A BREVIATE OF THE Proceed OF FRANCE, From the PYRENAEAN TREATY to this TIME.  
AS ALSO, 

I. The Speech of Monsieur Zierowsky, the Emperor's Ambassador to the King of POLAND.  
II. A Memorial presented by the said Ambassador to the King of POLAND.  
III. A Letter from Monsieur Du Vernay to Count Tekeley.  
iv A Letter from Count Tekeley to Monsieur Du Vernay.  
V A Letter from Monsieur Peter Jaigel, Governor of Cassovia, to Monsieur Du Vernay.    
Printed at Cologne, and Reprinted at London, to be sold by Walter Davies in Amen-Corner, 1684.   

TO THE READER.  
THE Author of this Little Discourse was most certainly a French Protestant, and One who has been a Sufferer among the Rest in the late Persecution of the Reformed Religion in France. 'Tis but a small Treatise, but it gives the World a large Prospect of the Violences and Cruelties of the French Government, both at home and abroad; and the Miseries of those that lie under its Oppression. How far it may have an Influence upon Other Nations, or Answer the Author's Expectation, who has made it his Business to exhort them to the Recovery of their Liberty, wrested from them by Bribery, Breach of Leagues and Correspondence with the Turks Themselves, to the Destruction of so many Families as have perished in the Desolation of their Country and the Ruin of Christianity it self, I know not; but certainly to our own, it may be of Great Advantage, to make the People consider the Felicities they enjoy under a King truly Most Christian, a just and peaceable Sovereign, and how much more happy they are than their Neighbours▪ and how industriously they go about to bring Themselves into the same Condition by their own needless Discontents and Fiery Dissensions: Which certainly they would never do, did they but seriously weigh in the same Balance the Arbitrary Dominion of the French hereafter displayed, and the Immunities and Advantages we Enjoy by the Excellent Composure of our Government both in Church and State.   


THE AMBITION OF FRANCE UPON EUROPE.  
IT is no difficult thing to discern the Original of those Miseries under which we labour at this day: They who will give themselves the Trouble to reflect upon the Transactions, which have been the most remarkable for these Twenty years last passed in Europe, will agree with me, that if we had been so fortunate to have grown wife by our Sufferings, we should not have seen ourselves reduced to those Calamities under which we now groan. For in short this is not the first time, that France has been known to have broken Leagues, though never so sacred and inviolable. Her Ambition has not been able to keep herself reserved without appearing in her Colours. But we have been either so weak or so blind, as never to make a vigorous opposition till it was too late. Therefore we can only impute our Misfortunes to ourselves, and must ingeniously confess, that if we suffer at this day the punishment of our Imprudence, 'tis no more than what we justly deserve.  
In a word, to whom ought we to impute the Imbecility of the Spaniards but to ourselves, who have so often contributed to reduce them to their present condition? Was it not easy for us to see, that they supported themselves only by the means of those Cabals, that were maintained in France against Cardinal Mazarin, and that if the Prince of Conde had forsaken their Interest, their good Fortune and Reputation had been at an end? nevertheless when we observed, that we had lost the Assistance of that Prince, who was returned to his Duty by the Pyrenaean Peace, and that France to the prejudice of a League so sacredly ratified, forbore not however, not only to foment the Troubles of Portugal, but also to send considerable Supplies to their assistance at several times; I say, when we saw, that the Peace was no more than a Cloak for France's Ambition, have we not suffered the Oppression of our Neighbours, without so much as opening our Lips, as if True Policy had not taught us, that it was time to oppose the Designs of a Nation, which would never be contented, till she had satisfied her Ambition by the Conquest of the World?  
Nevertheless, with what confidence, if I may not call it Impudence, did she maintain, that she acted nothing but what was conformable to the Peace? Did not she likewise insinuate, that whatever was done in the behalf of Portugal, was done without her Order? To which purpose while she covertly sent Supplies of Men and Money into that Kingdom, she published her strictest Prohibitions to prevent the Transportation of Arms thither, yet underhand encouraged her Subjects to carry supplies to that Crown, as the only means to purchase Esteem and Reputation; yet all this while carried fair with the Ambassador, who made loud complaints of these Breaches, especially when he saw that the Marquis of Beauveau had permission to levy a Regiment of Cavalry for the Service of that Crown in the Metropolis of France, just under his Nose; after he had Articled to outward appearance with the Portugal Ambassador, but in reality with the Court of France. After all which proceed she would needs have it, that whatever the Spanish Ambassador said, was but the effect of his Fancy and Imagination; as now at this very time she would make us believe that she has no Design to make a War, though she has eaten up a Country within these few Months, to which she has no Right at all, and to which she has not the least of Lawful Pretences, if Reason and Justice were the Rule of her Actions.  
All this while, though we have observed all along these Practices of France, without the least opposition, yet neither do we make any advantage of them at this day, that we see ourselves just ready to be made the Unfortunate Victims of Her Ambition. 'Tis true I know there are several who will reply that Succours have been sent to the Spaniards, which if it were done, we are beholding to the Prince of Orange, who having a deeper Foresight than others, could not suffer us to be overwhelmed, without doing at lest what was his Duty to do; which is the reason we find him so firmly bend against the Persecutions and Injuries of France, which esteems not Virtue, but when it agrees with Her Interest.  
But to return to the business, I say that France endeavoured to blear the Eyes of the Spanish Ambassador, who had in mind however to hunt the wrong Deer, when an unexpected Accident made her act with more boldness, and forbear any longer to disguise her Thoughts. She had treated with Montgeorges', who was slain in the late Wars, and who was then a Captain in Candale, a stout Soldier, and one who loved War above all things, to carry a Supply of Officers and Soldiers into Portugal: Now Montgeorges, being embarked with his Company, and upon his Voyage into Portugal, happened to be taken by the Spaniards, which were advertised of his Departure; upon which there was a necessity for France to take off her Mask; for that the Spaniards began already to talk of cutting off Montgeorges' Head.  
This apparent Act of Infidelity was attended by several others, and yet no Neighbouring Puissance interposed its Authority, to the end these things might be regulated according to Justice: Not but that there was Warranty for the Pyrenaean Peace; as well as there are now for the Peace of Nimeghen, but that they are such, who after the Conclusion of the Treaty, never mind afterwards the Breaches which are made of it, so that there is not one at this time takes any care to send any succour to the Spaniards, whose Ruin is attempted by so many indirect means. On the other side, the Spaniards, whether they are become insensible, or which is most probable, that they understand their own weakness, are contended to see themselves so rudely handled without testifying the least Resentment, but only by Complaints, altogether misbecoming Sovereign Princes, especially if not prosecuted with effectual Deeds; so that others seeing them so patiently swallow all Affronts, did not think themselves obliged to take their Part.  
Which Weakness of theirs was certainly most apparent upon the Occasion of an Accident that happened in London between Monsieur d'Estrades and Monsieur de Vataville Ambassadors of both Crowns: For after the Baron of Vataville had got the Precedence before Monsieur d'Estrades, upon the Entry of another Ambassador; Spain did not only disclaim and disavow the Act, but also has for ever stained her Reputation, by an Ignominious Declaration, which I dare not repeat, and which I cannot remember without blushing out of my Respect and Love to the Nation. However if the thing be called to mind, we ought to lay the Fault upon those other Potentates, that shown themselves so passionately earnest for the Peace, that they never laid to heart the Affront which was offered to Spain, who seeing herself abandoned by all the World, was forced to abate of her wont Haughtiness.  
Nevertheless the more notable Headpieces, perceiving how proudly France behaved herself upon that occasion were of opinion, that it was necessary to withstand Her Ambition before the further Increase of her Strength and Power: But the Council of these prudent Politicians was listened to by way of Discourse only, and the Seizure of Blindness began to be so general, that they looked upon those who discoursed at that rate, as Persons that rather sought to disturb than preserve the Peace so necessary for all Europe.  
Nor did they begin to unhoodwink their Eyes; till France, no longer able to continue quiet, resolved to carry the War into Flanders under Pretences altogether as Chimerical as those at present; But with an Advocate of Paris, such a one as they were careful to choose out of the sharpest witted of the Chiurme, undertook to beautify with a specious varnish, an Undertaking, which a Person of Honesty and Integrity would have been very much troubled to perform; only he who had served his Apprenticeship at the Petty Bar, where for Two Crowns, they will defend the wickedest Injustice in the World, was of Opinion, that being much better feed than so, it did not become him to neglect so far an Opportunity for his Preferment: So that Interest prevailing above Truth, in a short time there came forth a Manifesto, wherein they endeavoured to maintain, that though the King by the Pyrenaean Treaty had renounced all manner of Pretences which he might hereafter have to the Low Countries or Netherlands, in right of his Wife, that Renunciation was invalid, because the Parliament had never confirmed the Articles.  
The same Manifesto endeavoured further to prove, that the Queen had a Right to several Provinces; and therefore to give the Manifesto a Title proper to what they went about to make out, it was Entitled The Rights of the Queen. For you must understand, that it was the King himself, who had hindered the Pyrenaean Treaty from being Registered in Parliament, to the end that for the future it might serve for a Pretence against what had been signed by Himself, and the chiefest Nobility of France.  
Which piece of Litigious Craft when it gave occasion to all the World to reflect upon the Small Faith and Sincerity of the French King, Men were surprised with wonder, That so great a Prince, who affected the Title of most Christian King should commit such Violences as would make Infidels to blush; and took pleasure to recount his Actions, that by comparing the one with the other, the disadvantage might the better appear on the King's side. The general question was, whether a man were not obliged to keep his Word which he had so solemnly sworn upon the Gospels, confirmed by so Great and Near an Alliance, and where there was nothing omitted to render inviolable by all the most considerable Acts that could be performed? And then the question was whether there were any thing that could disoblige a Man from an Oath so solemn? to which the General Answer was, that it was an Action dreaded by Men, and which called for the just Vengeance of God.  
And indeed there needs no greater Skill in Theology to understand, that Christianity and the Church, which is the same Thing, sufficiently teaches us, that we are to keep our Words, not only to a Father-in-Law, as this occasion required, but also to a Turk. There is a notable Example of this in the Person of a French Gentleman of the Family of Anglure, from whence there are several who derive their Descent that live in great splendour to this day. The particular History of this Family relates, that one of their Ancestors being taken in Fight by Soladin, Sultan of Egypt, was set at Liberty after a long Imprisonment, upon condition that he should return himself in Person with the Ransom which the Soladin had laid upon his Head; the Gentleman coming home, and having sold part of his Estate to make good his Word, returned back to Soladin, and told him he had brought his Ransom in Person according to his own Agreement and Conditions, and that if he pleased to name any Person to receive it he would presently tell it out. Soladin, who never thought any more of him, but believed, that since he had let him go, he should never see him again, was so surprised at his Generosity, that after he had embraced and caressed him with all imaginable Endearment, he told him, that from thence forward he should have a greater respect for the Christians than ever he had; and thereupon he did not only release him of his Ransom, but ordered his Treasurer to give him Ten Thousand Franks, which was a great Sum in those days. He further desired his Friendship, and that always the Eldest of his Family might be called Saladin, to the end that if Posterity should be curious to know why they bore a Name so extraordinary among the Christians, they might be informed at the same time of the Occasion: Which Request of Soladin has been observed ever since; insomuch that the Count Destoges, the Eldest of the Family, is this day named Soladin.  
If I might be permitted to make Reflections upon this Story, I could without difficulty prove, that the present is far different from the Ages past. Formerly they kept their word with Turks, now adays, a most Christian King will not keep his Faith with his Father-in-Law. At this day the Descendants from a Christian Race are Christened Saladine; because their Ancestor so promised to the Turk. At this present a most Christian King neither minds the word, which his Ancestors have passed to their Subjects of the Reformed Religion, nor the Promises which he has made himself: At this day the Family of Anglure, which is only a private Gentleman's, derives all its Honour from the Noble Act of one of its Ancestors, who made good his profligated Faith to the Turk; but the House of France, the most renowned in the World, for the Breach of an Infinite Number of the Edicts, granted in favour of the Christians.  
But to return to our Subject, the King of France, grounding his Claims upon Imaginary Pretences, and upon a Nicety, that the Parliament had not ratified the Pyrenaean Treaty, resolved to break the Peace, and carry his Arms into Flanders. But here before I go any further give me leave to tell the World, what the Authority of this Parliament is, to prevent the Mistake of those, who may think it equal in Power to the Parliament of England. You are then to understand that the slightest Order of Council cancels all Edicts of Parliament, the Power of which is so limited at this day, that though it take Cognizance only of private and particular Interests, the Council sends for the Cause before themselves and laughs at all that the Parliament has done in the same Case. Formerly nevertheless its Authority was very great, nor was it long ago, that it was grown to that height, that every one admired at it; I mean during the Minority of the King: But there is such an Alteration since that time, that there is little notice taken of the Parliament.  
