last refused to serve. The grounds of their laying down are said to be three: First, because the rest of their Countrymen were not employed; There was no use of them, if we had men of our own Nation, they were, in reason, to be preferred, ●eteris paribus; and it is not without its exception, that they will not serve unless so many together. Secondly, They were nominated to inferior employments, that is a question, they were but Major generals to Major generals, and Commanders of parties, but I stand not upon that; Let the Earl of Manchester, & Sir William Waller be generals, yet those Gentlemen knew, that in the places they came from beyond Sea, if they returned they must accept of such employments as these, or lower, and I hope we shall not have a perpetual war in England. Sudden risings from a Lieutenant colonel to a Lieutenant general must have fudden falls. Thirdly, Men unacquainted with war and averse to the Covenant, should have been employed with them, from whom they could not expect true sellowship or obedience to Orders. The men have consuted your Exception for Military virtue, by their diligence and valour; And though there be in the Army men that have taken the Covenant, and make conscience of it, yet if there be any that have not, there is no discord, but all unanimously prosecute the ends in the Covenant, so far as they are matter of war. As for your question, Whether the Parliament in leaving out some, or the Officers not left out, in laying down their Commissions were more in the Wrong? It's answered, neither of them in the Wrong. Me thinks he that considers how faithful and how successful the Army under Sir Thomas Fairfax hath been, and reckons up Naseby, Leicester, Langport, Bridgewater, Sherborne, Bristol, Basing, Winchester, Barkley, and other Honour which God hath put upon that Army, should be well content with the New model. But an Objection follows; But God hath blessed the honesty and piety of some men extraordinarily in the new Army, so that great things are done by it.  
This is a sad objection: but you answered it by acknowledging the good done, but no thanks to the profession of holiness of this, or that man; they will join with you, and say in the Apostles language, Acts 3. 12. neither their own power or holiness, much less the profession of holiness hath done any thing, but the name of Christ, in which they have trodden down their Enemies. As for the passage concerning the general, that he is little spoken of for doing much; he sees the hook and neglects the bait; God and all good men love and honour him.  
He proceeds in this 76. page, to show how fit it is to employ fit men, lest God be tempted; It's granted, and was practised; the Gentlemen employed were fit men, they were many of them godly men: slight not that, godliness is profitable for all things. They were, and have approved themselves diligent men. Another special requisite in a soldier; they were, as hath often appeared, stout and valiant men: But what shall we do for experience? I answer: some men gain more experience in two years, than others in ten, because they are more advertent, and have better parts. And for our English wars, our English experience is as good as any, and we have had more experimental Service in these three, or four years' war in England, then falls out in other parts in a far longer time. But we desired men of foreign experience, and they refused, therefore we must take English.  
Let me here add an advertisement to my countryman (for I suppose I am taken to be an Englishman;) It hath been, as the usual disposition▪ so no small fault of this Nation (contrary to the good example of their neighbours) to depress one another, admire and adore strangers for unknown virtues, which hath kept this kingdom lower in its Reputation than it deserved: I shall not doubt to deliver it for a Position, that you have at this time (especially for our English affairs) soldiers of your own Nation, so able and active in Service, that if you go further, for aught I know, you may fare worse; and if God give us but grace to embrace union instead of faction, we may do him a great deal of Service, and ourselves and Neighbours right. A word more, Pag. 77. The Author accounts it a misery, why in the framing an Army, there should be more regard had of the Piety and honesty of the Officers, than the soldiers. This mystery is very clear in Scripture, and Reason. First, God looks more at Commanders than inferiors, Ier. 5. 4. 5. Lo, these are poor tnd foolish, I will get me to the great men, if they break the bands, a lion out of the Forest comes in. Secondly, in reason; good Officers may reclaim and restrain soldiers by authority, and example, and so cannot good soldiers ill Officers. But I have done; a business of moment follows concerning Carlisle.  
Pag. 77. The Author of the Manifest enters upon the business of the Siege and reduction of Carlisle; and to make this business clear, since I omitted the Relation of it in the Narrative, I must add it here. Carlisle was in the possession of the Enemy, when the Scots entered. After York was taken (it being thought a considerable place, to hold footing in the North) Sir Thomas Glenham was sent thither to command the town. In September, about the beginning of it, the Commonalty of Cumberland and Westmoreland, laying down their arms, upon the desire of Mr. Barwis, Sir Wilfrid Lawson, and others, the Scots Horse being six Regiments, and one of dragoons, commanded by Lieutenant general Lesley, went into those parts, yet went not direct to Carlisle, but stayed at Penrith, in which time Carlisle was further victualled; after that they draw near, and with the assistance of Sir Wilfrid Lawson (who had raised some strength of Horse and foot) blocked up the town.  
