THE LIFE OF Monsieur DES CARTES, Containing the HISTORY OF HIS Philosophy and Works: AS ALSO, The most Remarkable Things that befell him during the whole Course of his Life.  
Translated from the French, By S. R.  
LONDON, Printed for R. Simpson, at the Harp in St. Paul's Churchyard, MDCXCIII.   
An Abridgement OF THE LIFE OF Monsieur DES CARTES.  

BOOK. I.  
THE Family of Des Cartes hath ever been reputed as one of the best in all Tourain, there was never observed in it any unfit Matches or wrong Alliance, that might alter its Nobility, and we find no date of its being made noble that can determine and fix the antiquity thereof, the branch of the Eldest Brothers having diffused itself into the House Lillette, and then again into that of Maillé, the branch of the Punies, or Younger Brothers increased very much, and extended itself into the upper Poictou, yea and it even past as far as Berry and Anjou by means of its Alliances and Matches, until at last, at the time of the League it was reduced on the Males side to but one single person Peter Des Cartes Grandfather to the Philosopher whose Life we are here about to undertake to write.  
Peter Des Cartes, after having with good success served in the War against the Enemies of the Religion of his Country, and against those of the state of his Prince, quitted the service pretty early, on purpose that he might the longer relish the fruits of repose, that he procured himself; he had no more but one Son of Claudia Ferrand Sister to Anthony Ferrand, principal Lieutenant particular of the Chastelet of Paris; and Sister to Michael Ferrand who was Father to M. Ferrand Dean of Parliament.  
This Son by name Joachim was the first of the Family who was of the Long Robe or followed the Law, who went to settle in Britain, after he had got the place of Chancellor of the Parliament of Rennes on the 14th of Feb. 1586. upon the resignation of D'Emery Reynald; he Married afterward by a Contract bearing date 15. Jan. 1589. Jane Brochard Daughter to the Lieutenant General of Poitiers, who bore him three Children during the little time she lived with him: the Eldest named Peter Des Cartes Sieur dela Bretailliere Counsellor of the Parliament of Bretaiyne, was Father to Monsieur Des Cartes 
* Jeachim.  seur de Kerleau, who is at present Subdean to the same Parliament. The second was a 
* Joan.  Daughter, Married to Mr. Roger de Crevice, and Grandmother to Monsieur the Count de Villeneave alive at this day.  
II. The last was Renatus Des Cartes our Philosopher, 
His Birth.  who was born at La hay, or the Hague in Turaine upon the River of Creusa on the 31th day of March, in the year 1596. in the seventh year of Henry the Great or Hen. 4. in the beginning of the fifth year of the Pontificat of Clement the eighth, He showed himself very ill satisfied in the course of his Life, afterward, that any one should take notice of his Birthday from the Baptismal Register of the Parish, and from the Genialogical Archives, or Pedigree of his Family; his Reason was, because He had a great aversion to your Calculaters of Nativity, whose error one seems to promote when he publisheth the Birth of any one. But it is not so much a reason as a pretence which he alleged to those who were willing to make use of this Circumstance to make him known to the public.  
III. 
His Baptism.  He received Baptism the third day of April ensuing in the Parochial Church of St. George of La hay, and they gave the Surname of Du Perron which was a Lordship belonging to the Family, that he might be distinguished from his Eldest Brother in the family.  
His Mother being brought to Bed and lying in, pretty fortunate for him, was followed with a sickness that hindered her up sitting: she had been ill all along from the very time of her being big, of Pulmonic distemper, occasioned to her by some displeasure, that came not to our notice: her Son who told us this particular, only informed us that she died shortly after she was delivered of him.  
The cares of the Father may well defend the Child from those inconveniencies which are to be feared from the loss of the Mother, 
The condition of his health.  yet they cannot for all that, secure him from those infirmities that attend the weak disposition he brought into the World with him. A dry cough and pale colour were hereditary to him from his Mother, which he kept until he was above twenty years of age: and all Physicians whoever looked on him before that time, condemned him to die young. But amongst all these first rubs, he received one advantage which he remembered all his Life time, that is, that of being entrusted to a Nurse who omitted nothing at all, that her duty could possibly require of her, which he was willing generously to acknowledge by a Pension he settled upon her for the remainder of her life, as soon as ever he found himself in a capacity to enjoy and manage an Estate.  
The Death of his Mother did much contribute to the taking his Father off from his acquaintance he had in Poicto●, 
Second Marriage of his Father.  and to the changing his inclinations he found for Touraine.  
His residing in these Provinces, in some of his Houses, or in some place where his Estate lay thereabouts, wonderfully pleased him till that time, and he took great delight in going thither to pass away that time which his six months' service in Parliament could spare him. But a few years after he reduced himself wholly to Britain, and there he fixed the rest of his days, by a new Marriage which he contracted with Anne Morin, Daughter to the chief Precedent of the Chamber of Accounts at Nants. He had by her a Son and a Daughter. The Son was Counsellor in Parliament, Seigneur de Chavagnes by name, Father to Monsieur de Chavagnes now living, a Counsellor in the same Parliament, who has turned Priest since the death of his Wife. The Daughter was Married to one Lovis d' Avangour Seigneur dubois de Kergrais.  
IV. 
His inclinations to Study.  The cares of this new family did not cause Joachim des Cartes to divert his cares he owed to his Son du Perron whom he was wont to call Philosopher because of the insatiable curiosity that appeared in the Child to demand the reasons and effects of whatsoever entered, by his senses.  
The weakness of his disposition, and unconstancy of his health obliged the Father to leave him along time under the tuition of Women. Yet at the time they were but busy about his body, and endeavour to procure him a good strong constitution, he afforded almost every day instances of the beautifulness of his genius. He showed, in the midst of these his infirmities such promising dispositions for study; that his Father could not choose but procure him the first exercises suitable to the design he had of cultivating his stock of parts, maugre the resolution he had taken to make sure of the corporeal health of his Son, before he attempted any thing upon his mind.  
To this effect they carried on the business, that nothing was spoiled. So that a Man may say these first studies were nothing but slight Essays, and but superficial rude draughts and delineations at those they intended to make him perform when he was of Age.  
His Father considering he was going into his ninth year, 
They send him to La fl●che to Study.  thought it behoved him to take the advantage of the new foundation of that famous College of La fleche in favour of the Jesuits, he admitted him, and put him into Commons there Anno 1604. after Winter was over, and recommended him particularly to the care of Father Charlet his Kinsman. This Father, who was along time Rector of this College, before he proceeded to the chief employments of the Company, conceived such a tender affection for young Des Cartes du Perron, the willinger took upon him all the care in reference to his Body as well as his Mind. He was like both a Father and Governor to him above eight years together that he stayed in the College, and helped him to Father Dine● for a tutor, who was since Provincial and Confessor to our Kings. Both of them perceiving our young Scholar pretty sensible of all their kindnesses, were not long before they joined to them some esteem and affection for him, and after that had been his directours as to his Studies, Conduct and Behaviour, so they made him their Friend, and continued so to be till death, whom also they were careful to discourse with and entertain, by a mutual commerce of Lett●●● and Recommendations.  
Young Des Cartes, 
The proficiency in Latin and Greek.  whom we shall no longer call du Perron, but only at such time as there is need to distinguish him in His Parentage, Had brought along with him at his first coming to the College a more than ordinary Passion to acquire the Sciences, and this Passion being backed with a solid understanding, yet quick, lively, and free withal, he evermore answered the intentions of his Father, and diligence of his Tutors beyond expectation; in all the course of his Humanity which was five years and an half, none ever perceived in him the least affectation of singularity, except that which emulation produced, for he took some Pride, to outrun such of his companions who had outstripped others. Being of a very good nature, of an easy complying humour, he never found himself uneasy at the submission he paid to his Master's Will; and his diligence in plying his business and performing his task, both of the Class and Chamber, cost him nothing.  
With these two hopeful dispositions he made great proficiency in the knowledge of the two Tongues, the importance and necessity whereof for understanding ancient Authors he early apprehended. He loved Poetry a great deal more than those, who look upon him but as a Philosopher, can possibly imagine. Nay he had even something of a Talon for Poetry; he hath made it plainly appear that he was not astranger to the fancies and niceties thereof. He found moreover a great deal of pleasure in the Fables of the Ancients, not so much because of some mysteries of natural and moral Philosophy that was couched under them, as that they roused his Spirit by their genteil fancies.  
In recompense of his faithfulness and exactness wherewith he discharged his duty, he obtained liberty, not to keep close to Lectures, nor compositions which otherwise were enjoined him in Common with his associates. Now his business was to make use of this liberty to satisfy his passion, which he felt to increase in him to acquire a clear and certain knowledge of whatsoever conduceth to the profit and advantage of Life, which they had put him in hopes to attain by means of humanity; upon this account not taking up with that which is taught in the College, he run over, If a man may believe him, all the Books that treat of Sciences, that men account the most rare and curious, which you must understand only of what could at that time come to his hands. I shall add, for the undeceiving those who have suspected, that in the whole series of his life, that he had but small inclination, or value for Books: that we meet with but very few sentiments more advantageous than those he passed upon them in those days, He was fully persuaded that reading of good Books, is as it were the conversing with the greatest wits and honestest persons of former ages, who were Authors of them, but withal that it was a studied conversation, in which they discovered to us their best thoughts only.  
V. 
His friends in the College.  Besides emulation of study, behaviour and genteil breeding, Colleges do yet produce another advantage, of which Monsieur Des Cartes would not be deprived, that is to say, the advantage of friends and acquaintance, which one does there contract with those of his own age, and humour, and which prove the Seeds of the strongest and most durable friendship; the ancientest of his Friends were without doubt those he got acquaintance with in the College of La fleche. But besides Renatus le clerc, since Bishop of Glandave, and the Sieur Chauveau of Melun, who afterward became a grand Mathematician, and a zealous Cartesian; we know no more, besides, in those days, but Father Marinus Marsennus, a Minim, who passed for Monsieur Des Cartes his Resident at Paris, amongst Learned men, and for the Dean, of his friends and followers, notwithstanding, he was near upon eight years older than he, and albeit he was in his Rhetoric, when the other did but begin his Accidence.  
M. 
The carrying Hen. 4. Heart to La fl●ch●.  Des Cartes was in the first year of his course of Philosophy, when the news of the King's Death, slain upon Friday May 4. 1610. made a Non term in the College, this Prince upon bestowing his house of La fleche upon the Jesuits, desired his Heart, that of the Queen, and his Successors might be carried thither after their Death, and kept in their Church, so that all the time that past between that fatal news, and the removing the King's Heart to La fleche, was spent in public Prayers in the College, in funeral compositions, both in Verse and Prose, and in preparations for the reception of this depositum. It was performed on the first of June with a great deal of Ceremony, and it was constituted and agreed upon in the Townhall of La flesche, that upon the aniversary day their should be performed every year a solemn Procession, with Service suitable thereto for the King's Soul, and that the said day should be observed thence forward just as Holy days are, in shutting up all Courts of Indicature, in making vacation in the several closes, and causing all shops to be close shut up.  
Monday following of June the term begun again for performing the usual exercises in the College, 
The fruits he reaped of his logic and Ethics.  and Monsieur Des Cartes continued his Study of Ethics. The Logic he studied the Winter foregoing, was the only one of all the parts of Logic, whereto, as he afterwards declared, he applied himself the most in the College. From that time he perceived that Syllogisms, and the greatest part of the other instructions of your School Logic, serve not so much to understand things which one would fain know, as to explain those one knows to others: or else to prate without judgement of those whereof a man is ignorant, which is the effect they ascribe to Ramond Lullies Art. Of all the dictates he received from his Masters, he retained none but the four Rules, which served afterwards whereon to ground his new Philosophy, the first is, Not to admit any thing for truth, that he did not clearly and distinctly know to be so. The second, To divide things as far as possibly one could, the better to resolve them. The third, To regulate a Man's Thoughts orderly, beginning with the most simple objects, on purpose to come up by degrees, to the knowledge of the most compound ones. The fourth is, To omit nothing in the anumeration of the things whose parts he is to examine. But at that very time he compiled a singular method for himself of disputing in Philosophy, which mightily pleased his perpetual director Father Charlet, as it did likewise his Tutor Father Dinet, altho' it put him that moderated to his Trumpets. When they came to propound an argument in the disputation, he, at first, asked several questions the definitione nominum; then he asked if they did not agree about certain received truths known, of which he made them agree and consent to. Thereupon he composed only one argument, from which it was very hard to get clear without puffing.  
The Study of the Morality of the Schools stood him in stead, chiefly to make him distinguish that of the Heathen, and of the Moral honest man of the World, from that of a Christian, but we are at a loss to know certainly whether or no, he was beholding to his Master's Papers, for the four Maxims wherein he makes all his particular Morality to consist. The first of these Maxims was To obey the Laws and Customs of his Country. sticking close to the Religion in which God was pleased he should be born. The second, to be steadfast and resolute in his actions, and to adhere as constantly to the most dubious opinions, when he should once be determined to follow them, as if they were most certain. The third, to labour rather to conquer himself than Fortune. To change his desire rather than the Order of the World, and to persuade himself that nothing is absolutely in our power, but our Thoughts. The fourth, To determine and propose something to himself, without blaming other Men in their Employments and different occupations, to determine and propose to himself the business of improving his reason; and to search out the truth of all things all his Life long. The year following which he spent in the Study of metaphysics was less satisfactory to him, than the Study of Logic and Ethics. At that very time he perceived himself perplexed with errors and doubts, instead, of that clear and distinct knowledge of whatsoever conduceth to the benefit of Life, which they bore him in hand he should discover in his Studies. The further he proceeded, the more he discovered his own ignorance, he saw by the Lectures of his Masters and the reading of their Books, that Philosophy had been cultivated and improved from all antiquity by the men of the most excellent parts that ever appeared in the World, and yet for all that, there was not any thing in the World, of which men did not dispute, and call in question, and consequently nothing but what was doubtful. All the esteem he had put upon his Masters, could not stock himself with presumption to hope that he could hit on it better than others; considering the diversity of opinions maintained by learned persons touching the same subject matter, there being never more than one of them that could be true, he had already accustomed himself almost to repute whatsoever was but probable, for false. If he had never had but one Master, or if he had never been acquainted with these different opinions amongst Philosophers, he protesteth he should never have had occasion to sequester himself, and withdrawn from the number of such who must be content to follow other men's opinions, rather than to find out others themselves. But having learned even when he was in the College, (they are his own expressions) that one cannot imagine that thing so uncouth and wild that hath not been advanced by some Philosopher or other, he pretends he could by no means make choice of any one guide, whose opinions could appear to him much to be preferred before the opinions of others: this was that which put him upon cutting out himself a new road in process of time, and to undertake the conducting and managing himself.  
In despite of all the rubs his towering Spirit met with in the pursuit of his Philosophy, yet was he to come to the end of his course, in the same time as the rest of his fellow Students did, that never found any queries to put, nor any difficulties to remove in the transcripts of their Masters; they made him proceed after that, to the Study of Mathematics, to which he allotted his last years residence at La flesche, the delight he took therein, paid him with interest for the vast trouble and pains the School Philosophy had put him to; and the progress he made therein was so extraordinary, that the College of La flesche hath acquired itself by his means the glory of having produced the greatest Mathematician they ever yet saw. Amongst the parts of Mathematics, he choosed the Analysis from Geometry, and Algebra to make the subject of his particular application, on purpose to purge them from what was unprofitable and hurtful in them, and to bring them to perfection, this is that he laboured about at the very time he was in the College, without depending either upon his Master or fellow Collegians, if we give credit to those who would make him the Author of that sort of Algebra which they call the Key of all the Liberal Arts and of all Sciences. Which they esteem as the best method, that ever saw the light, to discern truth from falsehood.  
The dispensation he had obtained from the Father Principal of the College not to be obliged to practise every punctilio of the School Philosophy, supplied with an opportunity and means to follow it as closely as he could reasonably desire. Father Charlet rector of the College had conceded to him amongst other privileges, that of lying long in Bed, as well by reason of his weakness of disposition as for that he observed in him a mind naturally inclined to meditation, Des Cartes finding when he awaked all his Spirits recollected, and his Senses much composed and sedate after his Night's rest improved all these favourable conjunctures for to meditate; this practice turned so into a second nature, that it was his usual manner of Studying all his Life after. And one may safely say, that the World owes to his Morning Meditations in Bed, all those fine important productions of his Brain both in Philosophy and Mathematics.  
VII. 
He leaves the College.  Having finished the course of his Studies in the Month of August 1612. He quits the College of La flesh after eight years and half being Resident therein, and returned home to his Father's House, with the accumulated Praises and Good Word of his Masters or Tutors. There remained to him all his whole Life after, a great stock of thankful acknowledgement for the obligation they laid upon him, and he had a great kindness and esteem for the College, which he was wont to extol above all others, whether it was because his own experience had afforded him a more particular knowledge of it, or else because we are natural and commonly induced to commend the Place of our Education equally with that of our birth, and to boast of our Masters as of our Parents.  
But altho', he might be satisfied with his Masters upon his leaving the College, yet was he by no means satisfied with himself. 
Small satisfaction in his Studies.  It seemed to him that he had got nothing by his Studies, but a greater knowledge of his ignorance, all the advantages he had gained, in the Eyes of the World, and which were bragged of as so many wonders, were all reduced, according to his own opinion, to embarras and perplexity, to doubts, and troubles of mind. The Laurels wherewith his Masters crowned him, thereby to distinguish him from his fellow Students, appeared to him but Thorns.  
If we do not belie nor undervalue the judgement of those who were well acquainted with those times, we should not deny but that he abundantly deserved, a stripling as he was, that Rank, the Public bestowed on him even at that time, amongst the Able Learned Men of the Age. But it was never a more dangerous time to be lavish of the quality of a Wise and Knowing Person; for he was not content only to reject this quality which Men would have fastened upon him: but willing to measure other men's Corn by his own bushel, it was ten to one but he had taken those who bore the same quality, for no real Knowing Learned Men, and his undervaluing of whatsoever, Men Term, Sciences, was very like to have discovered itself.  
The displeasure he conceived to see himself disabused of the mistake wherewith he flattered himself to be able to acquire, A clear and assured knowledge of whatsoever is profitable to life. Was like to have precipitated him into despair, seeing, besides, that the Age he lived in was as flourishing as any of the preceding, and phancying with himself that all the Men of Parts, of which this Age was very fruitful, found themselves in the same predicament he was in, although peradventure they were so sensible of it as himself; he had a shrewd Temptation to believe, that there was no such thing as a Science in the World in every respect, such an one as they made him hope for.  
The result of all these tedious, 
He discards Books and Sciences, and why.  vexatious Deliberations, was that from the year 1613. he would forsake and discard all Books, and totally rid himself of the Study of Learning. By this kind of forsaking, he seemed to imitate the greatest part of your Sparks of Quality, who are not necessitated to Study whereby to subsist, or to get Preferment in the World. Yet there is this difference, that these in bidding adieu to Books, dream of nothing else but to shake off that Yoke which the College had rendered insupportable to them, whereas Monsieur Des Cartes would not have packed off his Books, for which, he had otherwise a great love for; but only because he found not in them what he sought for, upon the Credit of those who engaged him to ply his Study. Although he was sensible how much he was obliged to his Masters, who omitted nothing within the verge of their power, for to satisfy him; Nevertheless he did not believe himself at all beholden to his Studies, for what he afterward effected for tra●ing of Truth in Arts and Sciences; he did not stick to say to some Friends, that although his Father had not brought 〈◊〉 up a Scholar, yet he would not for all that, have forborn writing in his Mother Tongue, the self same thing he has written in Latin.  
VIII. 
His stay at Rheims and then at Paris.  He spent the Winter at the latter end of 1612. and beginning of 1613. in the City of Rheims or Rennes, in paying visits to his Family, to learn to ride the gaeat Horse, to learn to Fence, and other such like Exercises suitable to his quality, one may guests by a little Treatise of his concerning Fencing●, whether or no he misspent his time in that Exercise.  
His Father who had already caused his Elder Brother to apply himself to the Law, seemed to have some thoughts of designing him for the Service of his King and Country in the Army; but his tender years, and the weakness of his Constitution, would not permit him to expose him so early to the Toils of War. He judged it adviceable, first to let him see the World, to that purpose he resolved to send him to Paris towards the Spring, but perhaps it was a great oversight in him, to Abandon him to his own Conduct, and leave him to himself, without affording him any other Governor but a valet de Chambre, and not any to inspect him besides a Lackey or two: he relied too confidently upon the wisdom of a Youth of 17. years, void of Experience, and of all helps, but his own proper strength to wrestle against all occasions of undoing himself.  
Yea, and he had power enough to guard him from grosser Debauches, not to be overtaken by the Disorders of Intemperance; but he found he was not proof against Companies that hawled him away, to take a walk now and then to Gaming, and other Divertisements that pass in the World for indifferent in themselves: that which contributed much to make him more particularly addicted to Gaming, was, that he came always off with great Fortune, especially in those Games that depend more upon industry than chance.  
But the worst improvement he made during this idle time, was the renewing his Acquaintance with divers persons, whom he had seen at La Flesche, and the Friendship he Contracted with some Persons of worth; who served a little to reclaim him from that aversion that had seized him for the Study of Books.  
The most considerable of his new Friends, 
His Friendship with M. Mydorg●.  was that Famous Claudius Mydorge Treasurer of France, and of the generality of Amiens, Son to a Counsellor of the great Chamber, and Successor to Vieta, in his Reputation of the chief Mathematician in France, during some time; M. Des Cartes, who was younger by almost eleven years, found, I know not, what in this Acquaintance: Whether for his humour, or the Character of his Mind, which united them so close in such strict bonds of Friendship, that nothing could have separated them, but Monsieur Mydorge his Death.  
It was about the same time also, that he light again upon Marcinus Mersennus at Paris, 
With Father Mers●●nus.  ●ut as to his Exterior Garb, quite different from that he had known him at La Flesche, Mersennus had turned Minim after his leaving the Sorbon-School, this renewing of their acquaintance, was so much the more acceptable to the Monk, because Monsieur D. Cartes was not so much below him, as when he saw him a Lad in the College. On the other side, the Meeting proved Advantageous for Monsieur Des Cartes; forasmuch as it served to deliver him from his being given to Gaming, and other unprofitable pastimes: They began to relish the sweetness of their innocent acquaintance, and to solace one another in the research of truth, when Father Mersennus was about the year 1614 sent to Nevers, there to read Philosophy to the young Monks of his Order.  
This Separation went to Monsieur Des Cartes his Heart. 
His Retirement, and his return to his Study.  But in stead of occasioning him● any thoughts to return to his sports and idleness, it made him come the better to himself, than the presence of his Virtuous Friend did, it inspired into him the Resolution to retire from the World, and forsake even his usual Friends and Companions, on purpose to set himself again to the Study that he had Relinquished. He made choice of a place of Retirement in the Fauxbourg St. german, where he hired an House out of the Noise, and shut himself up, with only one or two Servants, without so much as giving his Friends or Kinsmen notice thereof. Having in this manner recovered his gusto for Study, he was over Head and Ears in the Study of Mathematics, to which he bestowed all that Leisure he had but now procured himself, which continued near upon two years.  
Such of his Friends which were good for nothing else but to pass away the time and divertisement, soon grew weary, that they see him no more: They sought him up and down, but all in vain, in the City, at Court, and in his Country; he was so wise at the beginning of his Retirement, to prevent the chance of meeting any, that he might not fall into the Hands of these Troublesome Persons, when he was obliged to go abroad about his occasions; the business had no bad Success for near two years together; but he afterwards relied but too confidently upon the luckiness of his Solitude, for not being vigilant enough about his regress and ingress, and not cautious of his ways, and turnings as before, he was met with by one of his Friends, whom he could not get quit off, till such time as he should discover the place of his Abode.  
This cost Monsieur Des Cartes his Liberty, 
He is found out and interrupted.  to say no worse, the Friend did so far prevail by his frequent reiterated visits, and by his importunity, that he first troubled his Repose, and then Diverted him from his beloved Solitude, to bring him again upon the Stage of the World; and to plung him again into Divertisements as before.  
But he soon perceived he had changed his Relish for Pleasure, Games, and walkings were not so Charming to him, as once before; and the Enchantments of Worldly Delights, had but very weak effects upon him, against the Charms of Philosophy and Mathematics, from which his Jovial Friends were not able to free him. They made him spend the Christmas holy days Anno 1616. and the beginning of the next year, till Shrovetide, as merrily as they possibly could. But they could not make him take delight in any thing but Music, by a Consort of which he could not choose but be much taken, considering the skill he had in Mathematicks.  
He no longer could hope from the importunate companions of his Age and Quality, 
He goes into Holland to bear Arms.  to have the liberty of retrieving and improving his retirement, and beside seeing himself one and twenty years of Age, he deemed it his duty to enter upon Service; He departed for Holland in the Month of May, and Listed himself in the Prince of Orange his Troops, in quality of a Volunteer, doing in this as many other younger Brothers of the French Nobility did: who flocked thither, to learn the Trade of War, under the Conduct of that great Captain.  
But as his Heart was already prepossessed by a stronger passion for the research of Truth, 
●is design in it.  to which he was fully resolved to apply himself sooner or later, his design was not to become a great Warrior in this Prince his School, so that in determining to bear Arms, he resolved never to appear any way forward as an Actor, but every where to be but as a Spectator of what is played in all sorts of Commonwealths and States, upon the Stages of the World. He turned Soldier for no other end, but only to Study the different natures of men more according to nature, and to endeavour to make himself proof against all the accidents of Life. That he might not be uneasy under any Superior Power, he refused upon his first entrance all Command and all Engagements, and always maintained himself at his own charges. But pro forma to keep up the custom he was to receive once at least his Pay, and had the curiosity to preserve that piece of Money he had for his Pay all his Life, as a Testimony of his having served in the Army.  
He did really take delight in War at that Age, but this inclination was but the effect of the heat of his Liver, which was assuaged in process of time. Although, the City of Breda where he lay in Garrison, enjoyed at that time the quiet which was procured it by the Truce concluded upon, between the Spaniard and Hollander, yet for all that he always showed himself an utter Enemy of Idleness and Libertinism. Whether you consider him in his Military Occupations, wherein he was assiduous and careful as any of the hottest forwardest Soldiers, or be it you look upon him at the leisure hours he could spare from his Duties, which he employed in Study, when others spent it in Debauchery.  