And indeed at that very time, when the forementioned Manifesto appeared, the King took away all their Privileges, banished all those that were suspected to have any affection for the public Interest, and in a word, contemned it so far that he never went thither, but in his Riding Boots and his Cane in his Hand. He also deprived it of its very Name, as he served the rest of the Tribunals: For to make it appear, that there were no more Masters but himself, he set forth an Edict, That neither the Parliament nor the Grand Council, nor the Chamber of Accounts, nor the Court of Aids should be called by any other Title than that of Superior, whereas before they were called Sovereign Courts. He also put forth another Edict, which savoured in my opinion of much more wrong and Injustice: For whereas, when any new Imposition was thought upon and laid upon the People, or any other Innovation was imposed upon the Government, the King was wont to go in Person to see those Edicts ratifyed; the Parliament is now obliged to make the Ratification upon a bare Letter under the Privy Signet, many times carried by a Footman; So that this great Tribunal formerly erected to be a Mediator between the King and the People, and to preserve the one from the Tyranny of the other, is now itself enforced to bow and crouch to the Kings Will: For now they dare not make those Remonstrances, which formerly they did, nor plead as before in behalf of the People. Or if they are permitted to make any Addresses of that Nature, they must be full of Flattery and Dissimulation; and as some Parents humble their Children to kiss the Rod after Correction; so it behoves the People, who are the King's Children, or should be so at least, to thank the King by the Mouths of their Magistrates, for all the Taxes and heavy Impositions, which he lays upon them to satisfy his profusion.  
Upon this Authority, which the Parliament has in the Kingdom it was, That the King laid the Foundation of an approaching War. In a Word, the King of Spain was not sooner dead, but presently there appeared a small Pamphlet, under the Title of The Rights of the Queen, by which they endeavoured to prove, that the Renunciation of all Claims which the King had made by the Pyrenaean Treaty was utterly void, because it was never verified by the Parliament. And yet if the Renunciation had been good, which they did not much matter to dispute, it could not have been long in force, by reason that the Dauphin had not ratifyed the Treaty, who might pretend a greater Interest as being his Mother's Heir. In truth, this Pamphlet was nothing but a Composure of Words well put together, containing very little or no reason. For to begin with the first, true it is, That the Parliament were wont to ratify the most remarkable Acts of the Kingdom, but that such a Ratification was absolutely Essential is that which we deny, and which I shall endeavour to prove: For Example, if the King happens to marry with any Foreign Princess, the Parliament has nothing to do with the Contract: Nor do we find, that the Parliament had any knowledge of that between H. 4. and Marie Medici; or which is still fresh in Memory, of the Marriage between the Dauphin and Madam the Dauphiness. And yet the Affairs transacted were as important, as perhaps the King's Renunciation made by the Pyrenaean Treaty: But some perhaps will object, That the Case is far different; For in a Treaty of Peace is stated and handled the Establishment of the People's Peace; whereas in a Treaty of Marriage there is nothing transacted, but the Concern of two Persons. I confess the reason seems plausible but easy to refute: For if it be in respect of the People's Interest that a Treaty of Peace ought to be ratifyed by the Parliament, why are not the Treaties of War ratifyed in the same manner? They will have a Treaty which exterminates War, and restores Peace to a Kingdom, instead of Trouble and Confusion that Reigned there before, to be subject to a Parliamentary Ratification; but they will not have a Treaty of War, that banishes Peace, and brings in Disorder and Confusion to be ratifyed by Parliament, which nevertheless was instituted to no other end than the Preservation of the People. Let us rather say, that the Custom of verifying Treaties of Peace in this manner was not introduced, till after it was ordained, that all the Royal Benevolences should be ratifyed in Parliament, and that such as were not so verified, should be of no value, which was done to prevent Princes who are generally prone to profuse Liberality, from giving away all their Patrimony, and being afterwards obliged, for want of Money to vex the People. Let us grant then say I, that the Parliament, setting that by some Treaties of Peace, considerable Alienations were made from the Crown, chief under John the First, to free himself out of the hands of the English; and afterwards under Francis the First, to deliver himself out of the hands of the Spaniards, had Authority given them to verify Treaties of Peace, to prevent the Distipation of the Crown Revenues. But their Authority is yet greater, when it shall be a Law received in France, that the Parliament may vacate Treaties which are not verified, that is to say, if the Treaties were not made in due Form, or were found prejudicial to the People.  
But it cannot be said, that France received any prejudice by the Pyrenaean Treaty, or that the Treaty was not concluded with all the usual Formalities. In respect of Formalities there were so many observed as took up much more time than was necessary for the Repose of the People, who after so tedious a War, thirsted after nothing so much as Peace; nor was it enough that De Lionne and Pimentell set their hands to the Treaty, but to render it more solemn; Cardinal Mazarine and Lewis de Haro, the Principal Ministers of both Crowns, were obliged to sign it also, so that we may say that it was the most Authentic Treaty that had been concluded in a long time before. Besides, they had observed all the Circumstances imaginable, insomuch that the place appointed for the Conferences, was neither in France nor in Spain, which nevertheless is very remarkable: For that then they were willing, that Spain should go cheek by jowl with France; yet afterwards they would not allow that the Treaty had been ratified: But that which seemed to put the Treaty not only out of the King's but out of the reach of all France to do it Injury was that the chiefest of the Clergy and Nobility had signed the Contract of Marriage between the King and the Infanta, wherein the aforesaid Renunciation was contained. So that it was an idle thing to say that the Parliament, which at most does but represent the Orders or Estates of the Kingdom would not approve a Treaty, which was already approved by the King, the Clergy and the Nobility.  
Now that this Treaty brought no prejudice to France is as easy to prove: For though France at that time had a great advantage over Spain, we must consider nevertheless, that this advantage might one day turn against itself, as being obliged to share its Conquests with England, then in Alliance with her. Now not to mention in the least what are the dangerous Consequences that I could draw from such a Partition, it shall suffice to say, That the Interest of France was not to let the English get Footing in Flanders, who were an Enemy much more dangerous than the Spaniard. Besides, France by that Treaty had made sure of the greatest part of Her Conquests, and had changed into a certain Right the Right of Nations, which was a Right subject to several Chances of Fortune; and then to object that the Dauphin had not ratified the Queen's Renunciation is an Objection so weak that it does not deserve an Answer: For I wouln fain know, whether a Father and a Mother do not bind their Issue when they sign a Contract? And whether the Dauphin had more right to question that which the King and Queen had signed, than they who live under the same Laws and the same Monarchy.  
All these Considerations give us plainly to see that whatever of Right belonging to the Queen was in the Treaty, was only to amuse the Common People, and particularly those of Flanders, who being persuaded that the Queen had a Right to the Netherlands, were in a capacity to foment a Rebellion, to which they might be provoked by the ill Usage of the Spanish Soldiery, who for want of Pay, commit many Violences and Disorders. It being therefore a great piece of Prudence to prevent all Trouble that might arise from thence, the Baron of Isola, one of the Ministers of the House of Austria, put Pen to Paper, to show the Vanity of the Consequences, which the pretended Author of the Treatise drew from the Right of the Queen. Of which a great number of Copies were sent into Flanders, Germany and the Neighbouring Parts; some were also conveyed into France; but the Court resolving that the People should make its Ambition an Article of their Faith, made such an exact Enquiry after the Publishers that two or three were committed to the Bastile, and were in great danger of their Lives. For as it was not lawful in that Kingdom to write Truth, either in Religion or Politics, neither was it permitted to be spoken or taught to any one whatsoever. And therefore as well they who bought the Book, as they who published these Books were obliged to keep out of the way, as if they had been Malefactors. But the more they thought to restrain the People's Wills, the more the People endeavoured to set their minds at Liberty, so that many honest Folks made it their business to content their Curiosity, in spite of all the public Prohibitions.  
By virtue of these Imaginary Pretensions the King failed not to send to the Governor of the Netherlands to surrender into his hands those places, which, as he pretended, belonged to the Queen. And because he could not choose but know, that the Governor would no way answer his Expectations, he followed the Messenger with a puissant Army, to make himself the Master of them by force; thereupon, having received the Governors Answer, that the King his Master would fairly part with nothing, he entered Flanders, took Charleroy, Aeth, Courtray, Audenard and Lisle, while the Marshal D'Aumont with another Army attacked the Cities and Towns that lay nearer the Sea.  
These Conquests carried on with such a rapid Success, astonished the Neighbouring States, who thought it their Interest to stop these violent Proceed; especially the Low Countries, who by no means liked the near Approach of so formidable and ambitious a Neighbour: Therefore they engaged the King of England to enter into a League, wherein the King of Swedeland also joined, by which they obliged themselves all three, to make the French and Spaniard lay down their Arms, with a Resolution to declare a War against the obstinate Refuser.  
This League was called the Triple Alliance, afterwards so fatal to Holland, as I shall relate in due Place, that it may be thought they had reason enough to repent their Negotiation. They say it was a Person of Rochel, who laid the first Foundations of it, after he had made those Powerful Princes deeply sensible, how little the Ambition of France was to be trusted; however it were, France, who seldom easily pardons those that have once offended her, well knowing that the same Person was in Switzerland, labouring to insinuate the same Opinion among the Cantons, sent thither the two Platells, of which the Eldest was a Captain of Horse, the other Esquire to Monsieur Turenne, to apprehend him. It had been a knotty Enterprise and of dangerous consequence for the Platells, had their Errand been discovered in Switzerland. But being so cunning as to carry their business private, and to surprise the Person, as he passed from one City to another, they carried him into France, where he was broken alive upon the Wheel, after he had endeavoured to escape the Torments of his Execution, by an Action more resolute than Christianlike: For having found in the hole of the Prison, where he lay a piece of Glass, he cut off his Privy Members, and hide them under the Bed, that the Jailor might not know what he had done: but in regard he could not staunch the blood so well but that some drops would fall from the wound, besides that his Colour plainly showed that something more than ordinary ailed him, the Jailor would see whence the Blood came: So that after a short search having found, what was hidden under the Bed, all in a puddle of Blood; he went and gave the Judge's notice of it, who being resolved to make him a public Example hastened to give Sentence. Thereupon they condemned him to be broken upon the Wheel, and fearing he might not have strength enough to be carried to the common place of Execution, or that he might die, if they delayed till the Afternoon, Order was given for the immediate Erecting of a Scaffold before the Prison-door, and for his speedy Execution.  
The Triple Alliance, which France did not foresee, astonished her so, that although she had promised herself the Conquest of the greatest Part of all Flanders, she was obliged nevertheless to lay down her Arms; not but then she had an Army on foot of above a Hundred Thousand Men, but in regard that England and Holland made great Preparations by Sea, and that she had no Fleet was able to resist two such potent Enemies, she was afraid, lest the English and Hollanders, while her Forces were employed in Flanders, might land either in Normandy or Britainy, and strike a panic Terror into the heart of his Kingdom.  
France having thus made a Peace, as it were by Constraint, she plotted nothing more, than to revenge herself upon those, who had contributed most effectually toward it. Now it being apparent that the United Provinces had been most active upon that occasion, and that all Europe owed the Peace which it enjoyed to Them, it was their Lot to feel the weight of his Fury; yet was she careful to watch her Opportunity before she broke forth into an open Blaze of Revenge: For Holland being as yet in League with England and Swedland, therefore there must be a way found out to divide her from two such Potent Friends, who being United were still sufficiently powerful to disappoint all the French Designs: Which as France had still watched to bring to pass, it was not long before an Opportunity offered itself, by reason of an unhappy difference between the English and Dutch about Trade. Nor did France then take any care as she had formerly done, to offer her Mediation, to close up the breach between the Two Nations, but on the contrary used all means to incense the King of England, yet underhand set on foot a Treaty with the Hollanders, lest they should have any thoughts of making Peace with Great Britain. The Hollanders, who had often proved the good Effects of the French Succours, when they had any quarrel with England, believed they would be still as effectual; depending upon the King of France, who ceased not to amuse 'em with daily hopes: But while they were thus as they thought, upon a conclusion with Him, to oppose the King of England, who was making powerful Preparations against 'em by Sea, they were not a little surprised to find that the two Princes were joined both together, and that while the English attacked 'em by Sea, the French were to fall upon them by Land, and that with a Force so numerous and dreadful, that the Memory of History had not Paralleled the like out of France in a long time: And then it was that the United Provinces found themselves in a strange Disorder; for though they wanted neither Ships, nor Money, yet had they not an Army sufficient to oppose the King of France who had brought his Forces already into the Country about Cologne, from whence he intended to make the Attack.  
In the midst of these Troubles to levy Men in Holland, was looked upon as a Remedy that would but little avail; when Peace enjoyed for so many years had rendered the People more fit for Trade than War; raw Soldiers not being proper to make resistance against inur'd and hardy veterans: Therefore the Hollanders sent into Germany to raise Forces, and to treat with those Princes from whom they expected aid; but all Europe was so astonished at the prodigious Army and Preparations of France, that every one kept his own Force at home, out of a Jealousy, lest France, under a pretence of assailing the Low Countries, should break into Germany.  
