THE Negotiations OF THE AMBASSADORS Sent to the Duke of Savoy, BY THE Protestant Swiss-Cantons, In Favour of the Distressed Vaudois. Wherein there are many things very Curious, and some Letters never before Published. Translated out of French. LONDON, Printed for R. Bentley, in Russel-street, in Covent-Garden. 1691. A True Account of the NEGOTIATION, etc. THE Embassy which the Evangelic Swiss Cantons sent to the Duke of Savoy, in the Year 1686, to intercede with his Royal Highness in favour of the Protestant Churches of the Valleys, being a business of as much difficulty as importance; and because it may give occasion to some persons of making different and quite contrary reflections, I have thought fit to publish a true account of that Negotiation, that unbyass'd Persons, being rightly informed of what passed, may, according to Reason, justly and equitably judge of it. I will therefore relate the most considerable Passages of this Embassy; and as I will make use of no Memoirs but what are good and authentic; so neither Interest, Hatred, or Affection shall influence my Pen; and than if the elegancy of my Style do not please the Reader, yet I hope he will be satisfied with the sincerity and truth of the Narration. It is certain, that of all Protestant States, the Evangelique Cantons have showed as much love to their Religion as any, by their so zealously espousing the interest of the Reformed Churches; for ever since the light of the Reformation first begun to shine in France, they have, to the utmost of their power, endeavoured to forward the work of God in that Kingdom, and did send several Ambassadors to Francis the First, and likewise to succeeding Kings, to desire there might be a cessation of those Cruelties which were practised by the Romish Clergy against those Faithful People who made profession of the Truth. And they have made the same Zeal appear in all the Persecutions which the Churches of Piedmont have suffered; for in those which were in the years 1655 and 1663., they sent Ambassadors to the Duke of Savoy, to mediate with him in behalf of his Protestant Subjects, and to support them in those Rights, which by several Grants they had obtained from his Ancestors. In 1686, as soon as they heard what was contained in the Edict which that Prince had published against their Brethren of Piedmont, it plainly appeared how much they were troubled; for when the miserable Vaudois were intolerably and most unjustly oppressed, and still threatened to be treated with all imaginable cruelties, the Cantons resolved to do all they could to shelter and save those poor persecuted People. In former times nothing more was designed against them by their Enemies, than to coop up those poor Protestants within certain bounds and limits, and to take from them their right of living in the plain Country, which formerly they had liberty to do; but now a resolution was taken, not only to deprive them of the exercise of their Religion in all places, but also of the liberty of their Consciences; so that now their condition did indeed deserve compassion; and that People may the better judge of it, 'tis necessary here to insert a true Copy of the Duke's Edict faithfully translated. Victor Amadeus, by the Grace of God, Duke of Savoy and Piedmont, and King of Cyprus. CHristian Prudence and Policy do many times counsel Men in some manner to neglect those Sores and Ulcers which are not in a condition to be perfectly healed, but may grow worse by too hosty a cure. This course hath been taken in other Monarchies, and by our most Serene Predecessors, who indeed never had any other intention than to draw their Subjects, who professed the pretended Reformed Religion, out of the darkness of Heresy, which by the unhappy vicissitude and fatal corruption of times, hath from the centre of the Valleys of Lucern, spread itself so far as to enter into the very heart of Piedmont: And because those Religionists have had Succours from foreign Countries, this good work could never be brought to its desired end; so that we not being able to purge this Poison quite out of our Country, we stopped and shut it up in the Valleys of Lucern, Angrogne, St. Martin, Ceruse, St. Bartlemy, Roccapiata, and Perustin, and by Toleration only suffered them to exercise their false Religion within certain prescribed limits, complying with the necessity of the times, till it should please God to afford us a more favourable opportunity to bring back these wand'ring Souls to the bosom of the Holy, and only Catholic, Apostolic, Roman Religion: But time having now discovered the necessity of quite destroying this Serpent, and many-headed Hydra; since the aforesaid Heretics, instead of answering this favour with humble submission and thanks, for our gracious Permission and Toleration, have often, with scandalous disobedience, insolently rebelled against us: And whereas the chief cause of granting such a Toleration now ceaseth, by the Zeal and Piety of that Glorious Monarch the King of France, who hath brought back again his Neighbour Heretics to the true Faith; we think the particular favours which we have received from the Divine Majesty, and which we still enjoy, may accuse us of great ingratitude, if, by our negligence, we let slip the opportunity of perfecting this work, according to the intention of our Glorious Predecessors. For the causes aforesaid, and for other pressing Reasons, by virtue of this present Edict; we, of our certain knowledge, by our absolute Sovereign Power, and by the advice of our Privy Council, have Decreed, and Ordained, and we do Order and Command by these Presents, all our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, for the time to come, to forbear all Exercises of the said Religion, and we forbid them henceforth to Assemble in any Place or private House to exercise the said Religion, under any Title, Pretext, or Occasion whatever, upon pain of Death and Confiscation of Goods. In like manner, we Ordain that the past pretended Toleration be utterly void, and of no effect, what colour or pretence soever may be alleged to the contrary. Our Will and Pleasure also is, That all Churches, Granges, and Houses wherein the said Religion is at present exercised, be pulled down and razed, as also all other Places wherein for the future there may be any such Assemblies, contrary to the Tenor of the preceding Article, yea, tho' the Persons to whom such Places belong know nothing of such Meetings. We further Command all ecclesiastics, all Ministers and Schoolmasters of the said pretended Reform Religion, who, within Fifteen days after the Publication hereof, shall not embrace the Catholic Religion, to depart out of our Dominions at the expiration of the said term of Fifteen days, under pain of Death, and Confiscation of their Goods; with express Command also, under the same Penalties, that during the said term, before their departure, they do not Preach any Sermons, Exhort, or do any other Acts of their said Religion. Moreover, we forbid all that profess the pretended Reformed Religion, under the aforesaid Penalties, and that of incurring our displeasure, to keep for the future any School, Public or Private; that their Children may henceforth be instructed by Catholic Schoolmasters. As concerning those Ministers, who during the said term shall embrace the Catholic Religion, our Will is, that during their lives, and after their death their Widows shall during their Widowhood, enjoy the same Exemptions and Immunities which they before had, during the Exercise of their Charge. And our further Pleasure is, That to those ecclesiastics who shall in this manner be converted, there be paid, during their life, a Pension, which shall be a third part greater than the Wages which they had as Ministers of the said Religion; and that after their death their Widows shall receive the Moiety of that Pension so long as they continue sole. For what concerns the Children that shall be born of Parents of the said pretended Reform Religion, our Pleasure is, That after the publication of this present Edict, they be baptised by the Priests of the Parishes which are already established in the said Valleys, or which shall be established hereafter. We therefore Command their Fathers and Mothers, that they either send or bring their Children to the Churches, under the Penalty of the Father's serving Five years in the Galleys and the Mother's being publicly whipped: and the said Children shall henceforward be brought up in the Roman Catholic, Apostolic Religion. We expressly Command all Judges, Provosts, Chatelains, and other Officers, to see that these Presents be duly executed. We also confirm the Edict which we caused to be Published the 4th of November last passed, concerning the Subjects of his Most Christian Majesty, who profess the pretended Reformed Religion, who are now in our Dominions, or who have left in them any Merchandise, Money, or other Effects, and for what concerns other Strangers of the said Religion, who contrary to the tenor of our Predecessors Edicts, have settled themselves in the Valleys, without their consent showed in writing, comprehending also their Descendants, who have been born in it: We Command, that in case they do not within Fifteen days after the Publication of this Edict, declare they will embrace the Roman Catholic Apostolic Religion, they shall be obliged, that term being expired, to depart out of our Territories, under pain of Death, and Confiscation of their Goods. And tho' by virtue of our Predecessors Edicts, the Goods which such Strangers have gotten in our Dominions, aught of right to be applied to our Public Treasury; nevertheless, intending in this case to show our wont Clemency, we permit them to sell their Goods within the said term, and to dispose of them as they please; yet always with this condition, that there shall be no sale of their Lands, but to Roman Catholics; and if no such Buyers can be found, the Goods shall be prized, sold, and annexed to our Demeans at a reasonable price. Lastly, we command all Magistrates, established by us, all Ministers of State, Officers, Counsellors of Justice and War, and all others who are concerned, to see that this Edict be inviolably observed, and cause the Council of Piedmont to Register it, and give their entire approbation to every thing therein contain'd· And moreover our Will is, That the Publication which shall be made of this Edict, in all Places, according to the usual form, shall have the same force and virtue, as if it had been notified to every particular Person; and that as much credit be given to the Copy Printed by Sinibal our Printer, as to the Original itself, for such is our Will and Pleasure. Given at Turin, the 31 th' of January, 1686. Victor Amadeo. V. Simione de St. Thomas. By the Command of his Royal Highness. The Evangelique Cantons having heard of this Edict, a while after also knew that the Vaudois had in vain sought relief against it; for they had presented Two Petitions to their Prince, which were never answered. By the First, they desired a Revocation of this Edict; and by the Second, leave to depart out of his Dominions, within such a term as might be necessary to find a settlement elsewhere. The Cantons seeing that the ordinary means which had been used to stop the execution of this Edict had not been effectual, they thought some extraordinary course was to be tried. They therefore at first wrote to the Duke of Savoy, Praying that he would make good to his Subjects of the Valleys those Concessions which had been granted to them by his Predecessors: But when they saw the Duke delayed to give them any answer, and that they knew he prepared to execute his Edict by force, they resolved in a Diet held at Baden, in the Month of February, 1686, to dispatch two Ambassadors to him, to endeavour the obtaining, by their Representations, that which they could not procure by their Letters. The Persons pitched upon for this Embassy were Gaspard de Muralt, and Bernard de Muralt, both Counsellors of State; the First, of the Republic of Zurich, the other of Berne; who had all qualities necessary to fit them for such an Employ, either in respect of their Virtue and Piety, or of their Prudence and Personal Abilities. These Ambassadors were charged to use their best endeavours to oblige the Duke of Savoy to revoke the Edict which he had published against the Valley Churches. And because they had reason to fear that his Royal Highness would continue firm in his Resolution of causing it to be executed in all points, the Protestant Cantons, after having maturely considered the state of the People that composed the Churches, and the Alliances and Forces of the Prince, who resolved totally to extirpate them, if they refused to submit to his Will, they thought, in case their Ambassadors could not obtain a Revocation of the Edict, that then it would be expedient for them to endeavour the procuring of liberty for those miserable People to retire into some other Country, to sell their Goods, and to carry with them all that they could get together of their shipwrecked Fortune. The Lords who were present in this Diet were too prudent and judicious to take any other course but this; they saw on the one hand, how few they were who could bear Arms in the Valleys; for they were at most but Two Thousand Five Hundred Men, the greatest part of them ill armed, and had neither Commanders, Provision, or Ammunition, and could not from any place expect Succours; that they likewise who had Commanded in the Wars of 1655 and 1664 were now all dead. But on the other hand, when they considered the Prince's Forces, who had resolved to abolish their Religion, they saw that they infinitely exceeded those of his Subjects, who were of a Religion contrary to his; for the Duke had enjoyed a long Peace; he had a great many good Troops, brave Captains, and experienced Generals; he had nothing to fear, either from his Neighbours or any Prince in Europe. More than all this, the Duke of Savoy's Troops were joined with those of the King of France, who was then so dreaded, that his very Name made all the Potentates of Europe tremble; whereas heretofore though the Subjects of France fought together with the Vaudois, to assist and guard them from the oppression of their Sovereign, yet, notwithstanding their being so aided, they were driven out of their Valleys, and could not defend themselves against the single Forces of their Prince. They farfarther considered, that if by some unexpected chance the Vaudois should at first have the good luck to get some advantage over their Enemies, yet in the end, they must needs be overpowered by the great number of those that attacked them, whose losses could be repaired by being recruited with new Troops; but the Vaudois could make no new Levies, to fill the places of those that must be slain in several Combats. More than all this, the Vaudois having to do with the King of France, who was the proudest Prince in the World, and who at that time had no Enemy upon his hands, he would have armed all the People of his Kingdom against them, rather than have failed to bring his design to pass, wherein he thought consisted his chiefest Glory, and by which he believed he should merit the highest Place among the greatest Saints in Paradise. The Cantons had before their eyes the French Protestants, whom they had received into their Territories; and comparing their condition with that of their Brethren of Piedmont, they found that even in that miserable state to which they were reduced, the Vaudois being still able to obtain free leave to go out of their Country, were in that respect much happier than the French Protestants, who were not only obliged to quit their Houses and their Country, when all their Goods were taken from them, but yet could not buy their Banishment, without hazarding their Lives and their Liberty. All things thus considered, the Cantons at last concluded they could do nothing of more advantage for the Piemontois, than to obtain for them that which they themselves had now, and heretofore desired when they were persecuted concerning the exercise of their Religion; for in former times they most humbly petitioned their Prince, that they might seek a retreat in Foreign parts. The Ambassadors furnished with these Instructions, went into Piedmont; and being arrived at Turin, and admitted to Audience by his Royal Highness, they declared, That seeing the mediation of their Masters, the Evangelique Cantons, with his Royal Highness, in favour of his Protestant Subjects, had been always acceptable and effectual, their Sovereign Lords, having with extreme grief heard that his Royal Highness had resolved to deprive his Protestant Subjects of the liberty of their Consciences, and the exercise of their Religion, which they had enjoyed for many Ages; their Sovereigns moved by Christian Charity, by the strict union with those of their Communion, and by the confidence they had in his Royal