Plain English: OR, A DISCOURSE CONCERNING THE ACCOMMODATION, The army, The Association.  
Si populus vult decipi, decipiatur.  
Printed (Unless men be the more careful, and God the more merciful) the last of Liberty. 1643.   

Plain English:  
He that desires and promotes not an honest and honourable peace, let him suffer under the danger and confusion of a civil winter war; He that would seek or accept peace upon unsafe and unworthy terms, let him have it; I can wish him no greater mischief.  
It is a mutual complaint in the world, that some are all for peace, others wholly for war; I am for neither, and yet for both; I always loved peace well, but better now then ever: upon a just cause and calling I can scorn the danger of war, but the sin and confusion of an Army I hate; I love peace so well, that I can endure war to accomplish it; and I think I love it better, I am sure I love a better peace than they that can abide the thought of nothing else, though they enjoy nothing less; they would have a truce, I love a peace.  
I love peace as my health, war I cannot say I love but use as physic: were not health very sweet, pills would be very bitter, there is no such pleasure in blood letting. I look to peace as my end, I look upon war as the unhappy, yet not always, yet not now the unjust means to procure it; I cannot be in the opinion of them who think happiness inconsistent with war, and inseparable from peace; where God is there is happiness, he is the Lord of Hosts, the God of peace.  
To come nearer, We have found it not impossible to be miserable under the Motto of Beati Pacifici, if it be misery, as indeed it is, to see our neighbours and friends wasted, and the foundation of our own ruin laid. This war is the fruit of peace, Peace may be the fruit of this war; I dare undertake to make good one, the God of heaven make good the other.  
It was peace with our spiritual enemies, with our sins, with our superstitious idolatries▪ Sabbath breakings, it was peace with our outward both foreign and intestine enemies, Spain and its faction, that, we may both in a religious and reasonable way conclude, have brought us to this pass. God may justly let those counsels that have wrought our neighbour's misery work our own.  
And here let me take leave in this freedom of speaking to give an account of my thoughts concerning the hinges upon which these troubles now move: Because I find many at a stand, admiring how we are come to this height of calamity: We look upon the hand that moves, and hear the hammer that strikes, and tells us we are at the Evening of our unsound peace, and that we are in danger to pass a midnight before we shall see a better and clearer morning of truth and peace arise upon us springing from on high. But there are very few that look upon the wheels and springs, the weights and lines, which move and act the things we see and hear.  
For my part I am very far from a Statesman, my years will not allow me experience, my parts insight, my calling leisure, nor my acquaintance intelligence, all which are necessary thereto. But I never yet shut my eyes to light, nor my ears to truth, I have not been indiligent in observing and comparing the actions and proceedings of men, I have desired as a man to know, as another man to know news, as a Christian man to know and consider the present and probable state of the Church of God, and the account I have given myself is this.  
I look upon a grand design of the Jesuits and their faction as the great wheel moving to and in this business. He that knows any thing of the Christian world must know something of the Antichristian, and in that of the masters of the faction the Jesuits, which are a Compendium of the Romish religion, in which and in whom, besides idolatry and superstition, are met pride, subtlety, and cruelty. It hath been not unjustly suspected that there hath been a design of these masters of Religion, or rather rebellion, to which they have been moved by the weights of intolerable pride and misguided zeal, to reduce as much of the world as they can comprehend in their vast thoughts to the Monarchy of Spain and the supremacy of Rome. And to this purpose they have been indefatigable in their endeavours in all Countries and of all kinds. It concerns not this present business much for me to observe what they have attempted, and how far they have prevailed in other Countries; Though it deserves our notice to consider how far they have proceeded in Germany; what seeds they have sown in France and in Holland itself, notwithstanding its professed detestation of them and vigilancy against them; even such as we may justly suspect may grow up the next spring and set all Christendom in a confusion, and make the world a fit shop for these sons of perdition to work in.  
But let us a little more fully view their proceedings toward us, where at first we discern an earnest and not groundless desire of reducing us among the first, as knowing England would be a rich Diamond in a Crown or Mitre, and as advantageous to their honour, power and riches as any other. The several attempts in the time of our glorious Queen Elizabeth are sufficient attestations of this design and desire; They saw it unpossible to work upon her in regard of her averseness to their nation and religion, they beg●● to work against her both; her person and her kingdom; He that knows any thing, knows and acknowledges the many deliverances God▪ vouchsafed her, ●ud this kingdom in her, from a continued succession of treasons and Asassinations; Their several machinations against her kingdom, especially that grand one of 88 are equally known, and when they saw it unlikely to prevail here, they endeavour to weaken and vex her with rebellions in Ireland; an old play new acted. After this Sun was set, they hoped for a succession of thick darkness by interrupting the lawful Succession of one whom they could not so well be assured of, though some say they attempted him, and prevailed far enough: That could not be done, they are put to an aftergame, which they play first desperately, in the Powder-treason, then subtly, as may hereafter appear. They began to be weary of violent attempts, and discerned a nature in his majesty which they could make a good advantage of, peaceable and fearful, willing quietly to enjoy that addition of power and revenue he had attained. They let him be quiet, provided that he would quietly see and suffer the Protestant Churches of Germany to be spoiled and wasted, which I am sorry to say he did, through the disadvantage of his nature and Counsels, though he was a man in point ●●●judgement right against Popery. But they could easily allow him that, let him dispute and play at tick-tack with Bellarmine at his leisure, provided they could destroy the Palatinate, and get more another way. It was doubtless suggested to him an attempt to be absolute, that by catching at more, he might endanger all; its like he might well enough digest the thought, but not the means so full of danger and hazard: therefore left that work for another of more forwardness, and less foresight. The plot and circumstances of the Spanish Match, some of which are printed, show how far they had prevailed, and what hopes they had. To come to his now majesty's reign, of which I shall speak as tenderly and as truly as I can. The same design hath been still doubtless driven; It's true, in a Match we changed Spain for France, Coelum non animum, as it falls out. The two great works they have endeavoured have been upon our Religion and our Liberties, to blind our eyes by superstition and ignorance, to bind our hands by oppression and slavery, that they might lead us or carry us any whither. The first they looked at as the end, the second as the means: In all places a temporal tyranny is a great step to ecclesiastical; and especially in our kingdom, where our Religion is fenced in with positive Law, they must break this hedge before they can spoil the vineyard; but he that breaks this hedge a Serpent shall bite him. And truly they had made a mischievous progress, they had gotten instruments for their turn in Church and State three or four especially, who indeed moved all; One in Church of a right Antichristian spirit, insufferably insolent, more cruel than subtle, through the violence of his passion, a man delighting in the blood of souls; In the State two or three, one of strong parts, and a spirit fit for a great Turk; another or two mischievously subtle, and of a thorough Spanish dye. They had observed all the rules that the Jesuit gives for reducing a Protestant State, as in a Sermon preached this late 5. of November is more exactly declared. They had procured the discontinuance of Parliaments, and made themselves and their instruments uncapable of account, but to one whom they had so far seduced as to like it well enough. They had brought us a great way in a still march, and had drawn us further had not the conductors mistook their way, and led us too far Northward, which hath set them some years backward, if not spoiled the plot. Here they kindled a fire which they knew not how to quench, and so they resolved to increase it, though they burned their fingers. When they saw it impossible to avoid a Parliament, they thought to delude it; this was the attempt upon the first Parliament, when that could not be done, they dissolved it, and went about to delude the people with a promise to right grievances out of Parliament as much as in it; which how well kept let any man call up his two years' memory; that promise was not a promise, but a prophecy of more such promises; which prophecy hath been fulfilled though the promises have not. It would not yet do; men's eyes were opened, the string of their tongues loosed, Another Parliament must be called, even that which because it cannot be recalled must be mis-call'd, because it would not (at least for a time) be deluded, it must be destroyed; and thus am I led to the present condition: What need we look for any other ground of the several attempts against this Parliament, than that disposition and those Counsels which discontinued them, which are still as strong, and more desperate than ever, because of the new quarrels that are fallen in; I know there have been many particular occasions, at least taken, of breaches, and discontents, but yet the quarrel is not against this, but all Parliaments, unless they could get one new moulded that should be a Conciliabulum rather then a Concilium.  