The Hollanders at that time had no more than Five and Twenty Thousand Men; for though they had given out Commissions to all that proffered their Service, yet they could reckon upon none but those that were drawn down to the general Rendezvous. But that which yet enfeebled their Condition the more was, that De Wit, the Pensionary of Holland, had always kept the Prince of Orange at a distance from the Management of Affairs; and therefore being a better Politician than Soldier, yet one who would have a hand in every thing, the main business was carried with much Disorder and Confusion. There was also one thing more which very much contributed to the Ruin of the State, though at that time not discovered, which was that the King of France had Intelligence of every thing that was acted in the Country by means of Mombas, then in the Service of the Republic, which had given him a considerable Command in the Army: He was a Frenchman born, so that he was easily gained to the King, by the Industry of Des Roches Captain of the Prince of Conde's Guards, and his near Relation, and who had prevailed with him to take a Journey into France the Winter before, where he had been discoursed with by Monsieur the Prince.  
This Conjuncture of Accidents had been sufficient to have utterly ruined the State, according to humane probability, had not God determined the contrary. At what time, the King of France being ready to enter the Country, the States assembled together to consider of the best way for the Defence of their Dominions: Monsieur the Prince of Orange, who maugre all the shuffling and juggling of De Wit, was chosen Captain General for the States, advised the quitting of all the Places above the Rhine, to put in Ten Thousand Soldiers into Maestrick, and to encamp with the rest at Bodegrave, as being a most advantageous Post to secure Holland. Monsieur D' Opdam and Celidrek, who spoke in the behalf of the Nobility, were of the same Opinion; but the rest being of a contrary Judgmeni, it was resolved that they should hold all the several Places beyond the Rhine, which nevertheless they very much weakened by draining those Garrisons to supply Maestrick.  
In the mean while, the King having lain for some time before Charleroy, marched in view of Maestrick, and stayed some Twelve or Fifteen Days before Wise, a small Town in the Territory of Liege, into which he clapped a Garrison; there having received Intelligence from Mombas, that all the Towns above the Rhine were slenderly manned, and almost naked of Defence, he passed the  at Wise, and after he had beaten off certain Troops that were advantageously posted, he sat down before Orsoy with a formal Siege. The Governor wanted no Courage, but in regard the Town was neither strong of itself, nor sufficiently Garrisoned, he surrendered his Charge the day following. The French plundered the Town, and hanged up all those of their own Nation that they found in Arms, and among the rest one Man that was Threescore and six years of Age, who was the chief Canonier in Orsoy. From thence the Army marched to Rhineberg, which Dossery surrendered without striking a stroke. For which not long after the Prince of Orange caused his Head to be severed from his Shoulders. Nor did the Governor of Wesel make a Resistance much more to his Honour; though the Place was able to have sustained a long Siege, who surrendered it to the Prince of Conde after and Entrenchment of two or three days. Whose Punishment therefore though not so severe as Dossory's, was something like it: For the Hangman skimmed his Sword over his Head, but spared him his Ignominious Life. Buric was at the same time taken by Marshel Turenne. After which the Prince of Conde advanced into the Country, and took in Deudetrom, Rees and Emeric with the same Ease that he mastered other Places.  
These Victories though they cost but little Blood, gave the King of France the Reputation of a Caesar in his Army. For they saw that he might say like Him, I came, I viewed and vanquished, Therefore to uphold the Glory he had won, he resolved to pass the Rhine, as formerly that Emperor had done; but he would pass it after a more Noble and Heroic Manner: For Caesar had passed it by the means of a Bridge, but he was resolved to swim it over.  
Two Gentlemen of the Country, Neighbours to Tholus, whose Names I cannot well remember, came to the Prince of Conde at Emeric, and offered to show him a Place, where he had but an hundred Paces to swim. He gladly accepted their Offer, which made the French now look upon themselves at the End of their Conquests, in regard the Issel stopped their Entrance into the Country, not only because of its depth, but also by reason the Enemy lay strongly entrenched on the other side of the River. Thereupon the Prince of Conde, having highly caressesed the two Gentlemen, and promising them large Reward's commanded the Count de Guiche to go along with them, to try whether or no he might confide in what they had said; immediately they carried the Count right against Tholus, and throwing themselves first into the Water, the Count followed with his Squire, while his Party stayed behind by the River side: Upon this Trial finding that the Gentlemen had spoken nothing but what was Truth, the Count returned and made his Report to the Prince, who sent the King an Account of what had happened, adding withal, if he pleased to take the Honour of the Enterprise upon himself, how easy it would be for him to surprise the Enemy, who little mistrusted any such Discovery, and minded nothing but to guard the Issel. The King eager in the Chase of so much Honour, flew to the Prince of Conde's Camp, and after he had supped with him, marched all night along the Bank of the Rhine, and arrived at the Place about half an hour before day.  
In the mean time the Prince of Orange, who found more fidelity among the Meaner Sort than among the Nobility, being advertized by the Boors, who saw the French, when they sounded the Depth of the River, that the King had some Design on the other side, sent thither Mombas with the Cavalry and Infantry. Mombas had already forfeited his Honour by keeping Correspondence with the Enemy, but though this Opportunity was no less favourable for him to continue his Treacherous Designs, was afraid, that for want of being known, he might run some hazard in the Conflict, bethought himself of writing to the Deputies of the States, who attended the Prince of Orange; and thereupon sent them a fair Story that there was no Likelihood, that the French had any Design to pass the River, and that therefore, if they thought good, he would put himself into Nimeghen, whither it was most probable that the French intended to march: He took his Time to send this Letter when the Prince was absent from the Camp with a Detachment; so that the Deputies not having the least Mistrust of his Fidelity, and believing the Care of Nimeghen to be of greater Consequence, sent him Orders to march thither. The Prince of Orange returning to the Camp, was strangely surprised, to hear what Mombas had done, and being now confirmed by this last Action of his, in some former Suspicions he had of his being a Traitor, caused him to be Arrested.  
Which done, he commanded Wortz a German, whom the Republic had taken into their Services to march with all speed to Tholus, with some Companies that were drawn out of the Army. Wortz did all he could to hasten his Entrenchments, and ordered the Cavalry to advance to the side of the River. Wither the King being also arrived, caused several Pieces of Canon to be brought and levelled against Wortz's Cavalry, who thereupon retired among the Trees that grew by the banks side. In the mean time the French threw themselves into the River, where they lost abundance of Men, who were swallowed up in a Gulf, which others observing took the advantage of the left hand and forded over like Cows, one at the Tail of the other.  
Wortz his Cavalry beheld the Enemy passing the River, without so much as giving the least Ground, till they saw some of the French Horse that were passed the River, begin to Form themselves into a Body. And then indeed they presently drew out from among the Trees, but they were so far from endeavouring to repel the Enemy, who were retired back into the Water, that they stopped at the River side, from whence they discharged a Volley of Shot, but at such a distance, as did little or no Execution. Which Cowardice of theirs put Life into the French, who had they been vigorously pursued into the Water, would never have adventured to make head again, or to have made a stand till more assistance came to their Relief. So that as soon as they found themselves strong enough to march against the Dutch Horse, who still kept their Station without moving, they marched out of the River with their Swords in their hands and put the Dutch to flight. Thus Wortz's Cavalry having fordidly given ground, the French rallyed and grew stronger and stronger by the Addition of more Force; the French continually passing the River, some wading, others in Boats.  
Mounsieur the Prince of Conde, also having put himself into a Boat with the Duke D' Angion, and several other great Personages of the Court, was got near the opposite Shore, when he perceived that Monsieur de Longueville, having thrown himself into the River, was very near drowning, so that he was forced to return back, to take him into the Boat; but then speedily recovering the other side, he was no sooner landed but he drew up his Forces into Battalia, to attack the Enemy's Entrenchments. The Dutch Infantry seeing but little security in their slender Works, and on the other side having put all their confidence in their Cavalry, by which they saw themselves now totally abandoned, took more care to crave quarter, than to make any resistance, which Monsieur the Prince of Conde offered them, crying out aloud to them to lay down their Arms: All this while the French advanced forward without so much as discharging a Gun on either side, so that the King of France, who saw all that passed, thought himself sure of a Victory that would cost no Blood: But Monsieur de Longueville, who had been drinking hard at Emeric, advancing up to the Trenches, let fly a Pistol, so that the Hollanders, not a little ashamed that they had forborn so long, and believing now there was no Quarter to be expected, returned in answer to the Duke's Pistol such a smart Volley, that many of the most considerable of the Enemy were fetched off their Horses. Monsieur Longueville who began the skirmish was killed outright, the Prince of Conde wounded, with many others too long to Catalogue.  
The French at first astonished at this unexpected Accident, having recovered themselves from their Fears rallyed again and fell upon the Intrenchments, where they found some Resistance; especially at a Barricado, where stood a grey haired Officer, but one who notwithstanding his Years, shown a Courage becoming the Prime of vigorous Youth; but at length being overlaid with number, the rest betook themselves to flight, without demanding Quarter, which they thought would but be in vain.  
The French having now no Enemy to fight, pillaged the Castle of Tholus, and put the Island of Bettaw under Contribution.  
Nor was this the only advantage which they gained by their Passage over the Rhine; for the Hollanders fearing lest the Enemy should come upon their backs, forsook the Issel, and retreated to Utrech, where the People would have Sacrificed Mombas to their Fury, upon whom they laid all the blame of what had happened: But Monsieur the Prince of Orange, though he knew he deserved Death, but was willing to have him first examined, if not put to the Rack, to the end he might understand the depth of his Treason, gave Order that he should be conveyed through a Postern, and hid in a Hayloft, to preserve him from the Rage of the People. In the mean while the King in Person took the City of DOESBERGH, and Monsieur Turenne took in Nimeghen, Zuoll, Deventer, Graves, Arnheim, the Fort of Skink, Creveceur and several other Places.  
Utrech also fell into the hands of the French, without the Constraint of a Siege: For while the King lay before Doesbergh, the Burgher-Masters of the Town carried him the Keys, as if they had been afraid they should not have a new Master soon enough. Thereupon the Marquis of Rochfort, in good reputation at Court was sent thither to command in chief: But not having as yet much Experience in War, he omitted to make himself Master of Maidam which the Dutch had quitted; by the possession of which they had assured themselves of Amsterdam: For had they been Masters of Maidam, it had been an easy thing to hinder any Vessels from going in or out from Amsterdam; for that they were to pass by Maidam, which they durst not have attempted, if the French had been Masters of it; which had been the way to have compelled Amsterdam to have surrendered of itself, as Utrech had done: Not but that if the King himself had appeared before the Walls, they had certainly carried him the Keys; in regard that such was the general Despair, that every one thought of nothing else but to save his own Family, not minding the public Interest of their Country: So that without expecting a Summons from the King, they held a Council in the City, and debated whether they should not go to meet the King, and beseech him to take as well the City as the Inhabitants into his Protection, and it was an even Lay, but that they had taken that Resolution, had not two Burghermasters, whose Memories ought to be Sacred to Posterity, and whose Names were Offte and Hassenar, encouraged the rest to pluck up good hearts, and rather to call the Sea to their Assistance which was a more certain remedy, when they should be reduced to the last Necessity than to receive the French.  
After the King had taken the City of Doesbregh, he encamped before Zeist, two Leagues from Utrech, where he was attended by the State's Ambassadors with Propositions of Peace, but he being swelled with the Suecess of his Arms, propounded such rigorous Conditions, that the Ambassadors were forced to return without being able to accomplish their Desires. Nevertheless, when they arrived at the Hague, the States resolved to send them back again, for that their Affairs were then in such a desperate Condition, that they thought themselves happy, that they could be thought to accept of any manner of Conditions.  
There was yet another Difficulty in the Treaty; for that the King would conclude nothing without the King of England, who finding the Conjuncture favourable, was no less severe in his Demands.  
The State's Ambassadors being returned to Zeist, and finding there the English Ambassadors likewise, proposed a New Treaty, but very difficult to conclude: For besides that the French would not remit any thing of their former Pretensions, the English Proposals ran so high, that it had been the Ruin of the State to have agreed them. France demanded a Medal every year, by way of Tribute, with all the Expenses of the War, which amounted, according to their Accounts, to a prodigious Sum. England demanded Possession of the Indits, and so many other things which appertained to the Republic, so that the States had as good have abandoned all, as to conclude a Treaty so disadvantageous. The States being advized of these things by their Ambassadors, who were returned from Zeist, resolved to break down their Dams, which was their last Remedy upon the utmost pinch of Necessity: But that which made them take this Resolution so much the sooner, was this, that the People, laying all the blame of their Misfortunes upon those who managed the public Affairs, had massacred the Pensionary of Holland together with his Brother, hoping that the Face of Affairs would change upon the Change of New Masters.  
