THE mystery OF iniquity, YET WORKING In the kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, for the destruction of Religion truly Protestant. DISCOVERED, As by other grounds apparent and probable, so especially by the late Cessation in Ireland, no way so likely to be balanced, as by a firm Union of England and Scotland, in the late solemn Covenant, and a religious pursuance of it. ZEPH. 3. 4. 5. Her Princes within her are roaring lions; her judges are evening wolves, they gnaw not the bones till the morrow. 4 Her Prophets are light and treacherous persons: her Priests have polluted the sanctuary, they have done violence to the law. 5 The just Lord is in the midst thereof: he will not do iniquity: every morning doth he bring his judgement to light, he faileth not, but the unjust knoweth no shame. LONDON: Printed for SAMVEL GELLIBRAND. 1643. THE mystery OF iniquity, Yet working in the kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, for the destruction of Religion truly Protestant. WEre there not a more than ordinary stupidity possessing the hearts of men, which God usually permits as the forerunner of heavy judgements, after so many real and bloody demonstrations of a damnable design upon our Religion and Liberty, it were the most unnecessary work imaginable to publish written ones. But let this unhappy necessity be obeyed, and honest men be persuaded a little to withdraw their thoughts from their perplexed reflections upon the business of Hull, and the Militia, and the London Tumults, (which are usually looked upon as the grounds, but never were other than occasions and advantages sought to throw us into this confusion, which now over-spreads the face of England, and, unless God, who casteth out the counsels of Princes, and takes the wise in their own craftiness, mercifully prevent, is like to overwhelm it) and apply themselves to a diligent observation of the contexture and comprehension of affairs, as they have been these later years managed by our Adversaries: That so comparing one part of their proceedings with another, and all with this proposed end of subverting the Protestant Religion, together with the Subjects Liberty, (the elm of that Vine) the impartial and diligent Reader may discern an evident conjuncture of Jesuits, Priests, Princes, Prelates, Papists, politicians, Atheists, profane and ignorant persons, for the ruin of that Religion, to which some of them are Professed Enemies, others Pretended Friends, but which of them the most pernicious is hard to judge. But, that nobody may be wronged, this Heterogeneous number must, in reference to this great work, receive its proportionable distribution; and we must not conceive all these equally engaged, or upon the same grounds. Babel is to be built, the Architects are the Jesuites, taking in some atheistical Politicians to their assistance, as Surveyors of the work: Princes must find the materials, as being made believe that the work is designed for the House of their kingdom, and the honour of their Majesty. Papists, with the rabble of superstitious and ambitious clergy, are the daily Labourers, the profane and ignorant multitude are employed in the most servile works, as Hewers of wood, and Drawers of water, and are now made to tread mortar for this building moistened with their own blood. And because all these must be presumed reasonable men (though the later sort are used as natural bruit beasts, made to be taken and destroyed) who, though they are not so wise as to know what they do, yet must not be thought so foolish as not to know why they take this pains, different ends are held out. And therefore this great building is designed as a Church for the Papists Devotion, as a Palace for the prelate's ambition, as a Castle for the Prince's power, and the rest have several baits by these cunning Anglers cast out unto them, according to the variety of their dispositions. But lest I should seem rather to write then to reveal a Mystery, it will be convenient to use all plainness of speech, that they who are concerned may discern truth before it be beaten into their heads with a Poleax. First, I presume it will be granted on all parts, that the Roman Strumpet is very industrious to corrupt the Earth with her Fornications, Rev. 19 2. and hath to that end constituted a great council, De propaganda fide, as they call it, but rather, De propaganda perfidia, whose most vigilant Instruments and Emissaries are the Jesuits, who have by their diligence obtained the honour to be Cupbearers of this Wine of Fornication, and are justly accounted by us those Frogs, coming out of the mouth of the Dragon, the Beast, and the false Prophet, going forth unto the Kings of the Earth, and of the whole world, Rev. 16. 12. These men, as they compass sea and land, and have spread themselves well nigh in all parts, so they have always had a special eye to the kingdoms of Britain, it being doubtless propounded to them, and all Romish Agents, as a piece of eminent service, if by any means that might be reduced to the vassalage of Rome. And this is the second step which I think there will be no contesting for, that the Romish Agents have been very earnest and industrious in reconciling this island with the adjacent to their Religion; it being a service which the Pope himself disdained not to stoop to, in that Letter (yet uncontradicted) which he writ to the Prince in Spain, now extant in the English tongue; where he desires that the Prince of Wales might be brought back again into the lap of the Romish Church, and the Prince of the Apostles put in possession of this most noble Isle. Which desires of the Pope have been seconded with continual endeavours of swarms of Jesuites and Priests resident amongst us. It being then granted, that ever since the Reformation there hath been such a design, it remains to show how it hath been prosecuted, and how far it hath prevailed, where the Impediment now is, what labour there is to remove it, that all true Protestants may the better understand their own condition and Interests. only let this be premised, that we being to deal with a Mystery, a work of darkness, it must not be expected that all which shall be produced, should be clear and convincing; as if a judicial proceeding were undertaken, but that the Argument be so probable and dependent, as, though not a legal, yet a rational judgement may be passed against our Adversaries in this Cause. And it hath been a very unjust triumph of the Enemy over the Parliament and their friends in want of evidence, when they have (though the nature of the business, being treasonable, and therefore clandestinely carried, and bound up by oaths of secrecy) been put to make up the grounds of their proceedings from the connexion of several particulars and probabilities, which are enough for a Statesman, though not a Judge. And the diligent observer may take notice how these fears and jealousies, pretended to be groundless, have been justified by after proceedings, as the use made of Newcastle hath vindicated the securing Hull. The Ship from Denmark hath justified their suspicion, grounded (as it is said) upon the slighted testimony of the Skipper at Rotterdam. The Lord Digby's endeavours, and the residence there of King and Cochran, the Propositions to the Scots at Newcastle (hereafter to be mentioned) for the joining of the Scottish and English Armies against the Parliament, have justified all the suspicions and accusations, then pretended, and protested to be unjust and groundless. In such times and cases as these, fears and jealousies are pardonable, and distrust, especially after evident breaches of trust, is the mother of security. It is a very unequal thing, that the King with his Cavaliers should renounce the Parliament, destroy his good Subjects, upon the jealousy that Parliaments and Puritans are Enemies to his Prerogative and Power (which can never be proved if justice be made the Rule of Power) and we railed on for defending ourselves against the confederacy of Papists, Prelates, Court Parasites, and their Adherents, whose endeavours of introducing Popery and Tyranny, are far beyond jealousy, as is now to be demonstrated. I will not retire so far back (having so much work before me) as to insist upon the manifest and manifold attempts upon this kingdom in the days of Queen Elizabeth, whom when they had discerned to have settled her Interests for the Protestants against Spain and Rome, and established her council according to those Interests: So that though the Bishops brought her to disfavour Puritans, yet they could not persuade her to favour the Papists, but she still kept a strict and vigilant eye over them, as being rightly informed, that they, and not the other, were the greatest Enemies to royal Power. When they saw this, the usual arts of Rome against disaffected Princes, are put in practice, viz. Bulls, Interdicts, poisonings, Assassinations; which God wonderfully preserved that heroic Lady from; the Spanish Armado, the Rebellion in Ireland, may be further Testimonies of their zeal in this business. To the enumeration of these, let us only add thankfulness and caution, and proceed to their after Machinations, the bitter fruits of which the Protestant Churches yet feel. King James, before he came to the crown of England, had a heart too large for his Dominion, and therefore extended his affectionate thoughts to the kingdoms of England and Ireland, which he longed for a peaceable possession of. The Factors of Rome having studied his interest and nature, according to their wonted confidence attempt him: as for his Understanding, so well informed in the Forgeries and falsehoods of the Romish Religion, it was not to be ventured on, and therefore they proportion their workings to his Passions, which were, desire of the accession of power, mixed with a more than ordinary fear (in which he was naturally unhappy) lest he should be interrupted, if not disappointed in the entrance: And in this Conflict obtain from him some intimations, if not assurances, of favour to the Catholic Cause, with which they were for the present satisfied. The King upon his entrance and settlement in England, saw cause rather to dispense with his promises then his principles; whereupon the Popish Faction grew discontented against him, and a fruit of that discontent was the Romish Hellish Powder-plot, never to be mentioned by any good Protestant, but with due gratitude to Almighty God, and just detestation of the Romish Religion. This Treason wrought not kindly with his Majesty: for whereas he might have made the Plot a ground of defiance, and the Deliverance a ground of confidence; the horror of the business wrought such impression of dread upon his timorous spirit, that though he was not blown up, yet he was shaken by it all his life after, and drawn successively to a Compliance with, at least a Connivance at their proceedings. And notwithstanding the free exercise of his wit and pen against Popery, which they could well allow him, they constrained him to purchase his own security (contrary to the Interests of Protestant Religion, and paternal affection) with the ruin of the neighbour Churches of Bohemia and the Palatinate. We should not have looked upon the day of our Brethren: to that we may reduce the many impediments that have fallen in betwixt us and the help of our friends, and that posture wherein God himself stands towards us, even as a man astonished, a mighty man that cannot save, Jer. 14. 