But I must be called to account for this Discourse: It may be thought impossible, that we should be so besotted as to drive a Spanish design, and to fight for them in England, who fight against us in Ireland; It's true it were a wonder we should do this, if it were a wonder we should do any thing to undo ourselves: It hath been our dispos●tion a good while, either to do nothing, or any thing, excepting always some persons who are vigilant and earnest to disappoint these mischiefs. We have made several expeditions to serve them; One to Cales to show them where they were weakest, and give them notice, that nobody else should take it; Another to R●e to weaken ourselves; A third to Rochel, to see the town safely delivered up; A fourth and fifth to Scotland, to make them our yoke-fellows; and why not now a sixth, more directly against ourselves.  
But its further objected, it cannot be believed this should be either his majesty's intention to enslave his kingdom, or the intention of those Lords and Gentlemen that are with him to despoil themselves of their Religion and Liberties. I return this: They may do the work they intend not, and as wise as they take themselves may be overacted in their own designs. I cannot, I dare not say, that they do agree in the serving this Jesuitical design, they have many ends different from this and one another. But thus first, I heartily doubt, it is the design of many, some beyond sea, some in England, who have it may be a double voice in the managing this business: The Papists had never been so full and forward in their contributions both of purse and person, were not there to them by themselves, and it may be by others propounded great enjoyments. 2. All that join in this antiparliamentary war though they do it not formally, yet by consequent they serve this design of slavery & superstition by endeavouring the overthrow of the Parliament, either in itself or privileges, which must preserve both liberty & religion. They say they mean but the reducing it, why that is to break it in its freedoms, and they cannot stop there, because they carry with them men, that as they hate to be ruled by a Parliament, so they love not to be ruled by anybody, and when they are running down hill, especially Descensus Averni who can stop them, not he that set them on? So that in the prevailing of the now raised force the ruin of this, and indeed all Parliaments may be easily discerned, unless such an one as may lawfully ruin us: in the ruining Parliaments, who sees not the ruin of Religion, Law, Liberty, and this kingdom, nay which is more the extreme danger if not destruction of the Protestant Religion through Christendom.  
If men have other intentions in this their expedition, as they do not justify them though they were better than they are, so neither do they avail us, They fight not to serve Spain or Rome but themselves. But in mean time they are served, and themselves it may be disappointed. The masters of this mischief have a way to improve other men's principles and practices to the●r own ends, they see a Parliament is not for their turn, they must have a war, it's a hard matter to find so many men of one mind as to agree to make an Army for the same quarrel with the same end, therefore say they, let us observe their principles and make them believe they do their own work.  
Is there a man that hath much to lose & is through guilt afraid of it, let him be possessed there is no way to keep it but by strong hand, is he revengeful let him often hear of injuries real or pretended, is he proud, let him be promised an unlimited absolute government, let him be told how unworthy it is a great man to have so many joined with him in the point next supremacy, nay supremacy itself, The legislative power. Is there any that have endevourd the betraying their country, the building their ambitious projects upon the ruins of our safety and liberty, let them be possessed there is no mercy in a Parliament, their estates if not persons must satisfy for their faults? Are there a people as there are too many whose lust is their life, that fear the power of Religion and strict discipline, they must be possessed that there is an endeavour of introducing a rigid Presbytery, an absurd independency? Are there some who know not their own rights nor the state of our government, let them be possessed with the majesty nay with the deity of a King, what a horrid thing it is to oppose an unlawful command though to save a kingdom. Are there an ignorant people that will be deluded with promises and pretences, let the hopes of pillage be propounded to them? Is there any thing men love, that the Parliament will take away, is there any thing they fear, that they will do. Thus do the contrivers of this mischief make use of every man's weakness or prejudice, and either propound to them or let them propound to themselves ends according to their several tempers, and lead them on with hope of their own ends, to further theirs. In sum the matter seems to be this, Popery must grow up amongst us, till it have overgrown us; to accomplish that, the sense of our vineyard, our laws and liberties must be plucked up, and that can hardly be done so long as Parliaments continue, or at least continue in their power and privilege, to this purpose let them be defamed, dismembered, let an Army be drawn up to overawe them, if that be prevented, let another be raised, under pretence of a guard, to destroy them; That this may be, let the Prince fight for his prerogative, for the maintenance or improvement of his falsely supposed violated power. Let the Lords and Gentlemen fight for their lusts, the Divines and Lawyers (if yet they deserve such names) for the keeping and getting preferments, the Delinquents for their estates, their offices & shares in an arbitrary power, the Welshmen for the word King and a common prayer book, the poor for pillage, the ignorant they know not why: in the accomplishing these ends they shall accomplish a work they think not of, the destruction of our government, an end they know not of, the growth of Popery, the wrong and ruin of the Protestant Religion here and in our neighbour Nations; the work is done, we are undone, there wants nothing but the Plaudite of the Popish jesuited faction, and the late repentance of the unadvised furtherers of this mischief.  
Now it were a question worth disputing and resolving what were the best way to prevent all this misery and mischief that is growing upon us. I know wiser men have it in hand, the Lord who is great in counsel, and mighty in working direct and protect them, and make them faithful to them from whom they have found faithfulness. But in this age wherein every man will be saying something, I will adventure for a share. It may be the last service, (if it be a service) that I can do, I will speak as if it were the last.  
First there is no man, or at lest no Christian that doubts but a safe and honourable Accommodation betwixt his majesty and his Parliament, were to be preferred not only to the danger of a war but the certainty of a victory; for in the one we should get an interest in his heart, by the other only in his Person, & the effusion of innocent blood would be prevented. But the great difficulty is, whether these just and honourable terms are likelier to be procured by fair means or by foul, by treating or fighting. To the resolving of this it must first be considered what is a safe, and what an honourable Accommodation.  
And here it must be supposed that no government that is settled by men, or in men can be absolutely out of the reach of danger and destruction. The governments of men areas men are, subject to corruption. As the Poet of persons and vices, Vitiis nemo fine— optimus ille— Qui minimis urgetur. So I of governments none without it's wants and inconveniences, that the best which hath least; we must never look either by peace or war so to settle ourselves, as not to be unsettled. Yet it concerns us toward a safe Accommodation to labour so to order things as not to lie open to manifest, or justly suspected misery or mischief.  
Let it therefore be considered whether we can be safe, unless the power of the Militia be placed in men of known trust and faithfulness to the kingdom. Some are of opinion, it had better never been meddled with; that it hath occasioned this trouble, I much doubt it, this business was resouled should be; on that ground or some other. That Accommodation can only be safe to this kingdom, which shall place the power of it in the hands of them that may be groundedly presumed will use it for the preservation of itself, and consequently not leave or place it in the hands of them who have, or are likely to abuse it, to the destruction of the kingdom. Some say let every man stand upon his own guard, leave it undetermined: it was always unfit and unsafe, now most of all, both in regard of ourselves and foreign nations? We have received the first fruits of Ireland, something from other Nations as a pledge of more in convenient time. We have a desperate Delinquent, Popish party among ourselves that calls for the settlement of the power of the kingdom, so as to be used for its own safety. Reports concerning Denmark have been accounted ridiculous by them who thought they had contrived their business so cunningly that it could not be known.  