At that time it so happened, that an Anonymus person caused a Problem of Mathematics to be affixed up and down the streets of Breda, to be propounded to the Learned, and to require the solution of it. Monsieur Des Cartes beholding the concourse of Passengers stopping before the Note affixed Writ in Dutch, desired the next Man he found by him, that he would please to tell him either in Latin or French, the substance of what is contained. The Man, as good luck would have it, to whom he addressed himself, was willing to satisfy him, yet upon this condition, that he on his part would be obliged to solve the Problem, which he judged itself to be very difficult. Monsieur Des Cartes accepted of the condition with such a resolute Air, that the Man little expecting such a thing from a young Cadel in the Army, gave him his name in Writing, together with the Place of his Abode, to the intent he might bring him the solution of it when he should find it out. Monsieur Des Cartes understood by his Note, that his Name was Isaac Beekman, and that he was Principal of the College at Dort, no sooner was he returned to his Quarters, but setting himself to examine the Problem of the unknown Person, after the Rules of his Method, he found out the solution of it with much ease and readiness, as Vieta once did in resolving in less than three hours, that famous question propounded by Adrian Romain to all Mathematicians under the Cope of Heaven. Not to fail of his Word, away he goes next day to Beckmans' Lodging, brings him the solution of the Problem, nay and offers to give him the construction of it, if he desired so much, Beckman seemed surprised, but his wonder increased when beginning to discourse, on purpose to pose him, and sound the parts and capacities of the Young Man, he found his Abilities much beyond his own in the Sciences wherein his whole time had been taken up for several years. He craved of his amicable correspondence, and offered him his, and beseeched him to consent that they might maintain a mutual commerce of Studies, all the remainder of their Life. Monsieur Des Car●es answered all those Civilities with all the effects of unfeigned amity, notwithstanding ●e was younger than he by near thirty years, ●nd that he might give him evidences of the confidence he reposed in him, he cheerfully consented that he should be his correspondent for Holland, as he desired he might.  
Whilst Count Maurice came to be P. of ●range upon the Death of his Brother, 
He composes his Treatise of Music.  which happened the 20th. of Feb. 1618. and was just going through the Provinces and Cities with ●ome Troops, to reduce the Armenians: Monsieur Des Cartes had a mind to stay at Breda, where he employed his time in composing some Writings, amongst which, that which is best known, is his Teatise of Music, ●e composed it in Latin, for he had acquired a notable knack of Conceiving and Writing ex tempore, whatsoever came into his Mind. He was willing to entrust him with the Original, at whose request he had composed it, ●ut with this Proviso that he should let no body see, because, judging it very imperfect, he feared lest it should become public, either by Printing it, or by Multiplication of some Copies. Beeckman who was reckoned amongst the prime Mathematicians of the Age, found it not too imperfect for him, and thinking Des, Cartes had disowned and laid no claim to it, he thought fit to get some credit by it, as tho' he had been the Author of it. Monsieur Des Cartes believed he was obliged to bring down his Pride, and to let him understand what a base thing it is to acquire himself a little reputation at the expense of prejudicing the Truth.  
His Friends could never get his consent to publish this Treatise whilst he was alive; his Enemies having come by a Copy of it not so perfect as should be, sought for an occasion to be revenged of him after his Death. But they laboured to their own shame, and were so far from disgracing his Memory, that they drew upon him the admiration of all who knew that it was the composure of a Youth of 22 years old. To tell you Truth, the public does not at this time judge it such a mean piece, as the Author would make them believe it to be: the multitude of Editions, and the Translations into English and French, warrants its being approved on.  
XI. 
Other Works begun.  Beekman leaving to the Ministers and Divines the care of holding their National Council in his City comes to Breda to spend the best part of his Time with Monsieur Des Cartes to exercise himself in the Mathematics with him, and to propound questions to be resolved by him; Monsieur Des Cartes did not acquiesce in the answers he made to them. He left behind him also divers pretty works, that would have passed their Word that he spent his time well, if he would but have let them see the light; Amongst this juvenile Works, one finds his opinion concerning the Souls of Brutes, or, of Machine's: Writ, twenty years before he published his principle touching the distinction between a Thinking Substance, and a Substance extended. He had not so much as perused at that Age St. Augustin, or Pereira, nor any other Author that was capable to afford him any ●●sight into this Sentiment, nay, it moreover appears, that he never in all his Life had seen ●ereira, and that it was from some of his Friends, and some who envied him, that he ●ad the news that they found some resemblance between his opinion and that of this ●paniard.  
Nevertheless Monsieur Des Cartes not finding that variety of occupation under the Prince ●f Orange, that he promised himself upon his ●aving France, sought for an opportunity to remove from the Low Countries to serve somewhere else. The news that was brought ●o Breda of the great Commotions of Germany, awakened his Curiosity of being Spectator of the most considerable affair that passed in Eu●ope. They talked of a new Emperor, they talked of the States of Bohemia's Revolt against their King, and of a War commenced between the Papists and Protestants: upon this accounted Monsieur Des Cartes having a mind to leave Holland, made use of this pretence, viz. The little exercise the Cessation of Arms afforded him, which was agreed on between the Prince of Orange his Forces, and those of Marquis Spinola, which was to continue two years longer, conformable to the Conventions of Truce. His resolution was to pass into Germany, that he might serve in the Papist Arms, yet before he would determine to enter into any engagement, he longed to be present at the Coronation of the new Emperor which was to be performed in the City of Francford.  
XII. He departed from Breda in the month of July, Anno 1619. he got to Madstricht, and from thence to Aix la chapelle, where he learned the State of Affairs of Germany; and the preparations that City were accustomed to make for the Coronation of the Emperors. Being come to Mentz he understood that John Schwichart the Elector, had summoned all the other Electors of the Empire according to the usual manner, and had ordered them to meet at Francford on the 20th of July to proceed to the Election of a new Emperor.  
He was in this last City against the time that Ferdinand II. 
He was present at the Coronation of Ferdinand. II.  arrived there, as King of Bohemia and Elector of the Empire: this Prince was Elected King of the Romans the 28th of August, and was Crowned Emperor the 30th of the said month, according to the old stile, that is to say, the 9th of September according to our account. Monsieur Des Cartes did not appear at the first Ceremony, that respected the Election of the King of the Romans, by reason that an order was issued out to all Foreigners and Strangers, that is to say, to such that neither belonged to the place, ●●or to the Electors retinue, to void the Town, yet was he present at the second Ceremony that concerned the Coronation of the Emperor, and he had the curiosity to behold once ●or all, what passed at it; To the end he might not be ignorant of what the principal actors of this World do represent of most pompous and glorious upon the Theatre of the Universe.  
Before he went to Francford; he deliberated with himself what side he was to be on, 
He gets into the D. of Bavaria's Army.  when he informed that the Duke of Bavaria ●levy'd Forces. This news produced a design in him to list himself therein, without knowing precisely against what Enemy they were to march; all that he understood of it came to thus much, that he was not ignorant of the noise the troubles of Bohemia made throughout all Germany. As he did not much matter the entering into the interests of States and Princes, under whose dominion Providence had not ordained him to be born, so he did not pretend to bear a Musket to promote the concerns of the one, nor yet to destroy those of the other. He listed himself therefore in the Army of the Duke of Bavaria, only as a private Volunteer, not being willing to accept any employ. And at that time the report went that they were designed against Mansfield the Bastard, and the other Generals of those that had revolted in Bohemia, but the Duke of Bavaria gave them to understand a little while after, that they were to March against Frederick V. Elector Palatine of the Rhine, whom the States of Bohemia, had chosen for their King, but four days before the Coronation of the Emperor Ferdinando the Second, whom they intended to exclude from that Crown by this Enterprise.   

BOOK II.  
From 1619. to 1628.  
MOnsieur Des Cartes not intending to serve otherwise under the D. 
He goes into Winter Quarters.  of Bavaria, than he had done under the Prince of Orange; began the Campain, with putting into Winter. Quarters in the Duchy of Newbourg, upon the Banks of the Danube, in the Month of October, An. 1619. He found himself in a place so remote from Communication, and so little frequented by people, whose Conversation might afford him any Diversion, that he even procured himself such a privacy, as the condition of his Ambulatory Life could permit him.  
Not being secure abroad, 
His privacy.  and not having by good luck any anxieties, nor passions within, that were capable of disturbing him, he stayed withal all the Day long in his stove, where he had leisure enough to entertain himself with his thoughts; at first they were nothing else but preludiums of imagination, and became daring by degrees, by passing from one Cogitation to another, proportionably as he perceived the de●ght of his Mind to increase by their Concate●tion. One of the first that presented itself, ●as, that we do not usually meet with so ●uch perfection in works Composed of seve●eral pieces, and made by the hands of several Artists, as in those in which only one hath ●ade it his business; it was not an hard task ●or him, to find wherewithal to Foment and Maintain this thought, not only in Arts, where● one may observe, how much difficulty there 〈◊〉, in bringing any thing to perfection, if you ●and only upon another Man's shoulders, working only according to the Model of another; ●ut even in politics, which respects the Government of People, yea, and in the Establishment of Religion, which is the Handiwork of God alone.  
And then he applies this notion to Sciences, ●e knowledge of which, or its precepts, are ●ntrusted to Books, he supposeth that Sciences ●t lest those, the Reasons, whereof are only probable, not being backed by any Demonstra●ions, having swelled by little and little, by the Opinions of divers particular persons, and being only Composed by the reflections of several persons of different Intellects, do not approach so near Truth, as the down right Reasonings, that a Man of indifferent good Sense, useth naturally concerning things which present themselves to him.  
From thence he undertakes to proceed to Human Nature, 
He endeavours to rid himself of his prejudices.  with the same thought. He will consider, that because we have been Infants and Children before we were Men, and because we have let ourselves be a long time governed by our Appetites, and by our Masters and Tutors, who have oftentimes contradicted one another; it is in a manner impossible, that our Judgements should be so clear or so solid, as they would have been, put the Case, we had had the perfect use of our Reason, so soon as ever we were born, or if we had never been governed by any thing but it.  
The liberty he gave to his Reason not meeting with any Obstacle, led him insensibly to the Subverting of all the ancient Systems; yet he refrained doing so, taking notice of the indiscretion he should have been apt to have blamed in another Man, who should have gone about to have pulled down all the Houses of a City, under pretence to rebuild them after another manner. Nevertheless, as one cannot find fault with a private Person for, causing his own to be pulled down at such time as it threatens him with unavoidable ruin, that he may rear it up again upon more solid and substantial Foundations: So he was persuaded that it would have been taken for a piece of rashness in him to desire the reforming of Sciences, or the Order settled in the Schools for the teaching of them; but no body could reasonably blame him for making trial of it upon himself, without encroaching upon any other.  
So that he fully resolved once for all to get quit of all the Opinions he had received and embraced, till that time; but it was his in●ent not to exclude them quite out of his Belef, but only that he might substitute others ●terwards in their room, that should be beter, or even to take up the same again if need squired, after he should have verified them: ●nd, he believed, he could find out in this particular, some means or other that might ●ave that Effect as to regulate the Conduct ●f his Life a great deal better, than if he ●ould pretend to rear a Fabric upon old foundations, upheld only by a Company of principles which he had suffered to be in●ll'd into him in his Youth, without ever ●ving examined whether they were true, 〈◊〉 no.  
He foresaw notwithstanding, that so daring ●●d Novel a Project, could not be laid ●●t with some difficulty; yet he was apt to ●●tter himself, that these difficulties were not exuperable, but might admit of a remedy. ●esides, he did look upon them no ways comparable to those that occur in the Reformation of the smallest Matters relating to the public; he made a vast difference between ●●at, he went about to destroy in himself, ●●d those Public Establishments we observe 〈◊〉 this World, which he compared to huge bodies, whose fall must needs be very sad, ●hich besides are abundantly more difficult 〈◊〉 be erected again after they are battered ●own, than to be propped up and made to stand, ●hen they shake and totter. But without ●●tending to carry on his Designs as far as the Interests of the Public, he cared only to reform his own proper Thoughts, and did no● mean to Build upon any Ground to which he had not a good Title. In case of bad Success, he thought he should not be much 〈◊〉 loser by the Bargain, since that the worst that could happen thereupon, could but be th● loss of his time and pains, when all came 〈◊〉 all; which he did not judge very necessary to the Benefit of Mankind.  
In the new Heat and Career of his Resol●tions, 
His Pains and Encumbrances.  he undertook to put in Practice the Fir●● Part of his Designs, which consisted only 〈◊〉 Destroying and Pulling down. This without doubt was the easiest of the two, but 〈◊〉 quickly perceived that it was not quite so eas● for a Man to get quit of his Prejudices, as 〈◊〉 set Fire on his House; he had already prepared himself for this abjuring and renouncing from the very time he left the College. H● had practised some Attempts to that purpose first of all, in his Retirement in the Fauxbou● St. german in Paris, and after that; whilst 〈◊〉 sojourned at Breda. With all these Dispo●tions he had no less to undergo, than if he 〈◊〉 been to unman himself.  
He believed nevertheless, that he had accomplished his design, and to speak the tru●● it was enough that his Imagination did represent to him his Intellect quite naked, for 〈◊〉 make him believe that he had effectually brought it to this condition, there was n●thing left him but love for truth, the pursuit whereof was to make up for the future ●●e whole occupation of his life; this administered the only matter of torment he suffered in his Spirit; but now the means ●hereby to come to this happy Conquest ●casioned no less trouble and perplexity ●an the end itself. The Enquiry he inten●ed to make after these means, threw his ●ind into such violent Agitations increasing ●ore and more by a continual Contest wherewith he kept it intent, without so much as ●●ving leave to his walking abroad, or Com●●ions to divert it from what it was about. ●e wearied it out to that degree that his ●ain took fire, and he falls into a spice of enthusiasm which disposed his Mind, already ●ite spent, in such a manner, that it was 〈◊〉 to receive the Impressions of Dreams and ●●sions.  
He acquaints us, That on the Tenth of No●●mber 1619. laying himself down Brimful of 〈◊〉 Enthusiasm, and wholly possessed with the ●ought of having found that day the Foundations of the wonderful Science, he had Three dreams one presently after another; yet so extraordinary, as to make him fancy that ●ey were sent him from above; he supposed ●e discerned through their shadows the tracks ●f the Path which God had chalked out for ●●m, to perform his Will in his choice of ●ife; and inquiry after truth, which was the ●ccasion of all his disquiet; but the Divine spiritual Air, which he took a Pride to give 〈◊〉 the Explanation of these Dreams, was so ●ar a kin to that Enthusiasm wherewith he believed himself to be warmed, that a Man would have been apt to have believed that he had been a little Crack-brained, or that he might have drank a Cup too much that Evening before he went to Bed. It was indeed, St. Martin's Eve, and People used to make Merry that Night in the place where he was as they do in France; but he assures us, that he had been very Sober all that Day, and that Evening too and that he had not touched a drop of Wine for Three Weeks together.  
Whatever was the matter with him, I cannot tell; but the impression of these Agitation● made upon him, caused him to make several reflections the next day what course he should take. Without presuming too much upon the favourable Construction he had put upon his Dreams▪ he had recourse to God afresh, to beg of him to give him some Intimations o● his wi●●, without an Aenigma; That he would vouchsafe to enlighten him, and direct him 〈◊〉 his research of Truth. He endeavoured also to interest the Virgin Mary in this Business which he judged as the most weighty important one of his Life, and taking occasion from a Journey he thought to take into Italy, he made a Vow of Pilgrimage to our Lady o● Loretto, which he was not capable to Perform till some Years after.  
He got quit of his Enthusiasm a few days after, but altho' his Mind was reduced to its former Station, and reinstated in its usual calmness, yet was he no more Positive thann before, touching what he should resolve● upon.  
II. 
His searching after the Society of the Rosacrusians.  His Solitude during this Winter was wholly without interruption, especially by Persons who were not capable of starting Questions in order to discourse, yet did he ●ot debar any one from his Chamber who was inquisitive, or understood how to discourse of Sciences or Philosophical Transactions. By Conversing with such sort of Persons▪ he understood there was a Fraternity or Club of Learned Men, settled in Germany some Years since, under the Name of Brethren of Rosy Cross, they gave them wonderful Commendations often to him, they buzzed in the Ear that they were a sort of Men which understood every thing, and that they promised to help Men to a new-Wisdom; that is to say, a new Science not hitherto discovered, adding all the Prodigies which every private Person told him concerning it, to the rumour that was spread abroad through Germany, about these Fellows; He found himself so much the more concerned at it, because he received the News at the very time when he was the most busy concerning the Mediums he was to propound to himself for the finding out of Truth.  
He thought he was engaged not to be unconcerned upon the account of the Rosa Crusians', because, (says he to a Friend of his) if these should prove Impostures, it had been unlawful to let them run away with so much Reputation, illgotten, at the expenses of the People's Credulity; and if so be they were able to produce any new thing into the World which is worth knowing, it had been a most base unworthy thing in him to undervalue all Sciences amongst which he might find one, of whose Foundation, he might have been ignorant. It was his Business therefore to find out one of these new Virtuoso's, that he might understand what they were, upon his Knowledges, and also confer with them. But seeing one of their Statutes was, not to appear, what really they were; not to be distinguished from other Men, neither by their Garb nor manner of Living; nor to discover themselves in their Discourse, you need not wonder if all his Pains and Curiosity came to nothing.  
It was not possible for him to find out one single Man, who would really own himself of that Fraternity, or that was but so much as suspected to be of it: It was an hundred to one but he had put the Society out of the Predicaments, and ranked them amongst Chimaeras; but that which made him forbear to do so, was the great show the numerous Apologetical Pamphlets made, in favour of these Rosacrusians, as well in Latin as High Dutch. Yet he thought it not safe referring himself to all these Apologies, whether it was because his inclination induced him to take these new Virtuoso's for Impostures, or else because renouncing all Books, he had a mind to inure himself to judge of nothing but upon his own proper Experience. And this is the reason why he was free to say some few Years after, that he knew nothing of the Rosacrusians: he was likewise surprised that his Friends should tell him, returning to Paris 1623. that the Reputation he had got of being one of the Fraternity of the Rosacrusians was well worth ●is Sojourning in Germany.  
Seeing himself thus frustrated of his hopes ●e had entertained to find some body or other ●apable of encouraging him in the enquiry af●er Truth▪ 
He goes into Suabia, and gets acquaintance with Faulhaber.  he relapsed into his former Trouble and Encumbrance; He spent the rest of ●he Winter and Lent without resolving on ●ny thing; thinking himself, upon the whole, ●o have had a good Deliverance from the Pre●udices of his Education, still entertaining a ●design of Building all de novo; yet although, this ●incertainty with which his Mind was agitated, made the difficulties of accomplishing his design, more sensible to him, than if he had forthwith resolved upon it; yet for all that, he never was discouraged; he still kept up his Spirits with the Success he experienced in adjusting the Secrets of Nature to the Rules of Mathematics, according as he made any new discovery in Physics. These Occupations secured him from Melancholy Fits, and other effects of Idleness: and they took up his time till the D. of Bavaria ordered his Troops to advance towards Suabia.  
He laid hold on this Opportunity to be at ulm, an Imperial City, in which the French Ambassadors were to hold an Assembly for Redressing the Disorders committed in the Empire. He arrived there only in the Month of June 1620, but there he spent the whole Winter. There he got abundance of Acquaintance with the most Creditable Persons in that place, and particularly with those who were in any Reputation for their Abilities in Philosophy and Mathematics: No Body was ever more esteemed for his acquaintance, in that Country, than John Faulhaber, nor did ever any one more than he approve of the capacity of a young Soldier, who presently made him mend his pace in Mathematics. Some suppose, that then by means of a Parabole, he found out the Art of the Construction of all sorts of solid Problems in general, reduct to an aequation of three or four Dimensions: Which occurs plainly, Demonstrated in the third Book of Geometry.  
Towards the end of September, 
He was at the Siege of Prague.  he left Suabia, to return to Bavaria, and so to pass into Austria, where the Ambassadors of France were gone, after concluding the peace at ulm, to meet the Emperor once again, to proffer him their Meditation, in respect of the Malcontents of Hungary and Bethlem Galer, Pr. of Transylvania: But having learned, that the D of Bavaria had ordered his Troops to march into Bohemia, in stead of following the Ambassadors into Hungary, he went from Vienna, strait to his Camp, and was in person, in the Expedition of the Imperial Catholics and Bavarians, and above all, at the Famous Battle of Prague, into which he entered, together with the Victors. Some Authors dare suppose, that he made use of this opportunity, to visit those Famous Machine's of Tyco-Bra●●e the Astronomer: But were plundered above a year before, and either broken in pieces, or ●ut out of order by the Elector Palatins Ar●y, and the great Celestial Globe of Brass, ●he only one they had the good fortune to save ●as Transported to Niece in Silesia, and depo●ed at the Jesuits College.  
After the taking of Prague, 
He passed into Hungary under the Count de Bucquoy.  M. Des Cartes ●ame to pass the Winter Quarters with a par●y of the Troops the Duke of Bavaria had ●eft upon the extremities of South-Bohemia, ●here he sets himself again to work upon his ●sual Meditations upon Nature, exercising himself in the praeludiums of this great design, and improving the advantage he had in his Hand, to live alone amongst those, whose liberty of Drinking and Playing, he could not ●easonably envy, so long as they left him to his liberty of Studying.  
Nevertheless, he found himself hard put to it, in not resolving upon something, besides he knew not what to determine in respect of his choice of a way of living, answerable to his Designs: He deferred the deciding of it till another time, and on purpose to give some diversion to his Troubles, he resolved once more to take a Musket, and to weather out another Campaign. The desire to be acquainted with other Countries, and other Manners, caused him to quit the Duke of Bavaria's Service towards the end of March, 1621. that he might List himself into the Troops of Count of Bucquoy, passing out of Hungary, into Bohemia; April ensuing, he was with him at the Siege of Presbourg, Tinaw, and several other places, wherein some suppose, he Signalised himself; but the raising of the Siege of Newhausell, which had not been so successful to the Imperalists, as the others, added to the loss of his General, who was Slain there, put him so out of humour, that he had no stomach to the profession of Arms.  
It will be to no purpose, 
But he did not serve against the Turks.  to take notice of the mistake of those who, pretend he went after that into the Service against the Turks, nay, and that his Personal Courage too, acquired him Notable Reputation against those Infidels, it may suffice to acquaint you, that quitting the Imperial Service on the 28th. of July, the very next Day after the Raising of the Siege of Newhausell, he came back to Presbourg, in Company with certain Walloons, who were exceeding numerous in the Count of Bucquoy's Army.  
IV. 
He forsakes the profession of Arms.  His Design was not to come back into France so soon, whether by reason of the War the Hugunots had but just began, or else because of the Plague that Raged particularly in the City of Paris, for near a year together, which ceased not till 1623. He betook himself therefore to Travel into that part of the Northern Country, that remained to be seen by him. Yet one may avouch, that it was without changing his condition: For what he undertook, was nothing in a manner, but a Continuation of Travels, which he intended to perform hence forward, without being bound to follow Armies, supposing he had sufficiently pried into, and discovered Mankind, by way of its Hostilities. He always mentioned this Military Profession, in such a cold and indifferent manner; that Men judged thereby, that he looked upon his Campaigns as mere Travels, ●nd that he made use of the Bandolier, but as 〈◊〉 Passport, which facilitated his access, even ●o the innermost recesses of Tents, and to the ●ottom of Trenches, the better to satisfy his Curiosity.  
Wherefore choosing for his future Voyages, 
His Northern Travels.  such Countries that were not▪ pestered with War, he applied himself particularly, to see and examine Princes Courts, to frequent the company of persons of different conditions, and contrary humours. He Studied moreover to make a Collection of several Experiments, as well upon the natural Productions of several Climates he passed through, as upon politic matters, which he observed amongst People, in respect of their Customs, Manners of Lives, and Inclinations. This is what he calls the Great Book of the World: Wherein he maketh account to find out true Science, despairing to find it any where else, except in this Volume opened to every one's view, and in himself, according to his persuasion, that the Seeds which God hath Sown in us, are not so totally stifled by ignorance; or other effects of sin.  
According to these principles, he intended that these Voyages and Travels, should serve him to make trial upon himself, in the Accidents and Occurrences fortune should propose to him, and that they might put him upon making Advantageous reflections upon every thing that presented itself, and became profitable to him, for the Conduct of his Life; For he flattered himself with the hopes of finding more of truth in the reasoning private persons use, touching their own concerns; than in those which a great Scholar shut up in his Study, useth upon Speculations, which ordinarily produce no other effects, than Vanity and Haughtiness, and sometimes he prides himself the more in them, by how much they are for the most part more dissonant to common Sense, after he hath laboured and set all his Wits upon the Rack, to make them probable.  
But to speak the truth, when he applied himself only, narrowly to survey the manners of other Men, he found very little in them, whereby he could make himself sure of any thing. He perceived in a manner, as great a diversity in them, as he had before met with, in the Opinions of Philosophers: So that the greatest Advantage that occurred to him by that inquiry, was, that seeing several things, how extravagant and ridiculous soever they may appear to us, yet do not cease for all that, to be commonly received and approved of by other People; he learned at last, not to believe any thing upon slight grounds, and not stiffly and peremptorily to stand up for that which both Example and Custom had formerly persuaded him to be right.  
Leaving Hungary, he took another turn into Moravia, where he joined the Emperor's Forces, under the Count Bucquoy. He visited Selesia, the utmost parts of Poland, Pomerania, ●he Coasts of the Baltic Sea, the Marquisate of Brandenbourg, and descended into Holstein; from whence, after he had turned off his re●●nue, he Embarked, but with one Manservant for East-Freez-Land: when he had examined it in a few days, as he had done the other Provinces of Germany, he put again to sea, with a Resolution to go a shore in West-Freez-Land, the principal places of which he longed mightily to see likewise; that he might do it with the more freedom, he hired a small Boat for himself, and so much the rather, because it was a short cut from Embden, to the first Landing place of West-Freez-Land.  
But this putting things in order, 
He was in danger of his Life.  the better to provide for his own Convenience, was like to have proved fatal to him; he had to do with a crew of the most Clownish, Barbarous Mariners, that ever Man see amongst People of that profession. It was not long before he understood, that they were a pack of wicked Rogues, but after all, they were Masters of the Boat. M. Des Cartes, had no other to converse with, but his valet, with whom he spoke French. The Mariners who took him rather for a foreign Merchant, than a Cavalier, thought he must have good store of Money about him; this made them take a Resolution, which was by no means favourable to his pocket, and that they might deprive him of means to tell Tails, they had thoughts of making him away: They perceived he was a Stranger, come from some remote Country, who had small acquaintance in the Country, and that no Body would prosecute them, if he chanced to be missing, they found him of a very sedate, very patient humour, and judging by the mildness of Countenance, and the Civility he showed them, that he was a person of no Experience in the World, from these circumstances, they concluded they should have his Life at 〈◊〉 cheaper rate; they made no scruple to hold their Counsel before his Face, not knowing that he understood any other Language besides that, in which he Discoursed with his valet de Chambre; at last, the result of their Deliberation, was to knock him on the Head, to fling him into the water, and divide the Spoil.  