9 Though we have this hope left, that God will recompense that mischief, not upon the Nation, the body whereof had a just fellow-feeling with the distresses of their neighbours, but upon that cursed Faction whose pernicious counsels yet rule among us. This was the most considerable progress made in his time, though the preparatory workings for a fitter opportunity were not omitted, as the cherishing in him a disaffection to Puritans, an inclination to Bishops, procuring countenance to profaneness, both by practice, and Declaration to the remote Counties for licentious Sabbath-breaking, and settling about him persons regardless of the good of Church or commonwealth. To which may be added the untimely death of Prince Henry, when it was once observed that he grew popular, inclined to martial affairs, and disaffected to Spanish proceedings. As also the Propositions of the Treaty of marriage with Spain offered from England, revised at Rome, and then by the Negotiation of Bristol agreed to (though after broken) with so many advantages to the spreading of Popery in England, as might discover the design to have been considerably advanced in King James his time. I shall shut up the discourse of his reign with this observation of the providence of God: That those Princes who have trusted God with their lives and kingdoms, and kept Spain and Rome at distance and defiance, have sped better than they, who to their dishonoured selves, have sacrificed the welfare of the Church of God, as, by comparing the History of Queen Elizabeth, with those of Henry the fourth of France, and King James, may appear; who trusting to their own politic Conservations, the thing that they feared, came upon them. For so it was, That when by the journey into Spain, fairer hopes were conceived of the Prince, as by his intercourse with the Pope, and the presumptions of the Jesuit (which you shall find in the Treatise of the English Pope, not unworthy an Englishman's deligent observation) most fully appears; King James came to be looked upon as {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, and must be taken out of the way, that the Mystery might work the more effectually, and so died he, both a Friend and Martyr of the Catholic Cause. Though it was doubted, and feared, there were several ingredients into his death, the world talks of a drink, and a plaster, the Cup might be mingled for Rome's sake, and some other hands accessary to spreading the plaster; if so, Let them share the guilt, I leave them to him, whose eyes are upon all the ways of men, to render them according to their ways, and the fruit of their doing. It is said, the Archbishop of York, if he have not too much, or too little Grace, can tell you more of this business. Let our trembling pen pass on, to His now majesty's reign; and here doubtless some apology is expected, but I hope to say nothing that needs it; I shall endeavour to avoid known falsehoods, or unseasonable truths. An earnest affection to the Preservation and Reformation of the Church of God, hath put me upon this disquisition, and the desire of preserving good men from a snare, which shall be in vain spread in the sight of any bird, hath prevailed with me for the discovery of my thoughts: It is in service to that Cause, which I desire not to over-live the welfare of. And therefore, without any more compliment, Let us begin to search out the Platforms, Groundworks, Materials, Instruments of this great service, for recovery of Britain to Babylon. In the beginning of His majesty's reign, the Popish Faction having in Spain, and otherwise, obtained testimonies of His disposition, a strange wife is prepared for him, which, according to Scripture truth, is a dangerous preparative for a strange god: Surely they will turn away your heart after their gods, 1 Kings 11. 2. Upon this marriage, is the Court (sufficiently loose, and luxurious enough at all times) dissolved into Riots and Masquings, and in the midst of that noise, were our counsels and Enterprises, most perfidiously mislaid, and betrayed, as those of Ree and Cales, and especially that of Rochel, which, as if no slighter a compliment could be thought of for the fair Lady, received from France, must by English hands, and Popish counsels, be betrayed in its Religion and Liberty. Thus is our guilt increased, and our strength diminished; and lest the Remainder of it should be employed according to the Interests of our Religion and Nation, a peace with Spain is concluded, the Palatinate left to that which leaves it yet miserable, and is hastening us after it, a Course of treating with them, who carry destruction and misery in their paths, but the way of peace they have not known. These things have been long known, but little considered; and it stands well enough with my intent and purpose, to repeat things mentioned by others, because I aim at showing the dependence of the Jesuitical proceedings, one upon another, and all upon the main end of suoverting Religion and Liberty. After these parts so well played abroad, Let us consider how the design was carried on among ourselves, from the fourth year of His majesty's reign. And here, as good workmen use to do. They forecast the manner, and provide the Instruments of their work. It must be done, either by force, or fraud; the first is, disapproved, probably upon these reasons: 1. The King could not be supposed to yield to an invasion of His own Kingdom, and it was pity to betray so hopeful a Prince. 2. It was more full of hazard, as subject to the Accidents of war; as also, that a violent attempt would probably join the Protestant and Puritan, against the Papist, whereas a fraudulent gradual proceeding might possibly unite the Papist, and Indifferent Protestant against the Puritan, which they have now accomplished. The latter way is resolved upon, and Instruments accordingly fitted, which are certainly the most considerable requisites in any work. And because it was of very great concernment, That the King should be brought to favour and further these Popish proceedings, and preparations, He must be engaged either upon religious or politic considerations, to promote this Reconciliation with Rome. Not to dispute how far He was prevailed with in matters of Religion; if not for an absolute alteration, yet an Accommodation; or whether▪ the ultimate End, and full Design, were discovered to Him, or rather He made to prosecute it under another Notion: This is certain, That He manifestly favoured those Courses that made way for Popery and Tyranny; and it is to be conceived, rather with respect to power and profit (which were always observed to be His Majesties well consistent Interests) then to the Popish, or any other Religion, which is evidenced by that passage that fell from His Majesty, observed by the Venetian that wrote the Narrative, called the Pope's Nuntio, sc. That His Majesty could at that time reconcile Himself to Rome with much advantage. And when it was discerned that the Interest of absolute Rule, with its advantages, was so firmly settled in His Majesty, and that He was subject to be violent in the prosecution of it, and not likely to stumble at small blocks, which they might well guess by the dissolution of Parliaments, billeting soldiers, the design of the Germane horse, &c. They cherish him in it, and set France with its broken Parliaments and full power, as an Object of Emulation before him, as finding the Interests of Popery and Tyranny very well to agree. Now therefore, is His Majesty persuaded that His Crown, and the Pope's Chair have common Friends, and common Enemies. Parliaments and Puritans, are their Enemies; Prelacy and profaneness, their Friends. Let us see how things were carried with respect to them all. First, For Parliaments, which the Popish Party knew to be very good advantages in their constitution, to the preservation and reformation of the Protestant Religion, they represent them to his Majesty as most disadvantageous to his desired power and profit. These were only times of recompense for wrong, of petitions for right, Controllers of Prerogative, Assertors of popular Liberty; and therefore are they dissolved, disgraced by scandalous Declarations, publicly aspersed both from the press and Pulpit, as by Doctor alabaster, Beale, Manwaring, and others of that stamp. And that there might be no occasion of drawing supplies of money that way, which had so many other Inconveniences attending it, several exquisite Engines of iniquity and oppression were found out by Weston, Noy, and others, as Loans, Patents, Ship-money, &c. And thus for twelve years, or thereabouts, were Parliaments intermitted, and the hopes, if not remembrance, of them almost worn out. Then for Puritans, men cordially Protestant and zealous of their own Religion, which nowhere but among us is a fault, because they were tenacious of just Liberty, and true Religion, how studiously and spitefully are they disgraced, as men of antimonarchical Principles, factious spirits, ranked with Jesuites (who were yet better used) as the Incendiaries of Churches and States. For the suppressing these men, the authority of the High Commission, Star-chamber, Bishops Courts, and the ordinary Courts of Justice, through the corruption of Judges and other inferior Officers, were made very serviceable; and that they might have no shelter nearer than New-England, most of the faithful Ministers, and religious Justices were for some pretence or other discountenanced, displaced; and it was grown to that pass, that he that departed from evil made himself a prey. For the rooting out of Ministers, whose only fault was painfulness in their places, several artifices were used: And because there were a sort of conformable Puritans, whom the old Ceremonies reached not (who were the least tolerable, because the least liable) several Innovations, and that pestilent Declaration of the Sabbath, were introduced, which to oppose or refuse, was to be marked out to destruction. And all this done, that the Faction, as they called it, that so much hindered the good work in hand, this intended reconciliation, might be weakened, and removed. But were not the Cup in the hand of the Whore very stupifying, it were impossible to make Princes so much mistake their friends for enemies. The Principles of Popery are certainly more propense to Treasons and Rebellions than those of the Protestant Religion, which always made good Subjects, though not Slaves. And besides reason and experience of former Princes, this present Conjuncture of time and affairs may give testimony thereof. Suppose a Popish Prince that had broken the original Contract bound with Oath, subverted the fundamental Constitutions of government in this kingdom (imagine by Parliaments) and gave evident testimony of not being firm to the established Religion; can it be conceived that such a one could enjoy any security in the midst of Roman Catholics? Yet with us, after manifold oppressions, breaches of privilege, entrenchments upon liberty, setting up of the Standard, which some would have interpreted a renouncing of the people's protection, upon which their allegiance depends, casting off a Parliament, by so late an Act made indissoluble, without their own consent, charging them with actual Rebellion, and disclaiming all acts done by them, or right in them to exercise his or their own power: The King hears no other language then Gracious sovereign, Your sacred Majesty, not only in formal compellations, but solemn Covenants. Let the world judge whether the challenged Power of the Pope, and the grounds of Popery, would not have given the Subjects an absolution, and established proceedings upon other grounds than the Puritans of England and Scotland yet do. Yet so far, through the just judgements of God, have the intoxications of Rome, backed with continual evil counsels, prevailed with His Majesty, as that it may be said justly of him as David, he loves his enemies, and hates his friends, and prefers them who have played some of Absaloms' tricks with him, to his most faithful servants and people. It may be his Majesty is led by this Principle, That if he prevail he gains much, if not, he loseth nothing; only is where he was: but this may prove a deceitful arguing, if not prevented in time. That of the wise man may be peculiarly applied to these counsels, so full of folly and hazard, The wicked worketh a deceitful work. But pardon this digression, it was well meant, however it may be interpreted. So fared it with the Friends of Popery, the Prelates; who but they, must be the King's Friends, Neal to King James, Laud to King Charles; and there they suborned a fraudulent Proverb to serve their turn, which was, No Bishop, no King, nay (in Sydenham's rhetoric) no God, whereas the truth was, No Prelate, no Pope. And here again, was the King cheated by the Bishops, which will evidently appear, if ever (which God forbid) these Cockatrice Eggs be hatched. In the mean time, let reason, and former experience be Judges. The pomp and splendour of the Church, is the Pope's proper Interest; to which, the greatness of Princes, is rather opposite, than subservient. Increase of power, was in the Negotiation, pretended for the King, intended for the Bishops, who only made use of the King's power, for the advancement of their own. And though the King might easily judge, that no addition of power could be in them, without a Diminution of His; yet so far had this Circean Cup prevailed, that Bishops and their Agents, because they served the turn for the present, and prostituted their learning, power, and consciences, to the vindication of illegal Actions, and Authority, were entrusted, not only with ecclesiastical, but a very great share in civil affairs; some of them being of the Privy council, in all the three Kingdoms, and more especially the Archbishop of Saint Andrews, Chancellor of Scotland, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Controller of the council in England, who, through the King's confidence, and his own pragmatic disposition, had an influence upon all business of consequence that was transacted; And as the King presumed them his friends, so the Pope knew they were his own. Their function was a degree nearer in kindred to him, than any other Government of the Church, and the persons of some of them (as being men addicted to Superstition and Idolatry) were more serviceable than their Offices. And it is worth the observation, what care the Faction did take to keep this main outwork to Popery, in pressing their Calling upon men's consciences, which everybody, unless some of their own Favourites, found so offensive in all other respects. And therefore, from the Pulpit and press, was their Ius divinum pleaded, as by others, so by the prostitute pen of D. Hall, who must also contribute his Mite towards this Reconciliation, by his Printed Reconciler, being a penance enjoined him for writing formerly, No peace with Rome. And lest their rhetoric should fail, They took care in their Conclave (for it was neither Synod, nor Convocation) held 1640. for the binding men to this Government by an Oath, so absolutely necessary to this work, was their standing justly thought to be. Lastly, Another Introduction made for the resignation of this Church and Kingdom into the bosom of Rome; was that Ignorance and profaneness, which were generally countenanced in the Kingdom. That there was all means used for the growth of these Cardinal virtues is evidently manifest. As for Ignorance, how studiously did the pharisaical Prelates keep from the people the Key of knowledge, by disgracing and discountenancing Preaching, silencing painful Ministers, putting down Lectures, and when good men (willing to take any advantage to discharge their Consciences) in stead of Preaching, expounded the common catechism, in that they were restrained by Wren's Articles, and all discourse of Religion forbidden upon occasional meetings. But I am sure, that is no Apostolic Rule, if Saint Paul be consulted, (Col. 3. 