After this in the latter end of October, some Regiments of the Scots Horse were removed, and only two and the dragoons remaining, which with the Forces of the County, were thought sufficient for the Service, and as many as the Country could well bear; Thus was Carlisle straightened, in which Service the English kept five and sometimes six Posts, and the Scots but two all that Winter. Toward the beginning of April, those two Counties of Cumberland and Westmoreland, having lain under heavy burdens, amounting to 80000. l. or thereabouts, which the Scots Horse had received (besides the charge of maintaining their own Forces) began to grow impatient of their burden, and after they saw that (notwithstanding the Ordinances of Parliament (forbidding all Arbitrary assessments, and appointing a way of provision for the Scots Army) and the order of the general, to forbid all taxes from the first of March) their oppressions were still continued, the Westmoreland men resisted the collection of them, thereupon the Committee of both kingdoms at Newcastle, sent a letter to the Committees of those Counties, dated April 21. 1645. subscribed Leven Callander, William Armine, declaring that, if those two Counties would undertake to raise, and maintain sufficient Forces, to keep in the Garrison of Carlisle, the Scots Horse should be removed; hereupon the Committees of Cumberland, and Westmoreland consulted, and agreed to undertake the Service, and gave notice thereof to the Committee at Newcastle, and the Scots general in a Lotter, dated April the 25. 1645. and provided three thousand foot and six hundred Horse, which with the advantage of the works, they had made, were sufficient to the work: but in stead of removing the Scots Horse, a Regiment of foot were sent to Carlisle, with three pieces of Ordnance, when the Scots marched Southward from Newcastle, and Sir John Browne sent word to the Westmoreland men, coming up according to agreement, to the Service against Carlisle, that he would fight with them if they came on. After this, the whole Army marches into Westmoreland, and sends more commanded men to Carlisle, and impose seven thousand pound a month upon these two Counties, for the maintenance of their Force before Carlisle; (besides the maintenance of their own) and that, after Declaration made under the hands of the Earl of Leven, Calandar and Armyne, dated April 25. 1645. that no tax should be laid upon them, but by Authority of Parliament. About this time the Lord Kirkbright, who commanded the Scots Force therefore that present, sent orders to Lieutenant colonel Beecher, Sir Wilfrid Lawsons' Lieutenant colonel, to quit a Fort which he had made at Bockerby Mount, and to resign it to three hundred commanded Foot of the Scots Army; the Lieutenant colonel refused unless his colonel gave consent; thereupon the noble Lord replied, he desired no better occasion to cut them all in pieces, and said he would command my Lord Fairfax, if there, and sent his Foot and some Horse to beleaguer the Sconce, instead of the town, which was not well.  
After this (about the middle of June) when the time of Carlisles surrender drew near, the English Commissioners, having received instructions from the Parliament, concerning the place, and the Government of it when it should be reduced, went thither, but no Scottish Commissioners to join with them, the English and Scots were both desirous to be possessed of the town, the English thought it but reasonable, to be trusted with Carlisle on the Scots borders, as well as the Scots with Barwick on the English, especially, they having garrisoned Newcastle, and four other places besides: the English Commissioners (no Scotch Committee being there to join with them) sent to Sir Tho: Glenham, that if he would surrender the town, they would propound him conditions, and the security of the Parliament for performance. The Lord Kirkabright meets the Drum, examines his business, and gives way to his going in; Sir Thomas Glenham desires the security of a general, for the performance of Articles, and thereupon, a Messenger of his own, one captain Philipson is sent to my Lord Fairfax and the Earl of Leven to know their pleasure, having a pass from the English Commissioners, and the Lord Kirkabright, and being accompanied with an English captain from the Commissioners, and a Scotch Officer from the Lord Kirkabright; he goes to my Lord Fairfax, but finding my Lord of Leven to be gone out of Yorkshire, and the time for his return well-nigh expired, he durst not adventure to go into Nottinghamshire, to the Earl of Leven, his pass being limited only to Yorkshire, and therefore he returned to Carlisle, and my Lord Fairfax writes to the Earl of Leven about that business. David Lesley in the mean time, was sent with all speed towards Carlisle, he comes thither before the Messenger returns and forbids his going in, whereupon Sir Thomas Glenham seeing his Messenger stopped by the Scots Commander, notwithstanding the pass of the English Commissioners, and the Lord Kirkabright, he supposes they had most power, and falls to Treaty with him, which Lieutenant general Lesley never acquainted our Commissioners with, but notwithstanding their minding him of the Treaty, and Covenant, their Protestation against his proceedings without them; he concludes the Treaty, set Guards of Horse upon the English, enters the town, and puts a Garrison in it, where it yet remaineth. This is a true and brief account of the siege and taking of Carlisle. Some Annotations must be made upon the Narrative in Truths Manifest.  