These Extremities causing the States to break up their Dams, gave them leisure to think and consider of their Affairs: Whereupon they sent to the Princes of Germany the Propositions of Peace which both Kings had made them, thereby to prepossess their minds, with what they began already to harbour, as touching the Ambition of France: They laid before them the sad condition to which they were reduced, and that if they delayed their Succour any longer, it would be too late, when they had a desire to do it. That their present Safety was in the Water, which could not always secure them. That when the Winter came the French would march over the Ice to storm their Walls: So that if they could not resist when the Provinces were entire and flourishing, there was little likelihood they should now withstand so potent an Enemy, when they were fallen from their ancient Reputation.  
These Remonstrances, of which they could not doubt the Truth, considering the lamentable Condition of the Republic, moved the Emperor to pity, as also the Marquis of Brandenburg, and several other Princes of the Empire: The Marquis of Brandenburg, as being the most potent, was the first that took the field for their Relief: So that the King knowing that he had now to deal with a Prince stout, resolute and a tried Soldier, raised his Camp from before Zeist, and returned toward France. But before his departure he resolved to try to make himself Master of Boysleduc, which was blocked up upon one side by the Garrison of Creveceur on the other by that of Endove Bois le duc, is a Town seated in the midst of a Marsh, but notwithstanding the strength of its Situation, the Fortifications are but weak. Nevertheless there is a Citadel on that side next to Holland, with two Forts on the other side next Maestricht, which however would signify little, did not the Situation render it almost inaccessible. The King took up his Head Quarters at Boustel, but while he was preparing all things for a siege, God who had begun to take Holland into His Protection, sent such continual Rains for four or five days together, so that the Country being Level was immediately all under Water, as if the Sluices had been opened. The King however hoping for hard Wether, stopped at Bockstel for eight or ten days, but finding the Wether continue bad, he Discamped and returned Home.  
And now the Prince of Orange, who after the Death of the Pensionary, had the sole Authority of command conferred upon Him, seeing the People in some sort of Repose upon the Retreat of the King of France, bethought himself of giving them yet further Content by the Punishment of Mombas; whose Head they eagerly demanded. He had been conveyed from Utrick to Words, and from Words to Nieurburk, whether the Dutch Army was retired. Thereupon the Prince of Orange called a Counsel of War, and began to examine the business, which appeared every day more foul than other; at length his Conscience not permitting him any rest, and giving himself for lost, he began to think of making his escape, which nevertheless was a difficult thing to do, by reason he was very strictly guarded, having Sentinels at his Chamber Door, and under the Windows of his Lodging: While he was musing what course to take, one of his Friends brought him a Letter, which gave him to understand that he had but three Days to live, if he did not find some way to escape: For that the Council of War was resolved to make him an Example to others, and therefore advised him to look to himself. Mombas finding himself so severely threatened, discoursed the same day with one of his Guards, who promised him for a certain Sum of Money to let him escape out at the Window, when he should be put to stand Sentinel at that Post, which would fall out the next day. Having gone thus far, he also sounded a Spanish Officer, who was to be upon the Guard the same day, at a deep Water, to know if he would let him pass that way, and get him a Guide ready: The Officer no less covetous of Money than the Sentinel, agreed for an hundred Pistols to all that Mombas desired, The Bargain being thus driven, gave the Hundred Pistols to one Villare, who served him in the Nature of his Squire, and had been an Agent in the business, to carry them to the Spaniard: but Villare, instead of giving them to the Officer, ran quite away with them; whether it were that he were naturally inclined to such kind of Varlet's Tricks, or whether his Master were in his Debt, and so he thought to pay himself while he had an opportunity; however it were Mombas reckoning upon his Payment, made it his business now to deceive the Watch that guarded him in sight; to which purpose,  
He first complained of a great Pain in his Leg, upon which he sent for a Chirurgeon, and showing him his Leg, which by reason of a wound he had received was grown bigger than the other: He also desired the Prince to send him one of his Surgeons, who concluded, that his Grief required a large Plaster, which they sent him to apply to the place affected; upon this pretence, he kept his Bed without any Suspicion, and upon the day appointed he sent for some Tobacco, telling the Guards he would smoak a Pipe with them after Supper; but pretending of a sudden to be very sick, he went to Bed in the Soldier's presence, desiring them withal to smoak their Tobacco in the next Chamber, because it offended him. The Soldiers seeing him in Bed, and not dreaming that he had a Design to escape, presently withdrew; who were no sooner out of the Chamber but Mombas slipped out of his Bed, took the Plaster from his Leg and clapped it upon his Eye, and leapt out at the Window where the Sentinel stood that had been bribed, as already has been said.  
In this Disguise he got through the Camp without being discovered; but when he came to the Spaniard he was strangely surprised to find, that he would not let him pass any farther, unless he gave him the Hundred Pistols beforehand, which he had promised him. By this dispute Mombas presently discovered the Roguery and Treachery of his Man Villaire; but there was no retreiving that which was gone; and therefore he must now satisfy the Spaniard as well as he could; for the Spaniard was resolved he would have his Bargain, and Mombas had it not to pay over again. In the end being forced to make a Virtue of Necessity, he turned his Pockets the inside outermost, and offered him all he had about Him: But seeing that nothing but the Hundred Pistols would content him, Mombas told the Officer that he might do with him as he pleased, but if he were the occasion of his being retaken, he vowed to discover him in the first place, and therefore bid him quickly consider, for he had nothing farther to say. The Officer terrified with these Threats, took what Mombas was able to give him and let him pass with his Guides. After this Mombas waded up to the Wast in Water for three Leagues together, very often in danger of being drowned. But it was but just that a Traitor who had occasioned the Ruin of a Nation, should have his turn of Misery; who though he endured a large Portion of Misfortune and Hardship, yet suffered not the half of what he deserved.  
Mombas being thus arrived at Words, after he had endured an Ocean of Disasters more easy to imagine than to describe, took a Room in the Boat that goes from Words to Uytrecht, but he was no sooner sat down, but he perceived that a Woman who sat next him, knew him and had told his Name to another Woman that sat next to her. Thereupon in a Peck of Troubles he quitted the Boat, being resolved to take some other way. But not daring to adventure the High road for fear of being known, he threw himself into any other guide then his own despair, having neither Sous nor Doit to help himself.  
When he came within a quarter of a League of Utrecht he forsook the Water, but so bedaubed with Mud and Dirt, that there was no possibility of presenting himself in that condition. Thereupon he got leave at the next House to dry his , and so getting into the Town, he went to the Sign of the Palace Royal, where he met one of his Nephews by chance, who was a Captain in the French Army. His Nephew seeing him enter, was so far from believing him to be his Uncle, that he took him for an Apparition: For there had lodged the night before a Person who came from Nieurburgh, who had reported it for certain News, which he had seen with his own Eyes, that Mombas' Head was cut off. And this Report was so spread about the City, that no body would believe that Mombas was come to Town.  
In the mean while the Duke of Luxembergh, who was then chief Governor of Utrech, paused, whether he should admit Mombas into his presence or no? For on the one side he knew it might be of advantage to discourse him, as who perfectly understood the Country; and on the other side he considered that it would be no good Policy, to give him a kind Reception, which would but convince the World of the private Correspondence which he held with the King; which latter thoughts prevailing, he resolved not to see him at all, and therefore to those that told it him for great News, that Mombas was in Town, he made Answer that he did not believe it, adding withal, that it could never be, that a Man who had born Arms against the King would put himself into his hands. Every Body understood what the Duke meant, so that all People's mouths being closed after that, there was no more mention made of Mombas, than if he never had been.  
As for Mombas himself, when he understood, that the Duke of Luxembergh would not see him, he went to wait upon the Prince of Conde, at Arnheim, but that Prince being as Politic as the Duke of Luxembergh, denied to speak with him, but in private, and that at such an hour, when all People else were asleep. Thereupon he sent the Captain of his Guards for him, about three of the Clock in the Morning, to bring him to his Quarters, where the Prince received him into his Closet, wrapped up in his great Leaguer Cloak. There he sold Holland a second time, disclosing all the secrets of that Republic, or at least as much as he knew before he was Arrested, and after he had informed the Prince of as much as he desired to know, he retired to Collogne, in expectance there of a Promission to return into France, which was one of the wry Faces he was to make, in hopes to wipe off the suspicions which he already lay under. Sometime after he had intimation given him, that he might go and attend the Duke of Luxemburgh, who made use of him in the taking of Words, which the French quitted, after they had been only once Masters of it. He it was also that brought the Duke before this place, when the Prince of Orange besieged it; so that he seemed now as desirous to make his Treachery public, as he was before careful to conceal it.  
Now though all this that I have said may seem to be rather a History of the War than a keeping close to my Subject, which is to set forth the falsehood of France, however I believe it not so remote from the matter neither, since it serves so well to recall to Memory the Ideas of so many Treacheries and Breaches of Faith. In a word, though it cannot be denied but that the French are sufficiently courageous, yet we may say, that she rather chooses to join Subtlety and 'Slight to Strength, without which she could never prove so Successful in all her Erterprises; though we must needs say at the same time that another great Reason of Her Prosperity is this, that Money costs Her little or nothing; for to come now from War to Peace, let us examine how she brought to pass a separation of the Allies, and whether that Metal did not stand her in more stead than all the Rhetoric of her Ministers.  
One of the great Obstacles of the Peace, was the great difficulty of Reconciling the Interests of the Crown of Sweden, from the Interests of those Princes who had any thing to do with it. As for the Crown of Sweden, its chiefest Interest was this, that as it was engaged in a War only for the Service of France; that France should therefore cause Restitution to be made of all those Places, which either the King of Denmark, the Princes of Brandenburg, or of the House of Brunswick had taken from it. On the other side it was the Interest of those Princes not to hear talk of Peace, unless they might preserve all their Conquests, or at least a good part of them. The difficulty than was to reconcile these opposite Interests; now you shall see what it was that put this Affair into a fair way, and made it not so impossible as it seemed to be. It happened one day, at a Collation, that was given by one of the Three French Ministers, who understood the Court Secret, a Dish of Olives was set upon the Table, which the Swedish Ambassador tasting, and liking very well, the French Ambassador promised to send him a Barril, which his Secretary soon after carried him. The Swedish Minister was not a little surprised to see the Secretary of the Embassy become a Porter of Olives, but presently recollecting himself he took the Barril in his hand, and finding it somewhat ponderous he asked the Secretary what was in the Barril? The Secretary made Answer, that his Excellency would see when he opened it; and withal desired him to open it himself, and not to let any body see him when he opened it: Then the Swedish Ambassador knew what it meant, and so having dismissed the Secretary, he opened the Barril which was crammed to the bottom with Golden Lewisses, among which he found a little Note wherein these words were contained, If You intent that we should send you more Olives, you must let Us have a Peace.  
Now you will ask me how a thing that was carried so secretly on the Minister of France's part, as on the Minister of Swedens, should come to my knowledge, to which I answer, how do so many secrets transacted in the Cabinet Council, come to be known? but I must tell ye more than this, that France happening afterwards to be at variance with Sweden, took no great care to conceal a secret, since it was of no Importance to her to keep it private. Rather she was glad of an opportuny to Divulge it, on purpose to raise Jealousies and Mistrusts, among the Chief Grandees of Sweden, where the story is in every body's Mouth, insomuch that the Rupture between the two Crowns is attributed to it. In a word, though the Homage which the King of France demanded of the King of Sweden, for the Dukedom of Deux Ponts, were a thing which that Young Prince took very unkindly, yet the more nimble Politicians believe, that it would not have been a sufficient cause of a Rupture, had not the King of Sweden been exasperated before, by the Disadvantageous Peace which France had caused him to condescend to; of which it will not be from the purpose to speak a word or two, in regard that while I was at Paris, I met with few of the French, who did not maintain that Sweden was extremely obliged to France, since she would not endure to hear of any Treaty, till all was restored that had been conquered from Sweden. But they were Ignorant, that in lieu the Swede was constrained to deliver up to the Duke of Brandenburg, several places in Pomerania, in the Duchy of Bremen several places to the King of Denmark, and several other places in the Bishopric of Venden to the Princes of the House of Brunswick. But now I am speaking of Sweden, I will tell ye how the Duchy of Deux Ponts came to be taken for Her, and under what pretence; the last Duke was a Healthy Person and like to live long, when France who liked the Country very well, as lying fit for Her, projected how to get possession of it, having not yet bethought herself of the Knack of Dependency, under pretence of which she has since invaded so many Provinces. Now you must understand that the Duke having no Children, the Dukedom after his Death fell to the House of Swedland, though not immediately to the King of Swedland, in regard that Duke Adolphus pretended to exclude him as being the next in propinquity of Blood to the present Possessor. On the other side the King of Sweden pretended that the Dukedom should descend to Him, as being the Son of the Eldest House, which seemed a very likely pretence. For though in several parts of Germany the Custom is such, that the next of Kin to the Deceased succeeds to his Estate, yet in the Electoral Families, especially the Palatine, which was then in dispute, the Usuage is quite otherwise. However it were the King of France, who was willing to make the Proverb good, That while two are in dispute for the Possession, there comes a third and carries away the Prize, sent a considerable force to make himself Master of the Duchy of Deux Ponts, under pretence nevertheless to preserve it for the King of Sweden, in whose favour he had decided the difference against Duke Adolph. The Duke of Deux Ponts, who was still living, was nothing surprised that the French had entered his Country, as having often been subject to their violences, but he wondered not a little when he understood that they came to claim the Succession, especially finding himself so likely to live, and having no desire to die so soon. Nevertheless the French having taken Possession of the place of his Residence, he saw not only his Country reduced to slavery, but himself a kind of Prisoner; for in regard the French could not choose but think that a Prince of such a Noble and Illustrious Birth would not easily condescend to live under Tutelage, & fearing lest that he would call the Emperor to his Assistance they watched him so narrowly, that he might well be looked upon rather as a Prisoner then a Freeman.  