16.) for the advancement of the Apostolic Sea, as it is called. The most of the Preaching that was allowed, was degenerate into railing against Parliaments and Puritans, crying up absolute authority, passive obedience, strains of wit fitter for a Stage than a Pulpit. And that men might not be relieved from the press, where the Pulpit failed, some Superstitious, profane Chaplains were set to be Overseers of it, to whom an Egyptian command was given, as to the Midwives there, to kill the Males in the birth; and not satisfied with that, as if one age were too narrow Limits for their iniquity to be exercised in, Order was given, for the reprinting Books formerly licenced, with their corrections, or rather corruptions, according to the Tridentine invention of Index expurgatorius. The like care was taken in matters of profaneness; which, as if it had not been sufficiently provided for by Ignorance, the natural mother of it, the Prelates by the examples of their own families for the most part, and the procuring and pressing the Book of licentiousness upon the Sabbath, were diligent Nurses thereof. And if it be further inquired, how these twins became serviceable to Popery, the resolution is very clear: Ignorance you know, is the mother of Popish Devotion, that is, Superstition, and a special qualification of a disciple of Rome, where blindfold is the only play, a trick the Pope borrows from the devil, The god of this world hath blinded their minds, 2 Cor. 4. 4. And so likewise profaneness is a borderer upon Popery, by the loose Principles, of which, it is much countenanced. It is true, Some sins are not so good cheap, among them, as others, but all may be had at a reasonable rate. And profane persons, whose remainders of Conscience tell them, they must at least pretend to some Religion, or other (Unless they have arrived at the height of Atheism) readily pitch upon that next hand, which would allow most Liberty. And our present experience gives testimony of the service these two fruits of the Bishop's Government have done: profaneness hath made a general averseness to Reformation; and Ignorance, with the help of that, hath furnished the King with an Army against the Parliament, fetched from the barren Mountains of Wales, Cornwall, and the North, which were kept sure without the means of knowledge, as a fit reserve for such a time, as this. I speak of the common sort of soldiers, many of the rest have too much knowledge, and too little conscience. Thus have we an account of the more remote preparations for this great service, which had wrought so well, that it was thought seasonable to adventure more boldly upon the business. And the prelates, with their forward dependants, as impatient of this dilatory proceeding begin to offer & press Popish innovations, to preach divers doctrines of gross Popery, for the which I refer you to the Canterburians self-conviction. The schools, the press, the Pulpit, began to speak Italian apace. The Martyrs of the Protestant Religion disgraced, the Conspirators in the Powder-Treason excused, as in a Sermon at Saint Mary's in Cambridge by Kemp of Queen's college. And the affront to Rome in the Common Prayer book, viz. Whose Faith is Faction, Religion Rebellion, must be taken out, that the Proverb might be verified. Misso non mordet. Our Churches began to put on the attire of the Harlot; Altars, Crucifixes and other idolatrous Pictures, were frequently set up, and fervently maintained. The Divine service, as they called it, was a mess so prepared, as that strangers from beyond Sea could scarce believe themselves to be in England, but rather in France or Italy, and cried, Non tam ovum ovo simile, nec lac lacti, &c. And if all this will not persuade the incredulous Reader, that there was a strong endeavour of altering Religion among us. I shall commend to his consideration, not so much Rome's masterpiece, (which may be Canterbury's masterpiece for aught I know, it looks so like a disguise) as that serious and ingenious Tract, called, The English Pope, together with the Popes Nuntioes' annexed, which gives a more exact account than I thought the secrecy of those Negotiations could have afforded to a man disaffected to them: Wherein you have the propounding and driving of the bargain betwixt the Agents for Rome, and the Archbishop with his Complices, who bought and sold the Puritans for Cardinals Caps, and pensions, among whom the then Chichester, now Salisbury, was a chief, and therefore fittest to be the Prince's tutor. But I should wrong both that author, and my Reader, to tell that story after him. And though England was the main Shop of this forgery, as being most considerable; as also because in Ireland there needed not so much diligence, and in Scotland there was not much matter to be wrought upon; yet in the two other kingdoms this pious inclination to peace with Rome was not neglected. In Ireland, in the fourth year of his Majesty, several Immunities and Encouragements were granted to the Papists. The than deputy, though his vein lay more right for tyranny and exaction, in regard of his imperious spirit, yet he failed not to do many good Offices for the papists, by connivance and countenance given to the free and public exercise of Idolatry. This the King helped on by making many popish peers, that a parliament in that kingdom might occasionally prove rather advantageous to the design, than otherwise. The fruit of which liberality of honour was reaped in the Irish parliaments, allowing a Contribution to the war against Scotland and their sending a Committee, many of which were forward papists, now chief Rebels, to White hall, the summer before the Rebellion broke forth, who in all probability shuffled the Cards for the cloudy Game which was played October after. And that Canterbury might not stand idle, he dispatched thither chapel, and other such Agents who by their Arminianism and Superstition, might train up the ordinary sort of Protestants there, and bring them to that temper▪ that upon a difference they should propend rather to the Papists then the true Protestants; of which allay, Ormond, Canterbury's Nursling, and his followers, now prove. Thus was Ireland managed, that it might serve the turn it now doth, of which afterwards. In Scotland likewise all possible industry was used to facilitate an Accommodation with Englad first, and so with Rome. And to that purpose the Popish and prelatical party were very busy there; particularly Spotswood Archbishop of Saint Andrews, a deep and subtle Dissembler, who had discouraged and extirpated by degrees, and under divers pretexts▪ most of the faithful Ministers there; and had he been left to his own politics in which he was beyond his patron Canterbury, in probability, he had made the condition of that Nation almost desperate. But Canterbury meeting with a man of his own mettle, Maxwell Bishop of Rosse (fit to be Jehu's coachman, being a furious driver to this Samaritane mixture, who apprehended and represented the condition of that Nation too forwardly and presumptuously, in his zeal rather than discretion) gave heed to him, and would needs be gathering the fruits of the Scottish endeavours before they could be ripened in that cold country, more backward than England, and so set his own and fellows teeth on edge. In confidence therefore that the Scottish Church and Nation was so well prepared, (as by other endeavours, so by his Sermon preached at Edinburgh, when he was there with the King, about the Partition-wall, Eph. 2. 14. which he miserably handled, when he made it to be the Jesuits and Puritans hindering his Reformation, that is, Reconciliation with Rome) as to receive the English liturgy▪ and that corrupted or to give good advantages to the design by their refusal. It was boldly offered them, backed with the King's power, prostituted to all such services, by that prelatical Pander to the Whore of Rome. As also a book of corrupt Canons, which though they comprehended abundant iniquity, yet it was thought fit by one Canon commended by Rosse to Canterbury, that a door should be left open wide enough for the Pope himself to enter at a fit opportunity, to this effect; That since no Reformation in Doctrine or Discipline can be made perfect at once, it should be lawful by his majesty's consent, &c. which fell in so directly with Canterbury's design, that he procured it to be approved by the King at Greenwich, May 23. 1635. and enjoined it to be inserted, giving thanks to his Agent the Bishop of Rosse, in a lerter yet to be seen, saying, he was glad of the canon so usefully placed behind the curtain, and commanded it to be fully printed. But these Southern plants, being slips of an Italian stock, could not endure this Northern Climate, but were sorely nipped, and (hinc illae lachrymae) the Scots instead of a commonprayer book, joined in a Covenant; which when Spotswood saw, he said (prophetically, I hope, as once Caiaphas) the bottom of their business was broken out, and for his part he thought it seasonable to repair into England, which he forthwith did and with grief died a Martyr to this design, and so was the prediction of Master Walsh, a famous Scottish Minister, fulfilled upon him, who in a Letter to the Bishop, written 1604. told him he should die an outcast. The resolute rejection of this book, together with the Prelates, altered the Scene, but no way the Plot of this Tragedy, and gave occasion for new Actors to enter in a military posture, it being determined by this Romish confederacy, that force must be added to fraud, the people's blood to the Prelates sweat; rather than this blessed work disappointed. When therefore it was resolved that the many humble Petitions and Remonstrances of the Scottish Nation should be answered in blood, preparations are accordingly made; and because the Bishops had rendered themselves so odious by their Superstitious and Lordly carriage, though the quarrel was theirs, the action must be entered in the King's name the war must be called Bellum Ragale, and not Episcopale, and the Scots persecuted, not as men disaffected to Episcopacy, but to Monarchy. And thus, by blowing the Trumpet of lies and Slanders, some desperate, some deluded persons were gathered together, to force the Scottish Nation to canonical obedience, and a Conformity to England, now in confederacy with Rome. His majesty's person for the credit of the Cause must be engaged, who coming down to the Borders, and finding the Scots standing upon their defence at Dunce hill, the King having left his firebrands at home, in stead of fighting treats and concludes a Pacification at Berwick; which when the counsellors of mischief, especially Canterbury and Strafford, saw, as they had before incensed his Majesty against his people to now (as became the Grace of the one, and Lordship of the other) they make him fall out with himself, and his own act, and sacrifice his faith and honour to the quarrel. This poor paper, because it gave advantage toward a peace, so unsatisfying to them, and unserviceable to