First, he chargeth the English soldiers, that lay there, of being false to the Service, in shooting powder, suffering Provisions to go in, entering into combination with the Enemy, to fall upon the Scots, and promising not to help them. These accusations are as false, as foul; it is strange these things were never questioned, nor complained of, till now the town is taken. We can assure that a Scottish Officer being desired to relieve colonel Cholmleys' men, when the Enemy sallied out, he refused to stir being at the next Post, and near at hand, and suffered the men to be lost, show us such a carriage of the English. If want of Orders be pretended as it was by him, either the Orders were defective or the man. The English desire also to put it to the issue, who let most provision go in, captain Philipson indeed sallied out with a Party of Horse, on the Scottish Post, and fetched forty head of cattle, or thereabout, and two Pieces of Ordnance out of their Sconce; parallel that Act also; As for the point of the treachery, they disclaim it and defy it; why should you compel me to say that on the Scottish side, Sir James Lesley and his Lady with her sister, who were both Papists, had ingress, and regress into Carlisle, by their means, that Sir Timothy Fetherston was suffered to come to Penrith, and there drank the Parliaments confusion, and yet was afterwards suffered to come forth again, at which time he broke his parole, and went either to Ireland, or the King; that Denton and Carleton, notorious Malignants, were suffered to go up and down, and disaffect the people, and rail upon the Parliament; and when sent for by the English Commissioners, were protected against their power and justice? The foulness of your imputations hath forced from me these things, which no slight occasion should, but by this you may judge who favoured Malignants most.  
It is further charged, that those double minded Leaders enter into a private Treaty with the Enemy, and offer him great conditions. This was a mistake or worse, there was no Leaders meddled, but the English Commissioners who proceeded no further, than the Narrative relates, and never offered any conditions at all; As for the Scots offering reasonable conditions, less advantageous to the Enemy than the English. You have heard the English offered no conditions; let us see what the Scots offered, they were such as they would never impart, neither to our Commissioners nor the Parliament: but a Copy was obtained which they deny not, wherein was granted almost what was asked, as Liberty to go to any Garrison they should name, to have a Convoy▪ as they had to Worcester, above a hundred miles distant; the immunities of the Church and churchmen, freedom to take the Covenant or not, liberty to go with what they would, (except town and Ordnance) whither they would, and to have free Quarter; in a word, never so high Articles given to any Town, never any Town had less reason to expect it, had things been fairly carried: for they were eating Dogs and Horses, and could not subsist three days.  
What follows is almost wholly false, that the Enemy took the Scots Conditions, because he could not trust the English Officers.  
The English Officers meddled not in the business, because a Committee was present there of English; Scil. Sir William Armine, Mr. Darley, Mr. Barwis, whom the general would not, much less should the Lieutenant general have dealt so with, as not to acquaint them with the Treaty. And as for the Commission given to Lieutenant general Lesley, to take in the town, upon what conditions he thought fit, he showed no such in writing; if he had, it had been unjust, we having Commissioners upon the place: And he concludes this strange story of Carlisle, with the pretended reasons, why the Scots put in a Garrison into Carlisle, (scil.) Because they had found base, and wicked dealings, by some of the chief men in the Northern Counties, and to keep it out of the hands of Malignants; and especially, Sir Wilfrid Lawson, who under the name of the chief Commander, is no better than railed on; consider the condition of this Gentleman, it's true, he cannot be justified throughout; he lived in an ill air, and was infected with it, but never stirred out of the County, to do any prejudice to the Parliament: but suffered imprisonment for his not ready compliance with the Commissioners of array. When it was to any purpose for him to appear on the behalf of the Parliament, he raised a Regiment of Horse, and another of Foot, for the Service of the Parliament, which he applied himself to with all diligence, and can produce testimonies of his care and fidelity, under the hands of those you say disinherited him; and was of very good reputation with the Scots, till the time of the surrender drew near, and then his appearing for an English Garrison, and refusing to quit his Fort, caused all this bitterness. Is it possible that the Scots should distrust him, so little guilty of Delinquency, in respect of them they have upon all occasions embraced, as Major Craister, and procured to be employed, as colonel Brandling in Northumberland, and their own Urrey? and are not there now divers whom they trust in their Army, who have served against the Parliament?  