It's true, that work of darkness hath been so clandestinely carried as that a judicial proof could not be produced to satisfy the world; but besides the scorned relation of the Skipper at Rotterdam, who we yet see may speak as true as a Courttier, and the common fame which runs abroad, I believe there wants not some who know the earnest endeavour of calling in forces from thence, the way and instruments of prosecuting that unworthy motion. What hath been acted in Holland, may be a sufficient argument of what hath been attempted otherwhere, all the world knows how and by whom that work hath been carried on; and let all the world judge whether the power of the kingdom ought to be put or left in those hands, who have endeavoured to raise power against it or to be left undetermind, when there are and have been such determinations against us from abroad, and such bitter quarrels at home among ourselves, who need after these desperate instigations no crueler enemies than one another. It's true, though it be said that it much matters not who hath the command of our trained Bands, who have hitherto served for little use but to arm the King's forces against the several Countries and the Parliament, but what hands the principal forts, arms and Ammunition are, and especially the Navy, is of as much consequence as the safety of the kingdom.  
2 Let it be considered, whether we can be safe till the neck of this mentioned design be broken of, whereby the servants of tyranny and superstition endeavour to bring us under; It is believed that they are a restless generation that are always either conceiving mischief or bringing forth iniquity. Our interests must be untwined from the interests of Spain and Rome, for so long as my Lo. Cottingtons' house stands so near the Spanish ambassadors, and Bristol is so convenient a harbour for Spain, we must look for little safety but less Religion.  
Now that this fire may be quenched, and not only raked up, it will be necessary that the fuel and fewellers be removed, that the instruments and matter of compassing this design be abandoned.  
The instruments are conceived some particular men, who besides other characters plain enough upon them, may be known by their advancing an arbitrary Government in the King; and the mancipation of themselves, to the promiscuous service of the Queen, who is professedly zealous in this point and follows the plot by inheritance. The neck of this design will scarce be broken, till the necks of some of the principal authors and actors be, and the rest disabled. And to that purpose, the Papists who are the dried fuel of this fire must be brought into another condition: the damnable compositions throughly damned, the laws against them made up into one good law, which in some cases may destroy them, in every thing disable them. This point of delinquents, though made a very tender point in regard of particular interests and relations which make haste to destroy the public, is of exceeding consequence to our safety. Our neighbours though they may possibly not do us the expected good, teach us this (but that we are resolved to learn nothing) by their compliment in the business which hath made them, I fear, unable to help us, and in us themselves, and makes them turn the thought of their neighbour's welfare into a more direct solicitude for their own, in regard of her now dangerous and it's like shortly desperate party left amongst them, and left able to hurt them. They flatter themselves with their hardy poverty that it will not be worth the while to attempt them, that is sure but a poor refuge, wrath is outrageous, and anger is cruel, but who can stand before envy and revenge? Let them be assured, that if we be overborne with this feared mischief, and that party whom they know to have been the instruments of their trouble as well as ours prevail, they will find the malignity of our Nation to have a strange influence into theirs to the doubling of their enemies among themselves and from us, to whom especially some among us they owe a great deal toward their present safety, they must expect fewer friends then formerly, unless they show themselves more friendly, and so we shall have a third union of the two kingdoms, an union in bondage: But pardon this digression, though I be out of the kingdom, I am not much out of the way.  
3. How can we be safe, unless our laws be so by which we are preserved, and how can that possibly be, unless there be some new power established, or the old power (if it be found only to have been deficient in respect of the persons trusted) in new hands, how shall we be the better for our laws, were our laws better than they are, unless some exact course be taken to give us the benefit of them, and though it seems an unreasonable thing to nominate officers in the behalf of him who hath commanded and countenanced the violation of law, that doubtless must be the least; and no man, no reasonable man but sees the case extraordinary: The God of Heaven direct to a better remedy then for aught I hear is intended.  
In the next place let it be considered what is required to an honourable Accommodation.  
An honourable Accommodation must be so in regard of God and of ourselves. And here I crave mercy from our overforward Accommodators; I mean them from whom it is in vain to crave justice and truth, that I mention God, who sure is not in all their thoughts, they fear God in a wrong sense, they fear lest he should rule among us; whom yet if we give occasion to depart from us, which we shall do by unworthy terms, our defence is departed from us; whom if we now forsake he may justly cast us off for ever. An honourable Accommodation in respect of God is a safe one in regard of ourselves, his honour is bound up with our happiness; were it possible to settle peace without truth, we should yet be but what the French say of a beautiful harlot, A Paradise to the eye, but a Purgatory to the foul.  
Now in regard of God that Accommdation can be only honourable that may establish his true Religion in purity and plenty; Such as one as may extirpate Popery and superstition, lay the grounds of a pious painful Ministry, and to that end cast out those scandalous seditious persons, who have now showed themselves as ill affected to the state as formerly to the Church, and if this advantage against them of stirring up the people to war against the Parliament be neglected, I know no way of ejecting them, such an one as may purge our doctrine, free it from such expressions as Sancta Clara, and the Arminians take advantage of, reform our Discipline and make it more conducible to the end of all Discipline, the preservation of a Church from corruption in Doctrine and manners. And let it be weighed, whether that can be done without the supplanting those plants which our heavenly father never planted, the Bishops, which have hitherto brought forth the fruits of profaneness, ignorance, superstition, and from whom little other can be expected: If you suggest, Put better men in the places. We answer, the places will make them worse: for so constant experience tells, the persons were ever worse by the office, the office never better by the persons.  
An Accommodation honourable in regard of God must be such as may cleanse the land from blood, that innocent and precious blood which cries to be avenged by our Parliament, or upon it.  
That Accommodation which should be honourable in regard of ourselves, must be such as might put that part of the kingdom which have stood up in the defence of it, into such a condition as to be f●●e from the insufferable insolence and scorn, as they will always lie under, from their unsuppressed enemies; but that is the least: Such an Accommodation shall we account honourable which may be so in regard of the Parliament, such as may retract the strange indignities offered that supreme Court and vindicate their honour and power, and enable them to discharge that great debt which they have undertaken for, lest public faith be justly accounted no better than public fraud, which is the highest dishonour for so high a Court.  
If it be here interposed, where is your care for the King's honour in the Accommodation. I answer, I think it more necessary to the welfare of this kingdom, that the honour of this Supreme Court be kept unstained then of any particular person whatsoever, I could wish the members of it would think so too, and avoid those retreats which wise men have already observed in their proceedings, and will in a short time appear to everybody.  
His majesty hath fairer ways out of his real mistakes then the Parliament out of their supposed. He is though a great yet but one person, in whom an error is more tolerable, he is supposed to act according to the misinformation of evil counsels about him, let them bear the blame and shame. If it be so stood upon, that his majesty scorns any such evasion, and as he hath already been persuaded to do, take all upon himself, why should we endanger ourselves by a solicitude for the reparations of that honour, which they, whom it most concerns, are not at all.  
For the Parliament to do what hath been required, and it may be, is expected; I had almost said what some of themselves are about to do, were to make them ridiculous and vile in the eyes of discerning people, as the relinquishing their orders, retracting their Declarations, deserting their friends. For the King to do what they have desired (though at another time it would have been unreasonably asked, and dishonourably granted) is now both reasonable and honourable to a true judgement, if it be honour in a Prince to promote by all possible means the happiness and security of his people, it were but to do that of which there might be Examples given in other cases, where Princes have not thought it dishonourable, because they have done it to give satisfaction to people, to retract calumnies, to sacrifice delinquents, or at least receive them as a gratuity, though not worth the giving or taking.  
The next great Question is, whether we are likely by a treaty to obtain from his majesty a real grant of such propositions as may stand with the safety of the kingdom, the honour of God, of the Parliament and Nation.  