However France, who was desirous to make sure of the King of Sweden, of whom she then stood in need (for all this happened during the War) gave him to understand that what she had done was only in kindness to Him; so that the Swede not dreaming but that France meant as she said, began to talk of sending a Governor into the Duchy, but while he offered the Government sometimes to the Count of Carlson, his natural Brother in lieu of something that he had taken from Him, and sometimes to a Prince of the House of Baden, the King of France sent thither the Prince Palatine of Berkenfield, and reconciled the Prince of Baden, and the Count of Carlson, who began to look with an evil aspect one upon another, as it is the Custom of two Persons, that aspire both to one Command.  
The Peace ensuing soon after, France, who had no mind to part with so toothsome a Morsel, bethought herself of the Right of Dependency, and demanded Homage and Fealty from the King of Sweden. This pretention altogether new, extremely surprised the Swedish King, but in regard the Duchy lies at a great distance from his Dominions, the chiefest part of his Ministers concluded to let it pass, and not to quarrel with France, at what time France, who had laid this Rub in the way, only because she would not restore what she had got into her Clutches, caused Duke Adolph to interpose himself to the end, that according as they had agreed among themselves, she might remain always in the Possession.  
And thus as she had despoiled the Old Duke in his life time, who ended his days for sorrow remote from his own Territories, so she scruples not to keep from their Rights to other Princes still alive and live like. And it is very probable, that without considering whether the claim belong to the King of Sweden, or Duke Adolph, that she will rather choose to surrender it to the Palatine of Birkenfield, then to either of the other two, as being loath it should fall into the Hands of the King of Sweden, for fear of enlarging the Power of a Prince, whose Friendship she has so little reason to hope, and having the same reason to be jealous of Duke Adolph, whose Interest it is to keep firmly united to the Head of his own Family.  
Moreover, it cannot but be a great trouble to the Palatine House, to see such a number of Princes become subject to France. For besides that, the Person upon whom France shall be pleased to confer the Duchy of Deux Ponts, will be obliged to do her Homage, how many others are there, who at this day groan under the weight of her Fetters: The Prince de la petite Pierre could say something, if the unfortunate example of one of his Kinsmen did not oblige Him to silence. I could speak of the Prince of Weldens, who for having the soul of a Prince, and being willing to preserve himself in that high Dignity where Providence has placed him by Birth, might starve, if his own Subjects had not pity upon him; I say that he might starve; nor do I aggravate the matter; for 'tis well known to many others, besides myself, that because he would not do Homage to France, he has been dispossessed of his Territory, and lives now in a hired House upon the Alms of his Subjects. 'Tis as well known to what a mean condition his Son is reduced. 'Tis well known, I say, that his Father not having wherewithal to support him, that rides up and down upon a sorry Nag without any Train or Attendance, like the poorest Gentleman in France, being at length constrained to put himself into the Service of the States, who have given him a Foot Company, which is all he has to subsist upon at this Day.  
Some perhaps may ask me, why the Prince of Weldens carries himself so untractably considering his own weakness, against a Power so absolute? why does he not give way to the Times, as others do; and in a Word, what difference there is between being a Vassal to the Emperor and a Homager to the King of France. For I know these are the Discourses generally in the Mouths not only of those that follow the Interests of France, but also of several others, who cannot but compassionate the Misfortunes of this Prince, and endeavour to help him: To this I answer that the Prince of Wildens, finding himself reduced to utmost necessity, has sought an Accommodation by all-manner of ways; but he could never resolve to be a Slave. In short, when he saw that a great many Princes of his Family had showed him the way, he sent his Son into France, who offered on his Father's behalf to do homage to the King, provided he would use him like a Prince and suffer him to enjoy the same Rights and Privileges, as before the Change of his Affairs: But the King laughed at his Proposals, so that the young Gentleman was forced to return as wise as he went. Nevertheless if I may reflect upon the present Condition of the Germane Princes, and what it was formerly, we may easily see how they abuse themselves, that think there is no difference between a Vassal to the Emperor, and a Vassal to the King of France: But I do ill, to say a Vassal to the Emperor; for all the Princes of the Empire, I mean the Sovereign Princes, as the Electors and several other great Houses, are rather Members of the Empire, not the Emperor's Vassals. They are indeed obliged to assist the Empire, under Forfeiture of their Privileges and Territories, but they are not obliged to assist the Emperor, unless he be first attacked. Let us then conclude that this Word Vassal is not properly applied to the Princes of Germany, who have Sovereign Authority within their own Dominions, as much as the Emperor exercises in His own. They have the Power of Life and Death, they impose Taxes and Subsidies at their pleasure, & lastly are accountable for their Actions to none but God. Let us conclude, I say, that such Princes as these, who enjoy all the Marks of Sovereignty, are far different from the Princes of France, who except that they stand with their Hats on, when the King gives Audience to Ambassadors, are in nothing else more than other Subjects. It may be said in some Sort, that they are inferior to some of the King's Subjects; for the Dukes and Peers take the Precedency of them, and that the Princes are obliged not to appear at any Ceremony, lest they should be constrained to walk after them. Nevertheless if we look back to the beginning of the last Century we shall find that among those Dukes, there are some, whose Fathers were only Notaries, others no more than Merchants in Paris. And we know what the Descendants from one of these great Families did not long since, to conceal the knowledge of such a mean and ignominious Extraction: We know that they caused an Epitaph in the Church of St. Innocents' to be erased, instead of which we find another in the Celestins, wherein there are as many Falsehoods as there were Truths in the other.  
And yet it so falls out, that Princes, whose Ancestors were in the Number of Sovereign Princes, are at this day forced to submit to Men of that low and sordid Extraction. To which I may add, that the Princes of the Blood themselves are glad to court and fawn upon Persons of a much lower and base Extraction than what I have already mentioned. We know the way to rise in France is not to stir from the Antichamber of a Great Minister; and a Colonel of Horse, whose Name I could tell, and one whom every Body knows as well as I, does not disdain to be a Buffoon to one of the Secretaries of State: For which reason he quitted his Regiment, for fear, least in time of War, some other Minion might step into his Honourable Employment. 'Tis well known also that while Monsieur Colbert sat at Dinner, the greatest Lords of France sat pumping for a Jest to make him laugh, and he that had had the best Success, gloried in his happy Fortune, as if it had been he who had defended Vienna against the Turks. Lastly 'tis well known, and yet a thing which a Man would hardly believe, that Monsieur the King's only Brother is obliged to have recourse to them, when he has any particular Favour to beg of the King, and that notwithstanding this Submission, he many times is forced to go without the Grant of his Petition. I could prove by a Thousand Examples what I here allege; but it shall suffice to mention only what happened about a year or two since, upon the score of a Person whom the Monsieur had a kind desire to put into one of the King's Farms; for not being able to obtain what he desired of Monsieur Colbert after many and many Entreaties, he was forced himself at length to speak to the King.  
To give a little farther proof of the Tyrannies of the Ministers of France, and how the lofty Princes are forced to cringe and bow before those Idols, there needs no more than to repeat what happened some few days since to Monsieur the Dauphin, he had begged of Monsieur Segnaly, the Son of Mr. Colbert, the Employment of Purser of a Ship, for a Son of one of his Domestics, which Monsieur Segnalay having granted Him with great difficulty, this same Minister of the last Edition took a Fancy sometime after to displace the Purser, pretending him uncapable of the Employment. The Dauphin understanding this, told Monsieur Segnaly that it was his desire the Person might be restored, and that if he had done amiss, it was only for his want of years, and that he himself would undertake the Young man should do better for the future. Monsieur Segnalay having heard the Prince with that Gravity which he so awkardly affects, made answer, that the thing was out of his Power, and that therefore he must speak to the King: But Monsieur the Dauphin not enduring that a Person of his Condition should so unworthily requite the Honour which he did him, Schooled him so severely that he soon humbled his vainglorious Pride.  
Let us then conclude from hence that it is a great Misfortune for a Prince to be born a Subject of the Crown of France, and a great Imprudence in him that is free to put himself under the Yoke. Ask the Prince Palatine who is only his Neighbour, how he likes his Neighbourhood, and I am sure he will tell you, there is no difference from being a Subject and a Neighbour. If he speaks like a Prince, they speak to him like Masters, and if he intends that France should let him be at quiet, He must submit to all her Demands. Let us ask him whether he hath any Subjects that are Faithful to him among so many Subjects as are obedient to him? and whether France have not quite debauched their Allegiance? Lastly let us ask him whether he dares complain, though every day he finds one Corner or other of his Territories lopped off from his Subjection, and whither they do not tell him on the other side, that he is happy to be under the Protection of so great a Potentate? Let us now visit the Courts of the other Princes of Germany, and see what passes there, before we make any Reflection upon the Princes of France. What shall we say of the Ecclesiastical Electors; of which the one sells his Country by the suggestion of her Emissaries; the other suffers herself to be scared by her Emissaries: & the other is so obedient to her Will as if the same Interest actuated in all. Yet at the same time let us confess, that this is not done without some sort of Violence, for who questions the various Tricks and gins that are made use of daily to separate 'em from their real Interests? To some they pretend, that the most part of their Territories are Dependencies upon the Crown, and that if they do not use all means to Captivate the King's favours, he will no longer suffer 'em to enjoy that to which they have no Right at all; so that while he deprives them of the true Character of Sovereign, which is to be independent in their Authority, he endeavours to insinuate the contrary, that their dependence upon France is the only way to support their Dominion. To others he cries, that they have nothing to do but to consider his Power, & from thence to assure themselves that they have no other hopes but in Him; and while he feeds them with these fair Hopes, he boys up the People in their Disobedienc, to the end the Sovereigns may always standing in need of him, to suppress their mutinies. It may well be thought that I speak of Liege, where France holds her Divan contrary to the Faith of Treaties, and where the Dissensions between the People and their Sovereign, make her as absolutely Mistress of the City, as if it belonged solely to Her; for who is so blind as not to see through her Politics upon this occasion? For being in continual fear, lest Monsieur of Cologne should at length open his Eyes, she resolves to have a Remedy ready against all manner of Accidents. And therefore as she maintained the People of Messina in their Rebellion, so will she support the Inhabitants of Liege in all their Rebellious Practices, should Monsieur of Cologne at any time bethink himself of reassuming his Lawful Sovereignty. For indeed if this were not the Intention of France, what could hinder Monsieur Cologne at this day, from reducing to Obedience a City which is open on all sides, without Fortifications or any Garrison. It were then to be wished that he would come again to himself, and consider that his Alliance with France, has only served to draw upon him the hatred of his People, and the utter Ruin of his Country for not to mention the Imperial-Armies, who have been Constrained to feed upon his Country, we see How he has been treated himself, by those in whom he has put all his hopes and confidence. Who can be Ignorant of the Horrible Contributions which France has Levied upon his Subjects, the General Desolation of his Territory, the Sacking and Plundering of his Towns, and the Destruction of his Citadels and other Stately Buildings? Who can be Ignorant of what Happened at the Hay, where the French not contented, to have Tyrannised o'er the Inhabitants, threw the Castle to the Ground, and ruin'd one of the Noblest Bridges upon the , by which means that City finds herself deprived of all her chiefest & most considerable advantages for having admitted them within her Walls. But let us go on to the other Princes of Germany, and see whether they have any more reason to boast of the French kindnesses.  
I could Epitomise all at once what I have to say to this point, by only declaring what happened but lately to the King of Danemark. For as it may be easy for others to judge what they are to expect, by the carriage of the French toward their Allies, therefore in my opinion, that might suffice to prove the Violence of her Proceed, and how she goes about to make herself Mistress of the whole World. But in regard there are several that would be glad to see what pretty Courses she takes to bring about her Designs, I will give you a short account of her Maxims and Devices.  