So that it may appear, their enmity to Malignancy was not the cause; but what need we sec further for a reason then the Letter of general Leven, dated at Mansfield, June 20. 1645. wherein he informs our Commssioners, then upon the place, That he had sent lieutenant general Lesley, with full power and instructions, in such things as concern the INTEREST of the Scots Nation, and desires their compliance with him, which he never asked; The Interest is there declared to be the business, a word that troubles all the world. And hereto I might add a Letter from two Scottish Ministers, (one a Commissioner at London) to our Commissioners (it seems the kirk also is concerned in this Garrison) in which are these words; we interpose our earnest desire to you, that there may be a cheerful condescending to Lieutenant general Lesley, so far as that the town of Carlisle may be delivered into his custody, until the further declaration of the Parliaments pleasure. Hereby as you shall preserve your reputation of being good friends to our Nation, so we verily believe you shall do good service to the Parliament and kingdom, and shall never have cause to repent it. These are the words of the Letter transcribed here from the originals; I was loath to trouble the Reader with the whole, the Treatise being already grown into a bulk beyond intention; only this; It is said that the Forces there had starved, had not the general sent part of the money to them which was sent to Newcastle, to enable the Scots to take field; because a double use may be made of this, as not only in this place, but also to excuse the Scots, being no better provided in their March, which caused them to stay in Yorkshire for Provision, when they were expected Southwards; It is answered, those two Counties of Cumberland, and Westmoreland, had been so pressed, that general Leven, the Earl of Callander, & the English Commissioners had under their hands acquitted them of further burdens, and therefore offered them to undertake their Siege at their own charge, with their own force. And if the general had according to agreement recalled his men, he needed not to have parted with the money to Carlisle: but enough of Carlisle, and more then enough.  
Pag. 83. the Gentleman puts to Sea, and finds fault with the Parliaments Ships not doing their duty, by reason of which divers Ships of the well-affected were taken, and the Coasts of Scotland not guarded, to their great prejudice; and in the issue reduces this fault, not only to neglect, but secret connivance, that is, unfaithfulness: For the imputation of unfaithfulness, let those that were employed answer it, if this Author will plainly accuse them.  
As for the mischances, we know we daily suffer at Land, the Sea is more hazardous. But I observe men deal not so well with our Mariners, as they do with Fortune-tellers, and almanac-makers; for if they tell you but one thing that falls out accordingly, you admire them, and almost adore them, but take not notice of twenty lies; here on the contrary, let our seamen do many good turns (as divers of them have done) (let me name the Noble Earl of Warwick, vice-admiral Batten, Capt. Moulton, &c.) they are never thought of, but any misfortune is sure to be set upon their score. As for the guarding the Coasts of Scotland, I believe it hath not been so well as was expected or intended, the multiplicity and distraction of affairs with us hath been such. But there is no reason to lay the damage of Scotland upon the want of that Guard; for the Irish were but very few hundreds, as this Author acknowledgeth, Pag. 90. that came over, and the passage is so short, that notwithstanding Ships upon the Coast, men might easily be transported from Ireland to Scotland, or the Isles, as appears by divers Ships, who have got into our English Harbours with arms and ammunition, notwithstanding all our Guards.  
Pag. 84. He proceeds, as he saith, to another business, and such a one as if he had not wanted business, he would have omitted, the business is to cast all possible odium upon Independents, where for want of a good argument, he loads them with ill words, calls them factious and fantastical headstrong ones, men without love to the peace of the Church of God. Pag. 84. Seekers, (scil.) such as seek themselves under the pretence of Truth, and set up their own fancies, men that will not settle upon any thing, unless it be in continuing in phrenetical fancies. And as if he were not content to weary men, he provoketh God also, and saith, God knows they are destitute of all charity. Sir, where is your charity the while? he that loves the smell, may have a bundle of these flowers, Pag. 86. All the corn in this chaff, the charge in this clamour, beside general invectives, is; That those men will not absolutely and positively profess what they would be at, but they have manifested the contrary, declaring the things wherein they would be forborn, in their Paper at the Committee of Accommodation. I have nothing to say to this, but that unless you give better words, or better arguments, you will by such language and carriage make men Independents.  
They are further charged with abominable lying, in persuading the people of the rigidity of the Presbyterian Government, and the diminution of Christian liberty thereby, and confutes him with the lenity of the Churches of Scotland and France. I do not say that both are true, but both may. It is possible for a Church to be too strict in their principles, and too loose in their practice. But why should the man be so angry, since the business concerning Church-Government, as himself acknowledges Pag. 89. is concluded maugre Independents?  
In the same Page the Author goes on to mention and remove two rubs in the way to a completing presbyterial Government: the first is that some will not allow it to be of Divine right; the second, that some are willing to reserve the power of excluding from the Sacrament to the civil Magistrate.  