their ends, it must receive the measure more due to the Incendaries, be disavowed, and burnt by the hands of the Hangman. And this was done upon these or the like considerations. If Scotland be so left, it will not only be hopeless in regard of itself, and so hinder the perfection of the good work, but remain as an ill precedent to all good Subjects to stand up in defence of their Religion and Liberties, (which Canterbury and Strafford had a mind to invade) against all illegal and violent attempts, though enforced with the King's personal presence. And further, the example of that kingdom will not only remain as an encouragement, but their unbroken strength will (it is to feared) prove serviceable to the Puritans of England, who are justly thought so many and obstinate, that without a blow they are not to be subdued. It is therefore concluded necessary by the factors for Tyranny and Popery, that arms be resumed by the King, of which at least they thought to reap this advantage, that which side soever prevailed, it would be an engagement of the kingdoms in war (which was so earnestly pressed by Strafford) that so they might be disunited and made the more unserviceable to each other in case of necessity. Thereupon they further persuading the King of the possibility of prevailing, (which he used to regard more than the nature of the council) arms are taken un again. Strafford, with his Assistant Sir Toby Matthews, an episcopal extract, are dispatched for Ireland, the one deals with the Parliament, the other with the Papists, for supplies in this Catholic cause, and prevailed not only in that, but an auxiliary strength is there raised of about 8000. men, most of them papists, who might be transported for England or Scotland, as occasion should require. And Canterbury no less busy at home, dispatches his Bulls to the Clergy for Contributions to the present design and soldiers are pressed with the advantages of Coat and conduct money in the several Counties. But the soldiers raised in Essex, Hartfordshire, and thereabouts, as if they had rather been to serve under a Scottish Covenant, than a popish Command fall to pulling down Images, burning the rails about the Altars, and affronting papists, which was an untoward Omen but yet disheartened not the stout prelates and rest of the Faction from their enterprises. While these Firebrands were smoking in England and Ireland, the Scottish Nation, who love not After games were not idle, but made good their bearing, their lion was rampant while the English were but passant, and so not being willing to trust another pacification at the Borders, march into England with an Arny, carrying a petition to the King, and Declaration to the kingdom, in one hand, and arms (the only arguments then hopeful) in the other, and forced their passage at Newburn, with the repulse of the English, if they deserve so to be called, most of them having changed their hearts for French and Spanish; so were they possessed of Newcastle, and the bishopric of Durham, and fought with their Adversaries upon their own ground and charges. The success of this design being ill, and the experce great and insupportable to the Contrivers, notwithstanding all their extravagant oppressions, they are so impudent as to try if they could entitle the English Nation to the maintenance and countenance of that war, which was levied by a Faction, and persuade the King to call a parliament, intending, through the specious pretences of Loyalty, and promises of taking away grievances, to deceive them into a contribution to this war, which through God's great mercy and good providence, they avoided, though it cost them a dissolution. Hereupon the Instruments of violence double their diligent injustice, which grew so intolerable, that some of the Lords take the confidence to petition the King who being betwixt the Scylla of a Northern Army, and the Charybdis of a Southern petition, yielded to a second parliament, yet continued, and enters into a Treaty with the Scots, being out of hopes of any other End, unless it were of his men and money. Thus have you a brief account of the Scottish broils and let the Reader but consider the ground thereof, (viz. the reducing that Nation to a conformity with England, now in treaty of accommodation wtth Rome) the Instruments raising and fomenting it, Canterbury and the rest of that Faction, zealous for popery and Tyranny, and the forwardness of the papists, who use not to make blind bargains in the furthering that design, and give a free and impartial liberty to the use of his own reason, I doubt not but he will conclude with me, and for me, that this war was undertaken as a hopeful mean of subverting the protestant Religion, and the native Liberty of the British Nation. Well, Hac non successit, alia aggrediendum via. The disappointment and foil that the enterprise received by the Scottish business, was so far from making them cast away their confidence, that they do but double their diligence, and call a college of these State physicians to recover life into this broken business. And, that the proverb might not be renewed, Dum consulitur Romae, capitur Saguntum, the sudden result of those counsels appears to have been, that some way or other this Parliament (going a course so contrary to theirs, &, through the lowness of their present State, gaining ground apace, though put to dispute every step) must be interrupted and disappointed, nay, rather than fail, destroyed. And no wonder at this practice against the parliament, which went on at that time so roundly against their interests, and courses formerly mentioned, propounding a further distance from Rome by a Reformation, in stead of their reconciliation by corruptions, striking sore at the abatement, threatening the abolition of Prelacy, which they could not spare; countenancing Puritans, whom they could not endure; accusing and punishing Delinquents, their grand Instruments; not sparing Canterbury or Strafford, who were the left and right hands of the design. So that we need not look any further for a ground of all possable mischiefs to be plotted and practised against the Parliament, than its direct opposition to the projected design of Tyranny and Popery, which had been so far advanced, and was now like to be interrupted and broken. All the other differences, as particularly that of Hull was but the picking a quarrel, and seeking occasion to raise an Army, under pretence of a Guard, for that purpose to which it is now employed. And it being of so great consequence to the discovery of this Mystery, that we understand the true natural ground of this war, on the King's part as also that the Cure is more easily prescribed, when the Cause is found out: I shall take a little pains to demonstrate, that the ground of these present calamities was not the pretended invasion of the King's right in the business of Hull and the Militia, but a resolution to persist in the intended mischief to Religion and Liberty. To which purpose let it be known to the world, which to me is sufficiently evident, that before the execution of the Earl of Strafford, when his Majesty had received no other carriage from his Parliament, than what he professed himself satisfied with, and that if the bills he had past, were again to be offered, he should cheerfully and readily assent unto them; even than were dispatched Letters and an Agent to the King of Denmark from his Majesty, complaining of the Parliament, that instead of his supplies expected from thence, among other Ends, ad propulsandos hostes, you may easily guess who were meant (we being in a deep peace with all popish princes) he found it, pertinaciter, & injustis de causis, in in unius viri exitium intentum & defixum (undoubtedly Strafford, betwixt whose impeachment and execution the Letters were sent) and thereupon declares himself in these words, ad alia consilia animum convertendum duximus. What those Counsels were will hereafter more fully appear. One part of them was executed in the same Letter, wherein an Agent was named, with credit given, and aid desired. And that it may appear this Letter was sent, out of which these passages are excerpted not only the Copy of the Letter, but the authentic Answer hath been seen, and that it prevailed in some sort, appears not only by the Answer from Denmark, but the Kings declaring upon the Offer to the Scots at Newcastle, that he was to have money and horse from Denmark, to encourage them to join with him; and all this notwithstanding the deep protestations, at that very instant, against foreign Forces. And if there want further proof, it may be added that the intention to bring up the Army to over awe if not destroy the parliament, was long before his majesty's departure from London, which intention if it he not sufficiently proved by the Declaration of the Lords and Commons of the nineteenth of May 1642. with the depositions and Letters annexed, which may possibly prevail with the indifferent Reader: yet the propositions about the same time made to the Scots at Newcastle, of joining with the English Army against the parliament, and the bonntifull Offers made thereupon, Of 300000. l. to he paid down, Of four Northern Counties, and the plunder of London, The quitting of his Revenues and customs in that kingdom to their public use, The King's residence at York for the better accommodation of both Nations, or fuller revenge to London, (which Sir John Henderson, who imparted that gracious Message by virtue of Letters of full credence given him by his Majesty signed C.R. can testify, or if he will not many honester men may, though the paper be regained) may sufficiently convince any man, who hath not determined with himself, Non persuadebis etiamsi persuaseris: which I have made the more bold to add, because though the Penner of the Answer to the Petition of both Houses March 26. 1624. defy the devil (whom he knew would never take pains to discover his own plot) to prove there was any such design with his majesty's knowledge, yet he denies not honest men liberty of speaking the truth. And not to let this business pass without the just honour and vindication of the Scottish Nation, let the world take notice, that they not only refused this offer, but acquainted those who were most entrusted with the affairs of the English Parliament, and offered rather (if need were) their best assistance to secure the just and lawful proceedings and privileges of Parliament, and settle both Nations in truth and peace, the embracing whereof might have probably prevented a great deal of bloodshed both in England and Ireland and had been the foregame of our present aftergame. But they were then so far more tender of his majesty's honour then their own safety. that they made use neither of the Kings offer to the Scots by declaring it, nor the Scots to them by accepting it, and one of them was so far more ambitious of his majesty's favour then careful of his own honour, as to acquaint the King with the business: ask the Lord of Dorset who it was. But I hasten from this Digression, and return to that conclusion, which I think I may clearly make from these premises; That his Majesty before any of these apparent Quarrels about Tumules, or the like, used earnest endeavours for destroying the Parliament, so contrary both in its constitution and proceedings to the intended subversion of Religion and Liberty, either in their persons or privileges. So that though these plots and transactions did not serve the King's turn, for the intended mischief, yet they serve mine very well in the clear proof of the intention of the mischief. Something might further be added out of the Irish business, to make this assertion clear, but I reserve that to its own place, being the Mystery of this Mystery, and the Iniquity of this Iniquity. By what hath been declared, it may appear what aspect the King and the counsels in which he was engaged had toward the Parliament of England. Let us proceed to examine the courses which were afterward taken in prosecution of this Design against them, and those that for love of Religion & Liberty adhered to them; and by considering the ways, Counsels, Instruments, which have been used in this service, we shall obtain yet further evidence, that this present war, undertaken by the King and his party was intended for the subvers on of the professed Religion, and established Government. When therefore the Armies raised both in England and Ireland (not without some relustancy, as not having performed their intended service) were unavoidably to be disbanded in the declining part of the year 1641. we must suppose a counsel most solemnly to be called at Whitehall about July or August, before the Kings going into Scotland (it being then very seasonable in regard that the Irish Committee (especially so able and active men as Gormonston, Muskery, Plunket, Browne and Bourke, who were privately treated with) was then in England) wherein, as may appear by the precedent and future practices, it was laid as a ground, That this Parliament, with the Puritans, their Adherents, who stood so obstinately in the way of this propounded, and so far promoted design, must be removed, or subdned. And to this End ways of violence (blood being the Whores drink, Revel. 