Highness' Clemency and Justice, had presumed to intercede by their Letters of Recommendation in favour of their Brethren of the Valleys. But having received no answer to those Letters, their Masters had charged them with this Embassy, to testify the consideration they had for his Royal Highness, and likewise to show how much they were touched with the late Edict which had been published against his Highness' poor Subjects, and had commanded them to assure his Highness how sincerely they regarded his Interests, and with all possible instance to pray him to suffer the Inhabitants of the Valleys quietly and perpetually to enjoy the exercise of their Religion, and that liberty of Conscience his Predecessors had granted to them, upon the pressing Intercessions and Recommendations of many Princes and Protestant States, and particularly upon the Interposition and Mediation of their Sovereigns: And that which made them hope to obtain what they desired, was that his Highness' Subjects had done nothing to render themselves unworthy of the continuance of the Favour and Affection of their Prince, or that aught to deprive them of the right which they had acquired by his own concessions, which ought to be inviolable, because they were not bare and simple Tolerations, but Authentic Treaties, made with the Inhabitants of the Valleys, and therefore aught to be perpetual and irrevocable, as may be seen in the Twentieth Article of the Grant passed in the year 1655, and the Fourth Article of the Patent in 1664, which declares, That they should be perpetually and irrevocably observed; and that in effect they have been Ratified and Registered by the Senate of Chambery, to be Bona fide executed according to their Form and Tenor. That their Lords were verily persuaded, that his Highness in his own Reign, full of Glory and Felicity, would not suffer those Grants, followed with many Declarations and solemn Promises, to be made void, and all the fruit of their Mediation, Pains, and Care come to nothing. They hoped that his Highness would not have the World believe he had not the same esteem and regard for the Evangelique Cantons which his Predecessors had; or that the perfect Amity, and sincere Correspondence which hath always been between his Royal Highness and their Lords, as good Neighbours and Friends, was in any wise altered; that his State would be exposed to troubles and calamities; that the Consciences of his Subjects (which ought not to depend upon any but God alone) would be forced, by the fear of Death and Torments: In a word, the Inhabitants of the Valleys would be overwhelmed with Misery, and reduced to Despair. They also earnestly prayed his Royal Highness, to receive favourably their Sovereign's Intercession, in the behalf of his Subjects, made their Brethren by Communion in one and the same Religion; and that he would suffer himself to be moved by the Cries, Tears, and Groans of so many innocent Souls, who did beseech him to suspend the Execution of his Edict, and not to turn his Arms against his People, who in rendering to God the Religious homage due to him, desired, with the loss of their Blood, to seal the fidelity which they had vowed to his Royal Highness. That if their Mediation did produce the effect which their Superiors desired, it would be the most convincing evidence his Royal Highness could give them, that he no less valued their Mediation than his Predecessors of Glorious Memory had done; and that on their part, they would endeavour by all manner of ways, to testify their thanks, and to render his Highness reciprocal Services upon all occasions; and because, in the Conference which the Ambassadors had with his Royal Highness' Ministers of State, some of those Reasons had been declared which his Royal Highness had to publish the Edict, whereof they desired the Revocation, the Ambassadors judged it necessary to answer those Reasons, to give others to back their own Demands, contained in the following Memoir. His Royal Highness' Ministers of State having declared to us, when we discoursed privately with them, that the Engagement into which, by the necessity of the present juncture of Affairs, your Royal Highness was forced to enter, was a great obstacle to the success of our Negotiation; we are obliged to represent to your Royal Highness, that the Valley-Churches of Piedmont did never separate themselves from the Religion of their Prince; seeing they live in that which they received from their Ancestors more than Eight Hundred Years ago, and which they professed before ever they were under the Government of your Royal Highness' Predecessors; who finding them in the possession of their Religion, have maintained them in it by several Concessions, and principally by those of the Years 1561, 1602, and 1603, which have been ratified by the Senate, and by the Chamber, in the Year 1620, for the Sum of 6000 French Ducatoons, which those Churches paid, as by the very Act of Confirmation plainly appears; Their Right passed in form of a Treaty, and of a Law Perpetual, and Irrevocable; which was observed during the life of his Royal Highness Victor Amadeus, and during the Regency of Madam royal, which she confirmed by an Ordinance, in the Year 1638: After this, these Churches obtained many other favourable Decrees of his Royal Highness Charles Emanuel, your Royal Highness' Father, of Glorious Memory; particularly in the Year 1649, and 1653; but because, contrary to a Right so well established, by a Possession time out of mind, and by so many Grants, the Signior Guastaldo, in the Month of January, 1655, caused an Edict to be published, which produced terrible and fatal effects against those poor Churches; all the Kings, Princes, and Protestant States of Europe, and among others our Sovereign Lords, compassionating their misery, became Mediators and Intercessors for them to his Royal Highness Charles Emanuel, and obtained a Confirmation of their Privileges and Concessions by two solemn Patents, perpetual and inviolable, in the Years 1655 and 1664, Ratified in due form, and Confirmed by Letters which he wrote to our Superiors the 28th of February, in the Year 1664; by which Letters he promised those Patents should Bona fide be Executed; whereto Madam royal, your Highness' Mother did likewise oblige herself, by her own Letters, Daied the 28. of January, 1679. So that your Royal Highness' Predecessors having so many times passed their Royal Word, especially in the Patents given in the Presence of our Sovereign's Ambassadors, sent for that purpose. It cannot be just to break so many formal and Authentic Engagements; not only because those Concessions and Patents were agreed to in the face of all Europe, by the Interposition and Mediation of many Kings, Princes, and States, as perpetual Monuments and Pledges of the Public Faith; but also because the Words and Promises of Princes ought to be Sacred and Inviolable; for if such Engagements may be infringed and made null, under pretence that a Prince is necessitated to it by the juncture of his Affairs, or for the advantage of them, there will be nothing certain in the World, and nothing but War and Confusion to be expected; If this Maxim be once estahlished among Sovereigns, Protestant Princes may destroy their Catholic Subjects, and Catholic Princes do the same to all the Protestants in their Dominions. It is then certain, whether the thing be considered either as it respects the Honour and Reputation of a Prince, or whether, it be considered with regard to the Rules and Principles of true and just Policy, whose chief and only end, is the safety of Princes, People, and States; it will be found that the Words and Promises of Princes ought to be inviolable. 'Tis this which tells us, that neither the necessity of present Conjunctures, nor any other Interest, can oblige a Prince so Just, Merciful, and Prudent as your Royal Highness, to enter into, or make good any new Engagements, which will not only overthrow all that your Predecessors have done in the sight of the whole World, but will also expose your own Dominions and Subjects to Fire, Sword, Misery, and Desolation, and to all that in Rage and Brutality is cruel and inhuman. We confess it natural for a Pious Prince to desire that there may be but one Religion in all his Dominions; and being persuaded that that which he himself professeth is the true, he may think Charity binds him to endeavour to make all his Subjects of his Religion; but it must be also confefsed, That Religion, enters into our Hearts by Persuasion, not by Force and Compulsion; and to make Men taste Divine Verities, we ought to make use only of Instruction, Exhortation, and gentle means, according to the practice of our Lord Jesus Christ, and his Apostles. Tho' Kings and Princes are Masters of their People, yet they have no Empire over their Consciences, which are subject to none but God; so that we have reason to hope your Royal Highness will be so far from forcing the Inhabitants of the Valleys to do things contrary to the dictates of their Consciences, that you will restore to them the Peace we implore for them; that you will confirm their Privileges, and let them have they liberty of rendering to God the Worship which is due to him, so long as they pay to you the respect and homage, which, as your faithful Subjects, they owe to your Royal Highness. Your Highness' Ministers of State have also told us, That your Subjects of the Valleys have made themselves unworthy of their Prince's favour; but all the World knows, that before the Publication of your last Edict, they gave your Royal Highness no cause of Complaint; and therefore, 'tis not any ill behaviour of theirs that hath been the occasion of so rigorous an Order against them: Beside, if any particular Persons among them since that time have committed any fault (which yet is more than we know) can any man wonder that miserable People, driven to absolute despair, should act imprudently? We hope your Royal Highness hath so much Goodness and Mercy, as to pardon faults of his nature, and you have too much Justice and Equity to punish a whole Community for Disorders which may have been committed by a few private Persons. Lastly, it hath been pretended that the Patents which his Royal Highness Charles Emanuel granted in the years 1655, and 1664, did not concern Religion, but only gave the Protestants leave to dwell in some certain places of the Valleys; and therefore, neither our Sovereign Lords, nor other Princes who were Mediators and Intercessors in that Affair have any interest in this: But we pray your Royal Highness to consider, First, That the business then in agitation was Religion, and that directly no other thing was treated of: For beside Signior Guastaldo's Order, which was the cause of such dismal effects, and took away those Privileges which had been granted to the Vaudois concerning Religion, there was then a design to force them to do things contrary to their Consciences; for they were threatened with Death, and Confiscation of Goods, if within twenty days after they were commanded so to do, they did not embrace the Catholic Religion. Secondly, All the Mediation and Intercession of the Protestant Princes and States had no other foundation but that of Religion and Conscience; it was upon this very Principle they acted, and their Ambassadors had not been heard or received, but as they were concerned in a business relating to their Religion; and it was for this Reason that your Highness' Predecessors, by their Letters, gave many assurances to their Excellencies the Evangelic Cantons, that the Patents which they had granted a● their Intercession should be punctually and faithfully executed. Now because your Royal Highness hath published an Edict, to take away all that was granted to them, which forbids them the Exercise of their Religion in all the Valleys upon pain of Death; orders all their Churches to be demolished, banisheth their Ministers and Schoolmasters, commands all their Children to be baptised, and brought up in the Roman Religion, and consequently deprives the People of the liberty of their Consciences: Our Sovereign Lords, who are united to those Valley-Churches by the bonds of the same Faith and Belief, think themselves obliged to continue their Intercessions for them, which we do in their name; hoping that your Royal Highness will have some regard for our Superiors, and some pity for your own Subjects. The Ambassadors, having delivered their Proposal and Memoir to the Marquis St. Thomas, one of his Royal Highness' Ministers of State, who had the direction of Foreign Affairs; some few days after received an Answer to it, very much to the following purpose. That his Royal Highness was very sorry he could not yield to what they desired in their Master's name; That he had much better Reasons to maintain his Edict, than those which were offered to him to revoke it: That he could not make it less strict in any particular: That the Great Wheels moved and carried on the less: That the Letter which the Cantons had written to him was not delivered till after the Publication of his Edict: That having so near him a King no less powerful than jealous of his Authority, he ought to be very circumspect: That he was obliged to act according to the present juncture and state of Affairs. That even in Switzerland there was according to the tendency of Affairs, some times a necessity of taking resolutions contrary to those good intentions which otherwise Men might have: That the Marquis St. Thomas had given good and safe Counsel to the two Deputies sent by the Valleys to his Highness; and that instead of giving any signs of their submission and obedience, to which they were bound, they had committed all sorts of Hostilities against his other Subjects; they had been guilty of a thousand insolences; they held Assemblies, provided Victuals and Ammunition for War, cut off Passes, and entrenched themselves; all which they had done during the term of Twenty Five days given them for taking their last resolution. That the Duke was now too far engaged; the Troops which he had been at great charge to levy, were already on Foot, that the Edict could not be recalled without great dishonour to his Royal Highness, and that he was obliged to cause it to be executed for very great and pressing Reasons, which he left to the Ambassador's consideration. That the Concessions of 1655, and 1664, amounted to no more than bare Tolerations; and that the Valleys had no positive right to exercise their Religion: That Sovereign Princes do nothing that can be counted unjust, in not suffering any more than one Religion in their Dominions: That the Cantons themselves did justify his Royal Highness in that particular, seeing they would suffer no Catholics amongst them: Moreover that the Concessions granted to those of the Valleys had been juridically examined, and that the result of that examination was, That the Privileges and Favours which a Prince granted to his Subjects, might at his Will and Pleasure be revoked: That his Royal Highness did only forbid the Inhabitants of the Valleys to exercise their Religion, but did not intend in any manner to offer violence to their Consciences. But the Ambassadors, by their Reply, made it appear to the Marquis St. Thomas, That how strong soever the Reasons were which had induced his Royal Highness to consent to his Edict of Januar● last, yet they could not be of so great strength as those were which had positively engaged his Highness to observe those Promises which were passed before the said Edict; and that no Considerations, or Reasons of State could free a Prince from the Obligation of keeping his Word; especially when he engaged himself upon the interposition of some other Prince; and that as the Patents and Privileges granted to the Vaudois had been obtained by the Mediation of many Kings, Princes, and States; particularly by the Intercession of their Excellencies the Evangelic Cantons, and Confirmed by his Royal Highness; nothing could be alleged to discharge his Highness from his being obliged to cause them to be punctually observed; and the rather, because those Patents had been ratified by the Senate of Savoy; and that the bare Confirmation of 'em in the Year 1620. had cost the Valley-Churches Six Thousand Crowns. That if the changes which happen in States, or the different Measures which according to the Rules of Policy may be taken, should be valuable and sufficient Exceptions to elude the observation of Treaties, there could be nothing certain in Sovereign's Promises; Faith would be totally banished out of the World, and there could never be any assurance that those things should be performed which had been solemnly stipulated, and there could be no way of ending War, or concluding Alliances. So that the Concessions granted by his Royal Highness' Predecessors to the Vaudois did convey to them an indisputable right, which they could never lose, but by being guilty of some heinous