Monsieur Des Cartes seeing they were in earnest, starts up all on a sudden, puts on another Countenance, draws his Sword with that stearness they little expected, speaks to them in their own Tongue, but with such a Tone, that frighted them out of their Wits; and withal, threatening to run them through, if they durst but hold up a finger against him. It was upon this occasion, that he perceived what resoluteness of a Man may do, upon your pitiful Low-spirited Souls. Such a resoluteness as is above a Man's power to execute, a resoluteness, which upon other occasions, might pass for a mere Bravado, such an one as he showed upon this occasion, produced a wonderful effect upon the Spirits of these wretches, the cruel fright they were seized with, was followed with amazement, that they knew not how to make use of their Advantage, but brought him without any more ado, to the ●lace whither he was bound, as peaceably as ●e could wish.  
V. From Westfriezland, 
He goes back to his own Country.  he stepped into Holland, where he passed a good part of the Vinter, expecting the event of the two Sieges of Juliers and Sluise, form by the Spaniard or Fleming, who had taken up Arms again, against the Hollanders, five Months after the Truce was expired: In the Month of February ensuing, he passed into the Catholic Netherlands, whose principal Cities, he had a great mind to see, from whence, getting into France, he went strait way to Rennes in Brittany, to his Father's House, towards the middle of March.  
He was at that time 26 years of Age Complete, and his Father seeing him present, took occasion of his being at Age to settleupon him his Mother's Jointure, of which he had given two Portions to Monsieur La Bretailliere, and to Madam du Crevice, that were elder than he, seeing that all his Estate was in Paictou, he had the curiosity to go view it, on purpose to see how he could improve it to the best advantage, he departed for that Province in May, and at that time, fain would have a good Chapman to have bought it, that with that Money, he might buy some place suitable to him, he returned about the latter end of Summer to his Father, the year slipped away before any one of his kindred could make him any overtures concerning what kind of life he should betake himself to.  
Having little or nothing to do at his Father's House, 
He goes to Paris.  it made him have a huge desire to take a turn to Paris, towards the beginning of Lent, the next year. People began to suck in a purer Air in this City, than they had done for● near three years, that the Contagion had corrupted it. At his Arrival, the Affairs of tha● unfortunate Prince Palatin of the Rhine, elected King of Bohemia, the inroads, the Expeditions of Bastard Count Mansfield, and the conferring the Prince Palatins Electorat to the Duke of Bavaria, ratified at Ratisbon, the 25th. of February aforegoing, furnished matter enough, for public Discourses. He was well stocked with matter, where-withal to satisfy his Friends, as to that point, but in requital, they imparted to him some news, that created them a great deal of sorrow. It was but t'other day, that Men began to speak of the fraternity of the Rosacrusians at Paris, which he sought up and down in Germany, and all to no purpose, in 1619. in Winter, and some began to spread abroad a report, as if he had admitted himself into that fraternity.  
He was so much the more surprised at this News; 
He takes of the slander of being a Rosacrusian.  because it did not at all suit with the Character of his Genius, nor to the Inclination he ever had, to look upon these same Rosacrusians, as a company of Impostors and Visionaries, they were called in Paris, the Invisible, and they published that of thirty six Deputies, that the Head of the Society had sent throughout all Europe; six of them were come into France, in the Month of February, ●●d lodged au marais du Temple Paris, but that ●●ey could not Communicate their concep●●ns to the World, neither could any Com●nicate his to them, but by their thoughts ●n'd with their Will, that is to say in a man●● imperceptible by sense.  
Chance, that had made their pretended ar●al in Paris to jump with that of Monsieur 〈◊〉 Cartes, would have produced very ill ejects in reference to his reputation, had he ●ne about to abscond, or had he but retired to some solitude in the City, as he had done ●●fore his Travels, but was so happy as to confound those thoughts, to improve this con●●cture to confirm their calumny. He appeared before the face of the World, but especially to his Friends, who desired no other ●●gument to be persuaded that he was not a ●ember of the Fraternity of the Rosacrucians' 〈◊〉 Invisibles, yea, and made use of the reason 〈◊〉 their Invisibility to excuse himself to his friend, in as much as he had not been able 〈◊〉 discover any one of them in Germany.  
His presence above all things was a means 〈◊〉 calm the agitation, wherein his Friend Fa●●er Mersennus was in, whom they sent for ●ack again to Paris at the end of 1619. this ●lse report had so much the more easily ●ext and troubled him, as he was less apt to ●elieve that the Rosacrucians' were Invisible, ●●r the Spring of a Chimaera, considering ●hat several Germans, together with Robert fludd an Englishman had delivered in favour of them.  
VI 
His 〈◊〉 for his 〈◊〉 of Livelihood.  The great Concourse of People Mr● Des Cartes saw in Paris, was not capable o● filling up all the vacancies of his stay there▪ nor yet to keep him always busied out of himself. Whenever he was with himself, h●●self always his disturbance coming upon him concerning his choice of a way of livelihood agreeable to his vocation, and that might b● convenient for the executing some designs h● had in his head concerning finding out Truth▪ The settlement wherein he saw the most par●● of his Friends, each of them placed in advan●tagious Posts for their Life, signified nothing for the fixing his resolutions.  
His own experience had convinced him along time ago of the small benefit of Math● maticks, 
He declares against 〈…〉 and Physics.  especially when Men study them only for themselves, without applying them to other things, since the year 1620. he had wholly laid aside the rules of Arithmetic the great delight he had for Geometry continued yet a little longer in his affection, because the Mathematicians of Holland and Germany he had met with during his Travels● had contributed much to his retaining them by reason of their Queries and Problems they propounded to him to solve. But yet we must confess, that his esteem of them wa●●efiened from the year 1623. if it be true tha● in 1638. it was above 15 years that he professed he had quite laid aside Geometry, and would neve● more me●●le with the solution of any Problem, b●● only at the request of some friend.  
He sees nothing less solid than for a Man to busy himself about pure simple numbers, and imaginary Figures, without having any fur●er design, nay he found something in it ●ore than unprofitable, and he knew very ●ell it was of dangerous consequence to ap●●y one's self too seriously, to these superficial ●●emonstrations which hazard supplied us with, oftener than industry and experience, and are ●ather to be judged of by the Eyes and Imagination, than by the Understanding. His Maxim was that this same serious application ●oth insensibly accustom us, not to make ●se of our Reason, and evidently exposeth us ●o loose the high Road, that its Light Chalks ●ut for us.  
But we may acknowledge that he did not ●ive over the particular Study of Arithmetic ●nd Geometry, 
The Study of Universal Mathematics.  but to give himself up entirely ●o the research of that general, and withal, ●nfallible Science the Greeks judiciously style Mathesis, of which all Mathematics are but ●arts. He pretended that for these particular Knowledges to deserve the name of Mathematics, it was necessary they should have references, relations, proportions and measures ●or their object, upon that account he judged that there was a general Science designed on purpose to explain all the questions that one could put, touching Relations, References, Proportions and Measures, considered as separated from Matter, and that this general Science might justly claim the title of Mathesis, or Universal Mathematics, since it comprehends whatsoever can possibly put other knowledges in a condition to deserve the name of Science or Mathematics.  
Now that is the riddling of the difficulty, 
He falls upon Ethics and sets to Physics again.  to believe that Monsieur Des Cartes had quite and clean forsaken Mathematics, at such a time that it was no longer in his choice to be ignorant of them, he practised likewise some attempts upon himself to discard the study o● Physics or Natural Philosophy. Finding abundance of discouragement in the little certainty he took notice of in his Observations. Being resolutely bend to apply himself to nothing but the Art of living well, he set himself again to the Study of morality, for which he had testified already, before he went to Travel, a great predilection, and one may lawfully say he was as good as his Word, for he loved it to his latter end. But it was without ostentation, and more for the regulating his own behaviour than that of others. Yet it was not long before he was persuaded that the study of Natural Philosophy, was not altogether useless in tha● of Morality, and that the Progress he could make, in discerning of true and false, would stand him in great s●ead for regulating his actions. That caused him to return to his Observation upon Nature, being persuaded, That the most certain means to know how we ought to live, is to know before hand what kind of Creatures we are, what kind of World it is we live in, and who is the Creator of this Universe which we inhabit. He hath oftentimes since declared, That the insight he had acquired into Physic, had been very serviceable to him in establishing certain Foundations in Morality or Ethics. And that it was abundant more easy for him to find the satisfaction he looked for in this point, than in several others that related to Physic or Medicine altho' he had employed more of his time therein— So ●hat after all these inquiries he might boast, ●ot so much that he had found out the means ●o preserve Life, but, that, of not being ●fraid of Death, and that he prepared himself for it, exempt from the disquiet common to those whose Wisdom is derived from other men's indoctrinements, grounded upon Foundations, that depend only upon the Prudence and Authority of other Men.  
Monsieur Des Cartes was two months and upward in Paris entertaining his Friends with the Discourse of this elusion that had possessed him, 
He goes into Brittany & Poictou where he sells his Estate.  touching his pretended renouncing Mathematics and Physics.  
He sometimes took much pleasure in dissembling his Resolutions, and the least occasion they presented him with, to resolve a Problem, or to make an experiment, were unavoidable snares for him. The perplexity of his Mind, joined to the necessity of regulating his affairs, made him go back into Brittany towards the beginning of May, thence he goes into Poictou, and in June and July, during his sojourning there, he sold the greatest part of his Estate with his Father's consent; he had it from his Mother, and especially the Lordship of Perron, which was his Title he bore to satisfy his Relations.  
VII. 
His Voyage into I●aly.  Coming to Paris in August, and no● finding an occasion to put out his Money to the best advantage, he resolved at last to undertake a journey into Italy, which he had still deferred thitherto, before he had procured him a place which deprived him of the means to accomplish it. He departed, after that he had sent Word to his Friends, That a journey beyond the Alps, would be much to his advantage for the instructing him in business, and gain some experience in the World, and get acquaintance with men versed in Worldly affairs, which he had not yet done, adding, that, tho' he might not return Richer, yet at least he would come back from thence more capable for business.  
He took his Way through Switzerland, resolving to visit what he had not yet seen in high Germany in his first Travels. It had been an easy matter for him to have found at Basil, Zurich, and other City's store of Philosophers and Mathematicians capable to entertain him in Discourse: but he was more curious to see Waters, Minerals, Mountains, the Air of every Country with its Meteors, and generally what was at the greatest distance from frequenting men's Company, that he might know the Nature of things which appear to be least known to the Vulgar Learned; when he passed through any City he saw your Learned Men but just as others, he observed their actions no less than their discourse.  
In July he passed into the Country of the Grisons amongst which the commotions in the Valtoline retained him some time. He continued his Journey through the County of Ty●ol, from whence he came to Venice toward rogation time, there to behold the Ceremony of the Doge or Duke's Marrying the Adriae●ick Sea, from Venice, he thought of discharging his duty he imposed upon himself in Germany in Nou. 1619. of paying his Vow to the Lady of Loretto, which he could perform at that time. His Vow fulfilled, he had Leisure, before he went to Rome, to think of some Domestic business, which served him amongst his Friends for a pretence to Travel. The pretence was to try if he could get to be Intendant of the French Army in Piedmont under the Constable Les diguieres in which he had no good success.  
The occasion of a Jubilee of 25 years the opening of which was to be performed on Christmas Eve, to continue the whole year after, produced in his Mind some stir of Devotion, altho' his prime motive was nothing else at first but the curiosity of seeing Rome, and the Pope's Court. There arrived in the City about the latter end of November, a prodigious concourse of People flocking thither from all parts of the Popish Europe, this appeared so favourable to the passion he always had to know Mankind by his own proper knowledge, that instead of spending his time in examining Edifices, Statues, Paintings, Antiquities, Manuscripts and other rarities of Ancient and New Rome, he betook himself particularly to the Study of Inclinations, Manners, Dispositions, and Characters of Mind in the Crowd and Medly of so many different Nations. This conveniency gave a dispensation of travelling further, and stayed his longing to go even to the very Heart of Sicily and Spain, there to find out the People that remained to be seen by him.  
VIII. 
His return unto France.  He departed from Rome to go back into France just at the time when Cardinal Joseph Barberini the Pope's Nephew (whose esteem and friendship he had won) embarked in order to be Legate at the Court of the most Christian King; but for his part he desired to return home by Land, not to lose the opportunity of seeing a Country he was overjoyed to know. He passed through Tuscany, where he did not fail to render a visit to the renowned Gallilaeus, if we may give credit to those who have mentioned his Journey into Italy; but that was writ only upon false Relations, and we are obliged to acknowledge upon his own confession that he had never seen that Mathematician, and that he had no correspondence with him.  
Men did nothing but talk of the Expeditions the Duke of Savoy, and the Constable Les Diguires were going to make upon the Genueze and Spaniard, which afforded M. Des Cartes the Curiosity just as he went out of Tuscany to go take a view of the Army of the Constable, whom he found very busy at the Siege of Gavi, when he arrived in his Camp, the City taken the last of April, he had still a mind to be eye-witness to one part of the wonderful progress ●he D. of Savoy's Army made. Thence he went 〈◊〉 Turin towards the month of May, but passing through the Country of Suza to re-enter France, he turned aside towards Savoy to examine the height of the Alps. It was upon this ●ccasion that after some observations made upon Snow, first heated, and then made heavier by the heat of the Sun, which the least motion of Air make to fall one upon another with an huge noise, that he was confident he guessed at the cause of Thunder, and found out the reason why it Thunders seldomer in Winter than Summer.  
IX. 
He comes to live in Paris.  He came Post between Lions and Poictou, where understanding that his Father was at Paris, he departed about the latter end of June to join him, and beg his Advice touching the place of Lieutenant General of Chastelreaut, which was proffered him, with a pretty good composition. Being come to Paris, he found that his Father was gone for Brittany, which being joined with the Entreaty of his Friends, who wished to see him settled in Paris, did not a little contribute to the causing his business of Chastelreaut to prove abortive, and put him out of conceit with the Country.  
Taking Lodgings at the house of Monsieur le Vasseur d'Etoiles, 
His manner of Life.  Father to Mons. de Vasseur now living, Councillor in the Grand Chambre, he procured himself a kind of Settlement in Paris; where drawing up a Model of deportment or conduct concerning the manner of living, which all gentile well-bred men of the World are wont to prescribe to themselves he embraced the most plain, simple kind o● life, the most remote from singularity and affectation he could possibly think on. Ther● was nothing in his house but what was prett● common, his Furniture and Table very clea● and neat, but without superfluity: He was served by a few Valets: He marched th● streets without any at his heels, with a Suit 〈◊〉 single Taffety, which was Alamode in thos● days, not wearing a Plume of Feathers, Sca●● and Rapier but as badges of his Quality; fo● no Gentlemen at that time could be dispens 〈◊〉 with to wear otherwise.  
He had put off till he had finished his Travels, his pitching upon a stable profession for the remainder of his days. But as he appeared not at all to have mended his pace in deliberating, and was as much to seek as at the beginning, yet for all that he did insensibly confirm himself in the thoughts of not being subject to any employ, not but that be made a second serious review of the several occupations that Men of this World follow, on purpose to try if he could find one, which he could handsomely manage, and might be conformable to the dispositions of his Spirit. But having examined every thing by the touchstone of Reason, he found at length that he could do nothing better than to continue in that Occupation which he then actually followed, since he had got shut of all the prejudices of his Education. This occupation did solely consist in employing his whole Life to cultivate and improve his Reason, and to make the greatest progress he possibly could 〈◊〉 the knowledge of Truth, conformable to ●he method he had prescribed to himself.  
He did not find himself, 
A maxim for regulaeting himself.  God be praised, ●ny way a Slave to any of those passions which ●ause young men to become vicious. He ●ound himself perfectly cured of the strong ●●clination for gaming they had formerly inspired him with, and also of the indifference for mispending his time, the irresolution that might still remain touching the general aims of his state and condition, had no effect upon his particular actions. He lived and acted, without ever taking notice of the incertainty ●e found in the judgements he passed upon Sciences, According to the maxims that he framed to himself of Morality, he intended to vambrace the most moderate opinions, the most commonly received in practice, and the farthest from excess, for the regulating his conduct and demeanour. Doing himself besides the justice not to prefer his private opinions to those of other persons, whom he judged more Wise and more Sensible than himself.  
He appeared upon all occasions so very jealous of his Liberty, that he could not dissemble the aversion he had conceived, for all the engagements that are apt to deprive us of our indifference to our actions, not that he would pretend to find fault with the Laws, which are for remedying the inconstancy of weak Spirits, or for settling sureness in the commerce of Life, permit men to make Vows or Contracts obliging those who voluntarily and lawfully make them, to persevere in what they undertake. Yet seeing nothing that continues in the same state and condition, and promising to himself to perfect his judgement still more and more, he thought he should have trespass against Sense and Reason, if he had taken upon him to take a thing for good, when it ceased so to be, or to appear to him to be such▪ upon pretence that he might have found i● good another time.  
In respect of these actions of his Life which he believed could not admit of delay, when he was not in a condition to discern the truest opinions, he always stuck close to those that were probable. If it so happened that he met not with more probability in some of them, than he did in others, yet did he not cease to determine upon one, and not to consider them afterward, as dubious in respect of practice, but as very true and certain, because that he found that the reason he had to determine and pitch upon one, was such as by this means he acquired the habit of delivering himself from repentings and remorses, which usually rack the Consciences of weak and unstable Spirits, who are induced but too rashly to practise as good, the things which they judge afterwards to be evil. Being persuaded that his Will never inclined him to pursue or avoid any thing, but so far forth as his understanding did represent it to him good or evil, he thought it sufficed him, to judge well for to do well, that is to say, to acquire all Virtues, and all the benefits they are able to produce.  
With these inward dispositions he lived in 〈◊〉 appearance after the same manner as they 〈◊〉, who being out of employment, think of ●●thing else but to live a sweet peaceable in●●cent Life in the Eyes of Men, studying to 〈◊〉 their leave of the pleasures that attend ●ice, and that they may enjoy their leisure ●●me, without thinking it tedious, have recourse now and then to honest divertisements. ●o that his deportment having nothing that smelled of singularity in it, capable of producing ill effects in the Eyes or Imagination of others, no body contrived to put an obstacle to the continuation of his designs, and he, for his part proceeded day by day, in his inquiry into Truth in relation to natural things.  
X. 
His reputation gains him friends and is tired out with visits.  and XI. Albeit Monsieur Des Cartes had procured himself a kind of settlement in Paris, yet was he not so constant in his residence, during his year and half abode there, but that he afforded himself from time to time, the liberty to take a walk into the Fields, and even sometimes to undertake Journeys into his Country.  
Some few weeks after his return from Italy, the desire of seeing the Court of France again, made him take a turn to Fontainbleau where he met with an opportunity to salute the Legate, whom he had not seen since his departure from Rome. He made use of his credit he gained at Court with him, to recommend to him some learned persons of his friends, namely Monsieur Balzac, whose cause he defended before this Cardinal against Father Gorela General of the Fevillans.  
After a Journey he took the year following with Monsieur Vasseur his Landlord and Relation, he went and took him a Lodging in the Fauxbourg St. german, to live more retired and private, but it was not such an easy matter as it was before, in the days of his leisure: his old acquaintance, especially Monsieur Mydorge and Father Mersennus, had so far spread abroad his Reputation, that in a short time he found himself worn out with frequent visits, and the place of his retirement changed into a Rendezvouse of Conferences. He could by no means hinder the number of his Friends from multiplying, yet nevertheless He was his own Master as to the choice He made of them.  
The chief of his Friends, besides Monsieur Balzac whom we but just now mentioned, was M. Hardy a Counsellor in the Chastelet, a very able Man in Mathematics, and abundance of Languages; M. the Beaune, Sieur de Gouliou Counsellor in the Presidial of Blois, one of the greatest Wits of his Time, in respect of Mathematics; M. Morinus Regius Professor of Mathematics in Paris, Doctor of Physic, Father Gibeuf Doctor of the Sorbonne, Priest of the Oratory, one of the greatest Divines of his Age; Father dela Barde; Father de Sancy; Father de Goneren, all of the same Congregation, besides Cardinal de Berulle who was head of it; M. Des Argues a Gentleman of Lions, an able Mathematician, and Mechanic; M. the Boissate, a Gentleman ●f Dauphine, whom he saw at the Siege of ●avi; M. the Serizay controller of the house of the D. de la Rochefoucault; M. Sarazin Secretary to the Prince of Conty; M. Silhon, a Gentleman of Gaseoigny; M. Frenicle Sieur de messy; M. Jumeau, Prior of St. Cross, who ●ent for one of the greatest Arithmeticians of that Age, as did M. Frenicle, Jumeau had ●een Tutor to M. the Duke de Vernevil; M. the Marande. Recorder of the Court of Aides. M. the Abbot de Launay; M. the Barreau; M. the Abbot de Touchelaye the Elder; M. the Gandais; M. de Ville Arnou; M. de Ville Bressieux, a Physician of Grenoble, and a great many more besides; of whom we shall name none besides M. de Picot Prior of Rovure, who would fain have been his correspondent afterwards, and his agent concerning his Domestic affairs.  
XII. 
His cutting Spectacle Glasses and Looking Glasses.  But of all his Friends, there was none at that time, next to Father Mersennus, that he see oftener, nor more constantly than Monsieur Mydorge, neither was there any one whose Company was more Beneficial, or whose Services were more Cordial and Sensible to him; which he particularly experienced in respect of the Glasses he got cut in Paris, in the year 2627, 1628. when they enjoyed one another's Company at leisure. Nothing appeared to him more Serviceable, than these Glasses, for the Apprehending and Explaining the reflection and refraction in vision, Mr. Mydorge caused some concave ones to be made for him, as also Hyperbolic Oval, and Elliptic ones▪ and having an Hand as sure and fine, as hi● Wit was quick and subtle, he was willing to describe these Hyperboles and Ellipses himself.  
Monsieur Des Cartes himself, 
Ferrier a Mathematical Instrument maker.  proved to be a great Master in the Art of cutting Glasse● in a short time: Now since the Mathematicians industry oftentimes signify nothing, fo● want of Workmen, whose dexterity doth not always answer the ingenuity of those th●● set them a work, he therefore applied himself particularly to direct the Hand of some Turner's, that he found the most expert and best capable of performing this sort of Workmanship. Which he did particularly in favour to the Famous Monsieur Ferrier, Mathematicial Instrument-maker; who was nothing else but a plain downright Artificer, that could only move his Hand, he was likewise master of the Theory of his Profession, and not altogether ignorant in Mathematics. He stuck closely to Monsieur Des Cartes, who took a particular affection for him, not being content to employ him after a way that might raise his Fortune, was moreover willing to instruct him, after what manner he might perfect himself in his Art.  
Nevertheless he perceived himself up to the ears again in abstruse Sciences, 
Mr. Des Cartes is quite out of love with Company.  which he had declined; he retires once again, seeing how few People there was in Paris, with whom he might Communicate his Notions. But sets himself again with more earnestness, than ever to the Study of Man, in which he had made so advantageous progress during his Travels: This Study let him sufficiently understand, that these abstracted Sciences, are not too necessary and convenient for us, and he himself in diveing in●o them, was more at a loss, than they who were ignorant of them; he thought to have found 〈◊〉 least, amongst so many generous Souls, ma●y Companions in his Study of Man, since it is ●hat Study that is most convenient, and agrees ●est with us; but he found he was mistaken, ●nd he observed, that in that great City which passes for the Epitome of the World, as well ●s Rome and Venice, or any other place where ●e had been, that there are fewer persons who study Man, than study Geometry.  
That made him resolve once more to ●eny himself, as much as possible, and be content with a small number of choice Friends, for the Comfort of his Life, but his Reputation was a great hindrance to his Resolution. This Reputation had made Monsieur Vasseur's House, whither he was returned from the Fauxbourg St. german, a kind of an Academy, by drawing thither abundance of People, who were introduced into his Chamber by the favour of his friends; those that had a curiosity for ingenious Learning, were forward to slip in amongst the rest, and accompanying such of his Friends as took delight in spreading his Reputation, they ventured to propose to him to put Pen to Paper to make the Public a sharer of his fine conceptions. The very Booksellers who always seek to make a Trade of the reputation of Authors, seemed also as if they had a mind to be in the Plot with those that lay close Siege to him at Mons. Vasseur's. He acquaints us, that from that very time, one or other of that Profession, caused Presents to be offered to him to engage him to Promise them the Copy of what he should Compose, not being ashamed to desire to buy the honour of serving him.  
This was it that made his Sojourning in Paris very tedious and burdensome to him, 
He lies hid and is discovered.  and made him feel his own Reputation to be an insupportable Load for him. He could not bethink himself any Remedy for it but Retirement, and to begin to deliver himself from the Importunities of those haunted too often, he once again quitted the House of Monsieur Vasseur, and withdrew to the Extremity of the City, where he might have choosed whether he would let himself be seen or no, except only to a few of his intimate Acquaintance who knew of his Privacy. Mr. Vasseur, to whom he judged it not convenient to disclose, was a good while troubled at it▪ till such time as by mere chance calling to mind our Philosopher's valet, he see five or six Months after, he obliged him to inform him concerning his Master's abode, and carry him thither, it was passed Eleven a Clock when he found him just getting up; After he had a little observed his way of Studying and Writing in Bed, by means of his Valet, who had declared to him his Master's Secret.  
XIII. 
He goes to the Siege of Rochel.  Mons. Des Cartes finding himself thus discovered, it was in vain to regret the sweetness of his Retirement, and to seek means to repair the loss of his Liberty; he could not divert the course of his ill Fortune, and he relapsed again in a few days into the same inconvenience he had freed himself from in absconding. His Vexation at the Discovery, beat up his Quarters, and produced in him the desire to go see the Siege of Rochel.  
He came into the Country d' Aunis towards the latter end of August 1628. only to be an Eye-witness of the Siege which was already far advanced, that he might Survey, as a Mathematician, the famous Ditch of Card. Richelieu, with the Line of Communication; but he could not handsomely forbear serving in quality of a Volunteer, beholding the Activity wherewith the King in Person ordered his Army by Sea and Land. In which particular he was soon followed by divers Gentlemen of his Age, who came only to the Siege out of a Curiosity like his.  
He entered the Town with the King's Army upon All Saint's Day, which was on a Wednesday, he assisted the next day, being All Souls, at the Solemn Procession of the Host performed in the Streets; now there being nothing more to be done after the Consummation of this famous Siege; He came back to Paris by Post, where he was against Martinmass. 
He was present at a famous Assembly at the Nuncio's House.   