17. 6. and imperium quolibet pretio constans bene, an absolute rule being cheap at any rate) are resolved upon, especially considering that many broken pieces of the Armies raised against Scotland might easily be made use of again, the Occasion being very little different. And in this Conspiracy was that monstrous Rebellion in Ireland (to use the words in the King's answer to the Petition of the Irish Commanders, dated at Oxford December 1. 1642. for we cannot wish better words, though we expect better deeds) practised by those merciless and idolatrous Rebels, more than probably contrived. Let us stand behind the curtain, some policy may be learned, and honesty too, by way of defiance. After the Proposition of the destroying this Parliament, in case it could not be reduced to the service of this Catholic design, (which was almost past hope, seeing no more royal inclinations in them, after so many Acts of Grace, besides personal honours, and offers made to some, accepted by others) which was resolved doubrlesse, nemine contradicente. The next consultation must naturally and necessarily be of the manner, which must likewise be Confusion and Blood; sceleribus non nisi per scelera tutum est iter. But nothing is to be done rashly, the Cause being as full of hazard as importance; let therefore the State of the kingdom of England, and the neighbour kingdoms and States, in reference to this Cause be duly considered. The condition of England may be thus represented, for the body of it; It consists of Papists, Protestants, viz. the King, Prelates, Courtiers, and Cavaliers. the dissolute Gentry, the superstitious Clergy, the profane and ignorant people the only Protestants now accounted of, all the rest are but Anabaptists and Brownists; and a third party of Purita is that is Lovers of the Protestant Religion, with the desire of Reformation, friends to the Parliament, and native Liberty of the Subject. This latter part though very strong, yet may be supposed well balanced by the other two, whom they without a mistake, as now appeares, presumed might be made one, upon the coincidency of popery, absolute power, prelacy, indifferency in Religion, and profaneness; especially with the advantages of their opposition to Puritanism and Reformation, and the manifold pretences that might be continually made against the Parliament. And whereas it might be objected that the Parliament now made indissoluble by a late act, would be a very great impediment, in regard of its power and estimation with the people, especially now after their pressures sustained for want of Parliaments. This was put of with the projects of defaming and disgracing it, withdrawing some of the Members, corrupting others, and bringing the kingdom into that condition that the Parliament shall be constrained to disengage the people by requiring Contribution, rather than engage them by present freedom and reformation. England thus represented is no great discouragement to the work. But what shall be done with Scotland? a people full of foresight and resolution; their late carriage towards this very business, hath given abundant testimony, That they upon the stateing of the quarrel by the Parliament, for Religion and Liberty will easily be drawn into their assistance. The course since taken, seems grounded upon such council as this; The King is to go into Scotland, and so to pass by the Armies, the Commanders of which may occasionally be saluted, and there he may upon the place be advised, to what may be best for his ends. If by fair offers and pretences they can be deluded, let them not be spared, that they may be either engaged by kindness, or upbraided with unkindness. If they be found peremptory, since there is an advantage of the King's presence, and so many resolved Cavaliers to attend him (as there did both Popish and others) let some of the Heads of the faction be taken off, as Argyle for one, and Hamilton likewise (who by playing booty on both sides that he might be sure to save his stake had like to have lost all) which was accordingly attempted by Crawford's design but through God's providence prevented, by making a difference betwixt the Contrivers, and stirring up a more noble resolution in one of the Commanders (though since unworthy enough) who thought and said, it was the work of Butchers and not soldiers, that was propounded. But let the worst be supposed and provided for, As Scotland is for the most part puritanical, so is Ireland Popish. And the Irish Papists may first suppress the Protestants among themselves, and so not only occasion the Exhaustion of England and the distraction of the Parliament there, by a war, but also be serviceable upon the perfection of their work, or an allowed Cessation from it, to strengthen the King's party in England, or annoy Scotland to the prevention of their Assistance. Very good or at least very true. But what may be expected of Holland? from the people little hindrance, being drowned in their own interest of gain: Were we all Spaniards, we could have supplies from thence for our money; and from the Prince of Orange (who hath well gained, not only by that state, but upon it) all possible assistance by reason of the contract of marriage with England, and the possibility there may be of requiting him in the same kind, when our work is done. Which (by the way) when the Netherlanders are awake they shall do well to consider of, and reflect upon the Belgic blood, and English treasure expended in the freeing them from that bondage, to which by connivance at supplies against the Parliament they are hastening again. As for Denmark the case is clear, the Obligation of Consanguinity the interest of royalty will engage that Prince, and to put it utterly out of doubt the encouragement given by Letters under his own hand, is abundantly sufficient. As for France and Spain, Popery and Monarchy, (or rather Tyranny) will bring in them, (notwithstanding, their great and important differences) as Pilate and Herod, to join in crucifiing Christ: The greatest doubt may seem of France, Spain having a firmer interest in the Papists of Ireland and England; but considering it is for the Catholic Cause, And that if the proceedings of the true Protestants of England and Scotland prosper, it may be an ill precedent to the Protestants of France, to strive to regain, what the other strive to keep: no doubt he will cast a favourable eye upon this business, as now appears by sending his Agent into Scotland, to hinder the Union of the two Nations. Things being thus digested (as in all reason they might and were) no wonder though the King upon his return from Scotland and the Rebellion begun in Ireland, altered his language and carriage to the Parliament, and sought nothing more than occasions of beginning the quarrel; as by the illegal accusation of their members, Going to the house of Commons to demand them, so attended; upon whose instigation, and with what intention, appears by the Queen's carriage at his frustrate return, as also by the confessions of divers of that desperate Guard. These violent assassinating courses attempted in England and Scotland, practised in Ireland, though they are not certain Evidences, are usual signs of a Popish design, and Jesuitical counsels. After this attempt, (not through pretended fear, (for his Majesty adventured into the City the next day, with a small Guard) but through indignation at the disappointed mischief, and, (as the Lord Digbie saith) to keep the Cavaliers from trampling and reproach,) the King removes from London, cum tota sequela, except some who were left to be Agents in City and Parliament for this great service, whom we could as well have spared. And now the plot of raising an Army, long before contrived being ready for the birth, June Lucina fer opem, Let the Queen find a pretence to go into Holland, (taking with her the crown Jewels, which were pawned or sold, not to gain, but lose the pearl of price) with the more freedom to negotiate foreign supplies of Money, arms, Ammunition, and Commanders, whither likewise some other officious persons, as Jermine, Digbie, &c. were before, by his majesty's warrant, despatched, and to speak without flattery, she did special service, for which no doubt she shall have her Indulgences and Pardons free, as she hath occasion to use them. In the mean while the King is going on pilgrimage in Devotion to this Romish Cause, and though continually petitioned for return, and obtested by bleeding Ireland, makes little stay till he comes to York, where after the Courting of that Country, and his many Protestations, (taking the Lords in for security, June 15. 1642. whose honours were pawned for his majesty's intentions whereby it was thought the people were better prepared then indeed they were) he goes to Hull, and upon Sit John Hotham's refusal takes occasion to raise a Guard for his person in a place, whose Loyalty was so much magnified, which by the help of the Commission of Array, and foreign supplies hath engendered a plentiful issue of three or four Armies. But what is all this to the subversion of the Protestant Religion, if there had been any such intention in the raising the Army, the Papists whose special interest it was, should have been taken in, who are by a Proclamation dated at York, August 10. 1642. forbidden, not only the Court, (a place so unfit for them, the Queen being now absent) but any Office or service in the King's Army; and as if his Majesty were so far from expecting their assistance, that he feared their vengeance, in his instructions to the Commissioners of Array, August 29. 1642. dated at Nottingham, charge is given that Recusants be disarmed. This cannot be denied, but it may be contradicted, as it was by his Majesty, in an answer to the Petition of the Recusants of Lancashire, dated at Chester, September 27. 1642. where they are not only allowed, but (according to the known Law of the Land) required to provide sufficient arms, for themselves, their servants, and tenants. And whereas it may be said the case was different in August and September; it's yielded, his majesty's Case was different, though his Cause the same. To have received them before others were engaged, had been to disengage the Protestants and interrupt the work in its tender beginnings. And therefore it must be so timed, that as many Protestants as could be deluded with pretences, might be drawn in and engaged, beyond a retreat, before the assistance of the Papists was required. Thus have you an account of those grounds, for which those Counsels, Contrivances, and disguises, by which the main Army countenanced by the King's favour and presence, was raised against the Parliament. I have no mind to trace it over-shoes, through that innocent blood which hath been spilled by it, neither is it to my present purpose to do it. The endeavours to the same end in the North, by the Earl of Newcastle, in Wales and Cornwall by the Marqu of Hertford, and Sir Ralph Hopton; (These latter grounded rather as I suppose upon the Principles of Prerogative than Popery) I purposely omit: only let me take notice, that this work of darkness hath made the dark corners of the land its refuge and received most assistance from places most void of the knowledge of God, which we are in a high degree to impute to the more than barbarous cruelty of the prelates not only not providing, but preventing their supplies, and discouraging the Liberality and Piety of those who endeavoured the propagation of the Gospel, by disappointing the intention of buying in Impropriations, and discountenancing Lecture. These Armies thus raised, and made up by Papists prelates, Courtiers, superstitious clergymen, dissolute Gentry, and a Herd of profane ignorant people; what by treating and fighting, by false friends and bitter enemies (though the just hand of God upon this Nation, for their idolatry, and backsliding bloodshed and oppression, and undervaluing the precious gospel of Jesus Christ) have turned this kingdom into a Field of blood, and of the esteem and envy of other Nations, have made it the pity of our few friends, and the reproach of our adversaries. But why should all this Calamity be reduced to his majesty's Counsels and Courses, hath not he offered Treaties of peace, as at Nottingham, and entertained them, as at Oxford. I know there are many that afflict themselves with the neglect of the offer from Nottingham, sent