Crime, or downright Rebellion against their Sovereign: But they are so far from being justly accused of having any way failed in their duty to him, that they can produce a Letter from his Royal Highness, dated the 2 d of September, 1684, which is an authentic, and manifest Proof of their Fidelity, and their steadfast resolutions to serve him. If since the Publication of your last Edict, some particular Persons among them have taken Arms, it was not against their Sovereign, but only to defend themselves against those, who, abusing his Authority, had fallen upon, and assaulted them; and if any disorder had been committed, they only were to be chastised who had been the Authors of it; and it ought not to be imputed to the Collective Body of the Valley-Churches, who were no way guilty. It could not be said, That the Valleys had not acquired any Right by the Concessions of his Royal Highness' Predecessors, or that those Concessions were but Favours and simple Tolerations; since it is plain, that they are Treaties passed between the Prince and his Subjects, and that these Treaties are perpetual and irrevocable, and aught to be inviolably observed. That a Prince is equally obliged to perform the Promises which he makes to his Subjects, as he is those which he makes to Persons not subject to him; that the foundation of such Obligations was Public Faith, which ought to govern in all Prince's Treaties, without any distinction made between those with whom they enter into Engagements; for if it were lawful to fail in the performance of those solemn Promises they make to their People, it would be impossible to end any differences which might happen between them, or to appease any troubles in Kingdoms or States; and that between two Parties in War with one another, there could be no end of their Quarrel, but by the entire ruin of one of them. They further said, That if Sovereigns had reason to do what possibly they could to make all their Subjects of one Religion, yet to compass that, they ought not to infringe those Treaties they had made with them; and that the only means which in such a case were lawful to be used, was Instruction, Exhortation, and all those gentle ways which are likely to make Truth enter into the Souls of their People, to enlighten their Understanding, and lead them voluntarily and sincerely to embrace true Religion: But that which deserves particular consideration in this matter, is, That the Inhabitants of the Valleys do not hold by Grant from their Princes the liberty of publicly exercising their Religion, it having been established in the Country more than Eight Ages ago, and that they enjoyed this Right a long time before they were Subjects to the Ancestors of his Royal Highness; so that they never having been of their Prince's Religion, it cannot be said they have quitted it, or that they are obliged to embrace it. Beside, his Royal Highness' Predecessors, who permitted the Vaudois to continue the exercise of their Religion, very well knew that Unity of Faith was not absolutely necessary for the Public good and safety of their State; for otherwise they would never have passed such solemn Patents, or from time to time confirmed them as they have done. And certainly there is little to be feared from the diversity of Religion which is in Piedmont; because those that are not of the Prince's Communion, are shut up in a little corner of the Country, and are a People without Authority or Power, and have no design to spread their Doctrine in any other parts of his Royal Highness' Dominions. Moreover, it was to be feared that Protestant Princes might follow his Royal Highness' Example, and might treat their Catholic Subjects as his Highness dealt with those of their Religion; and therefore the Interest of his own Party ought to hinder him from using force to oblige the Inhabitants of the Valleys to renounce their Religion. That altho' his Royal Highness seemed not to force his Protestant Subjects to embrace the Romish Religion, and was contented with depriving them of the exercise of their own Religion, leaving to them in other things perfect liberty of Conscience; yet it was evident that they were not only obliged (under very great Penalties) to baptise their Children in Catholic Churches, and to bring them up in the Romish Religion, which was as insupportable and grievous to them, as to compel the Parents themselves to make profession of it; but they were also kept from Praying to God according to their Faith, which must be a terrible torment to their Consciences, and was an imposition upon them as hard and cruel, as if they were by force compelled to a Worship condemned by the Religion in which they were educated. Beside, to forbid People the exercise of their Religion, is to cast them into indevotion, and even into Atheism, which may prove a greater mischief to them, than driving 'em by force into the Church of Rome. In these Reasons there was so much strength, that the Ambassadors hoped they would make great impression on the mind of his Royal Highness; and that the Marquis St. Thomas would truly report them, and employ his credit with his Highness to obtain a Revocation of an Edict, which doubtless he believed to be just, and which he had not published had he thought it contrary to what a just and equitable Prince owes to his faithful Subjects. The Ambassadors were not contented with only representing the just Right of the Piedmont Churches, and maintaining it by solid Arguments, but they also spent some days in soliciting his Royal Highness' Ministers, and all others whose help they thought might make their Embassy succeed; but they more particularly applied themselves to the Marquis St. Thomas, as to him, on whom depended all the Good and all the Ill which was to be expected in the Affair; and if one may judge of things by appearances, the pains they took to dispose him to be favourable to them were not in vain. For he protested with an Oath, That he had showed to his Royal Highness all that was contained in the Reply they had obliged him to present, and that he had done all he could to make their Arguments prevail for obtaining a Revocation of the Edict; but the present state of Affairs was the cause of his not being able to persuade his Royal Highness to grant that which they desired. However, said he, seeing the Prince's Troops are not yet upon their March, the Inhabitants of the Valleys may make a show as if they would comply with the Edict; that not being contrary to the Principles of your Religion, tho' it be to the Doctrine of the Catholic Church; and by this means they will disarm the Prince, and afterwards find some way to prevent the mischief wherewith they are threatened. Our Doctrine, replied the Ambassadors, doth in no wise allow us to dissemble our Faith, but obligeth us to confess with our Mouths that which we believe in our Hearts to be truth; but this is not the present business: The Question is, Whether his Royal Highness hath power to revoke the Privileges granted to the Valley Churches; for as they are Engagements into which he entered by the Mediation of many Sovereigns, and among others, by that of the Evangelic Cantons our Sovereign Lords, it is certain that nothing ought to infringe or make them void. The Ambassadors in the mean time neglected nothing that might make their Negotiation successful, and therefore made new applications to the Marquis St. Thomas, and to others of his Royal Highness' Ministers, but they all said (as if they had concerted what answer to give) that the Edict was irrevocable, by reason of the present juncture, and the measures which his Royal Highness had taken. Beside the Reasons drawn from the Nature of the Grants passed to the Vaudois, and the concern which the Cantons had that they should be observed, the Ambassadors represented the inconveniencies which might follow the execution of the Edict▪ and among others, those which his Royal Highness might well fear would happen by the entry of Foreign Troops into his Country, by the loss of a great number of his Subjects, who had done their Prince very great service, and were still ready to lose their Blood to testify the love they had for him: By the diminution of his Revenue, which must necessarily follow the destruction of those miserable People; and to which might be added, the blame his Royal Highness must incur, by turning his Arms against his own People, and the damage which his other Subjects, who were Neighbours to the Valleys, must needs suffer by a Civil War, with many other Considerations of this nature, which were not regarded by his Highness' Ministers; who told the Ambassadors, That the Council of State had examined their Reasons, and did not think them weighty enough to hinder him from Publishing his Edict against his Subjects of the Valleys; and tho' by the execution of it, his Royal Highness might suffer some inconvenience, yet he must go on, because a change of this nature would be prejudicial to his Authority; and by being willing to preserve some of his Subjects, he might be in danger of losing all. Tho' the Ministers of State seemed to be firm in their Opinions, and pretended not to be convinced of the Justice of the Ambassador's Demands, yet it was well known, that they maintained the Edict against their own judgement; and one of them freely confessed, that his Highness' Council had not sufficiently examined the Concessions of the Year 1655, and 1664; and if they had made such reflections on them as they ought, they would never have been of the opinion that they might be revoked: But he told the Ambassadors the mischief was not now to be remedied, and it would be in vain for them to solicit his Highness to change his mind. Another of them freely confessed that his Highness was not Master of this Affair, and that those Orders must be executed at Turin, which had been given at Versailles. This free and sincere Confession made the Ambassadors conclude, That all their Instances and Solicitations would prove ineffectual; so that seeing it would be impossible for them to obtain the Revocation of the Edict, they were resolved, according to the first Article of their Instructions, to demand that which they were by the second Article of the Cantons Order directed to ask, viz. To procure leave for the Vaudois to retire some where else, and to dispose of their Goods as they should think fit. But because by their Instructions they were to propose nothing in this particular to the Court of Turin, without the consent of the Valley Inhabitants, they told the Marquis St. Thomas, That seeing many Considerations had hindered them from entertaining any correspondence mith the Vaudois, they were willing to go into the Valleys, to know certainly how the People stood disposed; and when they understood their intentions, they might by some other Overtures renew their Negotiation; but at the same time declared, they would not undertake the Voyage without first having his Royal Highness' consent. The Marquis St. Thomas having reported to his Royal Highness the Ambassador's design, the Duke sent to let them know, he approved of their resolution, and that he would give order to the Governor of Lucern, to pay them all the civility and respect that was due to their Character. The Ambassadors, as soon as they came into the Valleys, made known their arrival to all the Communities, who presently sent to 'em their Deputies and their Ministers, to whom the Ambassadors declared, That they had employed the most powerful Intercessions they possibly could, to get a Revocation of the Edict of the 31 th' of January; but that they had been told his Royal Highness had entered into such strict engagements with one of the most Potent Monarches on Earth, that it was impossible for his Highness to break 'em; and that he had resolved to do all he could to unite all his Subjects in the Profession of one and the same Religion, according as he had solemnly promised; so that there was not the least hope of obtaining a Revocation of those Orders which had been given out against them. They also declared, that their Sovereign Lords the Cantons had commanded them, in case his Royal Highness should persist in his resolution of causing his Edict to be executed, then to press his Royal Highness to permit his Subjects of the Valleys to depart out of his Dominions, and to dispose of their Goods; but in that particular they would do nothing till they first knew what was their intention, and therefore they wished them to meet together, and seriously deliberate upon a business of so much weight, and then make known what they desired of them in the present juncture. The Deputies and the Ministers having conferred together upon this Proposition, before they determined any thing, prayed the Ambassadors to give them their prudent advice: But the Ambassadors at first refused to give them any counsel in so nice a business; saying, That they themselves knew their own Strength, the situation of those Places where they intended to entrench; their Provisions both for the Belly and the War, better than they whose advice they asked; and therefore they could take better and surer measures themselves, than could be given them by others. Nevertheless, at last, not being able to deny their earnest Requests, and believing they were bound by Charity to assist them in a Concern so slippery, and full of hazard, they willingly consented to what they desired. But that they might give them Counsel according to the knowledge they had of their condition, they informed themselves exactly of the number of those in the Valleys that could bear Arms; of their Experience, their Courage, and of the service of their Officers, of the Passages and Avenues of the Country, of their Stores, of the quality and goodness of their Arms; and above all, whether there were a perfect and sincere Union among themselves: But understanding that at most they were not above 2500 fight Men, and more than 12000 unprofitable Mouths; that Victuals already began to fail in certain places; that the Troops of France and Savoy had shut up all the Passages whereby they might be provided of necessaries; that they could not hope for any Succours; and that it was easy to destroy them by Famine, or to reduce them by Force; that they had no Neighbours to retreat to as in former Wars; that the King of France, who heretofore protected them, was now their greatest Enemy; that they had but few Soldiers to defend a great deal of Ground; that being separated one from another, they could not give speedy succour to those that might want it; that there were in the Valleys Roman Catholics, who would watch all their motions, and give intelligence to the Court of all that passed; and what was yet worse, that two great Princes had joined together to destroy them: The Ambassadors told them, That in the state wherein they were, it was impossible to resist so great a Force as was ready to fall upon them; and therefore it would be more for their advantage to choose forsaking their Country, provided they could obtain leave to sell their Goods, and save as much as they could. They did not▪ indeed know positively his Royal Highness' intention in this particular; but tho' he had refused to grant that which the Inhabitants of the Valleys had requested of him in the third Petition they had presented to his Highness, yet they did hope it might now be yielded to, out of respect to their Masters. The Ministers and Deputies having heard this advice, entreated the Ambassadors that they might consult together before they gave any answer; and then quitting them, they spent more than three hours in consulting one with another, each Party maintaining their own Opinion with a great deal of heat: Some said they ought not to quit their Country, but expose their Lives to maintain their Liberties, which had been so Authentically granted to them; saying, it was base Cowardice not to show their Courage, when Religion and the Cause of God was at stake; that the favour which was to be shown them, would signify nothing, to such as had not wherewithal to defray the charges of their Voyage; that they might indeed sell what they had in the Plains, but no body would buy their Estates in the Mountains. That there was no safety for them during their departure; that some change might happen in the Affairs of Europe, which might better their Condition. That perhaps France, thinking they could make no Resistance, when it saw how bravely they defended themselves, and that they had destroyed part of their Troops, would recall the rest, and keep them for some more considerable Enterprise; that they expected Money and Men, which were to be sent them by Captain Janavell, and that they should not want Victuals, because by Sallies from time to time, they could oblige their Neighbours to furnish them with such Necessaries as they wanted. They that were of a contrary Opinion, answered all this, saying, It was true, that both Reason and Piety oblige us, to