XIV. Some few days after, he was at an Assembly of learned & curious inquisitive Persons at the Pope's Nuncio's House, who was called Monsigneur Bagne, created Cardinal shortly after, who honoured our Philosopher with his acquaintance a good while ago. Monsieur Des Cartes was invited thither, and carried along with him Father Mersennus and Mons. de Ville Bressieux to hear the Sieur Chandoux, who was there to debate concerning some new Opinions in Philosophy.  
Chandox made a long Discourse for to refute the way of teaching Philosophy, used in the Schools. He proposed moreover, a pretty common System of Philosophy which he pretended to introduce, and had a mind to make it pass for a new one.  
The Pleasantness wherewith he accompanied his Discourse, did so impose upon the Company, that he received from it an almost Universal Applause, except from Monsieur Des Cartes, who was not forward to demonstrate outwardly any signs of Satisfaction which indeed he had not received from the Discourse of the Sieur de Chandeux. Cardinal Berulle, who was one of the Assembly, took special notice of his Silence; which put him upon demanding his Opinion touching what he had heard, which appeared so excellent to the Company.  
Monsieur Des Cartes did all that he could to excuse himself from delivering his Mind declaring that he had nothing to say against it after the Approbation of so many knowing Men. 
They make him explain his meaning in his Philosophy.  This shuffling accompanied with a certain tone, which somewhat suspicious, made the Cardinal conjecture he did not judge of the Discourse altogether as the others did; which moved him still the more to urge him to declare what he thought of it. Monsieur the Nuncio, and other most remarkable Persons in the Assembly joined their Entreaties to those of the Cardinal, to urge him to speak his Mind. So that not being able to recoil without being incivil, he told the Company, that the truth of it was, he had never yet heard any one that could boast of speaking more to the purpose than Monsieur de Chandoux had done. He first of all commended the Eloquence of his Discourse, and his great Talon he was endowed with for acquaint words and expressions. He commended withal that generous Liberty he demonstrated for endeavouring to deliver Philosophy from the Perplexity of the Schoolmen. But he took occasion from this Discourse, to observe to them the Power of veri similitudo, taking the upper hand of Truth, which upon this occasion seemed to have triumphed over the Judgement of so many grave, judicious Persons. Adding withal, that at such time as one has to deal with People easy enough to take up with very similitude or likelihood, as the illustrious Assembly before which he had the honour to speak had done, it was not difficult to put off false Ware for true, and interchangeably make Truth pass for Falsehood by means of appearing so.  
For to give them an instance of it upon the spot, he demanded of the Assembly that some body in the Company would give himself the trouble to propose to him such a Truth as he pleased, that might be in the number of those that appear the most incontestable and irrefragable: they did so; and with a Dozen Arguments every one more probable than another, he proved to the Company that it was False. Then he bid them propose to him a Fallacy or Falshood, such an one as Men commonly take for a most evident one; and by means of another Dozen of probable Arguments, he forced the Auditors to acknowledge it to be plausible Truth. The Assembly was surprised at the extent of the Genius Monsieur Des Cartes showed in his Reasoning; but it was still more astonishing to see themselves too plainly convinced of the easiness with which our Mind becomes Cullyed by very Similitude.  
Then they asked him, If he could think of no infallible Expedient to avoid Sophisms? He replied, That he knew none more certain than that he himself made common use of; adding withal, That he had fetched it from Mathematics; and that he did not believe that their could be any Truth, that he could not clearly demonstrate by this means according to his own Principles.  
This way was nothing else but his Universal Method, which he calls otherwise his Natural Method, according to which he tried and squared all sorts of Propositions. The first benefit of this Method was to demonstrate at the first sight, whether the Proposition was possible or no; the other benefit consisted in making him infallibly to sound the difficulty of the said Proposition.  
There was not any Person in the Company that did not appear much taken with his Reasonings, 
The Cardinal makes him resolve to Publish his Philosophy.  but no body took greater Satisfaction in them than Cardinal de Berulle, who declared to Monsieur Des Cartes, that he could wish to hear him once more upon the same Subject in private. Monsieur Des Cartes, very sensible of the Honour a Person of his Dignity did him, paid him a visit some days after, and discoursed with him concerning the first Notions he conceived about Philosophy, after he had perceived the small benefit that flows from the means commonly used to treat of it. And by the way, he showed him the consequences his Thoughts might produce, if they were rightly guided, and the benefit and advantage that would accrue to the Public, if they would but apply his way of Philosophy to Medicine or Physic and Mechanics; one whereof would produce the recovery and preservation of Health, the other the lessening and relieving Labours.  
The Cardinal had not much ado to apprehend the importance of the design, and judging him the most proper Person to put it in execution, he made use of the Authority he had upon his Spirit to induce him to undertake this great Work. Nay, he made it case of Conscience, he gave to understand that having received from God Strength and Penetration of Mind, and withal was so enlightened to this effect which was not granted to others, it behoved him to render an exact account how he improved his talon, and that he would be responsible before the Supreme Judge of all the World, for the injury he should do to Mankind, in depriving them of the benefit of his Meditations. Yea, and went so far as to assure him, that considering the capacity of his genius, so vast as he knew it to be, God would not be wanting to him in bestowing his Blessing upon his Labour, and granting him all the Success he could possibly expect.  
The impression that Pious Cardinal made upon him, seconded with what his own good Nature and Reason dictated to him long before, won him over to resolve upon it. Till that time he had been of no Party in Philosophy, & had made choice of no Sect, as he himself acquaints us. He persisted in his resolution to keep his Liberty, and to work upon Nature itself, without insisting much upon seeing in what he might come nearer, or be further off from those that treated of Philosophy before him.  
The earnest requests his Friend renewed to him for to hasten him to communicate his clear Notions to the Public, did not permit him any longer to go back with his word, He now only deliberates about the means how he might most commodiously execute his design; having observed two main Obstacles that might prevent his succeeding, to wit, the heat of the climate, and crowd and hurly-burly of People: he resolved to retire for good and all from the place of his Friends and Acquaintance, and procure himself a perfect Solitude in a Country indifferent cold, where he might not be known.   

BOOK III.  
From 1628. to 1637.  
HAving made choice of Holland for the place of his Retirement, 
He retires into the Country, and then into Holland.  as the most favourable Country for his Designs executing: He appointed Father Mersennus to be his Correspondent for his Commerce of Letters which he was to keep on foot in France, and committed the management of his Domestic Affairs to Ab●●ot Picot. Going out of Town about the beginning of Advent, An. 1628. he thought it not convenient to go strait into Holland, that he might not suddenly expose his Health to the rigour of the Season: But he retired into a place in the Country, where he spent the Winter at a distance from the conveniency of Cities, on purpose to accustom himself by degrees to Cold and Solitude.  
After an Apprenticeship of near Four Months to get the knack of it, away goes he for Holland, about the latter end of March, An. 1629. He was at that time just 33 Years of Age; scarce was he arrived at Amsterdam, but he received an account of the discontent of some who muttered against his resolution, who blamed his retirement. The Complaints that were made of it, to speak the truth, had no other Source but the Respect and Kindness of some Persons of his Acquaintance, believing themselves quite forsaken and forlorn.  
The reproaches were reduced to three sorts, First of all, for leaving France, where his Gratitude & Education seemed to have obliged him to tarry, and for having chosen Holland before all other places in Europe; and last of all, for having forsaken Humane Society by avoiding Company.  
As he had prepared his Spirit for all Events, so had he likewise hardened his Heart against all false Kindness and Tenderness, and being persuaded that his deportment needed no Apology, he did not trouble him much to stifle the Complaints of Friends and near Relations; yet seeing that time had dissipated their resentments, which reason perhaps was not able to accomplish all on the sudden, it came into his Mind to give some account of his Proceedings and Conduct, for the satisfaction of those who would be moved at these sort of reproaches. As to the reason that made him quit France, he alleged the hurry and importunity of the Crowd of People that he must have been obliged to see and endure in his own Country to the prejudice of his Studies. Besides, the heat of the Climate, which he experienced no ways favourable to his Constitution in respect of the freeness of his Mind. For to justify his preferring Holland, he urged the Tranquillity the Heart of this Country enjoyed, being surrounded with Armies that served to preserve it; the Conveniences of Life that Trade and Commerce produced, the opportunity of leading a Solitary and unknown life there, amongst a People taken up with their own, and last of all, the quality of the Climate to be preferred in respect of his Health, to the hot Air of Italy, which he should otherwise have pitched upon for his Abode, upon Consideration of the Catholic Religion; but as for what they lay to his charge, that he declined the Company of Men, he was persuaded, that it was not so much his particular case, as that of all great Philosophers, who, that they might procure liberty to apply themselves closely to their Studies and Meditation, have abandoned the Courts of Princes, and staying in their own dear Country.  
II. 
His ambulatory hidden Life in Holland.  Arriving in Holland, he gave out at the very first that he would look upon himself but as a Foreigner there, who did not aspire to the Rights and Privileges of a Free Denizon, and desired to take Lodgings, only with a resolution of changing his abode ever now and then; the space of Twenty Years that he passed in Holland which he called his Inheritance, was as unsettled and fleeting as the sojourning of the Israelites in Arabia the Desert, notwithstanding he bragged that he could preserve his Solitude in the greatest crowd of People, as easily as in the midst of a Wilderness; yet did he shun the throng of great Cities, and it was always his way to lodge in the remotest part of their Suburbs. He evermore preferred to them Villages and lonesome Houses far in the Country, provided he could find them convenient for his purpose, and pretty nigh Cities, whereby to be provided the more easily with all sorts of Provision.  
Seldom or never did he cause his Letters or Pacquets that were directed to him to be sent right to the place of his abode, the better to keep himself concealed, sometimes they were received at Dort by Mr. Beckmen, at Harlem by Monsieur Bloemaert, at Amsterdam by Mademoiselle Reiniers, or Mr. Van Sureck de Bergen, at Leiden by M. Hoogheland, and at other times at Vtrecht by Regius, or Mons. Schu●man's Brother, an ingenious learned Lady of that Name; commonly there was no body beside Father Mersennus who was privy to his Secrets upon that account, and he kept it so close, that several learned and inquisitive Persons of France, who traveled during all that time in Holland, were deprived of the Satisfaction of seeing him, because they could not possibly find out his haunts. For his part whenever he writ to his Friends, especially before he settled at Egmond, he generally dated his Letters, not from the place of his abode, but from the City, as from Amsterdam, Leiden, etc. where he was sure no body could find him; when he became too well known in one place, and that he was too frequently visited by Persons, impertinent and useless, he never delayed to decamp, that he might break off his Acquaintance, and so retire to some other place where he might not be known. Which succeeded very well all along, till such time as his Reputation was a means to discover him in all places, where it followed him as his Shadow.  
From Amsterdam, 
He goes to live in Friezland, where he sets upon his Metaphysical Meditations.  where he stayed at first, ●e passed into Friezland, retiring to a place near Franeker, he lodged in a little Castle separated from the City but by a small Ditch. He ●udged this place so much the more convenient ●or him, because they said Mass there with much security, and because one found there perfect Liberty for all the other exercises of ●he Catholic Religion.  
There it was he renewed his old Protestation before the Altar, not to Labour, but on●y for the glory of God and benefit of Mankind, and therefore intended to begin his Meditations concerning the Existence of God and Immortality of our Soul. But that he might undertake nothing which had any affinity with Divinity, he did not intend to look upon God otherwise, but as the Author of Nature, to whom he made account to consecrate all his Talents. It was not Natural Theology, but only that of Revelation that he excluded from his Designs.  
III. Metaphysics or Natural Theology, 
His Notion touching Dioptrics.  did not so much take up all his time but that he reserved some Portion of it for Experiments in Physic; and particularly for those of Dioptrics, whereunto he had mightily addicted himself in France. Scarce was he settled in Friezland, but he called to mind that he had left Monsieur Terrier at Paris; he who was the famous Workman in Mathematical Instruments, whom he had employed for Cutting of Glasses. He thought he was not yet discharged of the care he had taken some time before of his Fortune and Instruction; but the Proposals he made of receiving him into hi● House, and to receive him as his Brother i● an equal Communication of his Substance and Studies, became all of none effect, for want of management in Ferrier, whose Negligence occasioned his falling into divers Miseries since, which Monsieur Des Cartes, who had foretold him what would come on him, could not help, but by halves at that distance.  
The unresolvedness of Ferrier, 
He returns to Amsterdam.  made him change his measures he had taken for several Laboratories he had already prepared in his House near Franeker, that he might get him to Work about making Instruments and Glasses. At the end of Six Months, he forsook this abode to return to Amsterdam, where he spent Three Months more upon his Mathematical Meditations: But the Treatise of it which he had begun, was interrupted by his other Studies at the Beginning of the next Year, and he set not about it again till Ten Years after.  
IV. He was still in Friezland, 
The occasion of his Treatise of Meteors, the Phenomena of Parhelias.  when he was solicited to put out his Reflections upon the famous Phenomena Parhelias or false Suns, observed at Rome in March, An. 1629. the Observation was sent him by Father Mersennus, and before that by Sieur Henry Reneri, or Renier, a new Acquaintance he had got at his arrival in Holland, who was since looked upon as one of his Chief Disciples or Followers that ever publicly taught his Philosophy; Reneri received it from Monsieur Gassendus then ●n Holland, who Composed a Dissertation ●pon it in his Travels, before Monsieur Des ●artes.  
'Tis to these Observations of Parhelia's that ●he World is beholding for that excellent Treatise of Meteors, which Monsieur Des Car●es presented it with, some Years after. He ●roke off his Metaphysical Meditations, that ●e might examine in order all Meteors, and ●e laboured several times upon this Subject, before he could find any thing in it wherewithal to satisfy himself; but at last being capable, by reason of several Observations very exact, to render a Reason of the most ●art of Meteors, especially concerning the colour's of the Rainbow, which puzzled him more than all the rest, he resolved to Compose a Treatise of it, which concludes at the Dissertation of Parbelia's.  
V. At his return from Friezland, 
The Death of his Director Card. Berulle.  he lost an excellent Director and most sincere Friend in the Person of Cardinal de Berulle, who died suddenly in Paris the Second of October. He had always a great Veneration for his Merit, and mightily valued his Advice, he looked upon him, next to God, as the principal Promoter and Author of his Designs. He had the Satisfaction, after his decease, to meet with some of his Scholars; I mean, some of the Priests of the Oratory, in whose hands he might intrust the direction of his Conscience all the while he remained in Holland.  
No sooner was he settled in Amsterdam, but (not being able to forget the End and Scope of his Philosophy, 
His Study of Physic, Anatomy and Chemistry.  which was only the benefit of Mankind) he seriously undertook the Study of Physic, applying himself more particularly to Anatomy and Chemistry. He imagined that nothing was more capable to produce the temporal Felicity of this World, than an happy Union of Physic with Mathematics; But before he was in a Capacity to contribute any Comfort or Relief to men's Labours, or could multiply the Conveniencies of Life by Mechanics, he thought it necessary to find out some way or other to secure Humane Body from Evils that might disturb its Health, and deprive it of power and force to Labour.  
Upon this Persuasion, he began to put his designs in execution by Study of Anatomy; wherein he employed all the Winter he spent at Amsterdam. He declares, That he had so much eagerness for the Knowledge of this, that it made him go almost every day to a Butcher's Shop to see him Kill Beasts, and from thence he caused the Parts of such Animals to be brought home to his Lodging, as he designed to Anatomize at his own leisure. This was his common Practice, frequently in other places where he was since, thinking that there was no disgrace for him, nor any thing unbeseeming his Condition in the practice of a thing that was in itself very innocent, and might prove very serviceable in its effects.  
He joined the Study of Chemistry to that of Anatomy, from the latter end of the Year 1629. and he assures us, that he learned daily in this Science, as he did in other, something that did not occur in Books; but before he would apply his Mind to the finding out Diseases and Remedies, he had a desire to know whether or no there was any means to find out a Medicine that might be grounded upon infallible Demonstration.  
VI VII. These Beginnings were abundance more Prosperous to him than he durst hope they would have been, 
The ill Conduct of Beeckman and Ferrier.  and there could be nothing wanting to his Satisfaction to see the first success of his Studies, but the assurance of seeing the issue of them; the great delight he took in them, made him more and more relish the sweetness of his retirement; and nothing disturbed his repose this Year, but the ill behaviour of Beeckman and Ferrier towards him.  
The first, above Thirty Years elder than he, seeing his Reputation to increase in the eyes of the World, discovered a Pedantic Itch to make People believe that he had been formerly his Master: altho' he himself had learned of Monsieur Des Cartes that of which he bragged up and down he had taught him; thereupon he took him to task, Doccumentized him handsomely to make him know himself; and altho' he was willing to forego something he had given him formerly upon Algebra, Dioptrics, and Geometry; yet he made him restore him the Original of his Treatise of Music, that he might at least keep his Vanity within Bounds.  
The other, acknowledging his Fault he had committed the foregoing Year, in refusing to go along with Monsieur Des Cartes, to live with him in Friezland, & being willing to make amends, at a time when M. Des Cartes was no longer in a capacity to such like advantageous Kindnesses, made, as if he complained of his bad Fortune to frame real Complaints against Monsieur Des Cartes his Benefactor. He carried his Complaints every where, where there was any considerable Persons that knew him, several of which writ to Monsieur Des Cartes in his behalf. Now he, that he might not become suspected of hard dealing, see himself obliged to argue the case with them, and to justify the distance and impossibility that there was for him to grant at that time those Conditions he had urged him to accept of, when he entreated him to come live with him at Franecker. Nevertheless, after he had convinced him in particular, that he might take himself only for all the hardships he suffered and complained of, he was willing to take up his former thoughts of good will towards him, as he had done in respect of Beeckman. 
Visit of Father Mersen. The Book of Father Gibeuf.  But to comfort him for those petty Causes of being vexed, that these two Men had administered, there happened two things in relation to two other of his Friends, which he reckoned amongst the good Fortunes of this Year. The first, was a Visit Father Mersennus went to make him as far as Amsterdam. The second, was the publishing of Father Gibeuf's Book concerning the Liberty of God and of the Creature, wherein he had the pleasure to find wherewithal to authorise what he conceived of Indifference and Free Will.  
VIII. It was at the same time the Count de Marcheville, 
He resuse●h to go into the Levant.  nominated by the King to go Ambassador to the Port, got some to desire him that he would be pleased to accompany him, together with Monsieur de Chasheil, M. Bouchard, M. Holstein, M. Gassendus, Father Theoph. Minuti, with divers other Learned Men he intended to carry along with him to Constantinople, and into the Levant; he would have heartily wished such another opportunity had presented itself 4 or 5 Years before, but being of a Condition not to Travel any more, he excused himself upon the account of his Occupations not permitting him to leave the place of his retirement.  
Yet for all that, 
He goes into England.  he made a Voyage into England a little while after, and he made, somewhere, not far from London, some Observations touching the Declinations of the Magnet, which do vary in England; this Voyage which he terms but a mere walk, was but short. At his return, He was thinking of easing himself and Father Mersennus of part of the Importunities which his reputation brought upon him, upon the account of some Mathematicians, to the end, 
He would propound no more Questions to any body, & stints himself not to resolve any but those they had propounded to him.  that both might husband the leisure they had for more important studies.  
Some particular Persons knowing there was no other way of Communication but by Father Mersennus, by which they might get their Consultations conveyed to Monsieur Des Cartes, and to receive Answers of them, flocked to his Convent to bring him their Questions, and returned to fetch the Solutions and Explanations of Monsieur Des Cartes. This Concourse put him to a trouble he had the goodness never to complain of; and not satisfied to exhort Monsieur Des Cartes to answer all the Questions that were propounded to him, in the Pacquets he sent him; He challenged him also to send him some of his own Problems to propound to others, of which he undertook to send him the Solutions. Monsieur Des Cartes put him in mind that he had utterly discarded the Study of Mathematics for several Years last passed, that he was fully resolved not to lose his time in those jejune Operations of Geometry and Arithmetic, that at the long run there was nothing material or important got by it. But upon the whole he acquainted him, that his design was, not any longer to propound Problems to any one whatsoever; and that he thought he had taken a hard task upon himself, to be reduced for the future, not to resolve any but those of others, wherewith he professes besides that he was quite tired.  
IX. Of a great many Friends in France, 
He receives Ville Brissieux into his House.  to whom his Absence seemed difficult to bear, who declared their great Passion, they should have had to come and lived with him, we know none but Monsieur Balzuc, whom he could like, to have lived with him; but the Obstacles that thwarted Monsieur Balzac's good intent, must needs be such as were not easily to be surmounted, if all be true that he Protests very seriously, That he had a longing desire to be reunited to him, and never more to forsake him.  
Monsieur de Ville Bressieux had much better luck than he in this particular, and his presence was by so much the more acceptable to Monsieur Des Cartes, as he knew there was in him a vast Genius for Mathematics, and a strong Inclination for Chemistry, accompanied with a great deal of affability and sweetness of disposition: Ville Bressieux was not content to become his Disciple; he would fain have been his Domestic Crony, to have learned his Deportment as well as his Opinions.  
Henry Reneri, 
He goes to reside at Deventer.  whom we told you was one of the fir●● Admirers of Monsieur Des Cartes, who had publicly professed his Philosophy, that is to say, his Principles according to his Method, being made Professor in Philosophy at Deventer, swayed much with Monsieur Des Cartes to go live in that Town; which he did in the Year 1633. in the Spring: there he he busied himself to continue divers works he had broke off the preceding Year, particularly his Dioptrics, and his Treatise of the World; he applied himself likewise afresh to the knowledge of Celestial Matters, and his Astronomical Observations made him quickly understand the necessity of studying the Natures of Comets to the purpose.  
He took occasion from this sort of Study, to draw up the Model of the Histories of Celestial Appearances, for Father Mersennus, just such as he conceived it to be, for the assistance and furtherance of those, whom the Father had sent him word, took wonderful delight in sparing no pains for the advancement of Sciences, even to be willing to make Experiments at their own Cost and Charges.  
X. During this Year's Summer, 
His Treatise of the World.  he finished his Treatise of the World, long looked for by Father Mersennus and his Friends with great impatience. He called it his World, because it was the Idea of a World that he had imagined answerable to the World we live in; and he comprised in an Abridgement all his Physics, I mean, all that he could come to the knowledge of, concerning material things, saving only that which relates to Light, which he intended to explain in its full Extent and Latitude.  
That he might not be engaged to follow or refute the Opinions commonly received amongst the Learned, he was willing to give over this same World to the exercising of their Brains in disputing about it; and to speak only of that which might happen in a New World, put the case God did create sufficient matter on the imaginary spaces to Compose such. He supposed God would diversely and confusedly agitate the parts of this matter, so that he would Compose of it a Chaos, or an indigested confused Mass, and that in process of time, he should only send his Ordinary Concourse to Nature, and let her act conformable to the Laws and Ordinances he hath established.  
Upon this Supposition he describes you this matter at the very first, he made appear what kind of Laws of Nature these were; he demonstrated afterward, that the greatest part of the matter of this Chaos ought, consequently in obedience to these Laws, dispose and range themselves after such a manner, that would make it resemble our Heavens, etc.  
From the description of all Bodies imaginable that could be composed of this matter, he was pleased to proceed to the Explanation of the reasonable Soul, upon which he judged it convenient to expatiate more at large. He demonstrates, that it cannot be deduced from the power of the matter, as were other things he handled; but that it is expressly to be created.  
XI. He revised his Treatise of the World, 
Gallilaeus his Condemnation makes him keep this Treatise locked up.  for to send it to Father Mersennus, to get it Printed in Paris with the King's Privilege, at such time as he heard the News of what befell Gallilaeus. This Mathematician had been obliged by the Inquisition of the Holy Office, publicly to abjure his Sentiment of the Earth's Motion, as a rank Heresy; ay, and he hampered in the Prison of the Inquisition.  
This Adventure did so much the more surprise Monsieur Des Cartes, as he, on one side had a more than ordinary Submission to the Holy See; and because on the other side he was persuaded that the Opinion of the Earth's motion is by much the most probable, and withal the most Commodious for the explaining all Phenomena's. Upon this Hypothesis he had Built the greatest part of this World; Insomuch, as not being able to destroy it without rendering all the rest defective▪ he thought it more advisable to suppress and conceal his Treatise, than to send it abroad lame and imperfect, or to expose himself to that scurvy humour of the Inquisitors of Rome, by publishing that Hypothesis they had condemned without understanding it. Yet he was resolved to have the other touch at it, and new model his Explanation of the Earth's motion, to show which way one may deny this motion, in opposition to Gallilaeus, altho' in truth, it may really be carried about, and tho' the Hypothesis of Copernicus remain in full force, which he did not so much out of Crossness to stupefy the Inquisitors, as for to explain those Passages of Scripture which are commonly alleged against this Opinion.  
XIII. M. Des Cartes' stay at Deventer, 
He returned to Amsierdam.  where he had remained from April, An. 1633. occasioned him an entire peaceful Solitude, enjoying no no other Company in that place, but that of his Friend Reneri, who Professed Philosophy in that place; yet seeing it somewhat too distant from the Carrier's Roads, for to maintain his Correspondence with Father Mersennus, and other knowing Persons, he quits this abode the next Year ensuing, to remove to Amsterdam again.  
A little while after, 
He goes into Denmark with M. Ville Bressieux.  he took a Journey into Denmark, and the Lower Parts of Germany, in Company of Monsieur Ville Bressieux, who profited no less by his Instructions upon their Road, than in his House at Amsterdam. It was upon these Precepts, and chiefly upon his grand Maxim, That the most Plain and Simple things are usually the most Excellent, That Monsieur de Ville Bressieux invented so many pretty neat Machine's beneficial for the use of Life.  
He inculcated to him divers other Principles, upon which this Man made several Experiments since, which hath gotten him a name of being an extraordinary Virtuoso in Chemistry, Mechanics and Optics.  
At the time Monsieur Des Cartes left the City of Deventer, Reneri likewise went thence for Vtrecht, whither the Magistracy had drawn him by fair words to Read Philosophy in the College, which was very speedily to be changed into an University. This ingenious Man, who had at his leisure quite exhausted Monsieur Des Cartes his Philosophy at the very Fountain Head when he enjoyed his presence, laid hold on such a favourable Conjuncture as this, to bring the whole University over to be Cartesians, that it might be illustrious at its very birth; which he effected with so much Prudence and Discretion, that there would never have been occasioned any disturbance there, had not the Precipitated Zeal of him that succeeded him, quite snared his fine oeconomy.  