from the desolate Standare, and look upon it as the loss of a happy opportunity. I deny not but his Majesty, in that condition not out of love to peace (an affection that could not well consist with those incessant endeavours to leavie war) but fear lest he might lose that power he strived to increase, might be for some time real in that motion but his inclinations to it were not so strong as to revoke his Proclamation. (which measure not only the Scots found, but the Irish Rebels likewise, now by authority derived from his Majesty, called Catholic Subjects) or to resist (as the report is) the suggestions of the Earl of Bristol, who desired him to remember his promise to the Queene, and therefore not like to have been so constant, as to have produced a settled peace. As for the other Treaties offered and entertained, as they were intended so they proved, accommodations for war, rather than peace, as that Overture before the Brainford business: And as for that treaty at Oxford, If the King had entertained the same disposition towards his Parliament in England, as he hath since expressed towards his late Rebels in Ireland, he would not have been so scrupulous in all the passages of it, and so indulgent to the almost starved Rebels, by the manifold advantages of that Cessation, afterward to be examined. It is true, there have been divers Overtures since, the most of them private, but we have lost by every bargain; among the rest the Queen was appointed and used as a most hopeful instrument of quenching the flames she had so diligently kindled and blown, and as I am too truly informed, favour offered to her faction by those who (though all this was come upon us) ought not to have stretched out their hands to a strange God shall not God search this out? Psa. 44. But what peace so long as, &c. There were possibly some Lords and Gentlemen (in other respects) of worth, as Hartford, South hampton, Falkland, and some others, (who finding things contrary to their expectation, and being wearied with the tediousness of this unnatural war) that had and have real inclinations to peace: but what doth this avail us, when his Majesty is wholly swayed by those Counsels which are as averse to peace, as to the Protestant Religion, and the Liberties of the Kingdom; so that there is little hope that the arms taken up by the King should be willingly laid down, till the ends for which they were raised, the subduing the Parliament and Puritans, the subversion of Religion and Liberty, (which God prevent) be accomplished. But I am not ignorant of the prejudice and unbelief that all which hath been or can be said in this business is like to meet with, so averse are men from looking upon this as a quarrel of Religion, and from laying it to heart accordingly. I shall therefore take the boldness to produce yet some further Evidence, whereby it may appear that the Interests of the King and Papists as in all parts, so particularly in Ireland, are deeply and desperately involved. First in general, the Papists (who do not use to reckon without their Host) in all places interpret the Cause of the King against the Parliament to be their own, and declare it not only in words, but in their personal assistance, and plentiful Contributions, as appears by the notice given to the Papists in Flanders, of the acceptable service they should do to the Catholic Cause, by sending money for the maintenance of the Army against the Parliament, witnessed upon Oath. And though ourselves who are most nearly concerned are so hard of belief in this Case, yet the neighbour Protestants, as of Zealand and Scotland, do so state it, as appears by the Letter of solicitation for a seasonable engagement in the behalf of the English Protestants, from Zealand to the general Assembly of Scotland, and by the Remonstrance of the Assembly of Scotland, to the Convention of Estates there, and their answer thereunto, dated June 27. July 4. 1643. But the fullest and saddest Evidence in this business is to be drawn from the due examination, and consideration of the Rebellion in Ireland, (for so it was once called) wherein there have perished near two hundred thousand souls, by the hands of those wicked and detestable Rebels (as they are called by his Majesty in his Declaration of April the 8. 1642.) so odious to God and all good men, with whom if his majesty's Counsels prove confederate, I think it will be sufficient to convince our moderate men, and awake them out of that Neutrality, which is as unprofitable as it is detestable, since it neither procures friends, nor reconciles enemies. That the ground of that Rebellion was the advancement of the Catholic Cause, is professedly declared by the Acts of the general Assembly of Rebels at Kilkenny, held 1642. which Acts were printed at London, March the sixth 1643. in these words. FOR the exaltation therefore of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, for the advancement of his majesty's service, and for the preservation of the Lives, Estates and Liberties of his majesty's true Subjects of this kingdom, against the injustice, murders, Os durum! massacres, rapes, depredations, robberies, burnings, frequent breaches of public Faith and quarter, and destruction daily acted and perpetrated upon his majesty's said Subjects, and advised, contrived, and daily executed by the malignant party, some of them managing the Government and affairs of Estate in Dublin, and some other parts of this kingdom to his highness' great disservice, and complying with their Confederates, the malignant party in England, and elsewhere, who as it is known to all the world, complot and practise to dishonour and destroy his majesty, his royal Consort, their Children, and monarchical Government, which is of most dangerous consequence, to all the Monarchies and Princes of Christendom. The said Assembly doth order and establish a council by the name of a supreme council, of the confederate Catholics of Ireland, &c. You see how near the Exaltation of the holy Roman Catholic Church, and the advancement of his majesty's service, stand together, and who are accounted his majesty's true Subjects, who Malignants. But all this is easily blasted with the Consideration that they are the Expressions of Rebels, pretending his majesty's name and service for their advantage; No, under favour, they are the expressions of his Roman Catholic Subjects, so styled in the late Cessation, concluded in his majesty's name, and by his majesty's authority, September 15. 1643. and ranked equally with other his majesty's good Subjects, and therefore no reason to discountenance this Evidence, not yet those of the like nature hereafter to be produced. However it abundantly shows the end for which it was mentioned, the proving that Rebellion to be a quarrel of Religion. Let us now try what Evidence may be brought forth to prove that the Papists in Ireland, and the Armies in England, engaged against the Parliament, are doing the same work, and that there is a line of Communication betwixt their counsels. To this purpose, let us consider a Commission, and a Cessation, to which whatsoever else is to be said in this matter may be reduced. Common fame, none of the worst witnesses, hath brought to every man's ears the noise of the Kings favouring the Irish Massacre, and that the Catholic Subjects there have called themselves the Queen's Army, and intimated themselves the Kings, by saying they had good warrant in black and white for their proceedings, and crying out upon the English Parliament and Puritans, as the King's Enemies and theirs. It were well worth the knowing the truth of this so important business. Let us go as near it as the nature of a Mystery will admit. And first let the Copy of the Commission, said to be given by the King to his Catholic Subjects of Ireland, be read and examined. From our Camp at Newrie this fourth of November 1641. Philem Oneale. Rorie Macguire. To all Catholics of the Romish party both English and Irish, within the kingdom of Ireland, we wish all happiness, freedom of Conscience, and Victory over the English heretics, who have for a long time tyrannised over our bodies, and usurped by Extortion our Estates. BE it hereby made known unto you all our Friends and countrymen, that the Kings most excellent Majesty (for many great and urgent Causes him thereunto moving, reposing trust and confidence in our fidelities) hath signified unto us by his Commission under the great Seal of Scotland, bearing date at Edingburgh the first day of this instant October 1641. and also by Letters under his sign manual, bearing date with the said Commission, of divers great and heinous astronts that the English Protestants, especially the Parliament there have published against his royal Prerogative, and also against our Catholic Friends within the Kingdom of England; The Copy of which Commission we have here sent unto you to be published with all speed in all parts of this kingdom, that you may be assured of our sufficient warrant and authority herein. THE COMMISSION. CHARLES by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the faith, &c. To all our Catholic Subjects within Our kingdom of Ireland, greeting. Know ye, that We for the safeguard and preservation of Our person, have been enforced to make Our abode and residence in our Kingdom of Scotland for a long season, occasioned by reason of the obstinate and disobedient carriage of Our Parliament in England against us, who have not only presumed to take upon them the government and disposing of those Princely Rights and Prerogatives that have justly descended upon us from Our predecessors, both Kings and Queens of the said kingdom for many hundred years past, but also have possessed themselves of the whole strength of the said kingdom, in appointing governors, Commanders, and Officers, in all parts and places therein, at their own wills and pleasures, without Our consent, whereby we are deprived of Our sovereignty, and left naked without defence. And forasmuch as we are (in ourself) very sensible, that these storms blow aloft, and are very likely to be carried by the vehemency of the Protestant Party a Puritan in another copy. into Our kingdom of Ireland, and endanger Our regal power and authority there also: Know ye therefore, that we reposing much care and trust in your duties and obedience, which we have for many years passed found, do hereby give unto you full power and authority to assemble and meet together with all the speed and diligence that a business of so great a Consequence doth require, and to advise and consult together by sufficient and discreet numbers, at all times, days, and places, which you shall in your judgements hold most convenient and material for the ordering, settling, and effecting of this Great work, (mentioned and directed unto you in Our Letters) and to use all politic ways and means possible to possess yourselves (for Our use and safety) of all the Forts, Castles, and places of strength and defence within the said Kingdom (except the Places, Persons, and Estates of Our loyal and loving Subjects the Scots) and also to arrest and seize the Goods, Estates, and Persons of all the English Protestants within the said Kingdom to Our use: And in your care and speedy performance of this Our will and pleasure we shall perceive your wonted duty and allegiance unto us, which we shall accept and reward in due time. witness ourself at Edinburgh the first day of October, in the seventeenth year of Our reign. This Deponent maketh Oath, that about the middle of November last, living then in the Parish of Saint Michans, near Dublin, being accompanied with one master Stapleton of Dublin aforesaid, Gentleman, they happened into the company of a Popish Priest, commonly called Father Birne, who being formerly acquainted with the said master Stapleton, desired to drink with him at a Tavern called the Bull, upon merchant's key in Dublin, where discoursing of the injuries and troubles of the times, the Priest answered, that the Irish (not enduring to have them called Rebels) had sufficient warrant for what they did, and stood strongly in defence of their actions; and presently to justify his words, produced a writing, according to the tenor of the premises mentioned in this writing abovesaid; whereof the Deponent desired a Copy, and he willingly yielded unto it, and thereupon he wrote this Copy out of his literatim, in the presence of the said master Stapleton, who is now living in Dublin. This is the true copy of that Commission, with the annexed Warrant and Deposition (for I will conceal nothing in a business of this importance) as it came to my hands in a paper thus endorsed: A copy of the forged Commission in Ireland, published by those traitorous Rebels, Sir Philemy Oneale Knight, Rory Maguier Esquire, and others, with their lying persuasion