And here the former particulars must be resumed. First, is it likely that during this unpretended danger we should obtain a settlement of the power of the kingdom, princip●lly of the Ships, Forts and arms in the hands of them who are known friends of public safety or Liberty, taking it granted that we could find them. Here is a double doubt to be made, first, whether he will; secondly, whether he, considered in his present condition, can do what may be for our security; His constant Declaration of himself seems to express that he hath received two Principles against it.  
The one suggested by them who see no way of security, or at least of thriving but in a way of violence, who endeavour to possess his majesty, that he cannot be safe in the arms of his Parliament and people, because they cannot; that there are inclinations to a defection in his people, and to an innovation of Government even in the greatest points of it in the Parliament, or many considerable persons in it, and thence infer, that there is no way for his majesty to keep his privileges, nor his person and crown but by force of arms, and therefore must have them placed in hands that his confidence so contrary to ours may be put in. How far such suggestions have prevailed with his majesty appears by his late answer to the Parliaments vain repetition of a Petition of return, in which he saith, that to come up and trust them, were but tamely to lay down his crown, which by force they saw they could not take from him. I do not know of any such inclinations in his people, but I am sure such counsels and such carriages are the way to beget them: He is further told, or needs no telling, that he parts with the Flowers of his crown, which it is not reasonable, nay not lawful for him to do in regard of posterity. But see here how indifferent these men are as he for one who wrote the late Answer to the Observations printed by Command at Oxford. It is lawful, nay necessary for us to invest his majesty with what right God hath given us, a right in ourselves we may part with, yet more of our liberty, and lawfully and profitably make ourselves slaves, but it is not lawful for the King to part with an inch of Prerogative or abate a jot of power, though for that end for which all his power was given him, his people's good, and given him by us. He cannot do it without wrong to his issue: This will but give us occasion to discuss how far we are obliged by any acts or grants of our ancestors, giving away their and our liberty, and determine for our advantage. Doubtless his majesty's thoughts remaining as they have of late appeared to be, it cannot be expected that (had we the hearts to ask it, which some say unworthily begin to fail men, and make them fail their trust) he should intrust the power of the kingdom in those hands, whom we can only trust, that is such as in this present business have showed themselves faithful to the Kingdom.  
The case of constituting a power to see the laws duly executed, or at least of placing the present power in better hands is the like. These counsellors tell him there can be no new power but what is cut out of his, and the disposing of the former power is likewise his, that if it be not disposed by him, or else underhand by some body for him, it will be an insufferable diminution of his observance and authority. And no wonder though many endeavour thus to possess him, because they look to have this power placed in themselves, to use it as they have done: His majesty hath been always observed to be too true to his own ends, and to the persons promoting them, though other men who would yet be more confided in, have found a way to employ men and desert them; so that a reasonable man who weighs persons and things must conclude, that the King is not likely to yield heartily to the settling of that power, whereby he judges and rules, but into such hands that have given open testimony, or do give secret intimations and hopes either by their p●omises or their persons that the power shall be used to the advance of prerogative and keeping the high way. You say some body must be trusted, I say trust them that have not deceived their trust; you ask where they are to be found? I with I could answer it; As Luther once called for the 46th psalm, so I for the twelfth, help, Lord, for the godly man ceases, the faithful fail from the children of men. But if our eyes were opened we might pretty well see whom not to trust, neither with laws or arms; that is, some tall Cedar posts, whose varnish is now worn off, the worms seen, the rottenness discovered, let not these be any longer accounted or used as pillars of the commonwealth: Trust not men that are really needy, unless you be sure they can make no better bargain; trust not men that by covetousness make themselves needy, they will make a bargain for themselves and of you; trust not men that are known vicious and sensually corrupt, though forward assertors of Liberty, they are in danger to be given up by God, or to give themselves up to actions every way dishonourable. The truth is, though it sound like a Paradox, where few can be trusted more must: and seeing we find men very subject to be corrupted by honour and authority, especially in these times where such snares are laid and such baits propounded, let the Law and Rule be made as plain and certain as may be, the Offices of Rule and Judicature must be made more temporary and arbitrary in respect of the people then formerly. Though this will sound harsh to men even accounted moderate, for I observe a generation that are extremely set for liberty only, that themselves may be licentious, and very hot against arbitrary Government, till themselves have or hope to have a share in it, as in the Earl of Straffords case, whose steps you see men of sound repute now beginning to trace, not thinking of his end.  
In the next place let it be examined, whether it be like to obtain of his majesty in this conjuncture, the suppression of that party Popish and otherwise Malignant, in whose impunity it is impossible for us to be safe; Whether I be mistaken let wise men judge, but to me the popish faction, the promoters of an arbitrary government by force, for such is that I fear, and the true patrons and lovers of truth and just liberty are as two scales or buckets, if one be high the other must be low; as it is against piety, so is it beyond the reach of policy, so to poise them especially after such stirring the humours on both sides, as to keep peace in this kingdom. One must down, it concerns us nearly to see which: First, let us consider, whether it is likely by out treaty so to abate the number and power of Papists, as that they shall not remain continual thorns in our sides. It is justly feared they have too deep an interest, and another kind of reward is expected by them and intended to them for their favour and useful service at home and abroad, all that they have done in Ireland is not like to prevail so much to their discountenance as what they have done against Scotland and England to their favour, they have been former preached to be, and have now made good Squire Priests prophesy of the good Samaritane; good subjects in the King's sense, though not in the kingdoms. Shall they be discouraged, shall they be discarded, no let the point of the sword and their swords too be turned upon another sort of men who have rebelliously armed themselves to save a Parliament from assassination and a kingdom from ruin. Shall not the Queen be gratified with the more free use of her religion, after that abundant service in Holland for the provision of men and arms against us. It requires doubtless a faith little short of presumption to believe that ever by treaty the Popish party shall be weakened, faith may be kept with them though they keep none.  
So for delinquents of the same kind, though another Religion, though we allow as much as can be allowed, that there be not a short and punctual prosecution of all that have showed themselves enemies to the State. Is it possible to obtain so much of his majesty's favour or justice as to have the heads or necks of some of them who have been most desperate and active in the embroiling this kingdom in this civil war, and the proportionable censure of the rest. It is doubted, nay it is despaired, whom we call enemies of the State, he calls friends and makes favourites, and keeps them in his bosom, who by the warmth of his favour are so heightened, that those whose care and pains have been indefatigable for the preservation of the kingdom from ruin both by sea and land, are accounted the same to his majesty as those counsellors to us: where the Parliament thinks of punishments or should think, his majesty thinks of rewards, and so on the contrary.  
If you say that all must be remitted, first the just and reasonable expectation and engagement of the kingdom cannot be so satisfied. Secondly, we still keep within our bosom the fuel of a greater fire, if possible, and more ready after these exasperations to take fire upon all occasions, and will be most ready of all, when dried, as they are like to be, by the Parliaments impunity and the King's favour.  
3. We leave ourselves to the scorn and insolency of them whose pride and blasphemy is not like to stop till it comes at, Where is now their God? Which if it seem good to the disposing hand of Heaven, let me rather die than see or suffer.  
If any here think or say, there is a great deal of reason his Majesty should grant what may be for the safety of the kingdom, it is for his own safety: I answer my question is concerning will, not concerning reason. We are indeed told by him that undertakes the answer to the Observator, that we must suppose that Prince out of his wits, either not come to them or past them, a mad man or a child that will not do all for the safety and prosperity of his people, in which he is safe and flourishes. We are told this but find the contrary and have found it so often, that it ceases to be a wonder. It is not impossible for a man not out of his wits, neither though in that particular he hath not the right use of them to do that which may tend to his own ruin for want of foresight, if you be not in this resolved ask our reverend prelates.  