hazard our Lives in defence of our Liberty, and the Exercise of our Religion, when there is any appearance it may be done with Success; but when the danger is inevitable, and our ruin certain, it is Despair and Madness to throw ourselves headlong into it, and Men are their own Enemies and Self-Murtherers, to take Arms against those, whom (do all they can) it is impossible to vanquish; that they had but few among them, who were able to defend themselves; and how Brave and Resolute soever they might be, it was evident, they could not long resist two powerful Armies, and so many Troops as were ready to attack them on all sides. To think the State of Public Affairs would change, was to flatter themselves with vain imaginations: That Men ought to take their Measures according to the present state of things, and that which apparently was like to come to pass: That common Sense and Prudence, would never build important Resolutions, upon Miraculous Events: That all Europe enjoyed perfect Peace, and France was dreaded by all the world, and had therefore no Reason to fear its being attacked by any Prince, or that any thing could happen to occasion the recalling of those Troops which were in Piedmont, to employ them in any other place; that they ought not to depend on the Succours they expected, and tho' they that were promised should be sent, yet against every single man that should come, their Enemies could oppose whole Companies. That they could not long subsist for want of Victuals, and that tho' their Sallies should be successful (which was not likely) all the Provisions which they would that way be able to get, could not suffice to maintain so great a number of people; in sine, they made it appear, that Resistance would infallibly be their total ruin, and that then those Ancient Churches would be destroyed, which had subsisted with so much Glory, in the midst of so many Persecutions. And that it was much better, by a prudent retreat, to remove the Sacred Candlestick to some other place, than to put out the light by rash Resolutions. It was said, that such as were of ability might contribute somewhat to those that were poor, to help them in their Voyage; and their not being able to sell all their goods, was not such a consideration as aught to stay them; because life ought to be dearer to 'em than their Lands, and that it was much better, to lose part of a man's goods, than to destroy himself. The Ministers and Deputies seeing they could not agree, and that the point in question could not be otherwise decided, than by their Communities, told the Ambassadors, that the business in debate being of the highest consequence, they could not positively resolve upon any thing, without having first assembled their Communities, to know what they would do in this occasion, and therefore promised to bring their last resolution to Turin, provided they might have a Passport for their safety. The Ambassadors being returned to Turin, informed the Marquis St. Thomas, that the people of the Valleys, thought it better to die upon the Graves of their Ancestors, than to lose their Spiritual Liberty, in submitting to his R. H. Edict; beseeching his Highness, with all due Respect, that he would in some measure moderate the rigour of it; and that if his R. H. would not mitigate the Severity thereof, in favour of his miserable Subjects, things must apparently come to dreadful Extremities, and that the rigour he used in this occasion, must cause the ruin of a great part of his people. The Ambassadors further said, that hoping his R. H. would for their Master's sake, moderate those orders he had given against his Subjects of the Valleys, they had taken the Liberty to make some Proposals, which might prevent all the mischiefs the rigorous Execution of the Edict was like to produce; and that they might know the intention of those people, they prayed the Marquis to obtain a safe Conduct for such Deputies as should be sent from the Valleys. But the Marquis St. Thomas told the Ambassadors, That his Royal Highness, for very good reasons, would not give the Deputies of the Valleys a safe Conduct; and that the Secretary to their Embassy might be sent to bring back those People's Reasons. The Secretary was then sent to the Vaudois with this following Letter. WE doubt not but that your Deputies have faithfully reported to you our Opinions, which we believe have no other foundation but the Public good of your Communities, and since our return to Turin, we have learned many things which confirm us in our fears for you, we have given you good advice, and we hope you will follow the Counsel we gave your Deputies, being persuaded that God by his Divine Providence, will conduct you to some retreat, where you may have all that is necessary for Life, and also Liberty to serve him in his fear, according to the dictates of your Conscience; and seeing you know the Condition of your Affairs require a speedy remedy, and that no time be lest for the obtaining of it from your Prince, we have thought it absolutely necessary, immediately to dispatch our Secretary, to let you know, that his R. H. will not grant any Passports to your Deputies, and therefore we pray you to send us speedily your resolution in writing, fearing that if you delay to inform us, our endeavours for you will be no longer acceptable at Court, and so we shall become useless, and unable to procure free leave for you to depart; which to obtain, we will, if you please, apply ourselves to his R. H. with all possible care and affection, etc. The Communities being assembled, the Secretary delivered to 'em the Ambassador's Letter, which when read, he told 'em, their Affairs grew daily worse and worse; and that the French Ambassador continually pressed his Royal Highness to have the Edict executed; that his Royal Highness on his part was very impatient it was not done, because his Reputation was engaged, or because he was at very great charge to maintain the Troops that were in his Country; that seeing it was impossible to obtain a revocation of the Edict, they ought to think of the best means to mollify his Highness, and procure such a mitigation of it as might yet be demanded: Lastly, he prayed them to reflect on all those Considerations, which had been alleged by the Ambassadors, and to give him their answer in writing. After this Representation, the Ministers and other Deputies having consulted together, agreed to answer the Ambassadors in this following manner. My Lords, WE have received the Letter which your Excellencies has been pleased to send us, by Monsieur— Secretary to your Embassy, and having heard from him an exact relation of the extraordinary pains your Excellencies have taken, to represent to his R. H. our Prince, and the Lords his Ministers, all those Reasons which might best serve to maintain our Right, and the answers by you given to those reproaches, wherewith our Conduct in general, and some particular actions have been charged, we with grateful hearts render to your Excellencies our most humble thanks. We have made all possible reflections on the Subject of your Letter, and which way soever we turn our eyes, we meet with such difficulties as are impossible to be overcome, and which we have taken the Liberty to put into the Memoirs hereto annexed, on which we pray your Excellencies to cast your Eyes, and make such Observations on them as your great Prudence shall suggest; we are verily persuaded, your Excellencies have no other end than to offer those Expedients, which may be safest for these poor Churches, who most humbly beseech you, if it be impossible to procure a Revocation of the Order that hath been published, or to obtain any equitable Moderation of its Rigour, that you will then have the Charity to think of some other Expedients, which you shall judge more proper for our preservation; when you have taken notice of the difficulties which in the Memoirs we have represented to you, we leave ourselves wholly to your prudent Conduct. This, my Lords, is the Opinion of the Churches in general, who will never cease to send up Prayers to the Divine Majesty, for the prosperity of your Excellencies Sacred Persons, and the happy success of your Embassy, which is the wish, My Lords, Of your most Humble, most Obedient, and most obliged Servants, the Pastors and Deputies of the Protestant Churches in Piedmont. Siderac dirty, Moderator. David Legor, Adjunct. Jean Jahier, Minister. G. Mancloti, Minister. P. Leydet, Minister. P. Jahier, Minister. Girand, Minister. Bertram, Minister. Jean Manclot. Jean Chavie, Secret. Jean Laurens, Minister. Jaques Peyrot. Jean Baptist Roberto. Estienne Gnatier. Paul Beux. Jean Pierre Guantan. Daniel Alberon. From Angrogn, March 28, 1686. In their Memoir, in the first place, they obesrved, That none but the rich Families could go out of the Country; and that others, how willing soever they might be to depart, that they were not able to do it, by reason of their Poverty; and if they stayed in the Country, they would certainly be forced to change their Religion. Secondly, It might happen, That when the chiefest Families were gone out of the Country, the rest might be stopped upon one pretence or other, notwithstanding they have been promised Liberty to do what they pleased; That if their Patents, granted them by the interposition of many Sovereign Princes, were revoked, there would be no scruple made of breaking the Promise passed to the Ambassadors. Thirdly, That the sale of their Goods might be secretly opposed, by forbidding the roman-catholics to buy them; or at least, they should be able to sell only their Lands which they had in the Champain Country, and not those which were in the Mountains and barren places. In the fourth place, They prayed the Ambassadors, to desire, that those Debts might be paid which were legally due to them, and which they could not get in before their departure; that his R. H. would likewise be pleased, to obtain from the King of France, liberty to sell the Estates which they had in the Valleys of peruse, and to look after the payment of what was due to them from the Inhabitants of that Country. Fifthly, They did humbly pray, that sufficient time might be given them for selling their Goods, and to find out a place of retreat; and that in the mean while, the Execution of the Edict might cease, and their Ministers continue their Exercises as formerly. Lastly, They proposed to the Ambassadors, the difficulty of finding Wagons to carry away their Families, and their Baggage, they being no less than 15000 persons. This Writing being delivered to the Ambassadors, with the Letter sent from the Inhabitants of the Valleys; they made a Visit to the Marquis St. Thomas, and having told him, that they hoped to persuade the Vaudois to leave their Country, provided they might do it in a safe and advantageous manner; they desired him to ask his R. H. whether he would permit his poor Subjects to quit his Dominions; and in case he found him so disposed, then to ask him, whether he would be pleased to name some persons of his Council, with whom the Ambassadors might treat of Conditions for their departure, and remove all obstacles which might stand in their way. While they were waiting for his R. H's. answer, the Ambassadors warmly solicited the Ministers of State, to persuade his Highness to grant that which they now desired, but their endeavours had not that success they expected; for his R. H. commanded Count Marsenas to tell them, he was informed by his Ministers, that they were very solicitous to obtain free leave for his Subjects to go out of the Valleys, and to adjust with some of his Ministers, terms for their departure, but he had commanded them to declare, that this people had been so audacious, as to take up Arms against him, even in a time when he had no Troops near their Country, that they had committed a thousand insolences, and braved him with such boldness, as deserved severe punishment: They therefore were unworthy of that favour, the Ambassadors desired for them; and so much the more unworthy, because before their arrival at Court, these people had with great submission, presented several Petitions, to obtain some moderation in the Execution of the Edict; but now pretended with Swords in their hands to force him to revoke it; nevertheless he assured the Ambassadors, that if these Rebels would show their Repentance for what had passed, and submit themselves with that respect which was due to him, he was inclined to be merciful to them, and to let them see how much he regarded the Cantons mediation. The Ambassadors surprised with this new Proposition, told Count Marsenas, that they did not see how his R. H. could require from his Subjects such a submission; for should his People own that they had been undutiful to their Prince, they would render themselves guilty by their own confession, and therefore they ought not to be obliged to make any declaration of this nature; and should any go about to bring them to such a resolution, it would be impossible to prevail with them, because they would never blacken themselves with a crime, of which they knew themselves innocent, and give just occasion to have their Goods confiscated, that they would have just reason to suspect any man that should propose such a thing to them, and that from such an Overture, nothing could be expected but prolonging their Negotiation, and rendering it ineffectual. But when Count Marsenas told them, his R. H. was positively resolved, that the Vaudois Submission should precede the favour he intended to show them, the Ambassadors thought fit to have recourse to the Marquis St. Thomas, desiring him to soften a little his R. H. When they came to the Marquis they prayed him to represent to his Highness, that in obliging his Subjects to confess they were guilty of Rebellion, he required that of them, to which they could never yield. That such a Declaration would cover them with eternal shame, and that they could not in conscience confess crimes, of which they were not guilty. That now it appeared his R.H. made little account of the mediation and intercession of their Sovereign Lords, in resolving that the favours which they desired, should depend upon a condition, to which his Subjects could never submit. The Marquis St. Thomas gave them the same answer they had from Count Marsenas, which was▪ That the Prince was inflexible in this point, that it was impossible to alter his mind by any Reasons that could be urged, and that it would be in vain, to try to make him change his resolution. This Answer from the Marquis, very much troubled the Ambassadors, who begun to fear, that some snares were laying for the poor Vaudois, and that there was a design to condemn them, by the Confession they themselves should make of their Rebellion: Nevertheless, they resolved this difficulty should not make them break off the Treaty they had begun; they considered, that his Highness might tell the World, his Subjects had refused to accept the Favours he had offered them; besides, they thought the ill success of this Negotiation, might be imputed to them; but the Reason which most prevailed with them, was, that they plainly saw, it would be more for the advantage of the Vaudois, to submit to the Will of their Sovereign, than to expose themselves to all the mischiefs their Disobedience might bring upon them. They therefore determined to consent to the accommodation propounded to them, as a less Evil, than to see the Valley Churches brought to Desolation: and the rather, because the Marquis St. Thomas assured them, that his R. H. to testify the esteem he had for them, would at their intercession grant all that could be reasonably desired, without wounding his reputation. But before the Ambassadors would propose to the Vaudois, that which their Prince required of them, the Ambassadors desired not only to be informed, of what nature the submission was to be, which was expected from them; but also to regulate and agree with his R. H. Ministers, in what form and term it should be drawn up. Several Projects of the Petition to be presented to his R. H. by the Vaudois, were by each party proposed; but at last it was agreed, it should contain a most humble supplication, beseeching the Prince to pardon those offences which they might have committed; and if they had not paid that respect which was due to him, yet they had never failed in the Allegiance they had sworn to his Highness. After which the Ambassadors having got a safe conduct for five or six of the Inhabitants of the Valleys, they sent it away to them by the Secretary of the Embassy, with a Letter whereof you have here a Copy. Sirs, ACcording to your desire signified to us, in your Letter of the 28th of the Month of March, and the Memoir thereto annexed: We have requested his Royal Highness, that he would be pleased to grant you leave to depart out of his Dominions, and to dispose of all your Goods; that he would likewise be pleased to appoint