to seduce and stir up the whole Romish Party to Rebellion, wherein may be seen how heinously his Majesty is abused and the Parliament unjustly taxed by the Papists. This last clause I take for granted, but as for the rest, give me leave to try whether the inside or the outside of my paper be the tiver. And this I shall do with all due respect both to the King and Parliament, that his Majesty may see that there was some fire in the midst of all the smoke, and that the jealousies of his people, concerning the Irish business, were not altogether groundless; as also that the King may have a sit occasion to abjure this Commission, and clear himself of the aspersions cast upon him, with respect thereto, and chastise (as his majesty's phrase is) those wicked fellows (but I crave mercy, they are not my fellows, they are owned Subjects, but I, and the rest of the Parliaments friends proclaimed Rebels) And that the more full and particular satisfaction may be given (for discourses and protestations will not be taken any longer for payment) I shall give all the Arguments I can to prove the reality of it. First therefore let us consider the time (a material circumstance) when this Commission is dated that is the first of October 1641. in one copy, and the fourth in another, (no great difference) the Massacre beginning the 23. of the same month, which was presently after the Conferences at Whitehall with the Lord Muskerie and his fellows, who returned into Ireland the same month his Majesty went for Scotland, leaving the Lord Dillon, who was presently after sent with the Queen's Letters, requesting or requiring his being made Counsellor of Ireland, to his Majesty then at Edinburgh, where it is said this Commission was signed with the broad Seal of that kingdom, being not then settled in the hands of any Officer who could be answerable for the use of it, but during the vacancy of the chancellor's place, intmsted with marquess Hamilton, and by him with one master John Hamilton, the Scribe to the cross Petitioners in Scotland, and sometimes under the care of master Endymion Porter; a very fit opportunity for such a clandestine transaction. And let it not be omitted, that presently after the date of this Commission, Dillon, Butler, and divers other Irish Commanders, of which the Court was then full, were dispatched for Ireland by his majesty's Licence, not without the just suspicion of bystanders. The Commission itself, for the grounds and language of it, is very suitable to other dispatches and writings under his majesty's name, expressing much bitterness against the Parliament, and jealousy of the diminution of his Prerogative, which was always his great fear. But I shall be unwilling to fetch the least proof from the matter or stile of the Commission the Argument is not so beggarly as to necessitate a Petitio Principii. Let us go on to examine the grounds, why such a thing should be forged, and why such a thing should be granted, and see which are the more probable. I know no ground why such a Commission should be forged. It was not to make his Majesty odious, for in all their writings they express all tenderness of his honour, and forwardness of their obedience particularly in the forementioned Assembly at Kilkenny, where, next after the Article for the enjoyment of all the privileges and Immunities of the Roman Church, as in the ninth year of Henry the third, the Oath of Allegiance to his Majesty is established, (its likely according to the agreement of the Reconciliation with a Salvo to the Sea of Rome) and their constant and general professions of loyalty (now so well confirmed by his majesty's expressions to them, and their contributions to him) do clearly evince, that they had not so much ill will to the King, as to raise such a scandal of him. And more especially, though a Commission might do them some advantage, yet the forgery of one could not but be prejudicial, it being a necessary engagement of his Majesty in his own justification, to have used the utmost of his skill and power against them, as to have stayed with his Parliament and prevented a war in England. But though a forged Commission might be unprofitable, yet a real one I wonder not should be demanded though a stranger to the Mystery would wonder it should be granted. First, that hereby the King, whom they knew in his own disposition apt enough to start from his Expressions upon an advantage, might be firmly bound to them and their proceedings, as also that the more backward Papists, who were more good natured then to rebel against a King whom they had found so propitious, and more wary, then by such Rebellion to forfeit their Estates, which under him, with the advantage of their Religion, they doubted not to enjoy, might the more easily be brought in. If it be objected, this might be done by a forged Commission. I answer, not so well; Forgery is an unruly help, being often requited with the double hindrance of a discovery. Papists, though sometimes they delude us, they deal freely, especially in a common Catholic Cause, with one another. And what end such fraud could have upon the Protestants, unless a little to amaze them at first, & then exasperate them, I cannot conceive. However it is, be assured that Oneale and Mac-Carty bear so high upon this Commission, that they have offered Major Monro, and the Scots in Ulster, an appeal to the King which have the truer Commission, and which are the better Subjects, and according to that determination to quit or hold their employment if the Scots would mutually promise the same. But sure, says my honest Reader, who thinks other men mean as well as he, this cannot be. Why not? as well as that Commission for the cutting thy throat at London, much after this tenor and pasted in the same private manner. But how can it stand with his majesty's Protestations against them, under the name of wicked and detestable Rebels, with his Declaration against any toleration of Religion there, or abolition of the laws in force against Recusants, with his Proclamation of Rebellion against then, dated January, 1. 1641. directly opposite to this Commission? It were heartily to be wished, that his Majesty had kept his word as well with the Protestants as with the Popish Faction. There passed one Article in the Treaty of marriage with the Queen, which through the care of Canterbury, and the pains of Windebank, hath been better kept than any Protestant Protestation. The words of which Article are faithfully translated out of the French copy, to this effect: The 27. Article is, That the King of Great Britain, having regard unto the prayer of the Lady, and to testify his affection to her, shall grant unto his Catholic Subjects the security of their lives and goods, so that they shall not be troubled for making profession of the Catholic Religion, they rendering unto him that obedience and fidelity they owe unto him, to which they shall not be thought deficient for refusing to take any Oath, or do any act contrary to their Religion. But it is answered, It concerns his Majesty most to look to that, how his words and warrants agree: yet we will be so bold, in a Cause of so great consequence as the imminent danger of the Protestant Religion, as to examine some of his Actions, and see whether they have been more suitable to the Commission, or Proclamation. The Proclamation itself though in its nature opposite ye in its time and circumstances was too suitable to the Commission, being deferred from the latter end of October to the first of January, and then so sparingly printed, so warily published, as if it had been under the control of some former Act whose leave must first be craved. But his Majesty hath reason to express violence against these his Catholic Subjects, or to chastise them at least, for they went beyond this Commission, though supposed real; that gave but a Yard, they took an Ell: though they were allowed to seize the goods, estates, and persons of his majesty's Protestant Subjects, yet they were not allowed to cut their throats, (unless the private Letters concomitant can help out at such a pinch) and their very transgression in this matter might justly occasion and provoke the title of merciless wicked Rebels. But to return to Actions, the best Commentaries upon words; it is to be feared they will be found more agreeable to the Commission than the Proclamation, as may be discerned in the unanswered Remonstrance of the rise and progress of the Grand Rebellion in Ireland. For instance, What shall indifferent men think of his majesty's withdrawing himself from his Parliament, declared by the then real, though now pretended Parliament, to be a great obstruction to the prosperity of the Irish undertakings? Of his raising war against his Subjects here, the greatest service that could be done to the pretended rebels there, being a diversion of that strength, and a distraction of those Counsels that should have suppressed them? Of his granting passes for notorious Papists, as Butler, the sons of the Lord Nettersfield and others, to go thither, for which see the Declaration of Parliament March. 16. 1641. and, if you will the Answ March 19 The stopping of provisions going to the supply of the Army against them taking away the horses prepared by the E. of Leicester for that service, as appears by his complaint in a printed letter to the Earl of Northumberlana? Of the free access of those that have been active in that Design to his majesty's camp and Court? Of his putting in demurs to the Bill of pressing soldiers, and denial to the sending ships for that service? It must not be denied that his Majesty was earnest in pressing care of that business of Ireland upon the Houses, and passed some things to the advantage of it, and (in a message of the 8. of April 1642.) spared not to offer his going in person to chastise those wicked and detestable Rebels, with the renouncing of all other Ends, (but if his Majesty had continued in that angry mind, he might with ease have chastised them, when they came over to him, as they have done since plentifully.) I wish I had many more such actions to repeat. But it must be considered, there was a Proclamation that required some countenance, and could not well have less than it had: but I forestall no man's judgement, but leave the impartial reader to the weighing what hath been said, and what hath been produced upon Oath in the Declaration of the Commons, July 25. 1643. And if the balance be equal, I shall only cast in some scruples of the late Cessation, which, unless the beam be false, will make the Commission weigh down the Proclamation. 1. First the scruple of &c. in the nomination of the parties in this Treaty. Is his majesty's Title of Defender of the Faith come to an intricate &c. Yes, and good reason, for the other party, with whom his Majesty treats upon equal terms, are content with an &c. and are called His Roman Catholic Subjects now in arms, &c. whereas it should have been added according to the Acts of Kilkenny, for the Exaltation of the Holy Roman Catholic Church. 2. The scruple of their sudden transformation from monstrous merciless rebels into Subjects conjoined with other his majesty's good Subjects. What shall the Subjects of Scotland think of this, who hardly obtained the like retractation when they defended the Protestant Religion, or the Parliament of England, and their Adherents, who cannot yet find that favour. But yet, Mopso Nisa datur quid non speremus, &c. His Majesty sure had thoughts of this dishonourable recancation, when he was so loath to publish the Proclamation against them. 3. The third scruple is Persecute, for that is the word in the Irish copy, not prosecute; A licence granted to Persecute! Sure the Bishops had a finger in this Article, and that Persecuted Protestants should expect no protection from his Majesty, nor any of his forces, against the Parsecution of the Papists, but rather have occasion to fear the joining of the forces the King shall have interest in, in the Persecution, as is desired by the Catholics, to whom no such trifle must be denied, is to me a sad story. 4. The fourth scruple, that these Catholic Subjects shall have liberty to send such Agents to his Majesty, as they shall think fit from time to time. Priests and Jesuites not excepted. If the Scales be not yet turned, take the whole Cessation, and the thirty thousand eight hundred pound, and that will sure weigh it down to the ground. But I have much adoe to leave the contemplation of this Cessation, Let us take a second view, 1. Of the time when it was granted, most seasonably when the Popish party was driven to great Extremities for want of victuals, and had been in greater, had not the Forces raised and paid by the Parliament been seduced into a disaffection to their service. 