These are so tender points, in which others of greater ability are engaged, that I dare not meddle, though me thinks I could deal with this Author: First, he saith it is demonstrated to have its ground in Scripture so clearly that it cannot be denied, and practised by the Apostles, and their successors. For the demonstrations, they are not so clear for all the parts of the Government, but that they may be (as they are) denied. That of Lay-Elders was found in the Assembly a very difficult point, and the Superinduction, of provincial, national, presbyterial Assemblies, to congregational, though for my part I approve of them, yet I believe they are not demonstrable in Scripture with undeniable clearness. And as for the practice of the Apostles, they cannot be adequately urged, because they were not parochial Presbyters, but had a general care, and superintendency over the Churches, and a greater Authority than Ministers now adays. The council at Jerusalem where they were was occasionate, not menstrual, or annual: As for the successors of the Apostles, it is doubtful what they did, antiquity is so fallible, but it is not doubtful, that whilst the Apostles lived, the mystery of iniquity worked, and preeminence was loved, so that all the practices of their times, much less of their Successors cannot be urged. I am no Enemy to the presbyterial Government, as it may be ordered. Appeals are natural, and necessary; Aristocracy is the most even Government, if faction can be avoided: but I could wish that all the people of God, especially the Ministers of Christ, who should go before them, would tread in that more excellent way, charity mentioned by the Apostle, 1 Cor. 12. ult. and be more careful to advance the power of godliness than their own; but manum de tabula; If we have the Government, as we are like to have, let us not fall out for the title; I have known men spend more about a title, than the Land hath been worth.  
For the second Impediment which is alleged to be the great stir about admitting or keeping of people from the Table of the Lord. The case seems to be thus, we have a multitude of people in this kingdom ignorant and profane, many who have a name to live, but are dead, as by their dead works appears, these are to be formed into Churches by virtue of their external profession. This is fundi nostri calamitas, and makes the matter so difficult, I believe the abstention, unless in cases of great difficulty, lies in the particular Congregation, though not without appeal, which if it were constituted and ordered as it ought, the strife would cease.  
But in this condition that we are, where many a good man is in danger to strain his charity, why should there be so great and dangerous a stir, if there be a recession from the rule, which is not so clear? I know as little ground for the business of triers for Election of Elders, which tells us already, we must have Congregations not fit to choose their own Officers, but we submit to it in regard of the difficulty of our condition: and better (if I may so say) were it if the Ministers would exercise the power they have, which they shall find will give them many troubles in this business, then to press it with public prejudice, and (not to prejudge the Parliament) for the Parliament to grant what is desired, were better than to run a greater inconvenience. But I recall myself, and to make satisfaction for the adventure I have made, I will pass by the discourse of the Author, in straightening the bounds of power betwixt the Magistrate and the Minister, I am afraid of meddling with power; Power especially in the Ministers of the Gospel any further than absolutely necessary to the service and edification of the Church, is very troublesome and dangerous, and so they will find it; the power of the Word is great, the power of love is not little.  
Pag. 89. Upon the mention of the Scots desire to the Parliament, that having had so good success in their affairs of late, they would send to the King for peace; He declares the equity, and yet improbability of it, in regard, as he says, the King is chief agent in the design of spiritual and temporal slavery, in which he is upheld by foreign Nations against his Subjects. The Parliament hath been careful to apply themselves to the King, for a safe and well grounded peace upon all occasions; whether they are always bound to strive with him, it is not for me to determine. But if he be the chief agent, as this Author says, I would gladly understand why we court the chief agent, and punish the accessary instruments. As for the Interest of particular Princes in the King's cause, I omit them, as also the Narrative of the Scottish affairs, which I know little of the transaction of them, but heartily resent their sufferings, I pray God give them a right use of them, and full deliverance. As for calumnies and affronts, wherewith some are complained to have repaid them, I dislike and detest them with this Author, if any such be.  
Pag. 101. He passeth on to another story of two several attempts of Cajeoling upon the Parliaments party by the Court; the first, by Commissioners, Richmond and Southampton; the second by Savill, as I suppose, wherein, he says, they found their design upon the Scots to be the blowing of a cold coal, and with this coal he smites the Independents, at least with some suspicions and surmises, and refers to intercepted Letters and Papers. But if we regard Papers, who will be without blot? You know here hath been a great rumour about the Scots Treating with the French, and it may be that Papers and Letters mention it; but shall we believe it? No surely: I am confident they will not stretch out their hands to a strange God; but consider rather the latter end of 44 Psal. If ever that should come to pass, I would go into some Protestant Monastery, and say, Miserere mei, for there were no conversing in this world any more.  
Pag. 103. The Author enters upon the march of the Scottish Army, from Nottingham to Hereford; in the way he takes notice of the Committee of Worcester there, who are charged with misguiding the Army: but I wonder not that a Plot should be found out in Worcestershire Committee, whereas the removing of the Scottish Commissioners from the city to the good air, and accommodation of Worcestershire House, is also found guilty of a design. Pag. 52. which is said to be an endeavour, to make them strangers to the City, but I believe, that distance hath been made up with double diligence.  