Commissioners, who with us, might regulate the manner of your departure: Hereupon his Royal Highness hath by one of his Ministers signified to us, That he being your Sovereign, he could not without a breach of his Honour and Authority, enter into any Treaty with you; but will have you depute five or six Persons, with full Power to make the submission which is due to him; and to petition for the favour you desire should be granted to you; and then his Highness will testify what esteem he hath for our Lords. We did indeed expect a more favourable answer than this: but however, to take away all pretences from his R. H. of resolving to do that which may be fatal to you, we think you will do well, to send Deputies as soon as possible, promising that we will assist them with our best counsel, in delivering their Petition and Supplication. Our Secretary, who who will deliver this to you, with the safe conduct which we send, will tell you more at large, the particulars of our Negotiation, and how the Court stands affected toward you. The Secretary of the Embassy, having delivered this Letter to the Deputies of the Valleys, whom he caused to assemble; and having given them an exact account of the Ambassadors Negotiation with his Royal Highness, and what effect it had produced; entered into a long discourse to exhort them to submit to their Prince's will, and prayed that he might be speedily dispatched, assuring them, that upon the Ambassadors account, they would obtain much more favour than they imagined. Those of the Assembly who had most sense and reason, especially the Ministers, did all they could to persuade the rest to submit to the Law imposed upon them; since in the extremity whereto they were reduced, they must either perish with their miserable Families, or accept that which was offered. But all the reasons which could be urged, were not able to prevail with them, so that after having debated the question almost a whole day, they separated without being able to agree in one opinion. Those of the Valley of St, Martin, of peruse, of St. Bartholomew, of Parastin, of Rocheplatte, of Villard, of Roras, and one part of de la Tour, were willing to make the submissions required of them, and having deputed for that purpose, six Persons who had order to go to the Court of Turin; they gave them Procurations in due form, whereby they promised to do all that they thought fit in the Negotiation which they had undertaken, for the Interest of the Valley Churches: But those of Boby, of St. John, and part of those of Angrogne, flattering themselves with the hope of imaginary Succours, resolved with Swords in their hands to defend the exercise of their Religion, and sent to the Ambassadors, their Deputy named Bianchis, who delivered to them the following Letter. Most High, Mighty, and Sovereign Lords. PVrsuant to the Letter which your Excellencies have been pleased to write to the Valleys some days ago, our Churches of St. John, Angrogne, and Boby, throw themselves at your feet, to assure you of their most humble respects, and of the due sense they have of all those favours, which your Excellencies endeavour to obtain and procure for them, from his Royal Highness our Sovereign, for the continuance of the exercise of our Religion in these places: and as for the proposition now in question, seeing our People cannot agree in the same opinion with other Churches: We cannot send to your Excellencies the consent we desire, and therefore have charged the Sieur Daniel Bianchis Syndich of the Community of St. John, to tell you by word of mouth our thoughts, and most humbly to beseech you, that you will be pleased to continue to us, the effects of your Extraordinary and Paternal Charity, especially by your powerful Intercessions with his Royal Highness, for the abovementioned Exercise of our Religion, earnestly praying that the Lord will bless your Negotiation, and bountifully reward all your care, pains, and travels, which your Excellencies have had the goodness to take for our poor Flocks, in whose names, with all imaginable respect and due submission, we are proud to bear the Title of your Excellencies Most Humble, most Obedient, and most Obliged Servants, the Deputies of the Churches. Deputies of the Church of St. John. Michael Purise Jean Muston, Jean, Putta for Angrogne. Of the Church of Bo●y. Marque de Daniel, Negrin N. Sindic, Francis Dane, Counsellor, Stephan Pertin, Deputy, The Sieur de la dirty Minister of St. John, troubled at the division of these unfortunate Churches, wrote to the Ambassadors in the following Terms. My Lords, I Take the liberty to present my most humble duty to your Excellencies, by the Deputies who are going to Turin, to make the submission to his Royal Highness, and to present to him the Petition which your Excellencies have thought fit. I am with my Colleagues in very great consternation and affliction, to see our People so much divided about our leaving the Country, fearing that this will prejudice your Excellency's Negotiation with his Royal Highness in our favour, and render your pains unsuccessful: We have not failed to do all we could to make them understand, that in this present juncture of time, it was the safest course could be taken; but we have not been happy enough to succeed and satisfy all; if we did not know your Excellencies unparalleled Charity, we should have cause to fear this indiscreet conduct, might lessen your Friendship and Zeal for our good. We most humbly beseech your Excellencies to show in this occasion, so much goodness and clemency, as not to slacken the indefatigable pains you take, and I humbly beg your Excellencies Pardon for the Liberty I take, and with all reverence, respect, and submission, I assure your Lordships, that I am, your Excellencies Most Humble, most Obedient, and most Obliged Servant, Sydrac dirty, Minister at Angrogne. April the 4 th'. 1686. This diversity of Opinions made the Ambassadors fear, that the Enemies of their Religion taking advantage of the Vaudois Division, would prevail with his Highness, to destroy the innocent with the guilty, and to suffer none at all to go out of the Country. They therefore sent back to the Valleys, the Deputy of Boby, with a Letter which they wrote to those that resolved to take Arms, conjuring him to use all his Power, to make them agree in opinion with the other Churches. The Letter was penned in this manner. Sirs, IT is true, that a Man's own Country hath very great Charms, and the greatest part of Mankind have a natural desire to live and die in it, but yet the Children of God, ought not to set their Hearts upon it, seeing they are strangers upon Earth, Heaven being their proper Country; so that you will be guilty of distrusting Divine Providence, if you fear you shall not be able to find another Country, where you may conveniently live and adore your Heavenly Father. In what part of the World soever a Man is, he ought to think himself happy, if he there have liberty to serve God according to the Dictates of his own Conscience. You ought to follow the Example of the Patriarches, who drew down God's Blessing on themselves, by relying on his Promises, and by abandoning their Houses and Lands, when he commanded them to go and dwell in a strange Country. The like Confidence cannot but be acceptable to God, and it is without doubt, more conformable to the mind of the Gospel; to forsake a Man's Country, than to take Arms against his Sovereign. Christians are called to suffer, and not to resist, and we do not find that the Apostles or the Primitive Church, made use of any other defence, but Prayers and Patience, against their Persecutors. These are the Considerations which obliged our Sovereign Lords the Evangelic Cantons to give us order; to procure from his Royal Highness, your lawful Prince, free leave for you to depart, with permission to dispose of your Goods, in case he will not any longer suffer the Exercise of your Religion: And tho' you look on this retreat as an intolerable Mischief, yet our Sovereign Lords consider it as a favour, when they reflect on the sad Condition whereto you are reduced; they also think it will be very difficult to obtain it from his Royal Highness: If he grant it at their intercession: You ought not only to accept it with submission, but also to be very thankful for it. After this, you cannot doubt but that we have been very much surprised to hear, that you have resolved not to take this Course, but intent to resist two mighty Potentates; who have obliged themselves to extirpate you, in case you do not submit to their will: And herein you do not only act against your Duty, against Christian Prudence, and against your own Interest; but you give us just cause to complain of you, seeing that after having engaged us in a Negotiation with your Prince, you will not so much as stoop to lay hold on those advantages we are able to procure for you. Open your Eyes then, and see the mischief into which you are running headlong, and the fatal consequences of your resolution, which must necessarily ruin your Churches, and destroy your Families; know that what is offered you, is so much for your advantage, considering the present state of your affairs, that many persons of the best quality, would have embraced it as a great blessing, in the late Persecutions in France, yea would have been glad with all their Hearts, if they might have been suffered to quit their Country Stark-naked. If you will consider all these things, we hope their Example, whose Resolutions are more reasonable, will move you, and persuade you to be of their opinion; if you refuse to follow their Example, and persist in your obstinacy, you will be guilty before God, not only of throwing away your lives, which you might have saved, and of exposing your Wives and Children to butchery, but also of having caused the ruin of the rest of the Valley Churches, which you might have removed into another Country. Flatter not yourselves with believing you shall be able to escape these Mischiefs, by the succours which some have told you you shall receive, for we assure you that they who entertain you with such vain imaginations, abuse you; there is not any place that will or can assist you, you will be forsaken by all people, even by one part of the Inhabitants of your Country, so that you will soon be destroyed either by Famine or the Sword; they that escape the fury of their Enemies, must expect to die at a Stake, on the Wheel, or the Gallows: We therefore conjure you, to let such considerations as these prevail with you, and agree with those Communities, that have resolved to desire their Prince's leave to retire out of his Dominions; believing that God's Providence will lead you into some place, where you may find perhaps a better and more advantageous settlement, than that which you leave, and where the poor will meet with charitable Persons who will provide for their necessities. Hoping that God will inspire you with prudent resolutions, and that you will give to your Deputies, such Procurations as other Communities have given theirs; we recommend you to his Mercy, and to his divine Protection, remaining, Sirs, Your very affectionate to serve, etc. Turin, April 5th. While the Ambassadors were expecting the return of this Deputy, they thought it necessary to let the Marquis St. Thomas know in what disposition the Vaudois were, and prevent those Evils which their Division might draw upon them from His Royal Highness, and the Enemies which they had in his Council. They therefore went to give this Minister a Visit, and told him, the Deputies were come, that five of them were ready in the name of their Communities to make their submission, which His Royal Highness required of them: But others who did not know what they were to expect from His Highness' Clemency, were not yet resolved to Sign the Submission. In the mean time a Letter was written to them, to advise them to follow their Example, who had resolved to submit, and that their Resolution would be very speedily known. After this, they prayed the Marquis to intercede with His Royal Highness to favour those poor People, and beseech him to have some pity on them; That His Highness seeing they were prepossessed with distrust, would so far declare his Intentions, as to put them out of pain, and that the submission might be made by common consent, to the satisfaction both of Prince, and People. The Marquis St. Thomas told the Ambassadors, that the obstinacy of the Vaudois did very much surprise him; nevertheless, he promised to do for them all the good Offices he could with His Royal Highness, that so their delaying to give His Highness the satisfaction He expected, might not be prejudicial to them, and that His Highness might not follow the Counsel of other Persons, who pressed him to use severity. The Court was very impatient to see an end of this Affair, the Ambassadors wrote a Letter to the Marquis St. Thomas, to let him know they had prepared the Vaudois Petition, and that it should be ready to be presented, when it was Signed by all the Deputies; but one of them being absent, they prayed nothing might be done till his return. The next day after this Letter was delivered to the Marquis St. Thomas, the Ambassadors waited on him, to learn what effect it had wrought, when he pressed very much that the five Deputies who were then at Turin, should Sign the Petition, whereof he liked the form: The Ambassadors told him, that the Subscription could not be made by the Deputies who were present, in his absence who was sent to the Valleys; for their Interests being joint, they could not separate one from another, and that it had been agreed, the Petition should be Signed at one and the same time by all the Deputies. But the Marquis St. Thomas having secret Orders to hasten the Subscription of the Deputies who were at Court, was not satisfied with the Reasons given for refusing what he demanded; and the next day he sent one of his People to the Ambassadors, to desire they would dispose the Deputies to give him the satisfaction he desired; but the Ambassadors wrote a few Lines to the Marquis, wherein they said it was not just to divide those in the Subscription, who were engaged in the same Cause; and that if some Signed the Petition without the others, such a Proceeding must needs have ill Consequences, and therefore entreated the Marquis to stay but one day more for the sixth Deputy, and prevail with his Royal Highness to grant them the short stay they desired. The Marquis having received this Note, told the Secretary of the Embassy who brought it, that his Royal Highness was extremely displeased with these delays, and likewise said he very much feared his Highness would take such a Resolution, as would carry things to fatal extremities; the Deputies must therefore Sign their Petition immediately, and bring it to him, that he might present it to his Royal Highness. The Deputies fearing to irritate so powerful a Minister, if they refused to appear before him, resolved to go to his House; but all the Arguments the Marquis used, could not persuade them to Sign the Petition, tho' he assured them it should be no prejudice to those of Boby: But they stood firm to their first Resolution; their excuse was, that they were obliged to stay for the Deputy who was gone to the Valleys, That the success of his Negotiation was uncertain, That he was to return speedily, and that Signing separately, might involve them in a great deal of danger. The Resolution of these Deputies at Turin, and that of the Vaudois who intended to take Arms, very much disquieted his Royal Highness; and that which more displeased him, was the news brought him, that they had killed two French Men, who belonged to the Citadel of Pignerol. The Ambassador of France who was extremely impatient, because his Royal Highness delayed the execution of his Edict, failed not to take advantage of this accident, and by it to dispose his Highness to take vengeance on his Subjects, who had committed this Crime in contempt of his Authority, and to deal with these People like Rebels. While the Enemies of the Vaudois were contriving their destruction, the Deputies at Turin were in a sad Condition; and not knowing what to resolve, they took Counsel of the Ambassadors, to know what course they should take in this their present extremities: the Ambassadors hoping that the Deputy who was gone to Boby, would speedily return, and that he might bring back News which might appease his Royal Highness, thought it best to stay for his coming, before they took any particular Resolution. But the Deputy staying a long time, and his Royal Highness being continually solicited by the French Ambassador, to put an end to this Affair, otherwise the Troops which were in his Country would put him to excessive Charge; his Highness, being likewise informed, that the Ambassadors had dispatched a Courier into Switzerland, who might bring them new Orders, resolved, for these