The Winter following afforded Monsieur Des Cartes matter for those Observations he made upon Snow of six Points or Angles; 
An Observation upon Snow of an hexagonal figure.  and, upon that occasion, to make some upon Hail and Rain. He since Compiled a Sixth Discourse of them, which is to be seen in the Treatise of his Meteors. But above all, he seemed so much satisfied with the Observations the Snow that fell that Winter gave him occasion to make, that he could have desired that all the Experiments that he was necessitated to try for the rest of his Physics, might have dropped from the Clouds in that manner; and that he might have stood in need of nothing but his Eyes to know them.  
Remembering his delightful abode at Deventer, he was moved to return to that City, to avoid the frequent Visits his Sojourning at Amsterdam drew upon him. Five or Six Months after, viz. towards the latter end of Autumn, Anno 1635. he passed into Friezland and retired to Lewarden, the Principal City of the Province, two Leagues from Franeker, where he remained till the Year 1629. there he Composed, or rather that I may make use of his own Expression, he Broached his small Treatise of Mechanics, for M. de Zuitlechem, his Friend and Correspondent, a Gentleman of great Worth, Counsellor and Secretary to the Prince of Orange.  
He came back to Amsterdam about the beginning of March, 
Observation upon the Circles about Candles.  and made a great many Curious Observations concerning the Crowns or Circles of Candles, in relation to our Eyes. Understanding at his return, that one of his Acquaintance was busied in putting out a Treatise of Spectacles, he most frankly and generously sent him his, that was made upon the same Subject. His Friend took out of it what he thought fit for his purpose; now that Part of the Treatise, relating particularly ●o the Practice, served his turn. The rest was ●ot quite lost, some of it saw the Light, and was since found digested and inserted in Monsieur Des Cartes his Dioptrics.  
Towards the latter end of the same Year, he lost one of the best and ancientest Friends he had acquired in Holland, by the Death of Isaac Beeckman, Principal of the College of Dordrecht or Dort.   

BOOK IU.  
From 1637. till 1638.  
I. & II. AFter the resolution Monsieur Des Cartes had taken to suffer his Works to be Printed in his Life-time, 
He causes the Essays of his Philosophy to be Printed.  one would have thought that all the Business had been to kill him, to put the Public in Possession of a Benefit that was to be their own; His Friends made him reflect upon the Injustice of this Proceeding, and snatched him out of harms way; that is, from the danger of being Sacrificed to the Public Danger, in causing him to conclude upon Publishing what he had put in a Condition to come abroad.  
He reduced what was contained in his Papers to Four Treatises, for which he desired they would crave the Privilege of the King, which was granted, with Testimonies of esteem and respect for him, the 4th of May 1637. to cause to be Printed not only the Four Treaties there specified; but also whatsoever he had written till that time, and whatsoever else he might write, during the whole Course of his Life, in what Part 〈◊〉 thought most convenient, within or without 〈◊〉 Kingdom of France, etc.  
These Four Treatises that he would have 〈◊〉 pass, for the Essays of his Philosophy, wer● Printed at Leyden, Entitled, A Discourse of 〈◊〉 Method for the well-governing ones Reason, and 〈◊〉 find out truth in Sciences. Moreover, Dioptric● Meteors, and Geometry, with certain Essay 〈◊〉 this Method.  
His design was not to teach all his Metho● in the first of these Treaties. But not to propose any but what he deemed sufficient to mak● a Man judge, that the new Opinions that shoul● appear in the Dioptrics, and Meteors were not conceived at Random, or a la Legere, and that it would be worth the while strictly to examine them.  
He begun his first Treatise or Discourse of Method, with divers Considerations upon Sciences; Then he proposeth the Principal Rules of Method which he sought, for his particular use in the manner of conducting or governing a Man's Reason. After that, he produceth some Maxims of Morality, that he hath drawn from this Method; Then he deduceth some Reasons, by which he evinceth the Existence of a God, and of the Humane Soul▪ which make up the Foundations of his Metaphysics. One may there see further the order 〈◊〉 Questions of Physics, and that he hath in●ired into together with the difference betwixt our Soul and that of Beasts. In the last ●ace, he makes a deduction of things, he supposed requisite to proceed farther in the remarch of Nature, than any one had hitherto ●one. He concludes, solemnly protesting ●at his chief scope and aim tended only to ●e Advantage and Profit of his Neighbour; ●ut that he was altogether averse from de●●ring ever to apply himself to what might be of ●o Advantage to some, without doing wrong to ●hers.  
He did not pretend by this Treatise to Prescribe any Method to any Man, but only ●o make known to all, that Method he himself had followed, by the right which the liberty of conducting himself according to those Natural Lights he received from God, allowed ●im.  
III. The first Essay of this Method, 
His Dioptrics.  is the Treatise of Dioptrick●, divided into Ten Parts, which make so many Discourses, or very short Dissertations concerning Light, Refraction, ●he Eye and Senses; concerning the Images that are form at the bottom of the Eye, and concerning Vision, Spectacles, and cutting of Glasses.  
The design of the Author in this Treaty, was to show us that one may proceed pretty far in Philosophy, to arrive by means of it to the Knowledge of Arts profitable to Life.  
The Treatise that he makes upon the second Essay of his Method, 
His Meteors.  is that of Meteors, divided into as many parts as that of Dioptrics. He treats therein of Terrestrial Bodies; of Vapours and Exhalations, of Salt, of Winds; of Clouds, Rain, Snow, and Hail; of Tempests, Lightning and other Fires kindled i● the Air, and of the Rainbow; of the colour of Clouds, of Circles or Crowns appearing now and then round about the Stars; of Pa●helia's or Apparitions of many Suns.  
The last of the Essays of his Method, 
His Geometry.  is his Treatise of Geometry, containing Three Books; where is handled chiefly the Construction of Problems; the Author's design in these Works, was, to show the way of Demonstration, that he had discovered abundance of things not known before him, and to hint by the by, that one may find still a great many others; to the end he might more effectually excite all Men to the research of Truth.  
But a Man would be mistaken to believe that Monsieur Des Cartes intended to deliver the Elements of Geometry in this his Work, which requires othergate Readers than Scholars in Mathematics. He studied in the Three Preceding Treatises to make himself understood by every body, because the main Business was to make those things to be comprehended that were never taught before, or whose true Principles by none was ever yet delivered; but perceiving that there was a great number of Works of Geometry, against which he had nothing to say, he thought he was not obliged to repeat in his Treatise, what he had found good, and very well demonstrated in others; so that, so far was he from rendering them unserviceable, that he laboured ●hat he could to make them necessary, beginning where they left off: Insomuch, that it 〈◊〉 expedient to have read them, to comprehend his Geometry. He suppressed the Principles of the greatest part of his Rules, with ●heir Demonstrations. He foresaw also, that several who might have read other Geometries, yet who might have acquired but a common insight into this Science, might most ●asily attain to the Knowledge of his Wri●ings.  
IV. Although the subject matter of these Four Treatises seem at first view to have no Rela●ion to one another, 
Connexion and Relation between these Four Treatises.  yet hath he so used his skill, that the Three last should have some Connexion, and that a very straight one with ●he first; to this intent, after having proposed 〈◊〉 Model or Pattern of a general Method which ●e adopted; yet without pretending to obtrude it upon others for their Instruction, he ●ath chosen in his Dioptrics a mixed Subject of Philosophy and Mathematics; in his Meteors one, of pure Philosophy without mixture; ●nd in his Geometry one, of pure Mathematics; ●o show you that there could be nothing in whatsoever Natural Knowledge he might ●ave, that he had not a design to refer and reduce to this Method; and nothing wherein ●e did not hope to have good Success, provided he might have the Experiments that might be necessary to that effect, and time to discuss and examine them.  
As for his way of arguing, 
In what manner they are writ.  it seemed, that it was looked upon by others after a quite different manner, from what it really was according to him. He did by no means agree with those, upon this Subject, who published that the explication of things he hath given, may be very well rejected and waved, but tha● they cannot be opposed nor refuted by reason; for not admitting of any Principles which he did not believe most manifest, and considering nothing besides, Greatnesses, Figures and Motion, after the manner of Mathematicians; He excludes himself from all retreats▪ which Men usually reserve for themselves to escape to, as need shall require; and debarred himself of all the Subtersuges of Philosophers● so that the least Error that shall slip into hi● Principles, will be easily perceived and confuted by a Mathematical Demonstration. But on the contrary, if there be any thing found therein that may appear so true and certain, that one cannot overthrow it by such like Demonstration, that cannot, without doubt be undervalved without a fault, at least, by those whose Profession it is to Teach and Instruct. For altho' he makes as if he did nothing else throughout his Discourses, but barely propose what he says, without proving it● nevertheless, it is not difficult to fetch Syllogisms from his Explications, by means of which he believed that other Opinions touching the same Subject Matters, might manifestly be destroyed, and that those who should defend them, would have much ado to answer those who defend his Principles.  
The liberty he took to Publish these Treatises in his French Tongue rather than in that of the Learned, and to conceal his Name in it, put him to no trouble, notwithstanding he had all the reason in the world to fear it from the Critics; but it did not far so well with the distribution of the Copies he caused to be made. 
Whence proceeded Roberval's animosity against Des Cartes.  It was more pernicious to him not to give Monsieur Roberval one of them, whom he did not know, tho' he Professed Mathematics in Paris; than it would have been to his advantage to have presented a great number of them to the Court of France and Rome. Mons. Roberval held himself wronged by this commission; and altho' it was occasioned by Father Mersennus, rather than Monsieur Des Cartes, yet did he from thenceforward prepare to Criticise upon Des Cartes his Geometry; such was the rise of that inveterate, immortal Animosity he conceived against him. The Precence of it he had not so much as the discretion to dissemble to some Friends whom he knew otherwise to be Monsieur Des Cartes's, as well as his own.  
To take breath ali●tle after the Encumbrance the Publication of his Essays had occasioned him, he was desirous to take a turn to the Siege of Breda; a City not altogether indifferent to him, by reason of his quartering there two Years together when he bore Arms. After the taking of this City by the Prince of Orange, he took a Journey into Flanders, and went to see Mounsieur de la Basse's Court, Governor or Commander in the City of Dovay for the King of Spain; This Gentleman, who was one of his best Friends; omitted nothing whereby to regale him nobly: he procured him for Eight days together, amongst other things, the Conversation of Dr. Silvius. Silvius was one of the ablest Divines of his Age, and after Estius his Death, the principal Ornament of the University of Dovay. He seemed very much satisfied with Monsieur Des Cartes; but he had not cause to be so with a Politic Gentleman, that the Philosopher had brought along with him, who oftentimes put the Dr. to a Nonplus in the Conferences which were held after Meals at M. Bassecourt's.  
Monsieur Des Cartes at his return went to sojourn in Egmond, 
He goes to live at Egmond.  the prettiest Village of all North-Holland, where the exercise of the Roman Religion was undisturbed and Public. Scarce was he settled there, but he perceived the fruit the reading of his Book produced.  
One of the first that appeared to render him an account of it was Dr. 
He ans●●●s Fromondus, 〈◊〉 and Ciermans.  Fromondus, Regius Professor of the Holy Scriptures in the University of Louvain, he propounded to him divers Objections against several Passages of his Method, Dioptrics, and more especially of his Mereors, of which himself had published a Treatise in 1631. that had been highly esteemed; Monsieur Des Cartes answered him, and they were very well satisfied one with another for to continue their Friendship the remainder of their days.  
He answered also about the same time, the Objections of an Holland Physician who had Preferment at Louvain named Plempius, who was one of his Acquaintance some Years before. These Objections related chiefly to what he had writ concerning the Motion of the Heart. They contained, according to his Opinion, whatsoever one was able reasonably to object against him upon this Subject. Plempius, who declared that he had not made these objections, but with a design to be better informed, and for the better discovering of truth; let Monsieur Des Cartes at that time know, that he was very well pleased that he had answered him.  
The Answer he gave Monsieur Ciermans, Professor of Mathematics in the College of Jesuits at Lovunin, had no worse success. He found this Father's Objections very judicious and solid, the main hinge they turned upon was Geometry and Meteors, and especially in reference to the Rainbow. The Father on his part seemed so well satisfied with the Answer Monsieur Des Cartes gave, that he freely gave his consent that they might Print his Objections with the Answer. He could not forbear declaring, that what he chiefly liked in Monsieur Des Cartes, was that boldness, that made him turn aside out of the beaten Paths and Common Roads; and that he was endued with the Confidence to inquire after new Lands, and make new Discoveries.  
Monsieur Des Cartes, having no other Passion in all he writ, but that of finding out Truth, and believing that he was not capable of accomplishing it alone, fought for, if one may so say, Adversaries, rather than Approvers; to the end that the Obligation to answer them, and sift their Objections, might render him more and more exact, and might be a means to make him open his Eyes upon that he was not able to know before. In order to this he hopefully expected the Objections the Jesuits of La Flesche, Louvain, Lifle, and some other places had promised him by their Letters; but he was somewhat surprised to learn by some of them, that they wonderfully approved of him, that they desired nothing as to what he was pleased to explain, but only in that which he would not write; and that they demanded of him his Physic, and Metaphysic with great Importunity. 
The good Offices of M. Mydorge.   
VI In France the reading of his Book operated upon the Spirits of Men, according as they were well or ill prepared. There were but few things in all that he had writ that did not appear dubious to some, and Novel in respect of others; the true knowing Persons did not boggle at all they found new, which could not render the Author odious, but to such who were fond of their own Prejudices; yet they took an occasion from what seemed dubious to make some Objections against him.  
M. Mydorge had been one of the most fit Persons in that respect, if so be he had not been beforehand of the same Opinion with him in several things, from the very first time they saw one another in Paris. He might have been able at least to propound some difficulties to him concerning divers Passages in the Sixth Book of his Dioptrics, where he treats of Vision in a quite different manner from that he was wont himself, to explain this matter: he was content to mention such a business to Father Mersennus, who gave Monsieur Des Cartes notice of it in Writing. He did not take ill some Advices the Philosopher gave him in his Answer to this Father. After that, he had no other Objections to start to his Friend; nay, he was so far from fatigueing him with many others upon that score, that one may say▪ he played the Des Cartes in Paris, in taking upon him to answer, for his absent Friend, all the Objections which they had not a mind to send into Holland.  
He was not alone in studying to render him friendly Offices in Paris. 
The good Offices of M. Des Argues.  Monsieur Des Argues, who already was very busy with Father Mersennus to make the Privilege of his Book effectual against the disobliging Practices of the Sieur de Beaugrand, was wanting in nothing wherein he could be serviceable to him with Cardinal Richelieu, and to give Credit to his new Speculation of Dioptrics, amongst those who were about his Eminence; He let him understand by Father Mersennus, that the Cardinal was pleased to give ear to the Propositions they had made to him, of endeavouring to make Spectacles and Prospectives according to the Rules he had Prescribed in his Dioptrics.  
Monsieur Des Cartes thought it stood him upon to cross this Understanding, and to that effect, he desired Father Mersennus to declare to M. Des Argues, and others, that had an hand in this Business; that he was extremely obliged to them for the good Opinion they had given to the Court of his Dioptrical Inventions; but that he did not believe that the Cardinal's thoughts ought to stoop so low as to a Person of his Rank. It was not out of an unseasonableness that he resisted the purposes of these Gentlemen; it was out of timerousness, lest they might not successfully compass their End in his Absence, and lest they might lay the Workmen's fault at his door; for he judged his presence necessary to direct the hand of Turner's, and to give them new Instructions, according as they proceeded, or failed.  
VII. 
Mons. de Fermat's Objections against the Dioptrics.  Amongst the Virtuoso's of France, that would fain have tried a touch with Monsieur Des Cartes, there was none of them found more diligent than, nor more capable to do it, than M. the Fermat, a Counsellor of the Parliament of Thoulouse, one of the Chief Men in the Age for fine Endowments of Mind, and especially in respect of Mathematics. The Month of November, he sent to Father Mersennus some Objections against M. Des Cartes his Dioptrics; and this Father received an Answer to them in the Month of September, notwithstanding the distance of places, that might have afforded a pretence for delays.  
At the same time, 
Mons. Petit his Objections.  Monsieur Petit, than Commissioner of the Artillery and the King's Engineer, who was since Surveyor of the Fortifications, started likewise some Objectious against the Treatise of Dioptrics, which Monsieur Fermat found to come but little short of his own.  
Mr. 
A Paper of M. Fermat. upon Geometry.  Fermat, before he had received an Answer to his Objections, caused to be dispatched to Monsieur Des Cartes by Father Mersennus, a Pamphlet of Geometry of his Composing. De Maximis & Minimis, i. e. of the greatest and least quantities; and that he might conceal his Name again from Mons. Des Cartes, he made use of that of M. de Carcavi, one of Lions, a Friend of his, being then his Colleague in the Parliament of Tholouse.  
This Present Monsieur de Fermat sent to Monsieur Des Cartes, 
The Original of the Dispute between M. de Fermat, and M. D. Cartes.  was not only a Token of his esteem and grateful acknowledgement, but also an Advertisement of what he believed Monsieur Des Cartes had omitted unawares, or forgotten unseasonably in his Geometry. That occasioned a new difficulty to arise, in the clashing Mons. Fermat begun, which he believed to be in a capacity to decide in a few days.  
But it was no such easy matter to extinguish these first sparks; the fire of the Dispute got ground by the Zeal of those who were willing to enter upon it; at length two material Points, one relating to Dioptriques, the other to Geometry, became the main Subject of their Debate. Here you may take notice of the cause of that famous Quarrel, which continued even after Monsieur Des Cartes his Death; this is that Monsieur de Fermat styled, his Skirmish with Monsieur Des Cartes, or sa petite guerre contre Mons. Des Cartes, and that which Monsieur, Des Cartes calls, son petit proces de Mathematique contre Mons. de Firmat.  
VIII. Whilst Monsieur de Fermat, (amidst his great business in pleading Causes and Domestic Affairs) applied himself tooth and nail to the Answer Monsieur Des Cartes made to his Objections about Dioptriques; 
Mons. Pascal and Roberval 〈◊〉 spouse Mr. de Fermat's Quarrel.  Father Mersennus receives Monsieur Des Cartes his Observations and Animadversions upon his Treatise de Maximis & Minimis; but instead of sending them directly to Monsieur de Fermat, in conformity to Monsieur Des Cartes his intent, he thought it convenient to show them to a couple of this Magistrates particular Friends in Paris; the one was Monsieur Pascal the Father, heretofore Precedent in the Court of Aides in Auvergne; the other was Monsieur Roberval, Mathematique Professor in Paris.  
These Gentlemen supposed themselves obliged to espouse the Qurrel of their Friend; and seeing him busy upon his reply about Dioptriques, they dispensed with him from prosecuting the Quarrel about Geometry, and undertook the answering Monsieur Des Cartes his Observations against his Treaty de Maximis & Minimis. Monsieur Des Cartes reading their Answer before he received Monsieur Fermat's Reply, commended their Zeal; approved their cordial dispositions, and looked upon Monsieur Fermat as an happy man, for having been prevented by such great Assistance at such a hard pinch as that was; nay, and he had much ado to forbear conceiving much esteem for their Abilities; some proofs of which he had observed in their Writing; yet he found that albeit they had performed all the Punctilios of Friendship in respect of Monsieur, yet that they very scrrily acquitted themselves of the Commission they had taken to discharge him from the trouble, and defend him.  
This Writing, 
Mr. Des Cartes answers them.  which could be no other than the style of Monsieur Roberval, was refuted by Monsieur Des Cartes before the end of February; and Monsieur de Fermat's Reply coming out at last, touching Dioptriques in the same month, he made several Answers to it, which he directed to Monsieur Mydorge, another to Monsieur Hardy, a third to Father Mersennus, his chief Friends.  
IX. 
Proceedings of the Difference between Mr. Des Cartes and Mr. Fermat.  Perceiving that there was no necessity that could oblige Monsieur de Fermat to send him his Treatise de Maximis & Minimis, to examine, he took this action for a defiance; the manner of sending the Challenge added to the Merit of the Person who sent, prevailed with him to avoid this occasion; the Paper he sent to Father Mersennus against his Treaty de Maximis, was next door to accepting of it. The City of Tholouse, and the Village of Egmond, were the utmost bounds of the List, where it seemed very difficult for the Parties to try their Skill; and they were both too stout, and stood too much upon their Pantofies to advance one step, one in favour of the other. Providence ordered a place between, and disposed matters in such a manner, that Paris, where were their acquaintance, friends, and foes, became insensibly the Randezvouse where their difference was to be decided; Father Mersennus, without ever dreaming of such a thing, gave occasion for this disposing of matters, by putting into Monsieur Roberval's and Monsieur Pascal's hands-at Paris, the Paper of our Philosopher, which he should have sent directly to Monsieur de Fermat at Tholouse. Monsieur Des Cartes on his part thinking he was bound to answer these two Gentlemen, seemed to give way that his business should come to Trial at Paris.  
But now since these two Gentlemen had thought fit to appear in his Cause as Advocates, 
Mons. Mydorge, and Mr. Hardy on Mr. Des Cartes side, Mr. Pascal and Mr. Roberval on Mr. Fermat's.  he desired they would be pleased not to be his Judges, or that they would except against those that were appointed, with others of Monsieur de Fermat's friends; the other Mathematicians that might have been engaged to have sit Judges in the Cause, without doubt were not a few; but some of them were not capable of understanding Monsieur Des Cartes his Geometry, and others were not well enough known by him, except two worthy Geometricians, to whose Judgement he might safely have referred himself; they were Monsieur Mydorge, and Monsieur Hardy, who passed generally for his two intimate friends. This consideration rendered them no less liable to be excepted against by Monsieur Fermat, than Monsieur Pascal and Monsieur Roberval were by Monsieur Des Cartes, by reason of their great acquaintance with Monsieur Fermat: Therefore it was his best way to resolve to choose them not so much his Judges, as Advocates; or to speak in the Language of the Cartel or Challenge presented by Monsieur Fermat, Monsieur Mydorge, and Monsieur Hardy were retained by Monsieur Des Cartes for his Seconds, to oppose Monsieur Pascal and Monsieur Roberval, who had offerred to second Monsieur Fermat in the Combat. Father Mersennus was desired to stand Neuter, and be content with the office of a bare Spectator, on purpose that he might not be suspected by either Party, to hold with the Hare, and run with the Hound.  
Monsieur Des Cartes immediately produced the Writings, sent them with the Instructions necessary in order to the hearing of his Process or Cause of Mathematics to Monsieur Mydorge and Monsieur Hardy, and recommended to them withal to forget or suspend the Sentiments of friendship, to adhere to the Rules of Justice and Truth. If Monsieur de Fermat had taken three Advocates on his side, Monsieur Des Cartes would have been sure to have taken Monsieur Des Argues for his third, being no way inferior in Learning, nor less affectionate for him than Monsieur Mydorge and Monsieur Hardy. He entreated Father Mersennus to communicate all things to him however, and to let him have the perusing of all the Writings if he should desire it.  
Amongst other Pieces, he sent directly to Monsieur Mydorge, Monsieur Pascal and Monsieur Roberval's Write. Monsieur Mydorge caused it immediately to be conveyed to Monsieur Roberval, by Father Mersennus. Monsieur Roberval, without letting the heat whereinto this Answer had put him, forthwith drew up a Reply under the name des deux amys de M. de Fermat, of Monsieur de Fermat's two friends▪ that is to say, of Monsieur Pascal and his own▪ but in that he imposed upon Monsieur Pascal, who had passed his word to carry on the Dispute of Monsieur de Fermat in his name against Monsieur Des Cartes. Monsieur Pascal was not at Paris at that time; he withdrew out of the City upon the occasion of some Troubles that arose upon the account of one of his friends; and Monsieur Roberval was a trusty Steward in the mean time to signify his absence, by subscribing their common Reply alone. Monsieur Pascal scarce took any more cognisance of this Dispute, because at his return he was preferred to be Intendant of Justice in Roven. The clownishness and moroseness that Monsieur Des Cartes observed in the style the Reply was writ in, made him imagine Monsieur Pascal was absent indeed; or that he had no hand in Composing this Writing; wherefore being soon disheartened by the unpoliteness of Monsieur Roberval, and his precipitation, he sent word to Father Mersennus, that he did not resolve to answer him, because he stood upon his points, and was out of humour, instead of imitating that gentle sincerity and moderation wherewith Monsieur Pascal and Monsieur de Fermat treated him; he entreated him notwithstanding to assure Monsieur Roberval, that he was his most humble Servant, and that he was no more offended at what was in his writing, than men are commonly in playing, at the ●nger of those that lose. Monsieur Roberval in ●espite of the singularity of humour he affected, would, without all question, have been satisfied with so much civility: But Father Mer●ennus, who had a peculiar Talon of setting Learned men by the Ears, and to prolong Disputes, fearing to see them make an end of ●his so soon, could never be at rest till Monsieur Des Cartes should promise him to make a rejoinder to this second Paper; he sends it him in April, but he took special care to let nothing slip that might move Monsieur Roberval's spleen.  
X. In the mean time Monsieur de Fermat grew weary with disputing; 
Mr. Fermat makes his peace with Mr. Des Cartes; and becomes his friend, and so doth Mr. Pascal.  and fearing lest Monsieur Roberval's Zeal might not cause him to prolong it, he did not only leave that which Monsieur Des Cartes writ against his last Reply touching Dioptriques; without a rejoinder, but also writ to Father Mersennus to beseech him to comply with Monsieur Des Cartes, and withal to procure him his acquaintance. On the other hand, Monsieur Mydorge and Monsieur Hardy could not abide to see a person of that worth and quality Monsieur Fermat was of, should to such little purpose be at odds with Monsieur Des Cartes; set all their Wits a work to find a way to reconcile them, and to change their Dispute into a perfect amity and correspondence; the benefit whereof they might reap in a mutual Communication of their Humours. They mentioned it to Father Mersennus, who being solicited on the other hand by the Overtures & Concessions of Monsieur de Fermat, was prevailed upon to write to Monsieur Des Cartes about it, notwithstanding the great desire he might have to see them continue.  
Monsieur Des Cartes received the proposal of it with no small joy; and having thanked Monsieur Mydorge and Monsieur Hardy for the good success of their friendly Offices, he charged Father Mersennus to signify to Monsieur de Fermat, his esteem for him, and his cordial affection towards him. Monsieur de Fermat receiving from Father Mersennus all the assurances he could possibly desire on the part of Monsieur Des Cartes, gave himself the satisfaction at last to write to him straightways▪ to offer him his friendship and services. The Acquisition of such a friend as that, might be numbered amongst Monsieur Des Cartes his best Fortunes: He perfectly understood the value of so important a friendship; he appeared so sensible of it, that there were no expressions passionate enough to thank him for it.  