But further, though a Prince may be tender of the lives of his subjects, because he would have many to rule over; yet it is a question or a negative conclusion; Whether he desires to prefer their lives, so as they may be worth the enjoying with the advantages of their estates and liberties. It is true in right reason this aught to be his desire and endeavour, because it is the honour of a Prince to be ruler of a rich and free people; but we many times find that Princes represent their subjects to themselves in the same relation as the land to the sea, what I can gain out of it is mine own; Every abatement of a privilege in them is an advancement of a prerogative in me, the emptying their purses fills my Coffers, and so make the happiness of the people and their own, which should be wraped up together, to be two distinct, nay two contrary things, as it is in France, and hath appeared to be in England in the midst of that 14 years spoil made upon us. Judge now whether it be not possible upon these terms for a Prince to be so far from seeking the honour and safety of his people as to seek their ruin as the foundation of his rising; and make a second judgement, Whether we have not so represented to his majesty; So that you see or may see there is absolute necessity, that a Prince should always seek the true safety of his people with the advantages of wealth and liberty: But his gracious majesty will; we have no way to judge of men's wills and dispositions, but their former actions and present preparations: it is too apparent, he hath at least permitted things to be done very much to the prejudice of his people, but we have promises for what we wish, We wish there were no reason to diffide. It's one extreme unhappiness that the word of a King cannot rid us of all fears; What would you have further; that which we pray God for; a hearty close: But what would you have his majesty do further for your satisfaction? We would have him do, Prevent the propositions with something that might really advance the good of his people, and abdicate all those persons and counsellors who have fomented this destructive jealousy, and given the advice for this unhappy division. It must not be wondered that people will not be satisfied with promises and protestations, that have lived upon them while they are almost starved, and they evidently see Esau's rough hand going along with Jacob's smooth voice.  
And truly for my part, as it is doubted whether he will, so whether he can, without a hard adventure yield to things so much for our advantage, and for the disadvantage of his great Guard. The devil is now got out of the Circle and plays reeks, the guard is thriven to an Army, two or three. It's some doubt whether the power that raised the devil can lay him; I have heard it reported, and am ready to believe it, when I consider the disposition of many men about his majesty, that some should say, as they had engaged themselves, their friends and fortunes in the quarrel, as war could not be made without them, peace should not. And there is one doubtless in whose breast you may find that indignation of Juno, Mene incoept● desistere victam, &c. So that in the making of peace it is feared there must be Articles made by them and for them, in whose peace we can have no peace.  
Judge ye now of the likelihood of a safe Accommodation, something may be further added concerning the probability of an honourable.  
Honourable in respect of God: What hopes is there that Popery should be rooted up? May we not rather, in regard of the service done by the Papists, expect an intolerable toleration. But we have many engagements for the Protestant Profession. I must here seriously profess my doubt, that there is some equivocation in that word Protestant; that the sense is taken as it hath been by some very large. You know how by the superstitious Prelates, the pillars of the King's protestant Religion, popery hath been restrained, and protestancy must be accordingly enlarged. The Archbishop of Canturbury professed himself a direct enemy to popery truly and properly so called, which I believe he only thought to be the Pope's supremacy, which he could scarce spare him; for all other points or most, we know were preached and printed with his Command or connivance. Now if the protestant Religion be enlarged, according as the popish is straightened, a promise to maintain the protestant Religion is more than a man can wish.  
What hopes that superstition should be abolished, his majesty expressed himself at Cambridge an approver of all the superstitious dresses and gestures there used.  
Of the purging our Doctrine or reforming our Discipline what hopes? We shall have a Synod, but who dares come to it upon the Accommodation? or who dares speak freely in it, after the Parliament by this Accommodation, shall submit to the King; wonder not that I count an Accommodation a submission; I believe the King (and justly) accounts the offer of it a victory. How miserably will you find the indifferent clergy warping to the prevailing party, the zealous absent, and that justly, for I have a great deal of reason to be confident, that scarce any considerable man, who hath been engaged in this quarrel on the Parliament part, I make bold to call it so, for I hope they will yet own it, if he retain his integrity, da●es abide the issue of a present Accommodation.  
For the main thing tending to the honour of God and the Salvation of men, the establishing of a faithful painful Ministry, how impossible is it by Accommodation. Way must be made for that great work by displacing those idle, scandalous, superstitious, ignorant persons, who are fundi nostri calamitas. But how this can be done by composition, I apprehend not, if this advantage against them of stirring up the people to spoil and rapine were taken, it were a good likely means of rooting out them who had shuffled their cards so cunningly as to be out of the reach of Law in other respects, but if these men so unfit either for Church or commonwealth be demanded, I believe this black guard must not be parted with; they may contend with the highest delinquents, nay Papists themselves for point of Service in this cause; they have been the frogs coming out of the mouth of the beast, and the false prophet, stirring up the people to battle, telling them that though they damn themselves, God will save them, they shall either live Saints or die Martyrs: These men must be spared in regard of the service they have done, cannot be spared in regard of the service they may again do upon the like occasion: for let any man observe and he shall find, that those places which have been the dens of superstition, the dungeons of ignorance, the sinks of profaneness in regard of scandalous Ministers, have contributed the forwardest assistance in this cause against the Parliament. Though I will not deny but some learned and ingenuous men (whose principles have yet been below the power of godliness) have upon general mistakes and the swaying of particular ends engaged themselves in this business, though not so deep as others.  
And no doubt but the Prelates themselves will be again accommodated by this Accommodation, notwithstanding the votes (to them now ridiculous and called dotes) passed against them, for they say a Parliament ordinance can recoil as well as a Convocation Canon. No doubt, I say, but they may regain their power in the Church, though it's ike the Lord's house may never have need of them.  
And lastly, how can the Land by this Accommodation be cleansed from blood, that crying sin, which hath been contracted by this quarrel, if the Parliament have engaged men to shed innocent blood, I see no reason but that they submit, and an expiation be made; if on the contrary the Antiparliamentary faction bear the guilt, why not the punishment? As I apprehend it, the chief end of this taking up arms on their party was to bring Delinquents to punishment, if now they give up on these terms, they have made many Delinquents, punished none, but rather given them a fair encouragement to the like offences by showing them the worst they can look for from the justice of a Parliament. And truly this to me is a sad consideration which makes me believe God will not prosper an Accommodation without the execution of justice upon these bloodthirsty men. I read in the story of Manasses, that though he afterward repented, which our enemies are far from, yet wrath came upon Judah and Jerusalem, because of the provocations of Manasses, 
2 Kin. 24. 4.  but particularly for the innocent blood which he shed, which the Lord would not pardon. If the people, and especially the Parliament do not their utmost to wash their hands, and cleanse the Land from this innocent and precious blood that hath been shed; I fear that blood, which they take not care to be avenged by them, will be avenged upon them; which they will believe, when they see their Accommodation turned into an Assassination, which is no impossible business, neither will it be thought so upon a little recollection. The design must on, the authors are impatient of this retrograde they have suffered these three years, they cannot make use of so much further patience as to work by wiles and windings, in all probability the mystery of iniquity so works, as that if they that have letted will let they must be taken out of the way. Pardon these melancholic thoughts, I doubt there are too many of my mind, and yet, it may be, not many enough.  
But says my confident friend, when you see safe and honourable propositions offered and agreed upon, are not you gallantly deceived. I confess I am, I shall be deceived if such terms be offered; more if they be kept.  
But what will you say when you see the King come to London, upon the motion of the City, and a yielding of the fairest terms you can expect? I cannot tell what to say, but I know what to think. Yet I may tell you what the Italians say, They fear courtesies sometimes more than injuries, and this jealousy is not always folly. I would make it a rule for my own practice, let other men live by their own rules; If my provoked professed enemy suddenly and without ground become miraculously kind, and close with me; I shall remember Joab and Amasa. I ask pardon again: My melancholy is deep.  