2. Of the Grounds, all Acts of importance that are to pass the eye and censure of the world use to come armed against all Exceptions with a preamble, showing the ground and necessity of them: How comes it to be here omitted, that we have neither real nor * This discovery was penned upon the sight of the naked Cessation, as it came from Ireland before the short covering of the Grounds and Motives, &c. which are not so considerable as to occasion any alteration unless of the word pretended. pretended causes and considerations but a downright Cessation, or rather Accommodation as soldiers judge it. Was it such broadfaced iniquity that no mask neither in Oxford nor Dublin would fit it? Was it neither for the preservation of the Protestant Religion, nor affection to the ancient and native Kingdom of Scotland, nor for the reconciling of the Distractions of the kingdom of England: Since those dull contrivers could find no matter for a foundation give us leave to supply. Seeing the Catholic cause (which the King of England is induced to serve either nakedly or clothed with this pretence of upholding his Power and Prerogative, which is suggested to be invaded and endangered by the Puritans there) is now very much concerned in the due ordering of the affairs of Great Britain and Ireland. And whereas the Irish Catholics have given so good testimony of their approved zeal and cruelty in massacring near two hundred thousand heretics and may hereafter do the like service in England and Scotland, if in this their present extremity they may be respited and relieved. And whereas it is of very great consequence that the Papists and all that will upon any pretence or for any advantage, adhere to them in this Cause, be firmly united together against the Puritans and their adherents, whether in England or Scotland: It is concluded and accorded betwixt the two Etcaetera's, that a Cessation of arms the like was never heard of, should be agreed on, from whence the Catholic Cause and Party may expect these Advantages. 1. Free importation of arms, Ammunition, Victuals and Provisions of all kinds, and free access of any of their Confederates from any part of the world. 2. Ready transportation into England, or other parts, of such supplies which shall be necessary for his majesty's service against the Puritans and Parliament there. 3. The strengthening the Popish party with the Union of the indifferent Protestants, and consequently weakening and dividing the Adversary, upon whom the whole strength may be now turned. 4. Either an advantage to ruin the Scottish Army in Ulster, if they refuse the Cessation, and stay, or if they withdraw, an opportunity to settle Ireland, and among England or Scotland, as occasion shall be. 5. That some useful Prisoners (as the Earl of Antrim who was then in hold) might be released. 6. That there shall be a Reserve of Wood-Kernes, whom this Cessation shall not reach, who shall kill and spoil at their pleasure, those who may be presumed disaffected to the Catholic Cause. And thus have I made bold to represent to the world this horrid ghastly Monster of the Irish massacre, and (I hope more to the world's benefit then my own content) raked in this sink of iniquity. The Evidence is furnished, Let the diligent impartial Reader, and the Conscience of mankind, make a judgement upon it. But seeing the discovery and foresight of mischief is but half a wise man's work, (which now everybody pretends to, and I for company) Let us study in a few words to declare the best Rules of prevention to this Inundation of Tyranny and Popery, which from the Romish Sea is like to overwhelm us; The prudent man foresees the Plague and hides himself. Many rules both of Piety and Policy might be laid down upon the grounds of Scripture, Reason, and Experience. But since the most of them are so well summed up in that solemn League and Covenant agreed on and entered into by these two Nations of England and Scotland; I will not scatter them, but propound the deliberate Entrance into that Covenant, and the faithful pursuance thereof to be the most Religious and reasonable way, to unite and strengthen the too much divided party of true Protestants against these Conspiracies discovered, which are likely yet further to enlarge their bounds. There are some, it may be, who stand off for want of the King's consent. We want not good authority, though such is our unhappiness, that for the present, his concurrence is rather to be wished then hoped. In the mean time let not the Truth and Gospel of Christ be sacrificed to the Counsels and confederacies of evil and unreasonable men. Especially, when they who have a great share in enacting and conserving those laws by which our Religion is confirmed, have engaged themselves and their authority with us; Neither let us be startled at the noise of a Proclamation, that turns Religion into Treason, and Union into Sedition. Proclamations are neither the Laws of England, nor yet of the Medes and Persians which alter not, but may be retracted either with some difficulty, as that against Scotland, or more ease, as that concerning Ireland. Others there are who are not strangers to the present affairs, but there is something that sits nearer them than Religion or public Liberty, which they are loath to adventure by such an engagement in this declining State of the Parliament affairs, and therefore study an ungodly and unprofitable Neutrality. To these men I wish a sound mind and a changed heart, to seek first the kingdom of God: Let such consider, that if he who was the Way, the Truth and the Life, prescribed the true way to life, they are in the false, his rule in such cases is, He that saves shall lose. And let them know further, that they will one day have more need of protection from God, than his Cause hath now of theirs, when they shall (without repentance) receive this repulse, go to the gods whom ye have served. Me think it should not be in vain to spend a word or two upon that more temperate party of them, who are now unhappily engaged against the Parliament in this wretched Cause. Sure there are some to whom the Counsels of the Digby's, and the insolent carriage of Prince Rupert, & his harpies, are little less odious, than these courses which the two Houses of Parliament are constrained to. There is yet place for Repentance (God send Grace:) And if the sense of their own honour, which they take so much pains to bury in the ruins of their country's Liberty, nor yet of the honour of God, which if not their intentions, yet certainly their▪ Actions desperately strike at, in this apparent danger to Religion, yet let the consideration of the issue of that work they are about, supposing their prevailing (not so probable as they may conceive) a little move them. Will it not as much trouble them to see the kingdom governed (as now one part of it is) by a Spanish Popish Iunto, as by an English Protestant Parliament? To see their beloved moderation swallowed up in the violence of that desperate jesuitical party that rules at the Court, as in the supposed Severity of those counsels, civil or ecclesiastical; that govern at the City. Let such men be assured that their Ends, unless such as are consistent with Tyranny and Popery, must give way to the predominant Interest which will be sound to be that of the Feminine Planet in the Issue, when they have served, they shall like useless Instruments be laid aside, and disregarded. Certainly the intentions of those who are drawn in to this Popish confederacy are so different, that I am confident if they prevail against us, their Quarrels will be as many and bitter against each other, as now against the Parliament. Vices are opposite and destructive, not only to virtue, but one to another. Me thinks these Gentlemen, who pretend to justice, peace, moderation, and something of Religion, should think themselves but ill associated, in the midst of such profane plundering companions, to which they are not so much companions as subjects. Sure they cannot be well at ease to see the first fruits of this Irish Cessation presented to their union, but how then can they endure, when his majesty's rearguard of his Roman Catholic Subjects, shall be brought over with their hands full of the blood of more than 100000, offenceless Protestants, whom they have cruelly massacred? Sure the apprehensions of this cannot but shake their Prerogative faith, and make them apprehend themselves in more danger from their confederates, than their supposed Adversaries. If this labour to them be lost, I am sorry, but glad it was no more. Let me speak to them who are counsellable that is, those who in the truth and uprightness of their Hearts have entered into this Covenant and thereby engaged themselves to the preservation of true Religion and Liberty; such must labour for stedfastness in that Covenant, lest out medicine prove our poison. Let none of us go about to deceive ourselves with unprofitable Treaties, or hopes of a yet impossible Accommodation, but cheerfully and faithfully accomplish a speedy and firm Union with the counsels and strength of Scotland (which will encourage not only religious but wise men to join with us) it being beyond a reasonable expectation that by our own strength or wisdom we should extricate ourselves from this growing calamity in which we are daily more and more involved. It now becomes every man to wind up his thoughts to a Christian resolution befitting the present necessities and Condition of the Church of God, and walk worthy of it, and let the Lord do what seemeth good unto him. I might now make myself a great deal of more work, and create some trouble to my Reader, if I should after this satisfaction I have given to my own heart and the friends of this Cause of Religion, go about to satisfy the world, and answer their several quarrels with this undertaking, but I will be more merciful to the Reader, and more just to myself then to accuse myself by excuses. Only I will give you a taste of that which I am like to have plenty. The first Question will be Who is this? I answer, it matters not who, but what. The next is a position, Sure he was a madman thus to provoke majesty itself, did he ever learn that verse in Homer. Κρεῖσσον γὰρ βασιλεῦς ὅτι χὼσεταί ἄνδρι Κερῆι. Yes but he hath, and that in Job too. In such a cause as this, let me not I pray you accept any man's person, neither let me give flattering titles unto man. I hope to see the day when I shall be accounted a better subject to the King than he that accuses me. In the mean time I am satisfied with being a good subject to the Kingdom, & no Traitor to the Church. If I have incurred any danger, it is to show thee thine, if a good Protestant. But there need not have been so much bitterness used which often disadvantages a good Cause? It is the language of the times, and not mine. A filthy ulcer must have a sharp lance; the massacre of Ireland is a bitter cup. Quis temperet invectivis? Here are many things produced in this Treatise that are but slender proofs? Then take them altogether. Altogether are but a rhapsody scraped up out of the Parliament Declarations, and such scandalous pamphlets, as Plain English, and the English Pope? Truth is a common inheritance, and now so scarce that I was glad to take it where I could find it. Tush I can tell mrre of these affairs than this Discoverer? Then tell them, or tell me, and I will. But Mercurius Aulicus will be sure to meet with you? This is no time to be afraid of Court Bull beggars, but if he meet with me he must go out of his way: I tell truth, he tells lies. But I have now done; and it may be done that which hath provoked almost everybody, but my own conscience, which witnesses with me that I have not written any willing or negligent falsehood, nor (to my best understanding) any unseasonable or unnecessary truth. There is no man but will stand in need of some charity, I shall find it from them that have it; from those that have it not, I will not expect it. There are other Mysteries in this world of iniquity, carried on by them who under the pretence of Service do the greatest disservice and dishonour to the Cause of Religion and Liberty, which must either be amended or not concealed: let other men do their share, as I have done mine, and the world will certainly be either honester or wiser. This Discourse cannot be better concluded then with that which is the earnest and constant request of the Author to the Lord God of Hosts, the God of Israel, that seeing wisdom and might are his, he would vouchsafe wisdom to the councillors, courage and constancy to the soldiers, willingness to the people, and faithfulness to all those that have or shall engage themselves in this great Cause so infinitely valuable beyond the estates and lives of all that undertake it. To him be glory, and peace upon Israel. FINIS. Imprimatur hic Liber Decemb. 12. 164●…. John White.