To the end he might not be satisfied with this Reconciliation by halves, he was willing to extend it likewise to the other two friends of Monsieur Fermat, who had undertaken the defence of his Geometrical Piece de Maximis & Minimis; he earnestly entreated Father Mersennus to signify to them that he desired nothing so much as the friendship of honest persons; and upon this consideration he put an high value upon theirs. Monsieur Pascal made answerable returns, like an honourable person; but Monsieur Roberval quickly discovered that he bore no great goodwill ●o Monsieur Des Cartes, but only from the ●eeth forward; but it was not so with Monsieur Fermat. But as it is usual amongst friends ●f different humours and designs; the truth 〈◊〉 their minds did not always keep pace with ●heir hearts. Monsieur Fermat persuaded, as before, of the rightness of his method (that is ●o say, of the Rule he had contrived to find ●ut the greatest and least quantities in Geometry) found much ado to grant the Exceptions Mons. Des Cartes had brought in, and to make 〈◊〉 hold water. He maintained many Contests about it, not with Monsieur Des Cartes himself, who could not allow precious Time and Talents for Disputation, but with young Guillot, who had been Monsieur Des Cartes his Domestic, with Monsieur de Chauveau, who had been his Fellow-Collegian at La Flesche, Monsieur des Argues, and other Mathematicians, who since this bustle declared themselves Cartesians' day by day, maugre Monsieur Ro●erval's Jealousy.  
As for Monsieur de Fermat's other Dispute concerning Dioptriques, 
Mr. Rohault and Mons. Clersellier did the business in convincing Mr. Fermat.  he did not judge it advisable to revive it in Monsieur Des Cartes his life-time; but after his death explained his meaning about it, after such a manner, as tho' he had had a mind to make us doubt whether or no the Philosopher had satisfied him. Now because he seemed from time to time to invite some of Monsieur Des Cartes his friends to renew this ancient Quarrel; Mons. Rohault answered immediately; after which Monsieur Clersellier offered himself, and put an end to the Controversy, to the glory of Monsieur Des Cartes, and to Monsieur Fermat's satisfaction▪ who threw down his Arms and surrendered.  
XI and XII. M. Petit did not demur so long upon yielding, 
A Dispute with Mons. Petit.  touching some difficulties 〈◊〉 Dioptriques he had propounded to Monsieur Des Cartes; he improved the advantage he 〈◊〉 over Monsieur de Fermat upon the account 〈◊〉 his Experiments, which agreeing to a ha● with the Doctrine of Monsieur Des Cartes, were very instrumental to him to get himself disabused, and to seek to procure his friendship before it was too late. Yea and he turned some few years after, one of the most zealous Proselytes to his Philosophy; when the perusing of his Metaphysical Meditations ha● delivered him of some difficulties wherewith he laboured, concerning the Existence of God▪ and the difference between Soul and Body in Men.  
The Controversy that was a foot between him and Monsieur Morinus, 
And with Mr. Morinus  Regius Professor of Mathematics in Paris, put him harder to it, than that he maintained with Mons. Petit; it commenced the 22th of February 1638. with the Objections Mons. Morinus made against Light. Mons. Des Cartes valued them as much, as Objections, which he looked upon the most substantial of all those that had been hitherto raised against his new Opinions, could deserve. This esteem of his Objections did so puff up Mons. Morinus, who must needs show by a Reply to his Answer, that he was altogether unworthy of it. Monsieur Des Cartes makes a second Answer, wherewith Monsieur Morinus pretended to be fully satisfied; but endeavouring to procure the honour to write last, he makes a new Reply, to which he declares, he desired no Answer. Monsieur Des Cartes, by this instances the Character of Mons. Morinus his spirit, and what he would be at; he did not stick to grant him that satisfaction he desired, since it cost him so little.  
The occasion he had about that time to refute a dangerous Book, 
With M. de Beaugrand.  caused him to compile a dissertation of Geostatiques; that is to say, upon the Query, to know whether a body weighs more or less, being near the Centre of the Earth, than when it is at a distance from it. The Book that had given occasion to the writing of it, had for its Author Mons. Beaugrand, Secretary to the King, indifferently skilled in Mathematics, but who did not do himself Justice enough in this point: He was Mons. de Fermat's friend, enemy to Mons. Des Argues: The considerable respect he had for this last, had prevailed with him to render but ill Offices to our Philosopher occasioned by the Zeal wherewith he perceived Mons. Des Cartes apply himself to serve him; nay, and he could not forbear letting slip some strokes of his bitterness and ill-will in his Book. Mons. Des Cartes might perhaps have done very well to have withstood the desire of those who induced him to refute it, that he might not have made himself suspected of resentment: But he was quickly recovered of this weakness, by revoking his permission of Printing this Refutation, and by separating it from his small Piece of Geostatiques, the publication of which he did not intend to prohibit.  
XIII, XIV, XV. It was at the same time that there was started a Question amongst the Mathematicians of France, 
Of the Roulette, and what part M. des Cartes had in the Question.  the famous Question de la Roulette, whereof one could not trace the least footsteps, neither among the Ancients, nor in the Books of any of the Mathematicians that lived till that time; notwithstanding nothing is more common than this Line, and no less frequent in the business o● motion than the right and Circular Lines.  
La roulette, the rolling, is nothing else but the way in the Air, the Nail of a Wheel describes by its ordinary motion, from the time the Nail begins to rise from the Earth, till the continued motion of the Wheel hath brought it back again to the Earth, after having finished a whole entire round: Yet in this definition it must be supposed for the convenience of Geometrical operations, that the Wheel is a perfect Circle, that the Nail is a point marked in the circumference of the Circle, and that the Earth which toucheth this point, beginning and ending its round, be perfectly even or plain.  
Father Mersennus was the first that took notice of it, and who gave it the name of Roulette: He had a mind afterwards to understand the nature and properties of the same; yet not being so fortunate, in resolving your fine Questions, as framing them; so had he not penetration enough to compass this. This put ●im upon propounding to others. Monsieur Roberval was the first that demonstrated the ●he space of the Roulette is triple of the Wheel that describes it. After that Monsieur Fermat and Monsieur Des Cartes demonstrated it; and their respective Solutions are not only found different from one another, but also from that of Monsieur Roberval. Father Mersennus having acquainted Monsieur Des Cartes that Monsieur Roberval found his demonstration too concise to be good, he thereupon received ●uch Elucidations as he desired. Monsieur Des Cartes sending him an ample explication of his demonstration of La roulette, advertised him, ●hat there was nothing to be altered in this demonstration, and withal that the Elucida●ions that he adjoined thereto, were not spun ●ut to that length, but only that they might ●e understood by those who did not make use ●f Analysis; others needing no more but three ●rokes of their Pen to find it out by calculation.  
Amongst divers Questions depending upon that of the Roulette, there were a great many things whereof Monsieur Roberval professed himself in a manner ignorant. Now for his Instruction Father Mersennus must hie to Monsieur Des Cartes his ordinary Refuge, and received all the Solutions he and Monsieur Roberval could wish or desire. With the help of this, the latter made two more Solutions; one of which was, The dimension of the solid of the Roulette round about the basis: The other, The finding out of the Tangents of this Line: But for all these kindnesses of Monsieur Des Carte he was not so obliging or grateful as on● might have expected. His dissimulation, a● the indirect proceedings of his behaviour, did 〈◊〉 disgust Monsieur Des Cartes, that he would 〈◊〉 longer concern himself in what past since touching the Roulette. At the end of Septe●ber he did all he could to get himself disengaged for good and all; and without eve● pretending to the glory of this Invention, which with all his heart he relinquished to Monsieur Roberval, that he might apply himself 〈◊〉 somewhat else; he writ to Father Mersenn● to the end he might acquaint all the Mathematicians, that had hand in the business, th●● he would desist.  
XVI. 
He leaves Geometry.  The reason he allegeth for desiring to be dispensed with, for labouring any mo●● about the Roulette was, that he had bid adi● to Geometry in earnest. These Mathematicians of Paris, that were of the number 〈◊〉 his friends, were not pleased at these news And Monsieur Des Argues, above all, coul● not forbear to testify his dissatisfaction fo● the same. Monsieur Des Cartes took it kindly at his hands, and that he might deliver hi● from his trouble, he gave him to understand by Father Mersennus, that his leaving off wa● only in respect of abstracted Geometry: Bu● that he would persist in improving another sort of Geometry, conversant about Phoem●mena's of Nature, as he had done in that 〈◊〉 had writ of Meteors, etc.  
He studied to show more precise marks of esteem for this friend; 
His respect for M des Argues.  for understanding that ●he passages of his Printed Geometry, where●n he had affected to be obscure, did a little ●uzzle him; he was pleased himself to give explanation of them in a Book, that he writ expressly to that intent, to let him know how far his Zeal for to serve him had transported ●im.  
Besides these explanations upon some hard passages propounded by Monsieur des Argues, 
An Introduction to his Geometry.  he gave his consent that an Holland Gentleman, one of his friends, should draw up a regular Introduction followed by his Geometry, on purpose to facilitate the understanding of it to ●all sorts of Readers. It was so excellent and concise, that most believed he was the Author of it. Those that complained of the brevity of this Writing, were desired to consider it was an Introduction, and not a Comment; yet one might afford the Title of Comment to the excellent Notes Monsieur Beaune, 
Mons. de Beaunt's Notes.  Councillor in the Presidial of Blois, made this year upon Monsieur Des Cartes his Geometry. There was nothing in it but what was exactly conformable to the Author's Notion, and according to his Intention. The joy Monsieur Des Cartes conceived at it, increased yet more when he perceived the profound penetration wherewith Mons. de Beaune was able to tell the meaning of things that he had only inserted in his Geometry in a very obscure manner.  
Moreover, 
Exercises of Arithmetic with M. de St. Croix, and M. Frenicle.  one may reckon in the number of the chief Occupation of Mons. Des Carte● this year, the Exercise which the two mo● eminent Arithmeticians M. de St. Croix, and M. Frenicle put him upon, touching several Questions of Numbers. But the Answer he gave to those M. de St. Croix put, in June, did so much fatigue him, that he conjured Father Mersennus to send him no more of that nature, be they what they would: He endeavoured also to rid himself of the Problems and barren Objections of others, under the most plausible pretences he could possibly imagine.  
Thus wearied out by bearing the burdensome Title of an Oracle, 
He gives over answering Problems.  he dispensed to answer more before the latter end of the year 1638. and was content to draw up a Trinity of the best Objections that had hitherto been put to him, and of the most curious Problems that had been propounded, for to have them Printed, together with his Answers, when it should please him, whose Prerogative it is to dispose of all things.   

BOOK IU.  
From 1638 till 1641.  
I. 
Regius became one of M. D.C. Disciples & Professors at Vtrecht.  WHilst they fatigued Mons. Des Cartes in France with Objections and Problems, they did nothing almost in Holland but think of discarding the old Philosophy, and follow his. The University of Vtrecht, which one would, had been Cartesian from its Cradle: After they had made Reneri come from Deventer to anticipate its erection; it was insensibly filled with the Disciples of our Philosopher under the Discipline of this able Professor.  
He that stickled most was a young Physician named Henry de Roy, alias Regius. to whom Reneri communicated this excellent Method he received from Monsieur Des Cartes, whereby to guide and conduct his Reason in the research of all sorts of Truth. Regius would not limit his knowledge by Reneri, but went up as high as Des Cartes, for whom he now conceived an high esteem. These were but the fruits of having conversation with Mons. Des Cartes. This Book at length came to appear. Regius showed himself the forwardest to read it; and the esteem he had conceived for Monsieur Des Cartes, soon turned to a true passion.  
He satisfied of getting the Principles of his new Philosophy deeply imprinted on his mind, the Essays of which he found to jump with what Reneri had taught him before, and adopting them in lieu of those had been already taught him in the Schools; He betook himself to digest and model them for the use of others. He had a College where he actually read Philosophy and Physic to some private Students in the City: And that he might not be diverted from the Study of M. Des Cartes his Philosophy, he thought fitting to set it down in Sheets, and so distribute it amongst his Scholars under the name of Physiology, according as he comprehended it.  
The simpleness of the Hypothesis, the pretty concatenation of Principles and Reasonings, the neatness, clearness, and easiness wherewith he made them deduce the Truth from them, did transport them to that degree, that without remaining within the bounds of ordinary acknowledgement to a Master, they perceived themselves so extremely obliged, that they framed a kind of a League amongst themselves to lay their heads together to procure his advancement, and use their utmost to get him some place, either in the University, or in the Council of the City: A little while after there was a great talk of settling a new Professorship of Physic for Botanny & Theory. Regius his Scholars, most of them Youths of good Families, thought then that the occasion they sought for was at hand, and they spared neither their Relations nor Friends to obtain the plurality of Votes in the Senate in favour of him. Regius had powerful Competitors, but the approbation his Physiology gained, accompanied with the difference that men observed in the manner of arguing, that distinguished his Disciples from those of the Public and Vulgar Scholars, extorted belief that he must have a particular Philosophy, and that he must needs be an excellent Master in the Art or Method of Instructing. This was the business that prevailed with the Magistrates to prefer him before others worthy to fill the Chair; and so they caused all the Professors of the University, whose minds Reneri had disposed, willingly to receive him for their Colleague.  
Regius believed himself particularly obliged to Monsieur Des Cartes, for the success of this business, whose Philosophy had produced in him that desert, that had made him carry it before his Fellow-Candidates. He assumed the liberty by his first Letter bearing date the 18th of August, to give him many thanks for that important Service he had rendered him, without knowing of it. He conjured him next not to forsake his own bandy-work, and not to refuse him the Assistances necessary to keep up this new acquired Reputation; he promised on his part to do whatsoever was within the sphere of his Activity, that he might deserve the quality of his Disciple, which he preferred to all the advantages of his Life; and that he would tread in Reneri's steps as close as he possibly could.  
To put himself forth with Impossession of the Privileges and Rights annexed to this Quality, he sends him his Essays of Physic, that he might examine and correct them with all the severity of a Master; and he demanded of him all the Objections that had been lately made against the Circulation of Blood, together with his Answers.  
II. 
He begins to receive Instructions from Mr. Des Cartes.  Monsieur Des Cartes, who had been informed of what had passed at Vtrecht by Reneri, who came to Egmond to visit him in the month of August, granted Regius his Friendship, with all the Benefits it might produce. He had but little violence to do his will, to give him what he demanded concerning Physic, because it was actually his Profession, and because he was apprehensive of what great importance it was prudently to manage the Zeal of so well-affected a Disciple. He just made an end of his abridged Medicine, Compendium Medecinae, which he had fetched partly from Books, and partly from his Reasonings; and he judged he might lay up this Work in store, to serve him to obtain some delay of Nature, and to retard grey hairs which began to grow upon him.  
Reneri and Regius were not the only two Friends he had in Holland, 
M. Des Cartes his Friends in Holland.  or that his Philosophy had for Admirers in and about Vtrecht. He could reckon besides of the Professors, Antonius, Emilius, Cyprianus, Regneri; and amongst the Magistrates of the City, Mr. Ʋander Hoolcks, Van Leew, Parmentier, etc. besides the two Van Dams Physicians, the two Waessinaers' Mathematicians, Mademoyselle, Ainna Maria Scharmans', and her Brother John Alphons●, Officer in the Army, Godfrey de Hoestrech, a Gentleman of Liege retired near Vtrecht. There is no fewer of them at Amsterdam, Leiden, and the Hague, where all Persons of worth and reputation took it for an honour to be acquainted with him. Yet the Idea we have of the Country, should not make us suppose that his Friendship did terminate in Protestants. All the Catholics whatsoever, of never so little Note, were his Friends; we may reckon in the upper rank of his chief Friends Cornelius de Hoogheland a Gentleman of Leiden, 
Bannius and Bloemart Popish Prietis.  as also two Priests of Harlem, one of which was John Albert Bannius; the other, Augustin Aelstein Bl●emart, who had a huge Estate by Inheritance, great Almoner for the Poor, his Correspondent as to Letters & Pacquets that were directed to him; They were both good Mathematicians, Lovers of Peace and the Liberal Sciences, Virtuous, of a frugal and exemplary Life amongst the Protestants, whose respect and affection they had almost generally won. Monsieur Des Cartes sallied sometimes from his retirement at Egmond to go see them at Harlem, or else in a Country House not far from thence. Seeing they were no better Drinkers nor Gamesters, than the Collation they had amongst them, was only a Consort of Music, whereat Bannius did use to Entertain them. Monsieur Des Cartes, whose Friendship never proved barren or useless, rendered them about the end of this Year very considerable Service with the P. of Orange, and High and Mighty State, by the Mediation of M. Zuitlechem, and other Lords, his Friends, who were in repute.  
III. 
The Death of Reneri chief Cartesian Dr.  It did not please God to let Monsieur Des Cartes long enjoy the double pleasure to see his Principles publicly taught in the Philosophy and Physic Schools at Vtrecht, by the two Ablest Professors in the University. Scarce was Regius settled in his new Professorship, but they lost Reneri at the middle of March 1639. upon his very Wedding-Day, after he had lived 45 Years.  
His Funeral Rites were performed with a great deal of Splendour and Magnificence in the great Church of that City, at which appeared in a Body the Senate, or Magistrates with the University. The Funeral Oration was pronounced the next day in the Name of the University by Antonius Emilius, Professor of Rhetoric and History. They admired the Eloquence of the Discourse; and the Orator sensibly moved them by his pertinent Reflections: But they presently saw that it tended no less to the making a Panegyric on Monsieur Des Cartes then alive, 
The Panegyric of M. Des Cartes, pronounced public●ly at Vtrecht, by order of the Senate.  than to be the Funeral Oration of the deceased Reneri. The chief praise that Emilius gave to the illustrious Defunct, which they respected as the principal support, and fairest Ornament of this Infant University, was, for that he showed Courage enough to pack off the Ancients, and free himself from their Authority, and that of the Moderns too who preceded him, to the end he might possess the Liberty that God hath granted to our Reason, to govern and conduct itself in the research of Truth, which is the only Mistress we are obliged to Court; This was an Heroic resolution incident only to highborn Spirits of the first rank. But Monsieur des Cartes must needs be the Director of this Enterprise, who first inspired it into him, as he did into some others who had closely adhered to him from the very beginning of his Retirement in Holland. Emilius extolled with wonderful Eloquence, the great Progress Reneri had made in the knowledge of Nature, under a Leader of this Quality. He magnified with the liveliest Colours of Rhetoric, the benefit both City and University had reaped from the disposition of Reneri, that he was capable to reach there the Principles of true Philosophy, which he pretended did remain unknown to Mankind till Des Cartes his time.  
The Auditory seemed persuaded of it; and the Magistrates after they had honoured this fine discourse with their Approbation, gave order it should be printed, and publicly distributed under their Authority, as well to honour the Memory of their Professor, as to demonstrate convincing Proofs of their acknowledgement for the signal Service Monsieur Des Cartes had rendered in forming such a Disciple. Emilius that had long sought an opportunity to gain Monsieur Des Cartes his Acquaintance, received, as a Piece of Providence, the Order that the Magistrates sent him, to make an Encomium upon him, and upon the new Philosophy in his Funeral Oration for-Monsieur Reneri.  
After he had spoke it, he sent him a written Copy of it with a Letter full fraught with Respect and Esteem, upon pretence that this discourse personally relating to him, and the Magistracy having ordered the Publication of the same, it was but convenient that he should see what ought to be corrected therein, before it went to the Press. Monsieur Des Cartes was put to the blush upon reading so many and great Eulogiums; but since he had nothing to do to contradict the Judgement and Conduct of the Chief Magistrate, he durst not meddle with it.  
Some time after, he gave out that he had not suffered these Eulogiums, but because it was not in his power to suppress them. For Emilius sending him a Copy of Verses with too much Confidence that he had composed upon the same Subject, to desire to know how he liked them; and demanding them again of him, because he had not kept a Copy of them, desiring to Print them: Monsieur Des Cartes sought for an Excuse for not sending them back; and he took his revenge as well as he could by this Suppression for offending his Bashfulness and Modesty in Monsieur Reneri's Funeral Oration.  
The loss which Regius in particular had sustained of an excellent Director of his Studies in the Death of Reneri, made him have fresh recourse to Monsieur Des Cartes. He conjured him that he would please to afford him that place with him, that the deceased possessed; adding moreover, That if so be he would grant his request in this particular, he should esteem himself as happy as if he were wrapped up to the Third Heavens.  
'Tis most certain, 
Regius becomes his first Disciple.  that next to Reneri, no body at that time could boast with better right than Regius to deserve the Quality of the first Disciple of Monsieur Des Cartes; he was endowed, as to his Qualifications of Mind, with Talents fit to maintain his rank with the Dignity and Abilities necessary for it; his Profession of Medicine joined with Physics, afforded him a good opportunity for it, and the advantage that neither of the other Philosophers of Holland and France had, who did not ●ead and teach publicly, and were Philosophers for none but for themselves; yet it might have been wished for his own particular reputation, that Reneri when he instructed him in the Method and Principles of this Philosopher, had known how withal to have ●nspired him with his Modesty and Prudence.  
After Reneri's death, they augmented his Salary by so much more than it was, and annexed his Professorship, to a new Employment, which consisted in explaining Problems ●n Physics at such time when he was not busy about Botanny, that is to say, in explaining the Nature of Plants and Simples. He communicated to Monsieur Des Cartes the Joy he had conceived at this new Commission, because ●t presented him with new opportunities of ●eaching and understanding his Philosophy; he had underhand cunningly sued for this Employment, which passed for a piece of Supererogation in the University; and M. Voetius had been very serviceable and instrumental to him in prosecuting this design, he was Professor in Divinity, and at that time a great Promoter of his Interests. But that which he had an Eye most upon as a considerable advantage to make his parts appear, and to make pass for Currant the new Opinions of Physics and Medicine, which the ancient Peripaticians and Gallenist● would not suffer with their good will, that they should be taught in the School● where they were Lords Paramount, became afterwards a pretence to the very same Voetius, of fomenting a troublesome Dissension; 〈◊〉 little Conduct he was Master of, was the cau●● of much perplexity and encumbrance that 〈◊〉 heavy upon Monsieur Des Cartes, and occasi●● at length of a tedious Process he was oblige● to carry on very prejudicial to him, and 〈◊〉 ways comporting with his Solitude and Tra● quillity of his Life.  
IU. No body at that time was more promoted nor looked upon than Voetius in the University of Vtrecht; 
What Voetius was. His Design.  he was Professor Primari● in Divinity, besides Chief Minister or Past●● in the City; He assumed, wherever he went such a triumphant huffing Air, that he brought with him from the Synod of Dordrecht or 〈◊〉 where he chanced to be of the Victorious Party; that is to say, of those, who being assisted with the Sword, and Authority 〈◊〉 P. Maurice, had accomplished their aim in condemning the Party of the Remonstrants, an● he had acquired in the City a sort of Authority over Men's Spirits, by I cannot tell what reputation of Gravity and Sufficiency; He ha● a Spirit naturally prone to contention an● wrangling, and spoiled by reading the polemics of the Controvertists of his Party, and of Books of Irreligion, and Boufonnery, where in he had spent a great deal of time. He wa● of a very Whimsical maggotish Humour, bu● of an ordinary mean Judgement and Superficial Learning.  
The good Qualities that he might challenge for his own, were supported with a spice of Love for himself, accompanied with an inward scorn of all those he was not Master of. Insomuch, that being accustomed by a long habit not to esteem what he did not understand, and not understanding in Philosophy whatsoever was not comprehended within the limits of trivial Scholasticism, one might have pardoned him the little relish and aversion that he had had at first sight for Monsieur Des Cartes his Works, if he had not been alarmed ●t it, as a pernicious Novelty, which it behoved him to exterminate.  
The reverence that was due to Reneri, had stopped his Mouth till his Death; but going prepossessed to his Funeral Oration, the unexpected Encomiums he there heard of Monsieur Des Cartes, filled him with so much jealousy, that he came from it with a resolution to set a-work all that ever his Industry could supply him with, to destroy this Novelty. Nevertheless, the Approbation wherewith the Magistracy backed these Encomiums, obliged him to slacken his Career that he might not unseasonably come to Daggers-drawing with his Superiors; wherefore setting aside what was within the Verge of Philosophy, against which it was not safe nor becoming to show his teeth, he reduced his intent only to heap together what might any-ways relate to Divinity, in the Discourse and Method of Monsieur Des Cartes; as the subject matter of his censures, endeavouring by this means to banish his Philosophy out of the University, as destructive to the Protestant Religion and Tranquillity of the States of the United Provinces.  
He began his Hostilities with some Theseses he composed in June, An. 1639. concerning Atheism, and for the observing some order in the Productions of his ill-will, he refrained from nominating at first dash the person he had a design upon, and contented himself only to lay the foundation of his Calumny wherewith he thought he must load him, that he might have his end, to ruin him.  
This Calumny, in which he hath still persisted since, consisted in making M. Des Cartes pass for an Atheist: and to the end that one should not be deceived in taking another for him, he scattered up and down in his Theseses amongst the Criterians of Atheism, all the things he knew to be ascribed to Mr. D. C. by the common report.  
V. These first steps of Voetius opened Regi●● his Eyes, 
Regius precautions and secures himself against Voetius.  and he perceived it behoved him to practise dissimulation if he meant to keep in with him: that put him in mind to secure himself in the Physic Chair more than hitherto he had done, and to reserve the principal Business of New Philosophy for the Problems he read upon certain days in the Week by the by, out of the hours appointed for public Lectures; in which he seemed to rely upon the consent of the Professors, not excepting Voetius, who had even been serviceable once more in the Petitioning for this New Commission.  
But, altho' he left his Auditors to their liberty of believing, or not believing Problems; yet did he not refuse occasions to demonstrate the ridiculousness or weakness of ancient Opinions. This Cunning way, contrived insensibly to destroy the Principles of the vulgar Philosophy in vogue in the Schools, proved yet more dangerous to it, than his open and Sincere manner of teaching Des Cartes his Principles in his Lectures of Medicine. This is that which put his Colleagues to their trumps, who conserved some value for that Philosophy which had been taught them; who thought it was very much for them to grant Regius the Permission to teach the new Opinions together with the old.  
Regius not submitting enough (out of his Writings and Lectures) to cape the meaning and drift of Monsieur Des Cartes, 
His Indiscretion.  being of a mild and moderate Spirit, administered a fresh occasion of discontent to his Colleagues, by a piece of weakness that he showed in an Act of Philosophy on the 9th of July, kept under Professor Senguerdius, by one Florentius Schuyl, who proved a notable Cartesian afterward, for all that. The Opponent that disputed, had composed his Arguments according to the Opinions of the New Philosophy, and he had chosen the Nature and Properties of the Loadstone for the subject of them— The Respondent, notwithstanding otherwise well verssed in his Dictates, and Papers of his Master, seemed a little gravelled; but the Professor interposing to bring him off, up starts Regius, and without respecting either the Assembly; or Professors Duty, interrupts him, very indecently insults over him, and would fain have adjudged the Victory to the Opponent, which Civility and Custom might have obliged him to suffer the Respondent to bear away. This Action which we have had an account of, from none besides his Enemies, did offend the Professors of the University in general, and made them willing to hearken to what Voetius could hint to them against the Innovations.  