In conclusion my thoughts are these, first that upon these considerations it seems to me improbable that safe and honourable terms if they be offered, should be granted and kept.  
Secondly, though men be weary of the present, and desire to tumble into their former conditions; It seems not agreeable to the order of divine dispensation, that all this stir should be made, this blood shed, to produce a cold Accommodation: doubtless the period of this business will be some great alteration, liberty or tyranny, Popery or true piety.  
Though men, great-men and a great many sometimes raise a great deal of dust, and make a mighty bustle and bring forth nothing but wind: Yet God who doth nothing in vain is not wont to lay such foundations, and temper mortar with blood, to have the rest of the building daubed up with untempored mortar. There are many, though not prophecies, yet sad predictions which godly and wise men have found by prayer and observation, to be fulfilled upon us before we can look for happiness though in God's due time, and we hope in a short time he may bring light out of darkness, and perfect peace out of this trouble. All the suffering almost hath fallen upon the house of God, judgement commonly begins there, but methinks it should not end there: If the green tree be cut to bleeding, sure the dry shall be cut to burning. We have been so long dandled in peace and sensual pleasures that we can endure to think of nothing else, but it is to be doubted we must account for what we have enjoyed, for what we have abused, before we be trusted with more. These I say are my fears, though my hopes and prayers be, that the Lord would say to the destroying Angel, It is enough. I can and do expostulate, 
Ier. 47. ●  as once the Prophet, O thou sword of the Lord, how long will it be ere thou be quiet? put up thyself into thy scabbard, rest and be still. But my mouth is ready to be stopped with the following verse, How can it be quiet, seeing the Lord hath given it a charge against England, &c. Let me not here be misinterpreted (I know I speak to angry men) I lay down this as a bare opinion, I make it not a rule to my own or others working. I pray for peace, labour for peace, advise for a good and seasonable peace, though my thoughts misgive in Point of sudden event. Let certain rules and known grounds such as these, (Follow peace with all men & holiness, therefore love the truth & peace, If it be possible (now that is only possible which is lawful; How can I do this and sin?) live peaceably with all men) be the guides of mine and others actions, notwithstanding such, though not groundless, surmises. The world seems to be big with some great birth, the Lord hasten it in its time, alterations seem to abide all Christendom, I pray God make ours for the better. I leave it now to the world, or at least to the little world of prudent men, to judge what likelihood there is of a safe and honourable Accommodation; such a one as may be built upon the foundation of truth: Peace without truth is no true peace, If the wisdom which lies against the truth is earthly, 
〈◊〉. 3. 15.  sensual, and devilish, whatsoever is done by or for us, God grant it may be done by that wisdom which is from above, that is first pure, then peaceable, without partiality, without hypocrisy. And then the fruit of righteousness will be sown in peace to them that make peace.  
But suppose (if it be lawful to be supposed) that the Parliament, through the absence of many resolved men, now employed in particular services for their own Countries, out of an intolerable weariness of this present condition, and fear of the event, agree to the making up of an unsafe unsatisfying Accommodation. This would beget a question, which I hope I shall never have occasion to dispute, whether in case the representative body cannot, or will not, discharge their trust to the satisfaction, not of fancy, but of reason in the people; they may resume (if ever yet they parted with a power to their manifest undoing) and use their power so far as conduces to their safety; And it this doubt cannot be resolved to the advantage of the people but be found either unlawful or otherwise impossible. I know but two ways more betwixt which the choice is very hard, hang or fly. As for hanging I should not much like it, though it were in a blue ribbon, but for flying you will say the way is open, I would it were as I could wish it, if ever God bring us to such a strait; But in the mean time, if honest and engaged men be so far deserted, as to be constrained to flight, it will be full of dishonour and danger; Dishonour to them by whom they have been so engaged and employed, and danger to the Nation, which by their absence will be the more exposed to an inroad of superstition and tyranny. It may be there are some that will be ready to say a fair riddance, they are the troublers of Israel who are thus full of jealousies, as to run away from the shadow of their own dreams; but there will be others, as wise as they of another mind, who know that the Puritans though they be thought a little factious and troublesome in the Church, yet they are good commonwealths men, resolute asserters of public liberty, that will pay roundly, and fight too, if need be, and cannot well be spared. And truly as there is a great deal of unsafety in it in reason, so doubtless it would give God an advantage against the Nation and make him proceed without any such demuire, as, How shall I give thee up, O Ephraim? O England.  
But one thing further: Although an Accommodation may be probable, yet I meet with many who hold a strong conveniency, if not an absolute necessity of sending propositions, in whose denial may be advantage. But it is in vain for me to dispute that which the Parliament have determined; I only wish the sending of them may do as much good, as the delay in framing of them hath done harm. It is expected the not granting of them, should bring off some of the King's party; I am sure the making them at this time hath lost some of the Parliaments, it hath divided the City, the Parliament, the kingdom, almost starved the Army, and brought things to confusion. For when people conceive the Parliament reside from their principles and votes, whereby they have formerly declared themselves in an incapacity of treating and give little less than an implicit consent to an accusation of treason against their instruments, they begin to withdraw their hearts and hands, not knowing how low they mean to go themselves, or bring their friends. It were therefore to be wished, that preparations for war and peace were carried on with an equal hand, that the enemies of the Parliament had not so much encouragement, nor their friends so much discourragement; For let us be assured, if the Parliament give them, whom they called malignant's, equal interest in them with their friends, friends will be harder to find then ever they were, and furthest off when there is most need of them. And what a lamentable thing a Parliament is without the people, in all just cases to stick to them, if you know not, remember the fourth of January, the great Army by land and Navy by Sea, the pikes and protestations, that have been mentioned with a jeering indignation. But I here seriously ask pardon for making that my work, which is the work of wiser men. I am led to a discourse I hope beyond exception, which will be a just inference from that which hath been said concerning Accommodation.  
We all know that force and arms must now do that which faith and truth before this Iron Age were wont to do, and whether we treat or not, it is of absolute necessity that there be an army till the King see fit to discharge his guard; If this army be dissolved he is a wise man that knows where to have another; If we have none, we shall never need to think of making propositions they shall be made to our hands, or to our heads, and necks. It is left therefore to indifferent men to judge, whether it be not fit that this persent Army raised by the Parliamet and maintained by the City and kingdom, may not in justice expect countenance and maintenance from them, by whom, and for whom, they have been employed and engaged. For the first, which is countenance they stand not so much upon, only as it is a part of their reputation, but the latter is the main.  
I find even among the Parliament men, many who have conceived and expressed, I think unjust I am sure unpolitike jealousies of the army, which have so far wrought upon many considerable men in it, that in case the like necessity again return, I very much fear, whether they would not rather fly to save their own lives than stand to fight for them who so requite them. It is a strange and unhappy turn, that where the safety not long since was, (and to a right judgement now is) there the danger should be. Cannot we be content to be jealous of our enemies? But it is not to be wondered at, when the people who have been their immediate safety find the like measure from some of them, who begin now to suspect, that they have been so forward for their supplies and defence, only, that they might make use of them to do some strange thing, and be midwives to some chimaera, which yet nobody knows what to make of. I guess at such thoughts by some expressions I have heard from them, who say they doubt the people aim at some great infandum, something to big for their mouths though not for their hearts, which they are so horribly afraid of being serviceable to, that they many times doubt whether themselves should do their own duty, because they suspect other men forget theirs. Not considering that this is the way to beget a counter-jealousy which may undo all, but the Parliament first.  