Reasons, to put an end to the business, and notwithstanding all the earnest and pressing Reasons, which the Ambassadors urged in favour of the Vaudois, to incline the Duke to defer for some little time his last Resolution, he caused the following Edict to be Published the 9 th' Day of June. DIvine Providence in setting up Sovereigns over the People, gave to Princes the Power of distributing Rewards and Punishments, that the hope of Reward might encourage the good to do their duty, and the fear of Punishment, might deter the wicked from doing evil; tho' our Subjects of the Valleys of Lucerne, who make profession of the pretended Reformed Religion, deserve to be chastised by the hand of Vengeance, because they have not only with great obstinacy disobeyed Our Edict of the 31th of January, but have hardened themselves in their wickedness, and are fallen into notorious and horrible Rebellion; yet our natural Clemency surpassing their Crimes, We with fatherly forbearance have a long time in vain expected their Repentance, and tho' they have hitherto followed ill Counsel, We are still willing to leave them to their own Resolutions, either to choose a good or bad Condition: We open to them a door of Grace▪ that they may make advantage of it, in the manner following; wherewith if they do not comply, by their ready obedience, let them thank their own temerity for the Punishment they have deserved, and shall receive without remission, from Our injured Patience. First, therefore We confirm Our Order of the 31th of January, in all things, wherein it is not contrary to this; and We, by Virtue of this present Edict, do of our own certain Knowledge, full Power, and absolute Authority, by the Advice of Our Council, Order, and Command all Our Subjects of the Valleys of Lucerne, professing the pretended Reformed Religion, to lay down their Arms, and retire to their Houses, within the time hereafter limited. We also command them not to have any Meetings or Assemblies in any manner whatever, that according to Our intention, the Judges of the places may have free access thither, and that the Father's Missionary, and other Religions may return to the Churches they were forced to leave, and that the Catholics, and those that have embraced the Catholic Religion, may return unto the Houses which they quitted. And seeing it is not reasonable that the Missionary Religious, the Catholics, and such as have embraced the Catholic Religion, should be at any loss for the many damages they have suffered from those of the pretended Reformed Religion, We Intent, Will, and Ordain, that there be Levied indistinctly and generally, upon the Goods of those of the pretended Reformed Religion, all such necessary Sums to indemnify them, as shall be summarily proved before the Chevalier Monroux, Chief Justice of the Valleys; Declaring nevertheless, that in case those of the said Religion, do prove particular Persons were the cause of those damages, than satisfaction shall be required of those particular Persons. And to show Our said Subjects how great Our Clemency is, towards them, we permit all who resolve to depart out of Our Dominions, to do it within the term, and upon the Conditions hereafter prescribed. But because their evil intentions have been too well known by their past Behaviour, and many may hide their wicked Designs under the Cloak of Obedience, We reserve to Ourselves Power of making such Laws concerning those who shall not voluntarily quit Our Dominions, as We think good and most expedient, to secure the peace of those that stay; which Laws we expect shall be observed by them for the future. And for an addition to Our Grace and Favour, We grant, as well to those that shall depart voluntarily, as to those that shall retire by Our Command, leave to carry with them what Necessaries, Goods and Effects they please, and to sell such Goods and Effects as they leave behind them, but in the manner hereafter expressed. The same is intended concerning Foreigners, and those that are descended from them, who are to conform themselves to the last Article of the abovementioned Order, Dated January the 31th. The Sale of Goods aforesaid shall be made to Catholics, and to Persons that have embraced the Catholic Religion; but because such buyers may not be found within the term hereafter expressed, and because it is not our Will, that the Religionists who shall depart out of Our Dominions, should be deprived of the benefit of our present Concessions; We grant them power to appoint four or six Persons, with whom they may leave their Procurations, and who shall with our permission stay three Months in Lucerne, with free liberty to treat and negotiate with any Person for the selling the Goods of those that are gone, who likewise may specify in their Procurations, upon what terms they would (for their greater Security) have their Goods sold, and receive their price from their Proctors, without Fraud or Imbezelment, wherever they desire to have it remitted, whereof the Chief Justice Monroux shall be charged to take care. They that will retire shall be obliged to be ready at such days and places as are hereafter specified, and to depart without Fire Arms, by ways appointed, either through Savoy, or the Valley of Aoste; to this purpose they shall have Passports from us, that they may receive no ill usage or hindrance in our Dominions, but on the contrary, that all aid and assistance may be given to them; and because their number being great, they may be exposed to inconveniencies in their passage, and the places through which they pass overcharged, they shall be divided into three Brigades or Companies, the first to be composed of those of the Valley of Lucerne, who are to be ready at La Tour this Month of April: the second Company composed of those of the Valley of Angrogne, St. Bartholomew, Roche Platte, and are to be ready at St. Second, and part the day following, viz. the 22th of this Month; the third and last Brigade made up of those of the Valley of St. Martin and peruse are Commanded to be at Miradol, and part the 23d of this Month. The term within which our Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion, Inhabiting the Valleys of Lucerne, are to lay down their Arms in the manner expressed in the first Article of the present Order, is eight days after it shall be Published in Lucerne, within which time they are to obey the Contents of the Order, if they expect to enjoy the fruits of Our Clemency, and of that Paternal affection, wherewith, notwithstanding the greatness of their Crimes, We regard Our Subjects, and We grant to all Our said Subjects, who punctually observe all that is above mentioned, Grace, Pardon, Remission, Abolition, and an ample Amnesty of all their Transgressions, Faults, Crimes, and other Offences they may have done or committed, since the publication of Our Order of the 31 th' of January last, as well in general, as in particular, so that they shall never be prosecuted for them upon any pretence whatever. And we forbid all Judges, Fiscals, and others to whom it may belong, any way to prosecute or molest them; but if they shall render themselves unworthy of Our Grace, by not observing all that We have above commanded, within the term prefixed, it will be of very pernicious Example any longer to delay the punishment they have deserved, after having thrown away Our favours upon them, and so long waited for their repentance▪ We will then make use of those means which God hath put into Our hands, to reduce the obstinate to their duty, and punish them for their intolerable insolence sent to Our Senate, etc. Given at Turin the 9 th' of April, 1686. Ratified the 10 th'. As soon as this Edict was Printed, the Marquis St. Thomas brought it to the Ambassadors, whom he would have made believe, that it was for their sake his Royal Highness had been so gracious to his Subjects, and that tho' the French Ambassador was extremely angry so much favour was showed to the Inhabitants of the Valleys, yet His Royal Highness intended the Edict should be bona fide executed. The Ambassadors having read the Edict upon the place, in the presence of the Marquis, made some Reflections on it, they insisted chiefly on the shortness of the time given to these miserable people to depart out of his Highness' Dominions, and to dispose of their Effects; they likewise took notice of the small number of Proctors who were charged to sell the goods of so great a number of Persons; they reflected on the time prescribed for sale, and some other difficulties they met with in the execution of the Edict, which when they had well considered, they intended to lay before his Royal Highness. As soon as the Ambassadors had left the Marquis, they sent for the Deputies of the Valleys who were ready to make the submission, and bid them return home, charging them to inform their Communities of all that had passed, and what was contained in the Edict, and to let them know, that if they did not submit, it would be impossible to procure the rigorous execution of the Edict to be in any particular mitigated. While these things were doing, the sixth Deputy who had been so long expected, came back from the Valleys, and told the Ambassadors, that the Communities who designed to defend themselves, persisted in that resolution, and that all the arguments which had been used to incline them to better thoughts, wrought no change in their minds, as appeared by the Letters written from the Valleys, which were to the following effect. My Lords, PResently after the arrival of of our Deputy, we did not fail to give Copies of the Letter which your Excellencies were pleased to write to our Churches, they have been every where read, immediately after Sermon; nothing can be written more true, more moving, or more consolatory; and your Excellencies may be perfectly assured, that there is not a person who doth not see and acknowledge the Effects of your Christian Charity towards our Churches; however, it hath been hitherto impossible to persuade the greatest part of the People to go out of this Country; some out of an apprehension, that it will be the loss of many who stay; some out of a Principle of Conscience; and others for divers Considerations, which our Deputy will tell your Excellencies by word of mouth. We are at our wits end about it, and scarce dare to appear before your Excellencies after so much irresolution; our People are the more obstinate in their opinion, since they have heard that several other Churches, or at least a good part of them, never understood that any such thing as going out of the Country was in question, when they gave their Mandate and Procuration to their Deputies; or if they have heard of it, they are returned to their first Resolution; which makes us justly fear, that when your Excellencies shall be further engaged for these People, they will hereafter repent their refusing to depart, which we likewise thought the Sunday morning, when we told your Excellencies that we desired to have the opinion of our People upon this point; foreseeing at first that it would be very difficult to make them consent to it; the greatest part of them are resolved to be their Fathers own Children, and hope the Lord will be their Deliverer, and serve himself of the weak, to confound the strong, and that Heaven by some means or other will prevent the designs which are laid against them. We doubt not but this will very much trouble your Excellencies, and we are sorry for it with all our Souls; nevertheless, we with all possible humility, conjure your Excellencies not to wax cold towards our Churches, nor to deprive us of your powerful assistance and support, which under God, hath hitherto made us subsist; for God's sake have still pity upon us, which way soever things go; we pour out our Souls before God, earnestly beseeching him, that he will be pleased to dispose all things to the glory of his Name, and for the preservation of our People; and that his Divine Providence will wake your Excellencies Instrumental to procure some few days longer for us, once more to try the People's minds, and if it be possible to know their final resolution by majority of voices, that so we may not be blamed by either side; the Lord will abundantly reward all your Excellency's Charity, and we are with all respect, Your Lordship's Most Humble, and Most Obliged Servants, the Deputies of Boby, St. John, and Angrogne. Deputies of Boby. Jean Aghitto, Daniel Grass, Estienne Danno, Deputies of St. John. Michael Parisa, Jean Muschom, Deputies of Angrogne. Jean Duffa, Pierre Duffa, and Lovis Odin, Angrogne, the 9th of April, 1686. Most High, Mighty, and Sovereign Lords, WE, with all humility, cast ourselves at your Excellency's feet, to testify how extremely sorry we are to see that a great part of our People have not sense enough to consider with Christian prudence the favour which your Excellencies endeavour to obtain for us, by procuring free leave for our going out of this Country with body and goods, and will not with holy joy embrace it, as a Present from Heaven, and a Favour for which they will another time sigh in vain; this makes our hearts bleed, and the more, because the Letter which your Excellencies were pleased to write to them, should immediately have obliged to a resolution, in a business of this nature; we presume nevertheless, most humbly to beseech your Excellencies to be so good, as to pass by these Considerations, knowing that when men have to do with a multitude, 'tis very difficult to bring them to any conclusion, and without a great deal of time spent, to make them understand the reason and state of things, especially when the business in question is, forsaking a Native Country, of which the possession hath been so long and so carefully kept; yet there is a great number even of the best Quality, who entirely resign themselves to your Excellency's Council, Charity, and Prudence, and will never refuse to do that which they think most expedient for the glory of God, and for their own safety, and preservation: the Pastors also are all of this Opinion, and we will punctually follow the Counsel which your Excellencies shall please to give us; and we most humbly beseech you to have pity on us, and our Families, to deliver us from a mischief which in appearance is inevitable; this is the favour which we promise ourselves from your Excellencies, upon whom we pray that the Lord will power down his most precious blessings; we are with all possible submission and respect, Most High, Mighty and Sovereign Lords, Your Excellencies must Humble and most Obedient Servants, Sidrac dirty. Guillaume Malanot. From Angrogne, the 9th of April, 1686. It hath been certified from a good hand, that certainly his Royal Highness will not suffer the carrying away of our goods, but that he will detain them, to defray the charge he hath already been at. Secondly, that he positively resolves to have the Ministers and Strangers put into his hands. Thirdly, that our Arms must be laid down, and put into the hands of the Governor. Fourthly, that the Troops shall be let into the Valleys to pull down the Churches, and that there shall be no more exercise of our Religion. Fifthly, We hear that the Council will by no means suffer the French Troops to come against us. The Ambassadors had no sooner read these Letters, but they sent back the Deputies with another Letter, whereof two Copies were taken, and one of them sent to those of St. John and Boby, the other, to those of Angrogne, and de la Tour. This Letter showed them the vanity and little solidity of those Reasons upon which they grounded their Resolution, not to accept of the Grace which was offered them. The Letter told them, it was not to be denied, but that the Law which obliged men to forsake their Country, was very severe, yet at the same time, the Law is much more rigorous, which forces men to forsake the Eternal God, and renounce the true Religion; that they ought to think themselves happy, that of these two sad extremities, they were left to their choice; which happiness was denied in France, to People of great Birth, and known Merit, who were kept by force in their Country, and compelled to give themselves up to Idolatry. That the things of this World are subject to continual Changes; that Kings and Princes are often forced to quit their Crowns, and give up their Dominions to their Enemies; and therefore private persons ought without murmuring, to be subject to this common Fate, and submit with resignation to the Decrees of God's Providence, who by his chastisements tries the faith of his Children, and takes off their hearts from this World, to make them the more earnestly seek after their Celestial Country. They had indeed reason to believe that God's arm which had supported them in former Wars, was not shortened; but that they ought to consider, God then had raised up their Neighbours to assist them, with Men, Money, and Officers; then they had none but friends about