In this business of Hereford, there are two imputations laid: one more general, that the Army for want of provisions were constrained to live upon fruits; It is well that God made some provision when men failed: but we all know, that unless Resolutions be timely made known, that endeavours may be used proportionably; it is almost unavoidable, for an Army to undergo some want, when they pitch before a town, in regard that the ability of the Quarters is overnumbred, and the Country cannot provide so soon as is wished, or wanted. But it is said, pag. 105. that at last some provision came, but than Ammunition wanted: that's hard, were it not necessary that there must be some necessity, the thing may be true, but how it should come to pass, is out of my reach; when the Army having received Ammunition in good proportion at Newcastle, with a particular respect to their march, had no considerable occasion to spend it, betwixt that and Hereford. The second charge is more particular against some Members of the Committee of both kingdoms, who withdrew, that so for want of a full Committee, Order could not be given for the dispose of some Horse, to strengthen the siege, which default occasioned the raising of it: Sure that man who hindered the continuance of the siege (if without greater disadvantage it might be done) was as little a friend to the public Service, as to the Scottish Army, and it had been well he were named; And did not I bar recrimination, I could tell you, when there hath been no Committee, for regulating the Scots Army for the space of three months, and more, for want of Commissioners from Scotland: But, as for the possibility of sending Horse from the siege at Bristol; he that knows the very hard duty, that Sir Thomas Fairfax's Horse had there, and the great danger in regard of the Enemy in the West; and withal, considers the great importance of that service, both in regard of gaining the City, and preserving the Army; I believe, will consent with the Truth rather than the Manifest.  
But I will make a fair motion, that all the disputes concerning the carriage of the business of Hereford, might be ended in that happy Act of oblivion, which was done by the vigilance, and dexterity of colonel Morgan, and Birch, and the gallant adventure of the Lieutenant, who surprised the Guard; the City is taken, and we have all reason to be satisfied. Pag. 111. Upon occasion of the sad news from Scotland (which the Author acknowledges was heartily resented, as by divers well affected, so, especially by the Houses of Parliament, (who appointed a public Fast on that behalf) some reproaches are cast upon the Independents, who are also said to have leaped for joy of the infortune of the Scots; It's answered that revilings need no answer: As for what is laid to the charge of Independents; because, sometimes the Army under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax, goes under that notion, I must not conceal how earnestly the chief Officers of that Army were affected with the ill tidings from Scotland, and how heartily they expressed it in a most affectionate Letter, sent from the general, Lieutenant general Crumwell, and other Commanders, which I am confident they will make good in actions, if the necessity of that kingdom should ever so require, for they are not so void, neither of charity nor gratitude, as this Author pretends. I know no kingdom, that England is behind hand with in real kindness, I hope they will not begin with Scotland.  
As for the objection made, pag. 112. concerning Lieutenant general Lefleyes' going into Scotland, upon notice of the ill condition of affairs there given by the Chancellor, he can best answer it that made it. I think he wanted respect to the good of both Nations, who expressed any unwillingness to the relief of that kingdom, in such necessity, but I cannot but take notice of what is said, pag. 114. of the cold comfort yielded by this kingdom to their Neighbours, when things were made known. To which it is returned, that the Parliament of England, waited only for the desires of Scotland, to be made known to them in that behalf: but the Scots were far more shy in asking help, than the English in affording it; We had Commissioners then at Barwick, witnesses of their condition, to whom indeed, some noblemen, and Gentlemen of Scotland, made a Proposition for sending for colonel Poyntz, and Rosseter, to come to their relief, and that the Forces about Hereford might march for supplying, and securing the Northern Counties, and opposing the attempts of the Enemy there, which our Commissioners not having power in, speedily represented to those that had, by a paper from the Scots Lords, as a memorial of their desires therein (for the Scots were no Committees) and the next day after upon receipt of Letters from David Lesley there at Bawtry; a Nobleman, and a Gentleman of that kingdom, and of the Committee, were sent to our Commissioners, and in the name of the rest, receded from their desires in the forementioned paper, which put our Commissioners upon a contradiction of their former Intelligence, represented to the Parliament; and though it was propounded by some of our Commissioners (in that time of so great necessity) that a considerable number of Scottish Forces might be drawn out of the Towns, and Castles in the North of England, (besides the town of Barwick) which might be able to make up a competent strength to oppose the Enemy; yet that advice was not approved of by the Scots. So that it easily appears, where the ground either of delays, or denials of help were. As for the Parliament, they readily yielded to the march of the Scots Army Northward, for the relief of their own kingdom, notwithstanding their engagements in the South, which was as much, as was, or could be desired. So that I suppose the severe intermination, that the setting the promise of a small help at the rate was then offered, will be blamed by Posterity, when it shall be recorded what Scotland hath done, and undergone for their Brethren, and what thanks the Scots have for their pains, might have been left out, notwithstanding the particulars which said to be spared till another occasion.  