The Exercises a few days after put an end to this Thesis, and Regius writing to Monsieur Des Cartes the 14th of July, when Vacation begins, would be sure to acquaint him what he had done at the Act. He only gave him to understand, That he had finished his Public Course of Medicine for that Year, that he still strictly adhered to his Principles and Method; and passionately desired he might conser with him about the best way of making a new Course the ensuing Year, which begun after the Fair in August, according to the regulation of the University.  
Although his measures to go for Egmond were broken, 
What Instructions M. Des Cartes gives him.  by the need that his Wife's bigness had of his presence, yet did he not for all that spare Mons. Des Cartes his time— He scarce did any thing else all along September and October, but answer the Consultations of this Professor. How tedious and how frequent soever these Letters of this Zealous Disciple were, yet did he not grudge his time to Instruct him; because he thought he should not be sorry for it as ill spent. The Importance of the Queries and Difficulties he propounded to him, hindered him to take care to put him in a condition of establishing his Principles. Their main hinge was, of the difficulty of the nature of Angels, upon the nature of man's Souls, of its Union with the Body, of the Soul of Beasts and Plants, of Life, Motion of the the Heart, and upon the Circulation of the Blood.  
Monsieur Des Cartes had brought this last Question into great request amongst the learned, 
Plempius his ill Behaviour.  and he had wonderfully established the credit of Harvey upon this account, having been basely abused and decried by the Satyrs of divers Physicians in the Low-Countries, the most part ignorant, or fond valuing themselves upon the ancient Maxims of their Faculty: that which could be plausibly brought against this Opinion, was objected 18 Months before to Monsieur Des Cartes, by his Friend Plempius, a Physician of Louvain. Now altho' this last seemed to remain satisfied with his Answer, yet did he afterward an Action unworthy of their Friendship; he thought fit for the inhancing the splendour of his own Reputation to mention in a Book that he was 〈◊〉 going to put out, what had passed between Monsieur Des Cartes and he, touching the two Questions of the Motion of the Heart, and of the Circulation of Blood; He, to this effect, gave all the gloss that was necessary to the Objections he had made to him, but when they came to the Answers to them that he received, he was so far from behaving himself towards Monsieur Des Cartes as a Friend who deserved to be respected, that he was not so faithful to these Answers as is requisite even in Adversaries that confu●c one another, and look upon one another as Enemies.  
Regius was exasperated at such unhandsome Carriage, and having confronted his Book with the Answers Monsieur Des Cartes had made to his Objections, he could no longer smother the indignation that made him snatch up his Pen to signify his resentments to Des Cartes. He set out the ingratitude and deceitful dealing of Plempius in such lively Colours, that one cannot express in any Language as he spoke them, without running into the like transports of Anger against such a dirty, smooty Behaviour. He says, That as for the places where Monsieur Des Cartes discovers the most hidden Secrets of Nature, wherein consisted the main stress of his Answers; Plempius hath been so malicious as to play the Mute, or at least to pass by the greatest part of them: and as for those which he doth relate, he so maims them, that he quite spoils the sense of them. That in the place where he treats of the Circulation of Blood, he is content only barely to relate the difficulties, as if no body had answered them; altho' the Answers Monsieur Des Cartes made to them were very convincing ones. That in the place where Monsieur Des Cartes relates several Causes, which being joined together, produce the beating of the heart; Plempius introduces but one of them, which is heat. If Monsieur Des Cartes, after he has alleged Reasons necessary for the evincing a thing; add thereto some others less convincing in order to a great Illustration of the Point; Plempius is so treacherous and unfaithful as to insist only upon this last Reason, as tho' it had been produced for an Essential or Fundamental one; and leaving you to suppose that this might be the only one, that could have been alleged by Monsieur Des Cartes, he labours to make him ridiculous, which he goes about to do in places he doth not understand.  
Plempius hath now forgotten what formerly he writ, that he did not believe one could be able to charge Mons. Des Cartes, of having ever uttered any false thing, or but an idle trifle. But if he thought good to revoke the Praises he gave him, it was sorry pitiful retraction to blot them out with injuries. Mons. Des Cartes seemed not at all concerned at such uncouth behaviour, and was once of the mind only to oppose them by silence. Regius did not judge so; he revenged his Master's Cause in such a manner, that probably made Plempius open his Eyes; seeing he hath altered his Opinion about the Circulation of Blood, to embrace that of Mons. Des Cartes.  
VI In the Month of November, 
The Coniqu● of young Mr. Pascal at Sixteen years of Age.  in the same Year, Father Mersennus being returned from some Journeys, gave Advice of a Prodigy that lately appeared in Paris. This Prodigy was, that a young Lad of Sixteen years had Composed a Treatise of Coniques, that was matter of astonishment to all the old Mathematicians that ever were shown it. This Youth was Son to Monsieur Pascal, Intendant of Justice at Rovan: And men thought it no piece of flattery to publish that he had been more successful than Apolonius in some Points. Mons. Des Cartes, that admired almost nothing, dissembling his purpose, answered, that he did not think it such an admirable thing, that some should be found that could demonstrate Coniques more easily than Apolonius; but, that one might propose some other things about Coniques, that a Child of Sixteen would have much ado to resolve.  
Not having a mind to refer himself to any concerning the matter of fact, but to the Testimony of his own Eyes; for Mersennus was to send him a Copy of the Treatise; He had not read the half of it, but he judged that Monsieur des Argues had share in Composing it, upon pretence that he was there quoted: Understanding after clearing of some doubts touching the matter in hand, that there was no likelihood that his friend Monsieur des Argues had the least hand in it; he rather believed that Monsieur Pascal the Father was Author of it, than be persuaded that a Boy of Sixteen Years could be capable of Composing such a strong Piece of Work. This great Man's doubt proved much more glorious to this Prodigy in Nature, than the admiration of all those who are certain of the matter of fact.  
His Incredulity was not only grounded upon the want of Age and likelihood; it had another foundation still, even the Project of a brave Design about Coniques, that Monsieur des Argues had lately got Father Mersennus to send him. But he did not in the least suspect Monsieur Mydorge to have contributed his Assistance or Name to young Monsieur Pascal, altho' they see his four Books of Coniques come out of the Press that same year; and tho' he was ignorant what this friend had already done upon the same Subject some years before.  
At the same time Monsieur de Beaune, 
His Exercises with M. de Beaune.  who was no less one of his friends than Monsieur Mydorge, and Monsieur des Argues, put him upon the Solution of divers Questions that he propounded to him about Mathematics; and under a pretence to discourse with him upon his own designs, he endeavoured to pump out the Communication of his, in one of the Answers Monsieur Des Cartes gave him. This saying chanced to escape from him, that his Physics were nothing else but Mechanics; and he declared something to him as his Confident, that he would not otherwise have told, because that the proof of it depended upon his World. Monsieur de Beaune suffered this Advertisement to persist: He used many instant Entreaties to prevail with him to publish his World, which the accident that befell Galilaeus, had made him to keep close under Lock and Key: But not being able to accomplish his desire, altho' he was at that very time the only He of all his friends, to whom he was mos● unlikely to refuse any thing.  
Monsieur Des Cartes had quitted his abode at Egmond some time ago, and was retired 〈◊〉 Haderwick. Regius finding he was still too 〈◊〉 distant from him, thought with himself tha● if he did but once peep out of his Solitude 〈◊〉 North-Holland, any other place would be indifferent to him: Wherefore he begged 〈◊〉 him that he would please to come nearest Vtrecht, as well for the satisfaction of several of his friends in the City, as for another grea● convenience he should have of consulting him nearer hand.  
He came therefore some few Months after to lodge in a Countryhouse near that City, 
He goes to sojourn at Harderwick near Vtrecht thence to Leiden.  in the Neighbourhood of the Castle Renoud, the dwelling-place of Monsieur de Haestrecht his friend: But whether it was by reason the Winter was vehement in the Country, or that he apprehended Voetius practices, I know not; but away goes he at the beginning of the Year after, to live at Leiden, where he had yet more friends than he had at Vtrecht. Besides Monsieur de Hooghland, a Catholic Gentleman, and some Magistrates; he might have well reckoned the half of the Professors, the chief of which was Golius, Schuchen and Salmatius, Son to a Councillor in the Parliament in Bourgundy, without forgetting Rivet, who was of Poictou, with another Minister of the place called Abraham Heide, alias Heidanus.  
This last, 
His acquaintance with Heidamus.  who was in high reputation in the Country, was not subject to usual faults of other Protestant Ministers: And altho' Monsieur Des Cartes professed to be a friend to none of them, the extraordinary merit of Monsieur Heidanus made him presently except him out of the number: He was not only satisfied to be a follower of his Philosophy, as others were, but he was also the Protector and Supporter of it; having the name of the most Eloquent Preacher in the Country, so he most advantageously improved it, to instill into his Auditors the value he himself put upon this Philosophy, from which he deduced his Arguments, Comparisons and Explanations, that made him be cried up and admired.  
It did not far so with Rivet, 
Rivet's friendship, and Stampion's quarrel.  who cracked to be a Cartesian, without understanding the Wriings of Monsieur Des Cartes. All his friendship consisted in nothing else in a manner, but in a kind of an itching humour he had to speak of him continually in his Letters, and in his Company: The least Toys in the World were Subjects good enough for him to write to Father Mersennus, to Monsieur Gassendus, and other Virtuoso's of France, provided he could but bring Monsieur Des Cartes in by head and shoulders. He it was that informed them concerning the so much talked of wager about Mathematics, between young Wasseneur and Stampion, where Monsieur Des Cartes was present, drawn in by the indiscretion and ill-will of the latter; notwithstanding Wasseneur's Victory was very glorious; for our Philosopher, who went publicly for his Master, yet he managed this business but as a piece of Merriment, which was not worthy of Rivet's disturbance, nor the curiosity of the Mathematicians of France.  
In the mean time there was a Book past the Press at the Hague, 
A Book against Mr. Des Cartes.  writ against Monsieur Des Cartes; it was the first of all the Works that had ever been undertaken to ruin his Philosophy. That the Author should come off well in the matter, was a business of great consequence, to the end that other Adversaries that were to bring up the Rear, might from thence take a good Omen. The Author run a risk in appearing first in the Combat: Yet had he the discretion to conceal his Name, that he might not expose himself as a Laughingstock in case of bad success. The Event justified his Prudence: The Book came abroad for a New-years-gift in the year 1640. The great Name of the Man that he attaqued, provoked the curiosity of some to see it; and it was not long before it was in the hands of the ingenious in France and England; the business proved the Glory and Renown of Monsieur Des Cartes; they dispensed with the Author as to his Name, only they took it very ill to see that this Anonymous Fellow had not answered the Expectation of those, that required something besides idle Stories against a Philosopher, who was brought in question, and was to be confuted in good earnest. Mons. Des Cartes seemed to be the same Man he was for all that, and even let this Mist vanish of itself.  
Voetius in the interim cast about in Vtrecht, 
Regius his Thesis, the underhand dealing of Voetius against him.  how he might accomplish his design to undo Monsieur Des Cartes as to his Reputation, and to have him declared an Enemy to the Reformed Religion and Protestant Churches; ●ay and by those too that honoured him most with their kindnesses. He had caused Acts to be kept a second and third time, wherein he had rubbed up the old Sore, reviving the Scandal of Atheism against him, on purpose by little and little to prepare the Spirit of the People, and to cause the Magistrates at length to change their good disposition towards him. But now to effect this design, Regius was marked out for Ruin; this is what he mainly laboured after, canvasing his Lectures and Writings to find something that might bear an Action.  
He begun at the Examination of the new Opinions which Regius vented in his Chair, where he read Physic, and laid to his charge before his Colleagues whatsoever was amiss, and not conformable to the Ancient Physicians and Philosophers established and allowed on in the Universities of Holland; his Complaints broke out at 〈◊〉 upon the account of an Act or Public Disputation the Professors were to keep the Tenth day of June concerning the Circulation of Blood, which he taught according to the Hypothesis of Harvey and Des Cartes, which still passed but for an Heresy amongst the ignorant and opinionative: He went so far as to make the most part of the Professors to revolt from this Sentiment: Insomuch that the magnificent Rector Bernard Scotanus who otherwise was one of Monsieur Des Cartes his Friends, and Regius his particular Friend▪ could not withstand the earnest Entreaties to hinder him from reading in favour of these Innovations.  
The Rector laid the matter before hi● in such a manner, as if he meant only barely to exhort him to look about him, take some course to prevent the murmuring of his Colleagues, and not to disturb the peace of the University. Regius set before his Eyes what a business of Consequence it is, not to reject or betray a Truth upon this pretence only, that it is Novel; and not to adopt Errors under the Masque of Venerable Antiquity. It came to this result, That there was a Congregation to be called, to deliberate about the Refusal he seemed to persist in, to acquiesce in the desires, and award of his Brethren the Professors. It was there resolved, that Regius should take up some other Subject, less different from the commonly received Opinions in vulgar Medicine; or if he remained refractory, and would still retain that of the Circulation of Blood in Harvey's sense, he should do it only by the by, in the nature of a Corollary, or Addition to his Theseses, with this usual Formula, Exercitii causa defendemus.  
Voetius, in the Manifesto he caused to be Printed in the Name of the University, pretends that Regius in stead of acquiescing in this deliberate Verdict, got them Printed without any other Expedient for remedying ●he matter, than that of having got them looked ●ver and corrected by Monsieur Des Cartes, ●o put them beyond Exception. Regius receiving these Corrections, took occasion to ●hank him for them, and withal to desire him that he would please to honour these Positions with his presence. Monsieur Des Cartes passed his word he would, upon condi●ion it might be in the Auditory or Tribune of Madam Schurmans, because he had not a mind to be seen. But the business proved ineffectual, by reason that this Act being put off ●ill the Month of June, he made the best of a bad Market, and complied with this ill management of business, to go from Leiden to Amersfort, three little Leagues from Vtrecht.  
The great Success of Regius his Thesis, did mightily displease Voetius; besides, the Physicians of the antiquated Doctrine did a little grumble at it; nay, and some of them went about to confute it; amongst others, Primrose and Silvius, whom he judged convenient to Answer. The outrageous and injurious manner of their proceeding against him, so raised his Choler, that without ever dreaming of securing himself from the bad effects of their Example; he sometimes was bitter against them; by and by he uses a pleasant jocular way, when as the business was only to be done by a serious moderate confutation.  
Monsieur Des Cartes, to whom Regius sent his Answer in October, to correct it after his usual manner, began to take upon him, and so much the rather made he use of his right, because this Professor told him, it concerned him so to do. He corrected several things that smelled too much of Precipitation, he adds several others to it; and retrencht others, amongst which were those bitter Expressions which he made him forbear, representing to him, how much it concerns a man to treat a● Adversary with a great deal of mildness and civility.  
In this Juncture, the Overseers of the University of Utrecht, solicited by Voetius and some other Professors, to redress the Disturbance that they pretended the Theses and the private Opinions of Regius had begun to raise amongst them, published an Order to Prohibit the introducing of Novelties, or any Maxims contrary to the Statutes of the University: The business was something Equivocal. This induced Monsieur Des Cartes to unravel it, and to draw up an Explanation of the Curator's Orders in form of an Answer. M. Ʋander Hoolck, one of the principal Magistrates of the City; nay, and a Consul to the year following, found this Answer very ingenious and judicious: and he was wonderfully pleased with M. Des Cartes his design of letting Regius continue in his way of Reading Lectures in new Philosophy, if he would but moderate his heat, and reform what should be too bold and adventurous in his Opinions.  
Regius was not the only Man of his Disciples that was to take, 
His Opinion concerning the Seat of the Soul.  to Instruct; there were presented day by day new ones, who were no less real and passionate than he, in their Inquiry after Natural Truths; but they came not to our Knowledge, by reason of the indifference they showed to make themselves known to any other besides Monsieur Des Cartes. 'Tis to one of these newly admitted that we are beholden, for the explanation of his Sentiment touching the Seat of the Soul in the Brain; which he confined to the Glandula Penialis, called Conarion; the same unknown Person, one of no mean quality, declared to him at the same time the Species that serve for the Memory, which he supposed extended into all the substance of the Body, which is resembled to the folds that remain in a Sheet of Paper, after it hath been once folded.  
It was about this time that Monsieur Des Cartes had notice of a Project on foot, 
His Project of settling in England, his acquaintance with Mr. Cavendish.  without his knowledge, for settling him and Monsieur Mydorge in England, under the protection and by the Munificence of King Charles the First; Monsieur Des Cartes did not appear backward, especially considering what they had assured him, That the King was a Catholic in his heart. The Promoter of this Design was an English Lord, named Charles' Cavendish alias Candish, Brother to the Duke of Newcastle, both of them acquainted with our Philosopher. Candish was an excellent Mathematician; he became moreover desperately in love with Monsieur Des Cartes his Philosophy. He looked upon this Method as an incomparable means to bring Mathematics to their perfection; one may judge by that, what joy possessed him to perceive Des Cartes make no Objections, nor hindrances against the designs of his Settlement in England. Monsieur Mydorge, tied by the heels in Paris by reason of his Family, was harder to move. King Charles might have, peradventure removed all his Obstacles by the goodness he had to promise Monsieur Candish to make ample Provision, and take care for all. But the beginning of the Troubles of Great Britain, making him and Monsieur Des Cartes to apprehend lest these vast Sums that the King would set apart for Natural Experiments, might be laid out in the Expenses of the War, and lest they themselves might be deprived of that repose they flattered them withal, together with other Effects of that Prince's Clemency: they remained, one in Holland, the other in Paris; and continued the exercise of their Friendship with Mr. Candish as before.  
The Amity Monsieur Des Cartes entertained with Monsieur Salmasius, 
His acquaintance with Salmasius.  would have been no less to his Advantage; if he had professed Philosophy or Mathematics. This defect nevertheless did not hinder him from being reckoned amongst the Cartesians, and he willingly embraced Monsieur Des Cartes his Friendship. The Correspondence between them, was not confined to the Exercises of Mathematics and Philosophy alone; 
The ill humour of Salmasius.  but as it was a piece of fatality that attended those that were acquainted with Salmasius, and deserving to Experience his ill Conditions: as good luck would have it, Monsieur Des Cartes was involved in their destiny, lest detraction some time or other should reckon him amongst some of Monsieur Salmasius his Friends, who were of such a low spirit, as to prise the faults of this learned Man, or so great Cowards as to adore him. It is true, he never had but one occasion in all his life to incur his displeasure, but it was but a trivial occasion: and he was beholden to his own Prudence that made him almost ever have an aversion from conversing with him, even when he stayed at Leiden, where Salmasius resided. I say, a trivial occasion, but it should never have been an occasion to a just equitable Person to fret himself. Monsieur Salmasius suspected Mons. Des Cartes a Friend to Heinsius, whom he did not love. It was besides a pitiful mean Jealousy, and much below a Gentleman and a Scholar. But now this suspicion of his was ill grounded, seeing Monsieur Des Cartes had never in all his life spoken to Heinsius, and altho' a Man well deserving, and of great account in the University of Leiden, by reason of his Employ and Learning, yet had he never so much as interchanged a word with him. Nay, and what is more, He could unto be ignorant that Heinsius could not abide him for a long time, because he was Mr. Balzac's Friend who had censured his Tragedy of Herod.  
X. Yet the Consequences of M. Salmasius his ill humour signified in respect of the Consequences of a bad Business, 
He falls out with the Jesuits.  that had like to have set him at odds with a whole Society, wherein he flattered himself to have some Friends All things as to his Philosophy seemed to smile upon him; when, some time after he had triumphed at Vtrecht in the public Act of Regius, his Philosophy was assaulted at Paris at other Acts, kept in the College of Clermont.  
He supposed at first, 
Thesis' of M. 〈◊〉  this Conduct was only the fulfilling of the Requests to the Jesuits, that they would vouchsafe to examine his Works; but according to the Idea that he had framed in his mind of Correspondence, Agreement, there is amongst all those of the Order of Jesus, He was presently alarmed at what was done against him by the Mathematic Professor in that College, supposing that might have been contrived and concerted with his Superiors or fellow Collegiates.  
This Professor was Father Bourdin, who going about to confute two of the places in Monsieur Des Cartes his Dioptriques, instead of sending him his Objections, as Monsieur Fermat, Petit, Morin, and other Mathematicians had dealt with him; he goes and inserts them (for the use of his Scholars) into the Theses or Propositions defended the 30th of June and 2d of July, by one Charles Potier, who some while after turned Cartesian, maugre his former Impressions.  
Father Mersennus, not content to defend his Friend's opinions against the Scholar and Professor, sent him an Extract of the Position that referred to him, together with the Preamble or Preliminary Discourse composed by the Professor for the opening of the Dispute, because it was point-blank against him; signifying by the by, that it was the Professor himself that sent it him, by him.  
Monsieur Des Cartes having forgotten the manner of Comportment in Colleges, 
The Custom of the College in Disputes.  seeing the Preliminary Discourse and the Points of the Thesis, imagined they designed to set upon him publicly; he thought that the Jesuits instead of giving him notice before hand of his Faults, did study to expose him to the laughter of the greatest Wits of Paris; that made him lose the unconcernedness he had declared upon so many occasions for whatsoever passed to his Prejudice: And he was vexed to the purpose, when he saw that the Professor, under pretence of Composing a Subject of Disputation for his Scholars, had fathered upon him certain Opinions that he was not of, that he might the more easily confute them. Perhaps he did wrong not to consider, that on such like occasions, the Masters are sometimes forced to forge Chimeras to their Scholars to accustom them to wrangle; that, as for what is performed in these Public Acts, is but a sport and divertisement of Mind; that what is there spoken is of little consequence against the truth of an Author's Opinions that they there oppose; that according to the Custom of the Schools, the Master's and Respondent's Honours are concerned to appear at least to come off victorious in the Disputation; that these petty Triumphs last but a Day, and that the Applauses concern neither the Master, nor his Opinions, but only the Scholar; whom they Applaud, when he hath but repeated an Argument, and responded (well or ill) suitable to the Dictates and Lectures of his Mr.  
The Union that he supposed to be amongst the Members of the Company of Jesus, 
He declares War with the Jesuits.  made him conclude from the Example of Father Bourdin, that he had pulled an old House over his head, and that he should have all the Jesuits upon his back, and represented just then this Society as a formidable Army that advanced towards him. He was not a whi● daunted nor discomposed for all that, but plucking up his Courage, he resolved to march alone, against them all, without staying to Combat, either Father Bourdin, or any other in particular.  
In order to this strange resolution, he addresses himself to the Father Rector of the College of Clermont, to whom he writ in Latin, a Letter dated 22 July, very pithy, pertinent, and full of respect. He begged of him to interpose his Authority to engage the Fathers of the Society to disclose to him once for all what they had to find fault with in his Works, to the end he might either Correct himself or Answer them; This was a generous Declaration of War against the Jesuits in his Name, which he judged fit to intrust with some wise discreet Person; in order hereunto, he pitched upon his Friend Monsieur Mydorge, charging him to go deliver it immediately to the Rector, and let him understand that there was no rashness in making his Addresses directly to his Reverence; since Father Bourdin had commenced a formal War, not by his Thesis, which he should take no further notice of; but by a Velitation or Skirmish which he dispatched to him since.  
He answered this Velitation, expecting the Effect of his Letter to the Rector, who received it, not from M. Mydorge his hands, who was afraid to draw the Tempest upon his Friend by this proceeding, but by the hands of Father Mersennus, who was not so scrupulous when the business was to foment differences amongst the Learned, and breed Quarrels conducing to the advancement of Sciences.  
XI. The Rector seemed not a little satisfied with the Reasons and real Sentiments of Monsieur Des Cartes; 
A Personal Quarrel with Fath. Bourdin.  but he did not believe that the Society was bound to concern itself in a difference wherein it was not a party concerned. He thought it sufficient to permit Father Bourdin to decide his Controversy in person, as well as he could with him, and instead of answering his Letter, he ordered this Father to Answer it himself, and to render a reason of his Proceedings to Monsieur Des Cartes.  
Father Bourdin declared positively to him in his Letter, That he had not, nor should ever undertake a particular War against his Opinions. Yet he promised him to send him his Treatise within a Week; that is, the Reasons he made use of not to approve his Sentiments. The term of eight days, at the end of which Monsieur Des Cartes expected these Treatises, being expired over and over, he began to despair of them, when he received some Letters from some other Fathers of the Society, by which they demanded of him Six months' delay longer. He made no question but this was a Stratagem to Correct these Writings at leisure, and to put them in such a condition no longer to fear his censure. He conjectured by these Father's Letters, that notwithstanding the assurances they had given him of a pure personal Quarrel with Father Bourdin, yet that he was going to detach from the main Body of the Society, a powerful Party of Jesuits against him, to back their Fellow-Collegian.  
Knowing that their chief Strength consisted in the Art of Logic, 
He prepares for the Jesuits.  of which they perform many Exercises in the Society, to make them handle their Arms the better in their Disputes against all sorts of Adversaries, he thought likewise he was to look about him, and have recourse to Scholastic Arms, which, he thought he had laid aside this many years, not so much as ever dreaming he should have any more occasion for them.  
He communicated his purpose to Father Mersennus, who expected him in Paris towards the end of this Year, and he writ to him about it in these terms: I shall not yet take my Journey this Winter; for, being I am to receive the Objections of the Jesuits within four or five Months; I believe I must be in a posture ready to expect them; in the interim, I have a great desire, a little to peruse their Philosophy (which I have not done this Twenty Years) on purpose to see if I like it better now, than I did heretofore. To this effect, I beseech you to send me the Names of the Authors who have writ a Body of Philosophy, which are most followed amongst the Jesuits, and whether or no they may have any new ones. I remember none but Collegium Conimbricense.  
He desired him also to inform him, 
He undertakes to confute the School-Philosophy  if they had not compiled some Abridgement or Compendium of all Philosophy of the Schools that was much read; (to spare him the labour of turning over the Schoolmen;) such a one as that of Eustachius.  
Father Mersennus could tell him of none but the Raconie, which was not so fit for his purpose as Eustachius; but he forceably urged and exhorted him, not to neglect the Philosophy of the Schools, such as was at that time taught in the College, supposing that the time of Sacrificing of it to truth, was come; letting him understand by the way that he was the only man, from whom the Lovers of Truth and Wisdom expected this piece of Service.  