There are some men, it may be, that will not speak what they would have, it is as likely that they will never attempt it, men's wishes may be modest enough, all things considered, and yet not easily expressed. The Parliament find it an extreme hard thing to say what themselves would have, they are as men walking among Quagmires, know not where to fasten a foot. No wonder though the poor people whose thoughts are all swallowed up in danger and distraction cannot say what they would have for their own safety.  
But for the matter of the Army, this Treaty is not like to be of so speedy dispatch, if safely carried, but it will admit, nay urge a consideration of maintaining the Army, and finding out a settled way of maintenance. The kingdom hath hitherto supplied the Army as the King supplied himself before the Parliament by loans and bargains, and a contribution liable to two great mischiefs, trouble and uncertainty, it were good some constant course were undertaken, that we might be rid of our fears, and the hopes of our enemies a little dashed, who flatter themselves with the failing of our treasure, knowing we have not the Conscience to live as they do. And to this purpose an excise, a weekly assessment or voluntary contribution must be thought on. As it is no contemptible sum that is paid upon a voluntary monthly contribution, so it might be made more considerable, if men were by some means or other brought to a level: for it is the unevenness of the grounds men are upon that makes them stumble at this way of supply; they say and say justly, that unless the disaffected party be reduced to some proportionable terms, they shall go on to impoverish themselves, and make themselves the objects of the scorn and insolency of their enemies, and the pity of their friends. Here therefore let it be considered (nay let it be no longer considered, Inretam iustâ nonest deliberandum) whether with all diligence (I had almost said with all violence,) the Ordinance for assessing the Non-contributors be not to be put in execution: I am ashamed of the excuses made in this particular, some that are employed pretend they are afraid of the ill will of their ill neighbours. But what equity is there in this proceeding, it is a continual quarrel (ad ravim usque) in the City, that the Army marches not against breastworks, batteries, and the mouth of the Ordnance, when themselves do not, and pretend dare not, with the advantage of an Ordinance of Parliament, adventure upon the open mouth of a malignant upon the hopes of our ruin, mounted against them.  
But it may be some fear their hands more than their thoughts or tongues. That is hard, that the power of Parliament and Militia in the hands of men well-affected to the Parliament should leave grounds of terror in the minds of the city, let them assure themselves that fear this fear, that they shall never have less reason to be afraid then now they have, and if they let them go on at this rate, the thing that they fear will come upon them; our diffidence is their strength; We have so used them hitherto, that they can be more merry in a prison than we in our freest meetings. And it is ●o me a sad thought (which the mention of a prison hath brought to my mind) that our prisoners, men of repute, piety, and valour should be so unworthily used by our adversaries; and we in the mean time suffer theirs to enjoy not only unnecessary but unlawful contents, witness the plenty of wine, and the resort of women (where there be Cats, there must be vermin) at Lambeth house. How just were it that we had twenty or thirty of the chief of them, some of the soldiers, some of the Citizens, sent to Windsor Castle or some other place, where they might at the best fare but like soldiers, or otherwise according to intelligence. Let the Parliament be assured, that if they give up on these terms, they will leave an everlasting discouragement upon their friends and not know where to find men to stick to th●m (for themselves see how they are abused by the petitioners for peace, whose sense is fully enough expressed in the libellous complaint to the Commons) when they shall have need, which I am confident through the restless designs of them who lie at the bottom of this business, they will quickly have.  
But it will be here objected, the Army give continual disadvantage to their own maintenance and encouragement by the ill managing the affairs committed to their trust.  
To this I answer, First, that I would not be taken for the general Advocate of the Army; doubtless there are faults personal and real, more than I know, more than can be excused: But first there have been many things said against the Army that never were, or could be proved; and further the Army is prejudiced by the expectation of things impossible. When the people are unchangeable, and the Parliament infallible, the Army shall be unblameable. It is expected by the Parliament and city that the Officers should be all honest and faithful; what an unreasonable thing is this, will you expect that in a Camp, that you find not in a Court? no not in the two great Courts of the kingdom and City, the council of the Commons, and the common-council. And to make good my title and speak plain English, The Parliament and City have shared in the power of the Army, it is good reason likewise they should share in the blame: They have recommended many of the Officers they find fault with, whatsoever other men are; I can assure they are not all Saints that they have put into the Calendar. For the consequent of corrupt Officers, which is false Musters, it is a great and a just quarrel which all honest men desire to remove the ground of. But first let it be considered, that it is the common lot of all the Armies of Christendom, the Prince of Orange makes the same complaint, to which purpose I could tell you a story, but that I am resolved against tediousness. The noble and victorious King of Sweden did by his very great diligence provide against it as much as was possible. But in stead of quarrelling, let us attempt, a not impossible, redress. Let the Parliament or city, if they can in this wicked world find some stoical men, that despise money— Quos dignos spectatu arbitremur, appoint paymasters to every Regiment from whom the Officers and soldiers should receive their pay: let them attend constantly, and pay two or three times a week at an appointed place in the quarter with the forfeiture of pay upon an unlawful absence. The honest Officers would heartily embrace this motion, and be glad to be free from the continual trouble they now endure from their importunate retinue, as for Knaves they will not speak against it, lest they show themselves so. It being always reserved, that honest men upon better reason may speak against this motion, to which I submit. This would be a way to save money, to keep the soldiers together; only let care be taken that the men to whom this trust is committed be of good repute, and able sometimes at a pinch to disburse some money to the common soldiers. But I leave this in the midst.  
Another great quarrel is, but the most unjust, that they march not, that they are not active. The soldier's hands indeed go not so fast as other men's tongues. Action is not so quick as thought, especially thoughts winged with earnest desires, Desiderio etiam ●●leritas in mora est. Are there not continual parties out, and that with no contemptible success, according to which if men glorified God, and were thankful, they would not be so vain in their imaginations: Let them look upon other Armies in foreign Nations; upon the King's Army, whom it concerns to be active, if they had opportunity. To assault Reading, nay to gain it, would not countervail the hazard and loss, it is likely they would attempt Oxford, though against reason, if the Parliament and City will undertake for their own security in the interim, and make good the necessary damage of a winter siege. Oh how easy a thing is it to give a hard censure, to fare well and lie warm, and to condemn poor soldiers, to lie in winter-trenches at the mercy of wet and cold. Sure there are many men that think it as easy a matter to win a town, though fortified, as to make a breach in the walls of a Christmas Pie. But as I undertook not an absolute justification in the other complaints, so neither do I in this, but doubt not but they may receive satisfaction from them whose experience makes them able to say more than I can; but of late the complaint hath been reciprocal: The soldiers would not act for want of pay, the people would not pay for want of action. The best way is to mend both together.  
In fine, let us be well assured that whosoever suffers his discontent against the Army to grow up to revenge, means in the issue to strike himself. And whereas it is said that the putting the Army into an expectation of constant supply would make them unwilling ever to disband, how void of reason is this exception? whereas in the hands of the Parliament and city are those nerves and ligaments which hold the Army together, which they may shrink or cut as they see cause. But from the necessity of an Army I pass to the conveniency if not necessity of an Association.  
And how could I now wish that my pen could drop spirit and vigour into the hearts of my plannet-stricken countrymen. Or rather that he who formeth the spirit of man within him, and fashioneth the hearts of the children of men, would give them so much of his own spirit, which is a Spirit of truth and action▪ as to make them valiant for the truth once committed to them. How sad a thing is it to see what a French tincture our English Nation hath gotten, as if there were a bridge made from Calis to Dover. What an apish disposition hath possessed our Gentry, what an asinine disposition our Commonalty, which if not timely shaken of will make way for the worst of France to be ruled by horses in stead of men, which is a thing I have long feared.  