Pag. 116. I find an unfitting parallel betwixt Cardinal Richelieu, and the English Parliament, (for though the Parliament be not named, yet those who are careful of the English Armies, are, which must needs be they) who are made to agree in this point of politic unjustice, to set men on work, and purposely deny them necessaries, that through their miscarriage, others might be advanced. Certainly, though that Cardinal must needs be acknowledged a man of eminent parts and policy, of which he hath left a monument that yet stands; yet after that this Author had branded him, with pride, Ambition, Tyranny, and atheism, which are no Cardinal virtues; me thinks he might have used more Brotherly kindness to the Parliament of England, then to make such an unworthy reflection. But as for the wants of the Scottish Army, if enough have not been already said, let me add this, the way not to want in England is to work, and I am confident, that had they done the proportion of work, that other Armies have done, they would have had the same proportion of wages, and if others had done no more, they had got as little.  
This page is closed with an injust, though not unusual bitterness; against the once governor of Bristol, whose return to sit in Parliament, is said to be matter of astonishment to the world.  
The world is wide sir, and so are you. But why so angry? methinks the taking the City so considerable, might have softened your spirit. We use to grace solemn▪ occasions with some Acts of favour: why not the taking of Bristol, with receiving Mr. Fiennes? especially the retaking of the town, affording an Argument à majore ad minùs. What is the quarrel? the Gentleman had before surrendered it, for which he was sentenced by a council of war.  
As for the council of war, I believe they were guided by honour and Conscience in what they did; And by virtue of the Article, obliging the governor of a town, to hold out to extremity, condemned the Gentleman. The general remitting the summum jus, concurred not for execution of the sentence: the gentleman lives and does well, may he long do so; he hath left the Camp, he follows the counsel, a work suitable to his parts acknowledged by this Author, to be fit for a Senate. You complain of his friends, for putting him upon an employment; of which (you say) he was not capable; but are you free from blame to deny him an employment, for which you acknowledge him so well fitted? he never was engaged neither in counsel, nor in arms against this Cause, as some who are to be found in other counsels or Armies: but parciùs ista, I add but this, the Gentleman hath received some wrong by this charge, but the Parliament more, it being an injust reflection upon their wisdom, and privilege, that they should be taxed for dealing with their own Members, as they think best for the public good of the kingdom.  
As for that passage, of soldiers bawling in the fields, cobblers prattling in Tubs in stead of preaching, 
— Ne saevi magne Saeerdos;  
Quam scit uterque libens censebo exerceat artem.   
Pag. 122. He proceeds to exagitation of a piece of a Letter, written from Lieutenant general Cromwell, upon the taking of Bristol: First, he wonders the latter part of the Letter now published by him, was suppressed by that Authority, that printed the other part. It is no wonder, that the Parliament intending to recommend to the people matter of thanksgiving, should not withhold that part of the Letter, wherein there were some passages, tending rather to doubtful disputation, then undoubted gratulation, which I conceive was the reason of it; It is a greater wonder to me, that this Author should so confidently print it, when the Parliament had forbid it.  
As for the expressions of the Letter recited, and animadverted; I hold not myself obliged to say any thing, I am no man's Champion but an Advocate to the truth, and a servant (not as I am like to be taxed) a Parazite to the Parlialiament: but if I were minded to call the Letter, and the Annotations upon it to a review, it were easy to find as may irregularities in the notes, as the Author of the Manifest doth in the Text.  