There is no Body can be ignorant of the Marriage of the Dauphin with the Dauphiness. The great Rephuation which Monsieur of Bavaria, and the great Sway which he carries in the Empire, as well by reason of the Extent of his Dominions, as also by reason of their Situation, caused him to be courted of all hands during the last War, as He who brought a great Accession of Strength to the side for which he should declare. The King of France being careful of losing such an Advantage, daily made him a Thousand advantageous Propositions to engage himself in his Interests. On the other side the Emperor was no less sedulous to gain him to his Party. So that the Duke of Bavaria judging of his Power by the Applications that were made to him, resolved to hear both, and to fix where he could make his best Markets.  
As for the Emperor he only offered him a League Offensive and Defensive against France, whose Ambitious designs he laid before him, believing that enough to bring him over to the Germane Interest: But Bavaria being in hopes of something more advantageous, listened more willingly to the propositions of France, which the French endeavoured to make as acceptible as possibly they could. In short too many politic Arguments, which might have been more prevalent at some other time, but now of little or no effect, they added most magnificent Presents, which they were careful to renew from time to time; so that Princes being wrought upon many times by such kind of Temptations as well as other Persons, the Duke began to be more and more inclined to France. Madam of Bavaria, whom the King had formerly had some thoughts to have married, and who was not a little troubled that she had miss the preferment, hoping to advance her Daughter to the Throne which she had failed off, pressed her Husband with all her might to the French Alliance, provided he made sure of the Advancement of his Daughter, who could not expect a more advantageous match in all Europe.  
Nor was it long before the Ministers of France discovered what had passed in the Duke of Bavarias' Cabinet, and therefore believing it would be more kindly taken to prevent the Duke, by proposing the Match before the Duke offered it himself, they declared that they had orders from their Master to discourse him about it; and this they also made known to Madam of Bavaria, who was ready to leap out of her skin for joy. After this proposition thus made, the Emperor's Ministers were no longer minded, and nothing was discoursed of but the future Alliance, which was the Foundation of the ensuing Treaty between France and Bavaria, by which the Duke of Bavaria promised to remain Neuter, which was all that France desired. For in regard that Bavaria had a powerful Army on foot, & that he was resolved to stand Neuter, so long at the War endured, France conjectured, and that not without reason, that the Emperor would be awed by his potent strength, which would be as beneficial to France, as if the Duke acted openly. And by the Event it appeared that those Conjectures were not ill grounded. But not to make a repetition of things known to every body; it will suffice to say, that this Treaty continued till the Treaty of Nimeghen, and that the Marriage of Mademoiselle of Bavaria was soon after consummated, there being at that time no Princes in Europe unmarried, either of a nobler Family, or endowed with more Princely Qualities.  
And now France thought herself secure of the House of Bavaria, but the Duke and Duchess dying, and the Dukedom falling into the Hands of a Prince, more clear sighted than his Father and Mother, France finding he did not stand so right for their Turn, made it their business to fasten him by some new Alliance. To this purpose, because their is nothing sooner tempts a young Prince than Beauty, chief when it is accompanied by great Merit, the Ministers of France so ordered it, that they whom they had gained to their Party, should fill his Ears with their discourses of Madam Blois, the King's natural Daughter, who appearing so lovely in her tender Age, promised to be in a short time, one of the most charming Persons in the World. Monsieur of Bavaria perceiving himself perhaps smitten with what was imprinted every hour in his mind, or else out of Curiosity to know whether Fame did not too much exalt the Beauties of that Lady, seemed to intimate as if he should not be unwilling to see her Picture. Of which his most faithful Friends, and those that were more jealous of his Honour being informed, they made him so effectually sensible of the Snares that were spread for his Youth, that the Prince recollecting his Thoughts, began to be ashamed of what perhaps he had only done out of Curiosity.  
In the mean time several Portraitures of Madam de Blois were sent from France, but the Ministers of that Crown, perceiving that the Illegitimacy of her Birth, defaced all the Impressions that her Beauty could make, gave over the Design of that Match, of which they had conceived such hopes a little before.  
After this they proposed another Match to the Bavarian, which was certainly much more suitable: And that was between the Duke and Mademoiselle the Queen of Spain's Sister, and Daughter to the Duke of Orleans. But the Bavarian Ministers, who had diverted his first Passions, easily beat him off from this, persuading him that it was only a snare to keep him from allying with the Emperor, whose Daughter he might be in hopes to marry, which would not be only a greater advantage to him, but more necessary and requisite for his Interests. That it behoved him to have his Eyes open and to look upon the Designs of France, which were only to ruin the Emperor and the Empire. That it was true she fed him from time to time with fair Fancies, as that she would cause him to be Elected King of the Romans; but that the bottom of her Design was only to disunite the Princes one from another, that when the Election should happen, she might be the better able to carve for herself, what she offered to others. That it was not his Interest to desire a Neighbourhood so dreadful to all that had been so unfortunate to be her Neighbours; which was no Reproach or Detraction, and that there needed no more than the Consideration of their Condition to make others sensible of the danger of Falling into the like.  
These sage Counsels, made that Impression which might well be expected upon the mind of a Prince, who loved Honour and scorned to stoop under Subjection. On the other side the French Ministers not relishing these Proceed, were so enraged at the Duke's Refusal of their propounded Match; that they had the Insolence to tell him, that if the Duke of Bavaria had married Madammoiselle de Blois, it had been no Disparagement to him. That there was no doubt but that Princes as puissant as himself would desire her in Marriage, who were like to go without her for all that; and that the King was sufficiently potent to Revenge one day the scorn and contempt which he had put upon his Alliance. These Rhodomontadoes gave the Duke sufficiently to understand, how France at first wound herself in by softness and mildness, but that she was still for force where that failed. But these Proceed serving to no other end then to alienate the Duke the farther off from the French, he presently treated with the Emperor, with whom he might be certain to find more Honour, and more Security.  
Nor has the Duke of Saxony more reason to applaud the Conduct of France, who finding that Prince fast linked to the true Interest of Germany, not suffering himself to be fed with her empty promises, has raised him up several Enemies both at home and abroad, and used all imaginable tricks to set him at variance with the Princes of his Family, but not being able to bring her designs to pass: She had been tampering with the Princes his Neighbours, which occasioned those jealousies so prudently already laid asleep by the Emperor.  
As for the Marquis of Brandenburg and the King of Danemark, I know nothing that could beget a greater Aversion to France, than her behaviour towards them. For if we look upon the manner how she came to intrude herself into their Confidence, we shall find that she has left no Tricks unplayed to bring it to pass, but after she had got her Ends, there was no sort of Severity and Cruelty which she did not exercise to their Damage. The Propositions are well known; which were made by the Count de Roy, upon his Arrival in the North. 'Tis well known, I say, that he demanded of the King of Danemark, in the name of the King his Master, that he might have a share in the Disbursement of the Money which he received from Him, adding withal, that the Money was wasted to little purpose: He demanded also little less of the Duke of Brandenburg; yet fearing to provoke those Princes, jealous of their Honours, by such kind of harsh Compliments, he kept his Pensioners, or else certain Frenchmen still at their Elbows to mollify and sweeten those severe Pieces of Courtship; so that those Princes being detained, as I may say, between hope and fear, knew not what to resolve upon. But let us admire the Politics of that Crown, which draws its Advantages from all things, even from those things that seem to be contrary and prejudicial to its Interest.  
Every one knows how Monsieur de Bricquant was prosecuted; who after he had been a long time in the Bastile, for being steadfast to his Principles, was at length forced to fly his Country, having nothing more to hope from his serving France; where he had nevertheless spent all his youthful years: but so soon as France understood, that he was gone to Brandenburg, and that he was received by the Elector, her Malice was not only appeased of a sudden, but she would needs Recommend him to that Prince, not immediately as from herself, for that would have been suspicious; but indirectly by the means of her Generals, so that this same Recommendation accompanied with the merit of the Person, got him in a short time a Regiment of Horse with the Government of Wesel; and of this Person it is that she makes use, but cunningly and slily to obtain her desires; For though he does not appear to be entrusted with the secret, but that on the contrary, he still complains of his sufferings and hard usage in France, he knows how to give the blow when Opportunity serves, a Blow so much the more dangerous, as coming from a kind and unsuspected Hand.  
Boisdavid, who was constrained to fly France, where he was a Brigadier and Colonel of Foot, for having duelled Monsieur d'Aubijoux, understood the way to regain her Favour by managing her Interests in the Court of Zell, where he was advantageously preferred, so that nothing there passed of which Monsieur de Louvois was not advertised from time to time. And that which was most extraordinary was this, that though there be no Mercy for those who are accused of the same Crime that he was, he forbears not to make a Journey sometimes to Paris, whether it be upon his own occasions, or which is most likely to confer with Monsieur de St. Povange, about such things as he dares not commit to Writing.  
All the Courts of the other Princes are in the same manner stuffed either with banished or Malcontented French. But at the same time those Princes give 'em Entertainment, if it may not be said that they receive Serpents into their Bosoms, at least we may say, that they are to be very wary how they easily trust 'em with their Secrets. For besides that the Genius of the French Nation carries them to insinuate themselves into all manner of business, they rarely forget their Fidelity to their Prince, so that it is a great piece of Imprudence to confide in their Actions.  
Having thus discoursed of the Misfortunes daily attending those Princes who are Neighbours to France or that are in any sort of Amity with Her, let us now see in what a Condition they are, who are enveloped by her in her Claims of Dependencies. I will say nothing of the Prince of Petite Pierre, or of Weldens, of whom we have spoken sufficiently already, but I will mention something of the Prince of Baden, who no sooner came to be in the number of Her Subjects, but he was constrained to give a large Pension to his Wife, who left him a long time since, with a resolution never to Cohabit with him any more. He might show himself ready as he did, to take her home again, but there was no regard had to Reasons, and the first thing imposed upon him was to ascertain Her a revenue, where he could not come to Finger it. I pass over in silence the Tyranny which She Exercises over other Princes of less repute; for since the Princes of the Sovereign Families, are not otherwise spared then as I have related, there is no likelihood that the rest should far any better. It would be tedious to recount what they daily suffer from those Petty Tyrants, who, of great Ministers Lackeys, becoming Commissaries, and Commissary Intendants, assume to themselves a Sovereign Authority. Nor are they contented to deprive these Princes of their Honour, but of their Estates. How many suits do they commence against them for the Decision of Limits, and several other slight occasions; insomuch that those Princes, who but lately had the Power of Life and Death over their Subjects, are now forced to go and answer their suits at the Bar, and frequently lose their Causes. For it is a Maxim of France to support the Vassals against their Lords, well knowing, that as long as they have the People of their side, the Princes and Gentry are not to be feared at all, who can do little without the People, so that Her Interest sweys Her beyond all manner of Justice, provided she can thereby Establish her Dominion, or rather her absolute Tyranny.  
If we pass from hence to her usage of the meaner Gentry, how many may we find ruined by their Garrisons: For she does not stop at ordinary Forms to establish her Dominion, though it be the Law to seize the Lands only of those that refuse Homage and Fealty, how many has she nevertheless imprisoned, to the end that by detaining at the same time, both their Persons and their Estates, necessity may constrain them to an absolute Subjection to her Pleasure? But the Consummation of her Tyranny and Injustice was her severity to the Baron de L'Evenop, a Gentleman of quality, and of a Family that once honoured Sweden with a Queen. For after France had received his Fealty and Homage, she dispossessed him of his demeans, no person being able to say for what reason, nor could she ever give any herself, but her own covetous thirst after other People's Estates.  
There is no Prince in Europe who has not had a taste of her violences: who though they are sufficiently powerful to repress her Insolence, yet such is their blindness, that instead of uniting together for the common good, one would think they had conspired by their Disunion to surrender into her hands the Empire of the World. They know that she is in League with the Turk to harrass Germany, one on one side, and the other on the other side, and yet they will not unite to destroy an Enemy that seeks to reduce them to utter Slavery.  