them, whereas now they were compassed with Enemies on all sides: Heretofore there were a great number of People among them able to bear Arms, but at present, they were deprived of all those advantages, their Prince alone was able to extirpate them, and yet his Forces were not the only Troops they had to encounter. That those of France were ready to fall upon them, and though they might be so fortunate to have the better in some of their first engagements, yet in the end, they must needs be totally overthrown by the multitude of those that would supply the places of the vanquished: That the division which was among them would be very prejudicial to them; That the refusing to accept the offer made by their Sovereign, would make all the Protestant Princes to forsake them, because they chose rashly to take up Arms, rather than to follow the good Counsel which was given them. That they ought not to flatter themselves with the hope of some miraculous Deliverance, as was that which God gave the Jews, when he destroyed all the Army of Zenacherib. That in the Age wherein we live, God doth not work Miracles in favour of his Church, as he did in the time of the Israelites. The Holy Scripture telleth us, that to cast ourselves into dangers, out of which we foresee 'tis impossible to deliver ourselves, is to tempt God, who forsakes those that wilfully run headlong into danger. That Christian Prudence, the Charity due to their Wives and Children, and that love they ought to have for themselves, did oblige them to follow the Example of other Inhabitants of the Valleys. That their Prince, looking upon them as Criminals, would seize their Goods, and make them suffer ignominious punishment, if they persisted in their resolutions. That seeing Divine Providence had blest their endeavours who interceded for them, it was plain that God would not have them proceed any further in the way they were going. That seeing a mitigation of the rigour of the Edict had been obtained for them, they ought to accept it; it was not the fault of those who had mediated, that their Condition was no better, and they might be assured, the Ambassadors would zealously endeavour to obtain for them somewhat of greater advantage; but if that should be impossible, yet they ought to accept of that which was offered, seeing in the state wherein they were, they could not capitulate with their Prince, who had Forces enough to compel them to obey him. That if they refused to submit to his will, their obstinacy would not only cost them the loss of their Bodies, but also of their Souls; and they had reason to fear that they who escaped the Sword of their Persecutors, would at last perish under the cruelty of those punishments which would be inflicted on them, to force them to renounce their Religion. That they had no cause to fear, that the leave granted to them to retire where they pleased, was a snare laid for them; seeing the Court gave them such security as aught to have quieted their Minds in that point, and satisfied them, that his Royal Highness would not suffer any thing to be done contrary to his promise, to slain his honour and reputation by public perfidy, or fail in the respects he hath hitherto had for the Evangelic Cantons. That if there had been a design to surprise them, it might easily have been done at first, but his Highness would not permit it, nor ever will for the future. In fine, the Troops of Savoy, and those of France, were ready to attack them on all sides, and yet they might be sure no harm would be done them, if they did submit to his Royal Highness' Orders. The Ambassadors at their leisure having reflected on his Royal Highness' last Edict, were of Opinion, that the Vaudois would not submit to it without exposing themselves to very great inconveniencies, and therefore they resolved to renew their solicitations, to procure better Conditions for them: They prayed the Marquis St. Thomas to obtain an Audience from his Royal Highness; having obtained it, they told his Highness they had considered his last Edict, and had taken the liberty to make some observations upon the three principal points contained in some Clauses of it, viz. In the first place, that Clause which gave the Inhabitants of the Valleys ten days time to go out of his Dominions; secondly, that which prescribed to them the number of six Proctors to sell their goods; and thirdly, that which for selling their goods allowed them but three Months. They prayed his Royal Highness to cast his eyes on the remarks they had made in the Memoir they had presented to him, and to consider, that to abate the rigour of his Edict could in no wise be prejudicial to his Highness' Affairs; but would be of great importance to his Subjects, who had so great a respect, and so much affection for their Sovereign, that they could not resolve to leave his Dominions, because, in quitting their Country, they knew they should be deprived of being able to testify their fidelity in all occasions, by venturing their Lives in his service; they therefore hoped his Royal Highness would show his Clemency towards them, and give such Orders as were necessary for their going conveniently out of his Territories, and carrying all that with them which they could save of their Shipwrecked fortune; by this favour his Highness would give their Excellencies the Evangelic Cantons a new occasion of continuing that affection and respect to his Highness which they have always had for the Royal Family of Savoy; and as to their own particular, his Highness would convince them, that their good Offices had not been unsuccessful, for those poor miserable People for whom they had interceded. The Duke answered the Ambassadors, and said, That to show the esteem he had for the Evangelic Cantons, he had given his People testimonies of extraordinary Clemency; that he had not chastised them as they deserved, but had waited with patience their coming to themselves, and returning again to their duty; that they having carried on their Rebellion to the utmost extremity, and given him new cause to complain, by the Insolences they had of late committed, they had now tied up his hands so that he could not grant what they demanded, without wounding his Reputation and his Authority. That his forbearing them, had drawn upon him great reproaches from France; however he was willing they should enjoy the benefit of his Edict, and if they expected, that the rigour of the Orders therein contained should be abated, they must render themselves worthy of it, by laying down their Arms, and submitting themselves to his Will. The Ambassadors then delivered to his Royal Highness the following Memoir. YOur Highness is most humbly prayed to consider, That he who will, or must leave the Valleys, in Obedience to the Edict Published by your Highness, is obliged to prepare himself for his departure; for the carrying away his Wife, his Children, and his Necessary Goods: He must provide for the sale of his Corn, his Wines, his Provisions, and his Cattle, which cannot be left in his House without care taken of them: he cannot leave them with his Proctor who will be at Lucerne, and who by being at a distance cannot therefore take charge of them: That within the term of eight days a man cannot account, either with his Creditors or Debtors; because those with whom he hath had dealings, may perhaps not live in the Valleys, or because he may have accounts which cannot be adjusted without the interposition of some Arbitrator. That as to real Estates in Land, an exact and particular description ought to be made of every Field, Vineyard, Meadow, Wood, their limits and boundaries set out, as also the rights appertaining to them, and the Sums for which they are engaged; and concerning all this, special and large Procurations must be given. Seeing therefore your Royal Highness moved by your Justice and Clemency, hath been pleased to grant to your Subjects of the Valleys leave to retire where they think fit, and to sell their Goods which they leave behind them; it cannot be your Highness' intention, that your Subjects should be deprived of the Benefit and Effects of your gracious concessions, by not allowing them time enough to depart, for that will be taking away with one hand, that which is given them with the other. Your Royal Highness is further humbly prayed to consider, that six Proctors are not enough to sell the Goods of some hundreds of Families who are willing to depart, and that the Employment cannot be given to any but people of the Country, and consequently to ignorant and unlearned Persons, without capacity, encumbered with their own Affairs: besides, these Proctors must be obliged to run from place to place to get buyers, and to show the Lands that are to be bought; they must pass Acts in several places before Public Notaries, and must look after the sale of a great quantity of Goods dispersed in divers Houses; they, must tell Money, change it, remit it to foreign Countries, and look after conveniencies to do it. They must clear Objections, remove Obstacles, defend themselves against unjust demands; They must receive Letters from those that are gone, and send them an account of their business; in a word, they will have a thousand other things to do, which cannot at present be foreseen. Seeing then your Royal Highness doth not intend to make any advantage of your poor Subjects Goods, nor to augment your Revenue with the Spoils of your People; your Highness would do well to permit them to name twelve Persons, who during the time granted▪ by your Royal Highness, may proceed to the sale of those Persons Goods who shall retire. But because it will certainly fall out, that during the term of three Months, be the Proctors never so diligent to sell the poor Refugies Lands, there will be found but few Buyers; and that every one will stay till towards the end of the said term, on purpose to take advantage of the necessity wherein People are, to put off their Estates, and to get them from these miserable People at a very low Price; they otherwise fearing they shall lose all. We hope your Royal Highness will be so good as to remedy this inconvenience; and according to Covenants passed with his deceased Highness of Glorious Memory, in 1663. cause a valuable price to be given for those Lands and Goods, which could not be sold in three Months. Your Highness being so exemplarily good and merciful, certainly will not oblige any Person whatever to impossibilities, and therefore will readily dispense with Women who Lie in, or are near their time; and also with Old or Sick People, and not require them to observe the Law which you have prescribed to others concerning their retreat. That your Highness will be pleased to exempt them from quartering of Soldiers, who be they never so well disciplined, are always disorderly; that your Highness will likewise suffer them to live and die in their Houses, without fear of being ill used, and robbed of their Goods and Provisions. In fine, we earnestly pray, that your Royal Highness will be pleased to show your Clemency towards those of the Valleys, who are in your Highness' Prisons; and likewise towards those that have been taken upon their account, and be so Gracious as to give them their Liberty. The Duke of Savoy when he received the Ambassadors Memoir, promised to consider it, and said he would let them know his mind concerning it. While the Ambassadors endeavoured at Turin to do all the good they could for the Vaudois, those People took up a resolution, which proved their utter ruin; for whereas before the publication of the last Edict, the greatest part of them had resolved to seek out a retreat somewhere else; they now joined all together in one common consent, to defend themselves against the Armies which were ready to fall in upon them. In their Consultations, the Reasons given for this Resolution, were, that the Edict to which his Royal Highness required their submission, contained many things which they could not own, and others which they could not do; in the first place, they said it was not just, that they should be bound to acknowledge themselves guilty of the Rebellion wherewith they were charged, seeing they had done nothing against his Royal Highness' service, but that whereto, for maintaining the Exercise of their Religion, they were obliged. Secondly, that they ought not to submit to the last Edict, because it confirmed that of January 31. which deprived them of the liberty of serving God according to their Faith. Thirdly, They could not resolve to obey the Command of laying down their Arms, because if they did, they should run the hazard of losing their Lives here, and their Souls hereafter, and be in a condition as bad as they were in former Persecutions, particularly those in the year 1655. when by woeful experience, they found that some People made no scruple of breaking their word, and that which confirmed them in this Opinion, was, the Troops coming so near to them, notwithstanding the Marquis St. Thomas had promised and assured them, none should enter into their Country till the term mentioned in the Edict was expired. Fourthly, That the time given to prepare themselves for their departure, was too short, and that they could not comply with the Edict, because the number of their Valley Inhabitants was very great, many were very old, and many others sick. Fifthly, It was impossible for their Goods to be sold by Attorneys or Proctors, and tho' they did resolve to sell them, yet it was upon condition they might receive the price they was sold for, before they went away, or to have it deposited in the hands of the Ambassadors; that their Estates likewise in the Mountains, might be sold as well as those in Plains, and also what they had in the French King's Territories; in fine, seeing the sale was to be made to Roman Catholics, they had cause to fear the ecclesiastics would not suffer them to be sold, in confidence that they themselves should be masters of them, when all the Inhabitants were gone out of the Country. Sixthly, All things were to be feared from those who held it for a Maxim, that Faith was not to be kept with Heretics. The Ministers and such of the Valleys, who had most sense and reason, did all they could to hinder the People from coming to this extremity, but all the Arguments that were used would not divert them from their Resolution, not keep them from being led by those that flattered them with Imaginary hopes of Succours; these were the Persons, who by persuading them not to accept of the Grace which was offered, were the cause of their destruction. By the following Letter it appears what art was used to make those People change their minds, and run headlong to their own Ruin. From Roche Platte the 14th. of April. 1690. Most Illustrious, and most mighty Lords, I See no possibility of keeping the People of our Valleys within the bounds of their Duty, especially since a Minister of whose name you will hear, came hither; he hath so infatuated our People with confidence that they shall be supplied with all things, that there is scarce a Minister can be safe in his Church. All was quiet but the three Communities of Boby, Angrogne, and St. John; and most People resolved to rely upon your Charity and Advice, and those of the best judgements would have prevailed with the ignorant; who are in fault, either because they do not know, or because they do not confide in your Excellencies. But among all, my Church la Tour was fully resolved to submit, till this Minister came, who hath embroiled all, except some prudent Persons, who desire the particular Favour of your Protection, and to have free leave to depart, that they may retire to some place where they may serve God according to his Commandments. I am with all Respect and Humble Submission, your most Illustrious Excellencies, Most Humble, and most Obedient Servant, Girard, Minister of La Tour. In another Letter written by the Pastors of the Vally-Churches, there is a Postscript in these words. Mr.