From hence the Manifest finds an easy passage to the Independents, aggravating their ill, Pag. 127. extenuating their good service, Pag. 128. I am loath to leave so ill a relish in the minds or mouths of the Readers, as to repeat the imputations, but take them as they are; Men that serve themselves into employment, engage the Pamphleteers to set forth lies and tales for them, causers of disturbances, blasphemies, heresies, violation of the Covenant, underminers, factious, guilty of a malicious plot, bringers of confusion into the Church, and consequently, Anarchy into the State, men that do all for by-ends, that join with others, as the Papists with Malignants for their own Interests. Tantaene animis coelestibus irae? To this I answer in the words of the Apostle James; My beloved 
Jam. 1. 19, 20.  brethren, let every man be swift to hear, slow to speak, slow to wrath, for the wrath of man worketh not the righteousness of God. I cannot conceive how they that are singly Independents, that is, men dissenting from other Governments in the constitution, and ordering of a Congregation, should deserve so much bitterness; First, they desire a liberty of collecting their members from several Parishes, and would have an union of hearts rather than a neighbourhood of houses to make up a Congregation. It cannot be denied, but that this would produce many inconveniences, which no doubt will be remonstrated; but me thinks, if it be not tolerable for its consequents, it should be pardonable for its grounds, arising from a desire of all possible purity in an Assembly. We shall all be in this point Independent in our desires and endeavours, and must be constrained to set up a Congregation within a Parish, when we debar one half from the Sacrament, and admit the other, which is like to be the case in many places. Secondly, they desire a liberty to ordain their own Officers. This is the practice of Presbyterians also for all Officers but Pastors: To their admission also the reasonable consent of the people is allowed, and the approbation which gives life to the Ordination. Thirdly, they desire a freedom from the Presbyteries, and Synods; An association of Churches, methinks they should not deny; a necessity of Synods they allow, the difference is, whether the acts of such meetings should be by way of advice, or authority, whether the meetings should be settled or occasional: for reconciling these let us consider, the one would have State-meetings, the other upon emergencies, both agree they should be as oft as necessity is, and no oftener; in case it be oftener, it is as nothing to that Congregation which hath no reference thither. As for that of advice, and authority, I have read a position in Voetius the Professor of Theology at Utretcht, a very learned man and a Presbyterian, to this purpose, Potestas Ecclesiae est directiva, non jurisdictiva, It is to be found in a disputation de union & regimine Ecclesiarum, wherein are many things that sound to moderation; but this difference I believe will find more dispute in notion then opposition in action, I should wave both the debates of jus divinum in Presbyteries, and the authority of Assemblies, and remit things to the practice. If the dictates, or rather directions of a Presbytery, or Synod be agreeable to the Word of God, and public Peace, and edification, I should embrace them, were the Authority of a Synod never so little, were they repugnant to these rules, and ends, either in themselves, or my apprehension, (which yet I should strive to get informed with all diligence and humility) I must be spared, were their authority never so great.  
The next, and indeed the last thing of moment is the London-Petition, which this Author approves, and prints, and contests with the Parliament about the receiving Petitions in general, and this in particular. But this Gentleman and I are of so different tempers, that I shall not take so much liberty to dispute on the behalf of the Parliaments privilege and practice in this particular, as he doth against it; They best know their own privileges, and how to maintain them. This I know, that there is no better way to preserve the people's liberty, then by keeping inviolate the Parliaments privilege. If there be a necessity of Rulers, for the conservation of Liberty (as there is) there is an equal necessity of preserving the authority of those Rulers, especially employing their endeavours for public good, as the Parliament doth.  
The Petition was well framed for the substance of it, and is granted for the main, if the Parliament thought it too binding, and particular, and judged better to grant the thing, then receive the Petition, who need find fault when they that Petition are gainers, and they that grant are no losers?  
As for the city of London, their deserts are such of this Cause, and kingdom, that I am confident, no reasonable thing, much less religious, will be denied them, and I am as confident they will ask no other. They understand the need and use the Parliament have had, and have of them, and they also apprehend the near relation, and dependence, they have upon the Parliament, and may easily foresee the fractions would arise in so great a multitude, did not the countenance and authority of Parliament restrain.  
Their mutual advantage depends upon their agreement, which whosoever goes about to interrupt, let them be divided in Jacob, and scattered in Israel▪  
For a close, let me take that passage of the Manifest concerning the endeavour of the enemy to divide the Nations, and his own hopes, (to which I add mine) that they shall not prevail. Certainly, our endeavour should be to prevent the fulfilling of theirs, especially in a thing so important to Religion and the good of these kingdoms.  
The scrupulous thoughts of offence made me sometimes to forbear this answer: which yet I have endeavoured so to order as not to give any offence; if it be taken, I shall be sorry, yet glad that it is not given. It may possibly breed me some disquiet, but why should I purchase my own peace, with the loss of truth? If I have incurred one trouble, I am sure I have avoided another, which was to me a great one, sc. to see the obligations of this kingdom aggravated, their ingratitude recorded, the Parliament affronted, the Commissioners abused, the people deceived; these are things I have endeavoured to right; forgive me this wrong, I will trouble you no more, unless this Author continue in a resolution of a fuller discourse (as he intimates in the end of his Manifest) which I desire might be forborn; For if there be no remedy, we shall also find a Reserve.  
FINIS.   

Postscript.  
WHereas it may be said that this labour might have been spared, in regard of the Censure adjudged by Parliament to Truths Manifest; I answer, that there is as much difference betwixt a Censure and an Answer, as betwixt the offence in writing the book, and the hurt done by spreading it. The Parliament have taken just notice of the fault, but have not thereby prevented the mischief; for since the Author was called in question, the book hath been studiously dispersed, and (as I believe) reprinted, and hath found some Readers so confident, as to say, that the book was censured, because it could not be answered, the contrary of which doth now appear.