Hear, O people, Consider that you are considerable or might be, if good counsel would be taken. Do not you see how you are courted by the King, what care the Parliament take for your satisfaction? Sure you are not so contemptible a thing as some would make you; your right is much, and your power no less, if you would know the one and use the other. I am sensible how offensive this discourse is like to be, but it never was my intention (had it been possible) to please all men. But let me not be mistaken, I am far from the Monster of a Democracy, that which I call to the people for, is but a quick and regular motion in their own sphere, to do that which the Parliament hath sometimes called upon them for, to contribute their best helps to two great works, of mercy and justice; Mercy to the kingdom in its preservation, Justice to its Enemies in their destruction. Suppose they hit not upon the same means, but, through the narrowness of their precept, which can scarcely be extended to all circumstances and opportunities, be constrained to outrun a command, their faithful prosecution of the end designed them, which is the safety and preservation of the kingdom, and in it their own, may justly excuse them, if not commend them; As by the votes of acceptable service may appear.  
And here I confess myself at a stand, I know not what remedy to prescribe to this Lethargy, the things that one would have thought should have quickened the people have stupefied them; If the dint of the sword, the noise of the Canon directed and discharged against themselves, their laws and liberties, their wives and children, cannot awaken them, I know not what will; unless it be the thunder of some terrible judgement from heaven that will at once awake them, and lay them down to a perpetual sleep. How strangely are men's eyes dimmed, and hearts deadened; Not above a year since upon the noise of bringing up an Army to put the Parliament in wardship, upon the attempt of an illegal seizure upon some of their members, what a high and yet just tide were men flown to, Quantum mutatus ab illo— Hectore— We now see that done with open face which was then studiously concealed, a mighty Guard actually raised, brought up as near the Parliament as fear would suffer them? for notwithstanding that short Covering of the Brainford business, to knowing men it is undoubted, that the design was upon the Parliament and city, where if God had not mercifully and miraculously prevented, after their Sabbath's days plunder of London (their usual Sanctification) strange Acts might upon Monday morning have been made at Westminster; when terror had seized upon the good, and confidence, if not impudence, possessed the evil. We now see in stead of those 6. at least 26 accused of treason for the same cause that they were, that is, being forward and active for the preservation of the kingdom from the King's Guard. It is the same season of the year, a more unquestionable cause, where are your pikes and protestations? your courage and resolutions? Do you conceive your danger more, your enemies more formidable, should not your valour increase with your danger, if it were so, when the cause remains the same? But look seriously about you, you will not want encouragement. Look West or North, or South, to Sussex, Devonshire, to Lancashire and Yorkshire; but especially look above you to heaven itself, you can want no arguments to stir you up in this service; let no man be dismayed by the dream of impossibility. Do you say that life is sweet? is not Religion? is not Liberty so likewise? they should be as delightsome as they are wholesome: 
Summum crede ●efas animam praferr● pud●ri  
Et propter vitam vivendi perdere causas.   
I am ashamed that any man that understands these lines should not so far understand himself, as to count all things loss and dung, to gain the price that is now in his hand, and let him be ashamed too, with a shame that puts on to amendment.  
We have long pretended a zeal against idolatry, while in the mean time we are all become one idol. We have eyes and see not, &c. We have eyes and see not an Army of papists, not only with permission allowed to use their own religion, but with commission appointed (in event) to destroy ours; we have ears and hear not the continual blasphemies against our God, the reproaches and slanders against our Parliament; It cannot indeed be said we have mouths and speak not: for they that do least commonly speak most. But I am sure I may say, feet have we and march not, hands have we and handle not the sword and shield. We talk of want of arms, its want of hearts; had we no Smith in England, as once in Israel, if men had had their true English protestant spirits, and well timed their attempts, their enemies had been meat to them, though many of them (as they that viewed the carcases at Kint●n say) rotten meat. But I am weary of complaint, let me turn to advice. Besides those foggy mists of ignorance and misinformation that have at once blinded men's eyes, and dulled their spirits, the great disadvantage of this great body of the people which I now speak to, from doing great things, hath been the disunion of them, many twigs have been broken which if bound up together would have made a rod for the severe correction, if not destruction, of their enemies.  
Let it therefore be considered, whether an Association well and warily laid may not be a great advantage for the recollection of these loose and distracted spirits, which united might be so serviceable. An Association I say well and firmly laid; An Association not subject to Equivocation, an Association more particular than the Protestation, which like the net in the Gospel brought up fishes good and bad, and stones as well as fishes.  
And here let the children of this generation (for I hope they shall never see the next) the Bishops, be taken into example for the manner though not the matter of the act. When they went to contrive an Oath they did it to the purpose, a sifting, distinguishing oath that should have scarcely left an honest minister in the kingdom. Therefore I say let this Association be wisely laid so as to give us to know our friends from our enemies, yet not so strictly as to engage to things impossible or too many, but something to this purpose. To the maintenance of our established Religion and law with all possible improvement, to the maintenance of this army (raised under the conduct of the truly noble and valiant Earl of Essex captain general) by purse and person against the opposite faction, and to bring delinquents so voted, by the (once sacred) votes and consent of Parliament to condign punishments. But I am now beyond my own line, I know there hath been pains taken in this business, & the speculation of it hath been more fully studied by others, than my desire of practice will for the present allow me to do. This business as it must be well laid, so warily and religiously entered into. There is a great deal of danger in promissory oaths, I would have no man lose his soul to save a kingdom, which he that knows well the price of souls, having paid for so many, prefers to a whole world. This Association especially in the Eastern and Southern parts of the kingdom that enjoy the benefit of the now raised Army, in all reason must be for a contribution to the maintenance of it. To agree for the preservation of their own counties by their native power, had been sufficient (it may be) before an opposite army raised; but it will be now found most concerningly necessary to look at the present army raised in the defence of the kingdom as the best groundwork of safety, and I doubt not but they will so approve themselves when the spring of action comes. There are a generation of men too fruitful, who though the ark and Israel lie in tents, yet they must go in and eat and drink, and lie with their wives, of whom good use may yet be made, let them pay for an indulgence for this their indulgency, these are well-woulders to the Parliament and kingdom, let the impediments of their action, their wives and children, be content to purchase the presence of their husbands and parents, with the want of those accomplishments which in these times may be well spared, and by this means I doubt a sum too considerable may be raised.  
The benefit of such an Association would be doubtless great; It would concentre and determine the loose and languishing affections of men and propound them a particular mark of action. It would be a good second string in case the Parliament should unhappily miscarry, whereas otherwise we should be found as sheep scattered, a fit pray for the Wolves of these times. Much more might be said to this purpose, but a little done, were better than a great deal said. Let therefore thoughts and words put on action, the love of Christ prevail as much in Protestants for a confederacy, as the zeal for Antichrist hath done in Papists for a Conspiracy. When thieves and murderers say, Let us all have one purse, let us lay wait for blood; doth it not concern true men, men of truth to say, Let us have one heart, let us go out (as it was said of the children of Israel) as one man against them; Let us therefore lay aside our particular interests, and embark ourselves in this common cause of Religion, law and liberty, all the pains we otherwise take is but building without a foundation. It is in vain for an honest man to think of prosperity or security in this Nation, but in the success of this present business; It's true there are great unavoidable difficulties propound themselves on every side, but let us do our duty and wait on God, even the God of our salvation, who may answer us by terrible things in his righteousness which we looked not for, God hath put us to many a loss that we might have opportunity of seeking and finding him. His way is in the sea, and his paths in the great waters, his footsteps are not known. Yet he led and will still lead on his people toward a land flowing with milk and honey, the sincere milk of truth, the sweet honey of peace.  
FINIS.   

Whatsoever errors have escaped the author or Printer, as the commission of them speaks a man, so let the pardon show a good man. I meant plain English, its like he meant true.  Veniam pro laude.—