And now since I have mentioned this Alliance with the Turk, it may not be amiss to convince those who have hitherto seemed to make some question of the Truth of it, and that by one Circumstance against which there is no Reply. Every one knows the vigorous Resistance which the Count of Starenbergh Governor of Vienna made against the Turk. So that the Grand Visier after the loss of an Infinite Number of his Men, would have raised the Siege, if he could have done it with Honour. To which purpose he sent back Count Albert Caprara, who was Ambassador at the Emperor's Court, whom he would never permit to return before that, to make him some Propositions of Peace, much more reasonable than those which he had proposed before: But the Marquis of Seppeville who attended the Emperor from the King of France, being advertised thereof, dispatched a Currier to his Master to give him advice of it; upon which Information France sent another to the Grand Visier, to lay before him the Dishonour it would be to his Reputation, to raise the Siege so ignominiously after had lost such a Number of Men: Therefore that he would enter Flanders to constrain the Princes of the Rhine to recall their Succours, which they had sent to the Emperor; by which Diversion he might soon accomplish his Design. Monsieur Seppeville's Currier arrived at Fountain Bleau the 22d. of August between eight and nine of the Clock in the Morning. The Person who was dispatched to the Grand Visier, or to Monsieur Seppeville, which is the same thing, went away at one of the Clock in the Afternoon; and the same Afternoon they did not only noise abroad their Intentions of invading Flanders, but orders were also given out in order thereto; so that the Grand Visier not questioning but that the French would keep their words this time more punctually than they had done before, continued his siege, and it is very probable that he would never have raised it, had he not been constrained to it, till he had been Master of the Town. Which having brought me to speak of France's breach of Faith to the Grand Visier, it will not be amiss to tell the cause of it. Certain it is that by a Private Treaty between France and the Ottoman Port, for which Teckeley became security, and one whose name was Bohan the Instrument that managed the business, France was obliged to attach the Empire upon the side next the Rhine, at what time the Ottoman was to invade Hungary. To which purpose the King of France was already advanced upon the Frontiers; but finding that the Turks having made such a prosperous Progress at the beginning, that he made no question but that they would carry Vienna, where they had already planted their siege, had put all Germany into such a Consternation, that all the Princes of the Empire gave themselves for lost, he stopped his March neither out of Moderation nor Christianity; but fearing to lose the good opinions of the Princes, imagining that in the condition to which they were reduced, they would be constrained to fly to him for Succour. And therefore thinking himself cock sure of the Empire, he would not carry Terror and Desolation into a place which he expected so soon to command; which was the reason that he rather set upon Spain than the Empire. For he was always in hopes, that if the Turks got possession of Vienna, there was not any but himself that could oppose so formidable a Power, as if the Princes of the Empire would not rather have chosen to have become Tributary to the Turk, then to have submitted to the Yoke of French slavery. In a word, not to speak any more of Her Tyranny, which is incomparably more intolerable than Pagan Servitude, may we not probably believe that she will exercise the same severy over their Conscience, not permitting the public worship of God, whereas among the Heathens you shall never hear of those terrible Edicts, that commanded the demolishing of Churches, nor of Soldiers that only serve for Hangmen and Executioners, to those that assembled together upon their Ruins, to sing Praises to their Creator.  
But though it be an easy thing, at least as I imagine to inculcate a horror and dread of this unsufferable Domination, it is not so easy to teach the means to avoid it; considering, as I have already said, that all the Princes of the Empire seem to conspire to lay poor subjugated Germany in Fetters, at Her Feet. For is it not a thing that would move both Pity and Indignation at the same time, to see that at a time when every one should labour their utmost, to withstand such an encroaching Violence, they daily strive to enlarge and support her Power? For what may they be said to think, who went about to Elect the Bishop of Cologne, or rather of Strasburgh to the Bishopric of Munster? do they not know that they are both entirely devoted to the Interest of France? Or if Monsieur of Cologne should chance to open his Eyes, Monsieur of Strasburgh has such an Ascendant over him; that he would still prevail over him to continue in his Blindness? Do they not know, that if Monsieur of Cologne be a lover of Peace, Monsieur of Strasburg affects nothing so much as War? Do they not know, that it was by the persuasions of the Deceased Archbishop of Cologne, and the defunct Bishop of Strasburgh, that France so furiously invaded the United Provinces; and that to increase the Power of their Successors, no less passionately inclined to enslave Europe, they have the same Repute, the same Inclinations, the same Designs with the Deceased? as having the same Blood in their Veins, and the same Souls in their Bodies? And yet when they saw into what a Precipice the Deceased had plunged all Germany, as if they had quite forgot what was past, they would needs put the same Power into the Hands of their Nephews to Execute those things, which the Uncles had only in their Wills to do. The one already has surrendered the Capital City of his Bishopric into the Hands of the French; and they would have the other to deliver up the rest of Germany, which is already sufficiently captivated by their Treachery. They would in a word tie up the Hollanders Hands, by the Vicinity of a new Enemy, and by that means enchain the rest of Europe, whose hopes depend upon 'em.  
But let us conclude a discourse which 'tis to be feared will do but little good, in regard that all the World is of that disposition; as not to love to be too nakedly told the Truth. So that as much as France may be offended with me for discovering her Maxims and Policies, as much will others bear me ill will for reprehending their Weakness and Blindness. Yet I cannot forbear from saying this, with the hazard of what ever they may think, that they make themselves Accomplices in all the Erterprises of France, if they do not put an end to those differences that have so long kept them in Dis-union. For what can we say more? For one strives to invade Lubec, another Pomeraenia, others make head against them, while on the other side a Potent Enemy minds nothing more than to bring them altogether under his subjection. They will not permit one Neighbour to grow more powerful than another, but the never consider that there is an Enemy approaching, who not contented to have increased his Dominions by large Conquests, will never be satisfied with being no more than their Neighbour, agreeable to what is said by the Author of a late Pasquil upon the present condition of Europe. For when he speaks of the United Provinces, he brings them in saying, That they will not have the Prince of Orange Reign over them; to which answer is made, That they Act like Fools and Blindmen; they are afraid lest the Dog should by't 'em, but ne'er mind the Wolf who is ready to devour 'em. Thus the Northern Princes perceive that Danemark would fain join Hamborough and Subeck to the Crown; but they do not see that France will not only join to her Crown, not only both those Cities, but their own Territories themselves, if they do not Unite to hinder Her. They find that the Marquis of Brandenburg has a design upon Pomerania, from whence he believes himself Excluded contrary to Reason, but they do not observe, that while they oppose the Enlargement of His Dominion, another increases his Power so fast, that they run the hazard of being totally swallowed up by his Oppression. What remedy then against so many Mischiefs, but to forget the Old Quarrel, and to begin a new one. But first it behoves 'em to banish from their Councils those Treacherous Souls, who having crept into the favour of their Princes, reward 'em with continual Treasons for their kindnesses. They must give ear to none but their old Servants, whose Fidelity they have so often experienced that it would be an injury to suspect 'em. For in the age we live in, we ought to distrust all the World, considering the general Corruption that shows itself every day; For had not Strasburgh been free to this day, had she had no other than Persons of Fidelity within her Bosom? But let us here I beseech ye consider and admire the differences between the Services that France receives from her Subjects, and that which other States receive from theirs, which are in the service of France. I have showed ye before, how Boisdavid and Brignant banished and proscribed as they are, notwithstanding serve as spies, the one in the Court of Brandenburg, the other in the Court of Zell. I find I have showed ye before that their Fidelity ought to have been little Credited by those Princes; but now let us on the other side see why the Fidelity of Count Hasfield, born a Subject to the King of Sweden, should be suspected by the Prince his Master.  
Every own knows his Birth, and it would be superfluous to speak of it here, were it not to tell ye, that his Father being a French Man, and his Mother a French Woman, 'tis no wonder he retains the nature of a French Man himself. Nevertheless there is this to be said against him, that after he had been born in Sweden, and raised from nothing by the favour of the King, all other Obligations ought to have given place; for that, what was a Virtue in his Father was a Crime in Him. Now who could ever dream without having an enmity to his person, that while France treats the King his Master after so gentile a manner, that he should conspire the slavery of Germany? and yet was it not he that made so many Journeys to Strasburgh, where he had more advantage to treat then others, by reason of his familiarity with the Language, and for that he was least suspected? Is not this he that kept so many Cabals in Sweden? where he knew the Great Personages were discontented, by reason that the King has taken from them sundry great profits, which they enjoyed rather by the Profusion than Liberality of his Predecessors? I only call the great Persons to Witness these things, and whether it be not likewise true, that at a drinking bout, where there were about seven or eight in Company, one of the Gang said to the rest, that if Hasfield were to be believed they would soon make a Teckeley among themselves. However it be, he cannot say but that France has recompensed him very well for his good Service. For besides that he receives very considerable Pensions and large Presents, She has advanced all his Family: He has two Brothers, of which the one is suddenly to be a Bishop, the other an Abbot, the King having promised them, who never fails of his Word, unless it be that which he and his Ministers call Word of State. He has also two other Brothers, of which the one is at Hamborough, employed by the King of France, the worthy Brother of Monsieur Hasfield, that is to say, one as ready as himself to sell Germany, if it were in his Power, and the other in Sweden, who gives Intelligence of all that passes there; besides all those other Noble Gentlemen there, the Son of Monsieur Bidal a Merchant, the famous Bankrupt whom Bolleau has not failed to paint forth in his Satyrs, though he was lately commanded by an express order of the Court, to leave that passage out in in his next Edition. For Monsieur Hasfield performing so many remarkable Exploits, to render his Name immortal, it is but just to deface the Monuments of his Infamy.  
The way then to prevent so many Abuses, is to imitate the Example of France at this day; for she does not only confiscate the Goods of such as betake themselves to the Service of other Princes, but she always prohibits them under strict Penalties and corporal punishment, to go abroad. Nevertheless if she shows herself indulgent to any, it is easily thence to be inferred; they only serve as spies in the Courts of those Princes that employ them; which is too serious a Truth.  
Let us then conclude, that so long as there is no order taken to prevent these abuses, it is impossible we should ever prosper; but that France on the other side will have all the Advantages she can desire. For how is it possible that any undertaking of ours should be Crowned with happy Success, of which the Enemy has Intelligence long before it be put in Execution. To this let us add, that if it will not suffice for a Prince to distrust his own Ministers, or to change them, let him be himself his own Minister, as one that may be assured that if there be one Person in his Council who is Temtation-proof, there are hundreds that cannot resist the Golden Charms. And let him consider that if he himself as frequently now adays it happens will suffer himself to be purchased by him that offers most, his Ministers may well do the same, who have more need of Money than he has.  
There might be something also said touching the Remedy to be applied for prevention of these Mischiefs, with which we find ourselves at this day overwhelmed. But in regard I can say no more than what other People have said before me, I had rather be silent, then to make too many repetitions in vain, and for the most part rather Speculative then Real. For when I consider what I have read in so many Authors, and heard in so many places, that it behoves all the Protestants to unite together, since the Catholics are so negligent, to oppose themselves against the common Ruin, may not I conclude, that it is much more easy to discourse in this manner, then probable to see the Effect of such advice. For how is it possible that the Protestants should singly undertake a War against France, when the Catholics keep such a strict Watch upon them. We find at this day an apparent example of the Catholic designs, by which it is easy for us to judge how little Reliance there is upon the French Protestants in Silesia, and other adjoining Provinces, where they are reduced to that misery, that they have more need of our Assistance. But they had rather the whole Empire should perish, then remit any thing of their Cruelty.  
The House of Austria, which is maliciously incensed to our Destruction, does not perceive the heavy Hand of God upon her for so many Crimes, for which she is accountable to his Justice in respect of us, provoking still the same Justice by new transgressions, in contempt of Heavenly Mercy. Nor does she perceive that the Authors of all these violent Counsels, I mean the Jusuits do not advice these things but for their own Interest. She is resolved to sacrifice the rest of the Empire to them, as she has already sacrificed a good part. Nevertheless let no man believe that what I have said proceeds from any natural Aversion to them, so natural to those of my Religion. I protest before God, that I bear malice to no Man; and that I would not impute to them the least of our Miseries, but that I find that none of the honest and moderate party of their Religion, have any greater affection for them than myself. 'Tis well known that it was their Hunger after the Estates of these four Hungarian Lords, whose Heads the Emperor caused to be struck off, rather to satisfy their urgent Importunities then for any Crime (unless you will say their zeal for their Religion was a Crime) that was the main occasion of shedding their Blood. But seeing all that I could say, would as little prevail as what others have said before me, it will be better to make an end, and to confess that all our Miseries are at this day reduced to such a Condition, as well as the Calamities of Germany, that our Preservation is only to be expected from God alone.   


The Speech of Monsieur ZIEROWSKI, the Emperor's Ambassador in Poland. Spoken in the Royal Palace before his Majesty of Poland, and in the Presence of the Princes, Noblemen and Ambassadors at that Court, at Tavoravia, the 6th. of October, 1682.  
Most Great King,  
AMongst other Books, I have hit upon that of the Life and Exploits of Cardinal Commendon, who was sent to this Court by the Pope, with the Quality of extraordinary Legate in the Empire of Sigismond, and Reign of Henry de Valois: I have observed in it, that it was that Cardinal's Maxim, Never to answer but with an affected Silence and Contempt, to all that his Ememies could do or say against him. Without doubt, in his Time, the State of Affairs, the Customs and Spirits were very different from what they now are; at least a long experience has made me judge them very different; and I know I cannot, without great disadvantage, conceal or connive at a thing that very much troubles me. I have understood that the French King's Minister's, published some days ago certain Letters, which brought, as it were, assured Testimonies, that His Imperial Majesty's Envoyes only Business, with the Ottoman Court, was to endeavour, by all possible means, to turn the Turkish Armies against Poland.  