— Minister in the Church of Pinache, a Valley of Perouze, is come from— who, we verily believe hath given him Instructions to stir up and persuade, as he doth all people, to die rather than submit to leaving their Country, tho' never so many Promises be made them. This Resolution being reported to the Ambassadors, they plainly saw that in the mind these People were, there was no appearance of making them change their Resolution, or of bringing them to Reason. But however the Ambassadors resolved to try once more, to persuade them to accept the favour their Prince offered, tho' it was not so advantageous as they wished, and considering the only way to make some impression upon them, was to make their Retreat less inconvenient and less troublesome than it would be, if the Terms of the Edict were to be observed; they fell to soliciting for an Answer to the Memoir they had presented to the Duke of Savoy, that in case it were favourable, they might send it to the Vaudois as the best Argument they could use to prevail with them. But the Answer was not such as they desired, for the Marquis St. Thomas told the Ambassadors, that his Royal Highness would not make a more ample, or any other Declaration, touching those things which were contained in his last Edict, because his Subjects stood out so obstinately in their Rebellion, and refused to lay down their Arms, boasting they were in a Condition to resist him; his R. H. therefore had resolved to part in two days, and go in person to reduce those Rebels to their Duty; but for those that would retire, they should upon his word enjoy the benefit of his Edict, and such as would not submit, should receive the punishment they deserved. As soon as the Ambassadors had left the Marquis St. Thomas, they dispatched a Currier to those of the Valleys, and by the following Letter gave them notice what ill success they had in their Negotiation. Sirs, IN the Private Audience we have had of his R. H. your Prince, we earnestly prayed him to permit you to quit his Dominions upon better and more favourable Conditions than those which are expressed in his last Edict. We represented to him as well Viva Voces as by a Memoir, those Reasons which we thought might prevail with him to mitigate those Orders which were already published against you; We earnestly prayed him to grant you longer time to prepare yourselves for so sad a parting, to sell your goods, to augment the number of the Proctors who were to make the sale; to suffer the Aged, Sick and Weak, Women very big with Child, and those that lay in, to stay in the Country, free from ill usage, and from quartering of Soldiers; in fine, to give orders that the Proctors should buy those goods which they did not sell within the time specified in the Edict, but of all this we could obtain nothing from his R. Highness, because he knew you were in Arms to hinder the Executions of his Orders; We have also been with my Lord Marquis St. Thomas, and have entreated him to use his Credit with his R. H. to dispose him to grant that which we demanded in your favour; but he told us, that so long as you had Arms in your hands, you were to expect no favour: His Highness goes this day for Precairos, and we have had our Audience of leave, with intent to return presently to our own Country, unless Divine Providence give us an opportunity of being serviceable to you; and seeing you will not follow the Advice of prudent Persons, but leave the event of your Affairs to God's Will: We pray that he will be pleased to support you in your Calamity, and turn it to his own Glory, and your Temporal and Eternal good; recommending you to his Almighty Protection, We remain, etc. At Turin. Tho' the Ambassadors now saw that the Affairs of the Vaudois were desperate, and to remedy them was impossible, they would not abandon those poor People, thinking they might some way or other be serviceable to them, if they followed his Royal Highness' Camp; and that they might so do, they prayed the Marquis St. Thomas to ask his Royal Highness' leave. But the Marquis told them their presence might give some jealousy to the French Ambassador, and to the Pope; therefore since his Royal Highness had great reason not to disoblige the most Christian King, the Ambassadors did not insist any more on that demand: Things being in this condition, had his Royal Highness been never so well disposed to show how much esteem he had for the Ambassadors, yet he could not let them know how much he regarded their intercession. When the Ambassadors had their Audience of leave, they were told, if any occasion should hereafter bring them to Court, all deference should be paid due to their Character. They resolved to return to their Country, according to an Order which within few days they had received from their Sovereigns, in a Letter written to them from Zurich; wherein the Protestant Cantons recalled them from their Negotiation, if they thought it would prove ineffectual. They supposing that the Marquis St. Thomas, or some other Ministers, might find some favourable opportunity to incline his Royal Highness to be merciful to his poor Subjects of the Valleys, resolved to make them a Visit, and entreat them to have compassion on those poor Creatures, and do them all the good Offices that were in their Power; but the Court parting in great haste, it was impossible for them to do what they intended; and therefore they requested that by writing, which they could not by word of Mouth. A little while after they received an answer from the Marquis, who assured them, that upon any overtures from the Vaudois, he would employ his utmost power to serve them. Some few days before the Ambassadors went a way, they received two Letters from the Valleys; one written by all the Communities of the Valley Inhabitants, directed to the Evangelic Cantons. Most High and Sovereign Lords, OUR Churches have a long time had experience, and especially in our present unhappy Troubles, of your Excellencies unparallelled Charity and fatherly Affection towards them, and that very lately, by sending the Lords Ambassadors to his Royal Highness upon the Publication of his Highness' Edict against us, of the 31 of January last past, as appears by the Letter they have been pleased to send us; we cannot sufficiently acknowledge the trouble, care, and pains our Lords the Ambassadors have taken in our behalf, and for our Preservation; had they met with Hearts disposed to our Peace and Welfare, their continual Intercessions could not have failed of being effectual, but in that particular we confess we are in the World's opinion unhappy; nevertheless we return all possible thanks to your Excellencies, for the favours we have received from your kind, pious, and Christian good Will towards us; we very well know, and confess it with great Confusion, that our Lords the Ambassadors have not had from our People that satisfaction we could have wished, by resigning themselves into their hands; but we most humbly beseech them to Pity and support a People, who think they are bound in Honour and Conscience to maintain their Religion in their Country, where it hath been a long time miraculously preserved. We see, as to this World, our ruin is inevitable, but we hope God will revenge his Quarrel, and that good People will not quite forsake us: Our confidence, next under God, is in your Excellencies; we cast ourselves into your arms and Fatherly Bosoms, beseeching you by the Mercies of God, and in the Name of his Son Jesus Christ our Common Father and Saviour, that you will not withdraw from us your Charity and good Wishes, but look with your Eyes of Compassion and Fatherly tenderness, on so many poor Families, little Children, and other infirm and in this World miserable People; and be pleased to make them feel the favourable effects of your Christian Bounty. Praying the Lord will perpetually protect your Excellencies, and abundantly reward your pious and Christian Charity: We are, most High, Mighty, and Sovereign Lords, with all imaginable Veneration, your Excellencies Most Humble, most Obedient, and most obliged Servants, the Pastors, Elders, and other Directors of the Valley Churches of Piedmont. S. dirty Moderator, Gr. Malant Minister. The Letter which the Ministers wrote to the Ambassadors, was Penned in these following terms. My Lords, WE will still Communicate your Excellency's Letter to our Communities, it were to be wished they had given better ear to the wholesome Counsel given by your Excellencies, to draw them out of a danger which in Humane probability seems unavoidable. God grant, against all appearances, that their Resolution may succeed well, and show his power in their weakness and infirmity. I believe all their Pastors are resolved to live and die with them, since your Excellencies are not against it; it cannot certainly be honest or excusable to forsake them in such a conjuncture, and it must infallibly be a reproach to us to leave them, seeing the good Shepherd is called to lay down his Life for his Sheep. We give your Excellencies all possible thanks for the indefatigable care and pains you have taken for our good, and for our preservation; and we beseech you, by the Mercies of God, and the Love of Jesus Christ, not to forget us, but during your stay at Turin, and after your return to the most mighty Evangelick Cantons, to testify your Affection and Christian Chairty towards us by all good Offices. We pray that our good God and Saviour will recompense your Excellency's Pains and Charity towards our Churches, with his most Holy and Precious Blessings both of Heaven and Earth, and cover your sacred Persons with his continual Protection; which is the most fervent and sincere Wish of yours, who are with a profound respect, My Lords, Your Excellencies most humble, most obedient, and most obliged Servants, the Pastors of the Protestant Churches of the Valleys of Lucern, Angrogne, peruse, St. Martin, etc. in Piedmont, and in the name of all. S. dirty Minister at Angrogne, the 17 th' of April, 1686. The Vaudois being resolved, as we have told you, and the Duke of Savoy gone to the Army; the Ambassadors thought they had no more to do at Court, and therefore now might return home; but because it might happen that the Valley-People, seeing their danger near, and the Troops ready to fall upon them, might by the Mediation of the Ambassadors, have recourse to the Clemency of their Prince; they resolved not to be far from them, till they saw the Army entered into their Country, and had heard what was the success of this Expedition. But being informed that so soon as the French appeared in the Valleys, those of St. Martin ran quite away, and that the Duke's Troops having forced the Passages on the side of Angrogne, found resistance no where, they plainly saw they had nothing more to do in Piedmont, and therefore went away extremely grieved that they could not hinder the desolation of the precious remainder of the Valley Churches. And being come back to their own Country, they gave an account of their Embassy to their Sovereigns, who judging of their Negotiation, not by the success it had, but by the Ambassadors Conduct; after having declared, they were satisfied with the Zeal and Address which they had made appear during the whole course of this nice Negotiation, they thanked them for the care they had taken to discharge so worthily the Employment wherewith they had been honoured. FINIS. Some BOOKS Printed for R. Bentley. Folio. 1. BEaumont's and Fletcher's Plays in one Volume, containing 51 Plays. 2. Mr. William Shakespear's Plays in one Volume. 3. Towersons Works complete in one Volume. 4. Dr. Allestry's Sermons in one Volume. 5. Dr. Comber's Works, the four Parts in one Volume. 6. The Council of Trent; By Father Paolo. 7. Toriano's Italian Dictionary. 8. Mr. Milton's Paradise lost, with 13 Copper Cuts finely engraven, to express the whole Poem. 9 Milton's Paradise regained; in the same Volume, Paper and Print, to bind with it. 10. Fodina Regalis; or, the History of the Laws of Mines. By Sir John Pettus. 11. Bishop Brownrig's Sermons. Books in Quarto. 1. The Burnt Child dreads the Fire. 2. A Treatise of our Sanguinary Laws against Papists. 3. Dr. Whitby's Answer to S. Cressy. 4 Mr. Nathanael Lee's Plays in one Volume. 5. Mr. Thomas Otway's Plays in one Volume. 6. Panegyric on His Grace the Duke of Schonberg. 7. Mundus Muliebris, or the Lady's Dressing-Room unlocked, and her Toilet spread. Books in Octavo. 1. Dr. Whitby Of Idolatry. 2. Dr. Whitby of Host-Worship. 3. The Life of the Marshal Turenne. 4. The Secret History of the House of Medicis. 5. Cornelius Agrippa, of the Vanity of Arts and Sciences. 6. Mauger's French Grammar. Edit. 13. 7. Lipsius' of Constancy. 8. Agiates Queen of Sparta. 9 Nicorotis. 10. Plurality of Worlds, Translated by Mr. Glanvil. 11. Boylo's Art of Poetry; Translated by Mr. Soames. 12. Poems and Songs, By Mr. Cuts. 13. Sir James Chamberlain's Poems. 14. Mr. Coppinger's Poems. 15. Madam Colonna's Memoirs. 16. Hudibras complete, in Three Parts. 17 Seneca's Morals: By Sir Roger L'Estrange. 18. Comber's Companion to the Altar. 19 Godfrey of Boloign; A Poem. 20. Plato's Apology of Socrates. 21. Natural History of the Passions. 22. Mockclelia, or, Madam Quixote. 23. Toriano's Italian Grammar, with choice Dialogues and Phrases in Italian and English. 24. Covent Garden Drollery. Books in Duodecimo. 1. Present State of England. 2. Enter into thy Closet. 3. Moral Essays, in Four Volumes. 4. A perfect School of Instructions for the Officers of the Mouth. 5. A prospect of Humane Misery. 6. Vanity of Honour, Wealth and Pleasure. 7. Bishop Andrew's Devotions. 8. Zelinda; A Romance. 9 Happy Slav●. 10. Hatige, or the King of Tameran. 11. Homais 〈◊〉 of Tunis. 12. Triumph of Love. 13. Obliging M●stress. 14. Unfortunate Hero. 15. Countess of Salisbury. 16. Count Teckely. 17. Essex and Elizabeth. 18. The Pilgrim. 19 The Emperor betrayed, by whom, and how. 20. The Character of Love. 21. Don Henrick. 22. Princess of Fez. 23. M. Christianissimus. 24. Gallant Ladies in two parts. 25. Victorious Lovers. 26. Love in a Nunnery. 27. Duke of Lorain. 28. Minority of St. Lewis. 29. Queen of Majorca. 30. Count de Soysons. 31. Clytie. 32. Dialogues of the Dead; in Two Parts. 33. Neapolitan; or, the Defender of his Mistress. 34. Instructions for a young Nobleman. 35. Five Love-Letters from a Nun to a Cavalier. 36. Five Love-Letters from the Cavalier in Answer to the Nun's. 37. Religio Laici, in a Letter to Mr. Dryden. 38. Count Gabalis. 39 The chaste Seraglion. 40. Rules of Civility. 41. The Extravagant Poet. 42. New Disorders of Love. 43. Ottoman Gallantry; or, The Life of the Bassa of Buda. 44 Revived Fugitives. 45. Tamburlaine the Great. 46. Court Secret, in two Volumes. 47. The Duke of Mazarine's Memoirs. 48 Gallantry a la Mode; or, Women in their proper Colours. 49. Fortune-telling Cards. In the Press. The Art of Pleasing in Conversation. A Catalogue of some Plays Printed for R. Bently. 1. BEaumont and Fletcher's Plays: in all 51. in large Fol. 2. Mr. Shakespear's Plays: in one large Fol. Volume. Containing 43 Plays. 3. Tartuff, or the French Puritan. 4. Forced Marriage, or the Jealous Bridegroom. 5. English Monsieur. 6. All mistaken, or the mad Couple. 7. Generous Enemies, or the Ridiculous Lovers. 8. The Plain-Dealer. 9 Sertorius, a Tragedy. 10 Nero, a Tragedy. 11. Sophonisba, or Hanibal's Overthrow. 12. Gloriana, or the Court of Augustus Caesar. 13. Alexander the Great. 14. Mythridates' King of Pontus. 15. Oedipus' King of Thebes. 16. Caesar Borgia. 17. Theodosius, or, the Force of Love. 18. Madam Fickle, or the Witty False One. 19 The Fond Husband, or the Plotting Sisters. 20. Esquire Old-Sap, or the Night-Adventures. 21. Fool turned Critic. 22. Virtuous Wife, or Good Luck at Last. 23. The Fatal Wager. 24. Andromache. 25. Country Wit. 26. Calisto, or the Chaste Nymph. 27. Destruction of Jerusalem, in two Parts. 28. Ambitious Statesman, or the Loyal Favourite. 29. Misery of Civil War. 30. The Murder of the Duke of Gloucester. 31. Thyestes, a Tragedy. 32. Hamlet Pr. of Denmark, a Tragedy. 33. The Orphan, or the Unhappy Marriage. 34. The Soldier's Fortune. 35. Tamerlain the Great. 36. Mr. Limberham, or the Kind Keeper. 37. Mistaken Husband. 38. Notes on th'Emperor of Morocco, by the Wits. 39 Essex and Elizabeth, or the Unhappy Favourite. 40. Virtue Betrayed, or Anna Bullen. 41. King Lear. 42. Abdellazor, or the Moor's Revenge. 43. Town Fop, or Sir Tim. Tawdry. 44. Rare-en-tout, a French Comedy. 45. Moor of Venice. 46. Country Wife. 47. City Politics. 48. Duke of Guise. 49. Rehearsal. 50. King, and no King. 51. Philaster, or Love lies a bleeding. 52. Grateful Servant. 53. Strange Discovery. 54. Atheist, or the second Part of the Soldier's Fortune. 55. Wit without Money. 56. Little Thief. 57 Valiant Scot 58. Constantine. 59 Velentinian. 60. Amorous Prince. 61. Dutch Lovers, 62. Woman Bully. 63. Reformation. 64. Hero and Leander. 65. Love Tricks. 66. Julius Caesar. 67. Fatal Jealousy. 68 Monsieur Ragou▪ 69. Island Queen, or Mary Queen of Scotland. 70. Empress of Morocco. 71. Commonwealth of Women. 72. The Noble Stranger. 73. Duke of Milan. 74. The Knave in Grain. 75. Amends for Ladies. 76. Mammamouchy. 77. The Emperor of the East. 78. The Wedding. 79. St. Patrick for Ireland. 80. Albumazor. 81. The Tragedy of Albertus. 82. Royal King. 83. Humorous Courtier. 84. The Hollander. 85. Merchant of Venice. 86 False Count 87. Rover, Second Part. 88 Counterfeit. 89. Troilus and Cressida. 90. Spanish Friar. 91. Lucius Junius Brutus. 92. Brutus of Alba. 93. Caius Marius. 94. Siege of Memphis. 95. Byron's Conspiracy. 1. Part. 96. Byron's Conspiracy. 2d. Part. 97. Loyal Brother. 98. Disappointment. 99 Macbeth. 100 Rollo Duke of Normandy. 101. The Lovesick King. 102. Maid's Tragedy. 103. Massacre of Paris. 104. Tempest, or the Enchanted Island. 105. Psyche. 106. Richard the 2d. by Mr Tate. 107. Princess of Cleves. 108. Pastor Fido.