There is no Body but sees, and your Majesty must needs perceive, how injurious this is to the Empire; and to what end it is done. They give this out to disunite two Kingdoms; both which, at this present Conjuncture of Affairs, have their chief Interest in being firmly united. But the Letters took not so great an effect as they expected. The Spirits of this Court, were not so credulous as to believe them. They are too well satisfied in Poland, of the Piety and Affection of those of the House of Austria; to think that the Emperor, my Master, giveth his Ambassadors such base and unworthy Commissions. There is no body here that can doubt that his Imperial Majesty, would be as sensible of the loss of Poland as of Hungary, since it is as much his Interest to preserve the one as the other.  
I come not hither, great King, to tell you what through my Aversion, I could publish upon little Rumours that have been spread among us: I bring your Majesty those things, which I can beyond all dispute, produce before the whole World, as the true Originals of Letters and Answers, which the most Christian Kings Ambassador, Monsieur Du Vernay Boucauld, who is here present, has writ to Count Teckeley, the Head of the Malcontents, or received from him. These will evidently discover to your Majesty, what Affairs Monsieur Du Vernay has Treated about, with so much Secrecy and Circumspection with Count Teckeley; and the reason he had so cautiously to conceal from you, the Commission he had in this Kingdom.  
I humbly entreat your Majesty to remember how earnestly I entreated you, to remove the Sieur Du Vernay from your Court and Dominions, as a man pernicious to the Empire and Poland. You would have, great King, invincible Proofs and Testimonies of what I related; Here they are such as you will wish for, and I am persuaded they will be sufficient to make you judge the speedy departure of Monsieur Du Vernay, out of your Kingdom, very necessary. But I fear, troubling your Majesty with a long Discourse; I pass by a thousand things which I could add; this Memorial is enough: To you I present it with all imaginable respect.   

A Memorial presented to the King of Poland, by Monsieur Zierowsky, the Emperor's Resident. Which was read in the Presence of his Majesty of Poland, and before the Princes and Ministers of his Court; at Tavoravia, the 6th. of October, 1682.  
SInce the lact Memorial, which I had the Honour to present to your Majesty, I have endeavoured, according to the Advice of the Illustrious Lords of the Senate, to furnish myself with some piece that might evidently appear what Correspondence the French King's Agents have in your Kingdom with Count Tekeley, Head of the Malcontents in Hungary. These wanted also to inform you, what Bargains and Agreements passed between them, which, as I said, tend to the breaking off the Peace and Treaties, that are between your Majesty and the Emperor, my Master. You could not easily be informed of it, from any but myself. I know the French King's Ministers daily assured your Majesty, that they had a hand in no such thing; and that we accused them falsely. And the French would no longer be suspected to have any ill Design against the Empire, after the Declaration the French King had made, at the raising the Bloccade of Luxembergh. His most Christian Majesty would inform all Europe, how he behaved himself in that occasion; and they were careful to carry his Declaration to all the Courts of the chief Christian Princes. The French King plausibly declares, that having been informed of the Designs which are carrying on in the East against the Empire, he would put nothing in execution which might hinder his Imperial Majesty, and the most august House of Austria, from opposing the Turk with all their Forces, and providing for the common good of Christendom.  
This could by no means allow your Majesty to believe, that the French were in League with the Malcontents and Turks; and that they contributed to the taking and plundering the Towns of Hungary; for that appeared to be quite contrary to such fair Declarations; but God the Defender and Revenger of Christians, has ordered those things to fall into my hands, which I lay at the foot of your Majesty's Throne; and which I lay before the Eyes of the whole World. These are the Sieur Du Vernay's Letters, and Correspondence with Count Tekeley; which you will find diametrically opposite to those Declarations, so worthy the piety and generosity of the most Christian King.  
I have made use of no evil practice for the obtaining these Letters: I have not, though I could have done it, so much as employed any Body to observe the French. And to tell you all, I got these Letters by the means of the Steward of the most Illustrious Lord Stadnicks Estate. The Sieur Du Vernay, after having long importuned the Monks of a Monastery of St. Basil, went also to importune the Steward, who is Castellan at Premislaw. So much he did, that he stirred up the Gentleman's anger against himself, and so consequently he became my friend, and has ever since been very favourable to my Intentions. This Castellan, some days ago, stopped certain Hungarians coming back from Nimiravia, whither they went to see the Sieur Du Vernay; immediately he ordered them to be brought to me, with the Letters he found about them. I presently took care to convey them to the Emperor my Master's Territories; sending at the same time the Letters, to the end that all the World might judge, whether I had not just Cause to suspect, that the Sieur Du Vernay exceeded his Master's Orders.  
Certainly, this Agent, this Minister, this Spy, this Ambassador, I know not what to call him, but I mean Monsieur Du Vernay, has committed a great Outrage against all Christendom. Against the Emperor, in fomenting and contriving what he has against him. Against your Majesty, in entertaining a Commerce so unworthy, so pernicious, and for so long a time, without your knowledge, and in your Kingdom, as if he had been at home. I must add, for the Interest of your Kingdom; that this Conduct has given the World occasion to believe, that the Polanders were blind enough, not to see the dangers their Neighbours made them fear, and that they would themselves drive the Poniard to their own Breast, in permitting the Sieur Du Vernay to live amongst them. His Proceeding will, without doubt, appear very injurious to the French King; for that Posterity may judge and believe, that the great King, Lewis the XIV, authorized or commanded, what the Sieur Du Vernay, his Agent did in his Name.  
Your Majesty will not take it ill, that we have discovered to the Assemblies at Francfort and Ratisbone; the Famous Exploits of the French, with the Turks and Rebels of Hungary, in your Kingdom, which for so many Ages has been closely united with the August House of Austria; and has always acknowledged its own Interest, to preserve Hungary to the Empire, thinking it impossible for Poland to subsist if Hungary shall fall.  
It is now a year, that the Sieur Du Vernay travels up and down several parts of your Majesty's Dominions, on the Borders of Hungary. He always pretends his Masters, as if we could see that Dantzick or Rogiomont, which are the Places the French come through, were not nearer and more proper to receive what Orders the French King would send, but he stays there to observe the nearer, the Affairs of Hungary: It may be also, to be in a better condition to give Count Tekeley Joy, and to get the reputation with him, of the progress the Turks by his means, might make in that Country  
I desire your Majesty, That after you have seen the Memorial, I present; and after you are convinced of all the Arts the French have used in this Kingdom, you will be pleased to order the Seiur Du Vernay to departed your Dominions, since he abuses his Employments to the prejudice of all Christendom; and renders himself unworthy the protection the Law of Nations allows.  
You may do so much the more justly, great King, because the Roman Catholic Church, your Mother, esteems them as Excommunicated Persons, who side with Infidels, whether it be carrying them Arms, or treating with them.  
The Seiur Du Vernay has drawn this upon his own head, and if he is punished according to his deserts the most Christian King will banish him his Kingdom, for exceeding his Orders, & engaging his Master's Honour and Reputation. In fine, he has committed his Villainies in the French King's Name, and broke his Master's word; acting in all things contrary to the observance of it, which if it should fail in the world, could be no where found but in the Mouth of a King or Prince.  
I doubt not, great King, but all my pressing, reiterated and just Instances, will at last take effect. The Alliances and Treaties that are between this Kingdom and the Empire, require it from your Majesty. And I also, with a most profound respect, beg to be admitted to the honour of some part of your Affecti 〈…〉   

A Letter from Monsieur Du Vernay, to Count Emery Tekeley.  
My Lord,  
I Received with great joy the Letters, you did me the honour to write to me, from the Camp before Filleck, enclosed in the Pacquets of our Ambassadors at Constantinople; nevertheless, I was a little surprised that you should seal them before he had seen them. I wonder also you said nothing about the Siege of Filleck. However, I doubt not but that place, by this time is in your power. Monsieur Jaygel, I believe, knows by my last Letters, that I have several times endeavoured to send him what I promised and let him have what I have received, but I always wanted an opportunity. When you send any of your People to me, order them not to come to my House but at night, to the end we may do our business without any body's knowledge. But what I most earnestly desire is, that above all things, they take care not to follow the Road that goes directly from Tavoravia to Nimirovia. For here are several Polish Gentlemen, who by the most Serene King of Poland's Order, search, visit and detain all strangers that pass. The safest way in my opinion is, that they leave Premislaw and Toreslavia on the right hand, and follow the Road that leads to Sandomiria, lest they be seen to enter Nimirovia, where I am surrounded with Spies. I recommend the Enclosed to you; and desire you to send them according to their Directions, by the first opportunity. I will take the same care in all things you shall be pleased to command me. I am most cordially,  
Sir, Your most zealous Servant, Du Vernay Boucald. Nimirovia, Sept. the 22d. 1682.  
The Superscription was thus, To the most Illustrious Lord, Count Emery Tekeley, Lord of Kesmark and Arve, General of the Hungarian Army, that fights for its Country.  
THE Audience being ended, His Majesty of Poland said, he was convinced of the French Correspondence with the Malcontents. He showed himself very angry that the thing had been concealed from him. Next day some of the Chief Officers of his Court, had Orders to go and command the Sieur Du Vernay, immediately to departed the Kingdom. He said, he would obey his Majesty's Order; but that he earnestly desired those Gentlemen to give him some days, that he might take the Coach of Transylvania. On the other side, the Emperor's Resident used all diligence, and with great Success; for Monsieur Du Vernay's Letter carrier called Kelemeschi, returned to Nimirovia, before his departure. This Courier came with those whom Tekeley sent to the Sieur Du Vernay, with his Letters; and those of his great Agent and Confident Jaygel. These Couriers were seized, and the Letters they had intercepted, were partly writ in Ciphers, which you will here find interpreted.  
A Letter from Count TECKELEY to Monsieur Du VERNAY.  
SIR,  
I Doubt not, but you have made much of Monsieur Valentine Nemessani my Envoy. He has always been faithful to me, and very true to my Interest. The Recommendations you gave him touching the Affairs he communicated with you, will without doubt be of great Importance to him, with the most Christian King. I am beholding to you for all you have done for him, and shall acknowledge it as occasion serves: It is time I should inform you, of the present State of my Affairs. After I had taken Cassovia, and entered some Forts about it; I went with the Visier of Budas' Troops, to attack the Famous Fort of Filleck: The Inhabitants refused, at first, to put themselves under my Protection; but after a Fortnight's Siege, they came to beg I would admit them to capitulate; I granted them what they asked; which was, that the Garrison, and what other People there was, should go out, carrying with them as much as they could upon their Backs: Then I raised the Fort, in sight of the Imperial Army, which was hard by in the Mountains. As I am now informed, it is marched away; and having sacked the Town of Vieuxsols and other Places retires very hastily. I design to follow the Imperialists, and drive them far off, to restore my Country to its former Liberty. At length the Emperor will be forced to yield by Force, what we beg as a Favour. Heaven has commiserated my Fortune indeed somewhat late; but I also hope, it will draw on a greater and more speedy Vengeance. Sir, I will take care to inform you of all my other Affairs; however I desire you always to stand my Friend. I am  
Sir, Always ready to serve you, EMERY TEKELEY. At the Camp before Filleck Sept. 18. 1682.  
The Superscription was: To the Most Illustrious Lord, Monsieur Du Vernay Boucauld, Ambassador Extraordinary from the French King.  
A Letter from Monsieur Peter Jaigel, Governor of Cossovia, To Monsieur Du Vernay.  
SIR,  
LAst Wednesday we took and raised Filleck; where above a Thousand Janissaries were slain. Afterwards, the Visier made all the Hungarians that were present, and were under the Prince of Transilvania's Dominion, be brought before our Illustrious Count; then all the Estates of the Upper Hungary being Assembled, Monsieur Tekeley was Proclaimed King, and confirmed in that Quality by the Great Turk, who sent him from the Port, a Hat instead of a Crown, with a Standard and Sceptre. After the Ceremony, the Count very modestly refused the Title of King: He is satisfied with that of Prince Regent of Hungary: His Titles are, Emericus Thokolius Princeps, ac partium Regni Hungariae Dominus, etc. After this Election, the Visier gave him the best Troops, to pursue at the Head of the Army, those of the Imperialists. Caprara having deserted the Mountains, pillaged the Towns, and abandoned the Forts Vigles and Zolian, and is at last retired and has taken his way towards Threnezin. Sir, we had done something more, but we have not received what you promised us, and without that supply, we are forced to proceed gently in our business. Monsieur Nemessani is gone to treat of Affairs, at the French King's Court. He needs your Instructions; we have ordered him in all things, to Act to your Honour. We will very suddenly send you an Express; I beg of you for God's sake, make him up as large a Sum as you can. I always remain, as I ought,  
SIR, Your most obliged Servant, Peter Jaigel. Gassovia, Sept. 22d. 1682.  
The Superscription was, To the most Illustrious Lord, Monsieur Du Vernay Boucauld, Ambassador Extraordinary from the French King.  
After the Emperors Resident had the second time produced these Letters, and the Days appointed were expired, his Majesty of Poland sent word to the Marquis de Vitry, the French Ambassador in Poland, to cause the Sieur Du Vernay, immediately to retire, that he was weary of hearing daily of his new Designs.    
FINIS.