Monsieur Des Cartes writ back to him the Eleventh of November, That he did not believe the School-Philosophy so hard to be confuted, because of the diversity of Opinions that it contains; He declared to him at the same time the aims he had upon Philosophy in reference to that of the Schools.  
His intent was to write in order, a whole course of Philosophy in the nature of Positions; or without any superfluities of Discourse; he would put down only all his Conclusions, with all the Reasons, from whence he deduced them; which he hoped to be able to do in few words. In the same Book, according to his Project, he did get a course of Vulgar Philosophy printed, such an one as that of Eustachius, with his Notes at the latter end of each Question, where he intended to add the various Opinions of Authors, and what a man was to believe of them all according to him. In a word, he put us in hopes (for to serve for a Conlusion to his Work) that he would make a Parallel or Comparison of two Philosophies, that is to say, of his own; and that of others. He was only solicitous to know if Eustachius were yet alive; because having no design, neither on his Person, no● Writings in particular, he had a desire to keep a fair Correspondence with him; and use all sort of Civilities towards him. As for the Collegium Conimbricense (i. e. the Courses of Philosophy of the Jesuits of Conimbra in Portugal) in his Opinion they were too long. But he could have wished they had writ as succinctly as Eustachius; because having to do with the Jesuits, he should have preferred their course to all others.  
XII. This Year proved fatal to our Philosopher by the loss, 
The Death of his Father and Daughter.  not only of three or four of his Friends, Mathematicians, or Philosophers, but especially of two Persons the dearest to him in all the World, viz. his Daughter Francina, and his Father, Dean of the Parliament of Britain, who departed this Life in October, 78 years of Age.  
Francina died on the 7th of September at Amersford, only 5 years of Age. He publicly owned her for his Daughter, altho' we cannot learn who her Mother was, having not any proof of his being Married; He lamented her Death with that passionate affection that forced him to Experience, that true Philosophy cannot stifle Natural Affection. The Sorrow and Grief that overwhelmed him for this loss, makes us apt to believe she was his only Child: But those that speak ill of him, have not stuck to father more upon him. The Calumny, altho' supported by the Authority and Writings of a grave Minister amongst the Reformed at Vtrecht, seemed to him so ill-grounded, that he only laughed at it; and answered his Enemy that cast it in his teeth, that not having made a Vow of Chastity, and not being exempt from Humane Frailties; he should make no scruple at all to own them before all the World, if he had any; but albeit he had none; yet he agreed not to pass for a great Saint, with a Minister that had no good opinion of the Gift of Continency in the ecclesiastics of the Roman Church, who live in Celibacy.  
He stayed not long to repair the breach that was made in integrity of his life, wherewith he honoured his solitude, and the profession of his Philosophy, and restored his Celibacy to its pristin perfection, ever before he had acquired the Name of Father. Upon the whole, the Public had never come to the knowledge of this humbling Circumstance o● his life; if he had not made a Public Confession of it himself by writing the History of his dear Francina, upon the first Leaf of a● Book that was to be seen by many.  
Three weeks after the death of this Child, 
The trick Voetius played with Mersennus, against him.  he quitted the Town of Amersford to return to his abode at Leiden. He was quite out of conceit with the Neighbourhood of Vtrecht, because of Voetius his Intrigues, that alarmed all the Country, making as if Regius was a Pestilent Fellow, good for nothing but to trouble the Schools; as for his Des Cartes, he would have him pass for an Enemy of the Protestant Religion, a Spy sent out of France against the Interest of the United Provinces: not judging the Writers of his Religion in his own Country sufficient to exterminate him, he thought good to find out some amongst the Catholics, and that too in the middle of France. To find such, it was necessary to change his Language. He went about to persuade them that they had to deal with a common Enemy, and in all their concerns to defend Religion in general against a Sceptic and an Atheist; wherein the Catholics were no less interested than Protestants. He went to solicit Men of Parts as far as the recesses of Cloisters in Paris, and had even the Confidence to attempt Father Mersennus, upon pretence that this Father was already trained up and versed in making his party good against Atheists and Deists, with whom he had entered the lists ●y divers Works; he represented to this Father, that being besides a good Philosopher ●nd Geometrician; an undertaking of this nature, was worthy his eminent Learning and Sub●lty. And to engage him the deeper by more prevalent Expressions, he tells him, That ha●ing showed himself all along, the Defender of Truth in his way of Treating of Divinity; He ●eeded not to question but the same truth ●all'd for his assistance, to secure it from the vexatious insults of this new Philosopher. This is perhaps the first time that ever any ●ody heard the Protestant Ministers congratulate the Roman Catholics, and what is more, even the Monks for having successfully stood up for and guarded truth in matter of Theology. The thing was yet something the more remarkable, because Voetius, a man would have thought, should have been the ●ast from whom one might have hoped to have heard such a like Confession, having without any cause taken a great liberty to oppose the Roman Church upon other occasions; yea, and falling out with some Ministers, who were not able to endure his excessive flyings out and impostures; But considering the Catholics conned Voetius but little thank for this Confession, and because the Protestants did not lay it to his charge: Men looked upon it as the consequence of his disorderly Spirit, to which the one, and the party were pretty well accustomed; there needs no other sign of this irregularity than the malignity wherewith he affects to make Monsieur Des Cartes pass for an Savage Jesuit, tha● he might decry him, and render him odious another way.  
Father Mersennus feigned that he let himself be alured by the Charms of Voetius hi● Discourse; and to demonstrate that he wa● still more a Friend to Truth than to Monsieu● Des Cartes, he promised him the service of hi● Pen, provided they could supply him with Matter and Reasons sufficient to attack the Opinions of that Philosopher.  
Some pretend the Monk spoke in earnestly Voetius was so far persuaded of it, that immediately he noised it abroad that Mersennus was a writing against Des Cartes. Afterwards he sought up and down for Materials, and wa● very importunate with all his Friends to dispatch relief to Father Mersennus; yet a whole year was spent without being able to get the Father to make his words good, save only in a Comparison that he made between Monsieur Des Cartes and Vaninus; desiring him to make much of this, as an important Piece, and to display the Parallel of the new Philosopher with that Impious Wretch who was Burnt at Tholouse.  
Without doubt they had a better opinion of Monsieur Des Cartes at the Court of France; 
The King invites him to Court upon honourable Conditions but all in vain.  Seeing King Lewis the 13th commanded to send him word at the latter end of this Year, that he would publicly gratify his Merit. This Prince informed by Card. Richelieu, or by those that presented him with his Book, that this Ornament to the Kingdom would ●e always out of its Element, so long as he ●hould be out of his Realm; had thoughts of preferring him to some eminent place, either 〈◊〉 Court, or in the Parliament, thereby to ●ender him conspicuous to all his Subjects; ●nd to grant him a great Pension suitable ●o his rank, and able to support it; But ●here were no solicitations powerful enough ●o wean him from his retirement. He regarded the Delights and Pleasures of Court, ●nd the most glorious Occupations of Counsels and Parliaments, as equally prejudicial ●o the repose and leisure that were requi●re to serve Mankind in the Profession he ●ad chosen, and putting infinitely a greater value upon his King's good will towards him, than upon all the Honours and Riches that ●e would have pleased to heap upon him, ●e wished rather to live alone, content with the perpetual acknowledgement of his gracious offers, than to expose himself to hatard of losing the advantages of his Philosophy, under pretence of being desirous to bear the heavy weight of those Honours, and to justify the choice of so great a Prince.   

BOOK VI.  
From 1641 till 1644.  
I. 
The publishing of his Metaphysical Meditations  IN the Year 1641. began to appear in public the second Works of Monsieur Des Cartes, with the privilege of the King, and approbation of the Doctors of Paris, entitled, Meditations touching the first Philosophy, wherein is discovered the Existence God, and the Immortality of the Soul. But you must observe, tha● it was not the Author's intent▪ that they should insert the word Immortality instead of that of Immateriality.  
This Work, the publication of which he pretends to be purely owing to his own Conscience, was of a more Ancient Composing than his Essays, being the very first fruits of his retirements in Holland. The importance of the subject matter prevailed with him, before it went to the Press, to let the most able Divines of the Roman Church see it; nay and other Learned Men too of other Communions, who passed for the most subtle Wits in Philosophy and Metaphysics, to the end that he might profit by their Censures, answer their Difficulties, and cause their Objections and his Answers to be Printed together at the same time with his Treatise.  
His Manuscript was, in order hereunto above a year in the hands of Father Mersennus; who had a Commission from him to find out Censurers or Approvers for this Book, of all faculties, whilst he in the mean time did the same in the Catholic and Protestant Netherlands. Yea, and he had some intentions to dedicate it to the Doctors of the Sorbonne; that is, to all the Faculty of Divinity of Paris, because, saith he, the cavils of some persons had made him resolve to guard himself henceforward with the Authority of others, since Truth is so little regarded when it is alone. He recommended this business to Father Gibeuf, Father of the Oratory, his friend, who by his great Capacity had gained a great Esteem and Credit 〈◊〉 the Sorbonne, and amongst Men of Wit and ingenuity, and left Father Mersennus to order all the rest.  
II. 
An Abridgement of what it contains.  Whilst this Father searched for Censurers for his Book, whilst he collected the Objections of Divines and Philosophers, he could possibly find in Paris; he received an Abridgement of it, concerning the chief Points about God and the Human Soul, which served for an introduction to the whole Work, which he divided into six Meditations.  
In the first he propounds the Reasons why we may doubt of all things in general, and especially of material things, until such time as we have established a better foundation in Sciences than those we have had hitherto: He ●●akes it appear that the advantage of this general doubt consisteth in delivering us from all sorts of prejudices to loosen our Minds from Sense, and so to bring it about that we cannot any longer doubt of the things which, we shall afterwards know and acknowledge to be true.  
In the second he demonstrates that the Soul making use of its own liberty in supposing that the things of whose Existence there may arise the least doubt, do not exist at all, in effects doth acknowledge that it is impossible but that at the same time it exists itself; which serves to make it distinguish the things that belong to it, from those that belong to the Body.  
In the third he produceth and displays the best Argument he hath for the Existence of a God, without using any comparison dra● from corporeal things.  
In the fourth he proves that all things we have a clear and distinct notion of, are true; he there explains also the nature of the Error that is in the Judgement, and the discerning of true from false.  
In the fifth he explains the nature of a Body in general; he doth there likewise demonstrate the Existence of God in a new manner; and he makes appear that the certitude of demonstrations themselves depend upon the knowledge of God.  
In the sixth he makes a difference between the action of the understanding, and that of the imagination. He there evidently shows that the Soul of Man is really distinct from the Body, and that nevertheless it is so nearly joined to it, that it composeth as it were but the same thing with it. He explains also all ●he several Errors that proceeds from Sense, ●ith the means to avoid them. Last of all, he ●here brings in the Reasons from which one ●ay conclude the Existence of things material.  
We must observe that the Author doth not ●ind himself up to follow the Order of matters throughout this Work, 
After what manner they are written.  but only the Order of Reason. I mean, that he hath not undertaken to speak of whatsoever appertains to ●he same Subject, in the same place, because 〈◊〉 would have been often impossible to prove 〈◊〉 well, inasmuch as there were Reasons, some ●hereof were to be fetched a great deal further off than others. But in reasoning in order, that is to say, beginning at the most ea●e things, and so passing after that to things ●ost difficult, he hath deduced from thence what he could possibly, sometimes for one, ●atter, and sometimes for another; which was in his Opinion the true way to find Truth precisely, and to explain it aright. He judged his Order only profitable to those whose Reasons are free and unbiased, who can say ●s much of one difficulty as of another.  
And this is the reason why he thought it ●ot convenient, nor yet possible to insert into the Text of his Meditations, the Answer to ●he Objections one might give, because that would have interrupted all the Series, nay and might have invalidated the force of his Reasons, which depends chiefly on the necessity of diverting one's thought from things sensible, from whence most part of the Objections might be drawn. But yet he set down those. that were already come to his hand from the Low Countries at the end of his Treatise, to serve for a Model to others, if there chanced to come any, and to show how they might come in course, and follow, in the impression by inserting his Answers at the end of each Objection.  
These first Objections were sent by thei● Author Monsieur Caterus or Catters, Doctor of Lounvain, 
First Objections.  employed in the Missions of Holland: He accompanied them with all the Civilities and Modesty that ordinarily sway learned lovers of Truth; they were directed to two of his friends Bloemart and Bann●● who knowing very well the capacity of this Doctor, had desired them of him, and tha● too as strong and pertinent as possible he could make them, that they might be suitable to our Philosopher's Intentions: The two friends sent them to Monsieur Des Cartes just as they received them; and he in like manner directed his Answer he made to them, he endeavoured especially not to come short in Testimonies of Esteem and Civility of Monsieur Caterus, who became a new Accession to his friends all his life after.  
Fath. Mersennus, 
Second Objections.  that he might perceive some Effects of his Commission, sent him in January the Objections he was able to pick up by word of mouth from off Divines and Philosophers he consulted in Paris: Their difficulties were neither considerable, nor in great number, notwithstanding this Father offered some of his own, and tho' he had done whatsoever lay in his power to start some from his Answer to the first Objections which he had conveyed to him, with a design to have him to examine them, with the rest. Monsieur Des Cartes seemed to believe that these several Objections had been made by persons sincere and honest, and persuaded of the solidity of his Principles, and drew up an exact Answer to them. Now, for as much as the Authors of these Objections-had signified by the Pen of Father Mersennus, that it would be very proper and useful, if, at the end of his Solutions, after having first of all presented some definitions, demands and axioms, he would wind up all according to the Method of Geometricians, so that at one glance, Readers might find wherewith they ●hould be satisfied; he was exceeding glad that he had made him a proposition so agreeable to him, and so easy to be put in Execution; he therefore accompanied his Answer for their satisfaction, with another Writing containing the reason for proving that there is a God, and the difference there is between Spirit or Soul, and Human Body, couched after a Geometrical manner.  
He had not quite finished his answering the second Objections, 
Third Objections by Mr. Hobbs.  but he received those of the famous Hobbs, an English Philosopher, who had long sought an occasion to get acquaintance with him. Father Mersennus had augmented his desire when he begun the reading of the Manuscript of Meditations, for to make Animadversions thereupon; but he declared to him, that the only way to deserve his friendship, was to be plain with him, and not spare him. M. Hobbes took it for granted; the Father upon sending these Objections to Monsieur Des Cartes, accompanied them with a word or two in behalf of his Friend, to the end he might be acquainted with his desert and might know what kind of Philosophy it was, whereof he made Profession.  
Monsieur Des Cartes, overjoyed to learn that the number of true Philosophers was increased by such an ingenious person as M. Hobbes, had a mind to study the Genius of the man in his Objections; but he found them not proper to let him judge of his Solidity and Profoundness. He inserted into the very Body of these Objections, the Answer he made to each Point. This is what we exhibit under the title of Third Objections.  
Notwithstanding all Monsieur Des Cartes his Entreaties to Father Mersennus to send him no more Objections, 
Other Objections of M. Hobbes.  but such as related to his Metaphysical Meditations; yet this Father could not forbear communicating to him the Marks M. Hobbes had made upon his Dioptriques, nor could Monsieur Des Cartes forbear answering his Friend. Mr. Hobbes shot wide of the mark in his writing, by a beginning that had no relation at all to Dioptriques. He talked in it of God and the Soul as things Corporeal; he discoursed concerning his Internal Spirit, which he established as the principal of all things; we meet with abundance of other stuff, no way relating to Mons. Des Cartes his Dioptriques— For altho' he pretended that Materia subtilis was the same with his Intern Spirit— yet he might as well have said, The Moon is made of green Cheese; the one was not discernible in the other; Mr. Hobbes made a tedious reply, which was conveyed to Monsieur Des Cartes the 7th of February; but all the business of this peaceable Discourse centred in Father Mersennus. M. Hobbes, nor Monsieur Des Cartes never writing to one another immediately, their Communication extended no further; and altho' Monsieur Des Cartes sent his last Answer to Mr. Hobbes his Reply, he begged of Father Mersennus either to keep it to himself, or to disperse it at discretion, that it might not be discovered by M. Hobbs, nor no body else, that it came farther, than from the Convent of Minims in Paris.  
He signified withal to this Father, the Reasons that induced him to have no more to do with this English Philosopher, that he might preserve his Commerce for those Friends who love one another without Communication. He gave him a fresh account of what he judged of this Man's Intellect, which he looked upon as very obstinate, and dangerous in its affecting singularity, altho' it might not be endued with an exactness fit for judging aright, nor with any strength for arguing.  
IV. In the whole Society of the Sorbonne, there was not found one Censor of Monsieur Des Cartes, notwithstanding the great pains Monsieur Gibeuf and Father Mersennus were at to procure some; we must except one young Doctor or Licenciate, who having heretofore read the Essay of the Method of our Philosopher with no small delight, did acquiesce in Father Mersennus his desire, hoping to meet with the like pleasure in the reading of the Meditations; This Doctor was the famous Monsieur Arnaud, at that time near 29 years of Age, not being able to obtain of the Father to peruse it Gratis without costing him some Reflections, he thought himself obliged to act two Parts in the Examen they required of him; At first, he appeared like a Philosopher, to represent the principal Difficulties that might be objected against Monsieur Des Cartes, touching those two grand Questions; concerning the Nature of our Soul and the Existence of God. Then again, he acted the part of a Divine, to take notice of the things that he judged apt to offend ears accustomed to the usual Expressions of his Theology.  
Monsieur Des Cartes had never yet any more rational, or more able Adversary than this young Doctor, who not taking up with rendering himself very Profound in all sorts of Knowledge, made a perfect Geometrical Spirit to reign in all his Argumentations; but instead of mispending his time in admiring him; he sets all his Wits on work to Answer him; which troubled him more, and put him harder to it, because he was to satisfy a Spirit upon which it was impossible to impose, and that the business was to solve withal certain most solid and most sublimely propounded Difficulties.  
He sent back word to Father Mersennus, that he could not have desired a more quicksighted penetrating, nor yet a more fair and officious Examiner than he was; That he had been treated with so much Candour and Civility, that he could scarce imagine that it was ●n Adversary that writ against him: But that ●e had examined what he had opposed with so much diligence, that he could wish nothing might have escaped him. And that his lively penetrating manner of urging, and pushing things that he could yield his Approbation to, made him confident that he was void of the the complaisance to dissemble with him.  
He sent his Answer to Father Mersennus upon Easter-Day, with many thanks to Monsieur Arnaud, for two friendly offices he had rendered him by writing against him; the first was for having proposed the Reasons of his Book, in such a manner, that he seemed to ●e afraid lest others should not find them sufficiently strong and convincing. The other was for having fortified him with no small Succours in backing him with the Authority of St. Augustine, whose Philosophy had the same Principle as his, for its Basis and Supporter.  
Having a pretty while weighed the force of Monsieur Arnaud's Arguments about Philosophy, he judged, that endeavouring to solve those which respect the Nature of the Soul or Humane Spirit, it behoved him to alter his Method, fearing he might not be able to resist the force of those, he had propounded to him touching the Existence of God. That's the reason why, instead of taking upon him to bear up against all his Efforts, as hitherto he did, he would imitate those who are to defend themselves against an Adversary that hath the advantage, and studied nothing more tha● cunningly and skilfully to parry his blows rather than expose himself downright to the violence of them.  
When he was as far as the Answer that he was to make to the Difficulties that might baffle, and nonplus Divines, he declared, That he opposed Monsieur Arnaud's first Reasons (concerning the Humane Soul) that he had laboured to elude the second Reasons concerning the Existence of God) but that he had done his best into the third, except to the last concerning the Eucharist; to which he undertook to answer.  
Monsieur Arnaud gave Monsieur Des Cartes several Advices as important as judicious to obviate that wrangling that might be feared in ill-disposed Minds. Monsieur Des Cartes desiring to demonstrate the deference he had to his Judgement, and esteem for his Counsels, sent to Father Mersennus, the Places or Passages, by themselves, separate from his Answer, which this young Doctor judged convenient to run over again, and alter in his Meditations. He desired the Doctor to set down the Additions or Corrections in the very Text of his Work, by separate By-marks like Parenthesis, to show how he desired to be instructed by the advice of another, without aiming to ascribe the Glory of it to himself, and to excite by such a generous Modesty, all his Examiner's; nay, and his Antagonists too, to afford him the like advice, in hopes of having the same Justice done them.  
He wished Monsieur Arnaud might see his Answer, that he might pass his judgement of it, and that he might communicate to him his replies, or give him new advice; but we heard no more of it: And Monsieur Arnaud signified to Father Mersennus, that he remained fully satisfied. He added, That he himself held, and openly maintained the very same Philosophy in part, that it had been stiffly opposed in a full Congregation by several Learned Persons, but that it could not be beat down, nor so much as staggered.  
This disposition begot in Monsieur Des Cartes a Prejudice for his Philosophy so much the more advantageous, 
The esteem M. Des Cartes had for M. Arnaud.  as he judged this Doctor an Adversary less capable of Mistakes in what he knew, and less dissimulation in his demeanour. He did not stick since to acquaint the Fathers of the Oratory, that as young a Doctor as Monsieur Arnaud was, yet did he esteem his Judgement more, than, that, of half of the Old ones of the whole Faculty.  
Of all the Objections that were made against his Meditations, there was not one of them to whom the Public bestowed more honour than to those of the young Doctor, and M. Des Cartes, who judged them preferable to all the rest, was not ashamed to honour himself particularly by it, as a new support for his Philosophy. It was not his fault that he did not hold up this growing acquaintance, and amicable correspondence with a Friend of that importance. But Monsieur Arnaud, notwithstanding a great Philosopher and excellent Geometrician; had at that time so much dedicated his time to Theology, that there was left him but a very small Portion of it for exercises of Humanity, or study of Classic Authors: Insomuch that they had a Kindness one for another since, without much Communication; yet nevertheless, Monsieur Des Cartes expressed so much sympathy for him, that he had cause to fear that Monsieur Arnaud's Enemies were his also.  
V. Besides the Objections of Mons. Hobbes and Monsieur Arnaud, 
Fifth Objections by M. Gassendus.  he received also those of Monsieur Gassendus, who was come from his Country Habitation to Paris, very opportunely in order thereunto. They were old Cronies; yet their amity never proceeded to the degree of Friends, loving one another, without ever discovering, or reproving what is amiss in one another. Whatsoever it was at the beginning, Monsieur Des Cartes always preserved it in an equal poise: but now as for Mons. Gassendus, it was not so with him, since our Philosopher's Edition of his Treatise of Meteors. 
The original cause of the falling out of M. Gassend. and M. Des Cartes.  Monsieur Des Cartes had not omitted in this Treaty the Phenomina of Parhelia's, or Mock-Suns that appeared at Rome. An. 1629. of which Monsieur Gassendus had composed a Dissertation. But his silence bred the occasion of being vexed at him, and showing a great deal of indifference for him, who took it very ill that Monsieur Des Cartes should not make the least mention of him upon this occasion.  
This ill disposition of Mind in M. Gassendus, attended with a secret Jealousy, which the reputation or designs of our Philosopher begot in him, was a sovereign Preservative against his natural sweet disposition and mildness, that one might have feared he would have used in his Objections against the Metaphysical Meditations, where Monsieur Des Cartes needed all the severity of the most able Animadverters. He was very careful to acquit himself handsomely of the Confutation he had undertaken; yet towards the Conclusion, taking up his wont Complaisance that he endeavoured to suspend awhile, in the Body of the Writing, he protested that his chief design in Writing against Monsieur Des Cartes was nothing but maintain himself in the honour of his friendship. He added moreover, That if any thing too rude had escaped his Pen, he would disown it upon the spot; and gave his consent, that whatsoever might displease Monsieur Des Cartes, should be razed out of his Writing.  
His Civilities did not tend to so good an end. He writ also a particular Letter full of Commendation, not only of Monsieur Des Cartes great parts; but also of the that very Work he undertook to Animadvert upon. But what he adds afterwards touching the necessity Father Mersennus had driven him to send him his doubts and scruples, touching his pretended Incapacity, touching the weakness of his Arguments, was the product of such a cunning Dissimulation, and so near akin to Modesty, that many did not stick to prefer them to the plain and austere sincerity of Monsieur Des Cartes, and to disapprove that blunt disobliging downrightness of the latter, wherewith he thought fit to answer him.  
This affected Language of M. Gassendus, was only for Monsieur Des Cartes; he changed his note for those whom he handled without Dissimulation; such as M. Daillé in France, and M. Rivet in Holland, where he was not ashamed to confess to the last, That he had not so strictly examined Monsieur Des Cartes his Metaphysics, but only because he had not received from him all those Civilities that he expected upon a certain occasion.  
Yet altho' his revenge was groundless, and most unjust in itself, nevertheless it was very profitable to Monsieur Des Cartes, who received his Writing by way of Father Mersennus, under the Title of Disquisitio Metaphisica seu dubitationes, etc. he answered in a less affected manner doubtless than that of Monsieur Gassendus was; the stile of which, seemed to him very Eloquent and Delightful; altho' he was pleased to be persuaded that he had not so much made use of the Reasons of a Philosopher to confute his Opinions, as the shifts of an Orator to evade them; but the desire of managing his Adversary a little more, hindered him from maintaining the Character of his ordinary plainness; for a Crotchet coming into his Pate, to make the Spirit answer ●he Flesh, as if they had been two Persons that ●e had a mind to bring upon the Stage, he ●ave M. Gassendus an occasion to know that ●y the Flesh, he meant him. It was in vain, ●fter he had taken off the Mask to expatiate ●pon M. Gassendus his Praises. Gassendus supposed that he would have paid his Compliments in kind: He fell out with him about 〈◊〉, which some of his Friends, and some turbulent Spirits, had a special care to foment by ●alse Reports and Scandals, that destroyed in ●ome measure a part of that Charity these two Christian Philosophers owed one to another. The writing of Gassendus, with the Answer of Monsieur Des Cartes, makes up the Fifth Objection in the Book of Meditations.  
In the mean time, 
Sixth Objections.  Father Mersennus picked up whatsoever he could possibly gather from the Objections in Paris, and in the Country, and dispatched them to Monsieur Des Cartes, according as he received them, besides those that he was about, to frame himself by the reiterated Study of his Meditations. Monsieur Des Cartes seeing them of divers pieces and different Compositions did his utmost to reduce them into order. Then he sent them back again, together with the Answer he gave Father Mersennus about them, who called them the Sixth Objections; after which he made them finish the Impression of the Book of Meditations.  
VI 
Voetius comes to be Rector of the University of Vtrecht.  Whilst Monsieur Des Cartes was taken up with his answering the Objections they made against his Metaphysic Meditations; Voetius the Minister, procured a great reinforcement to his Faction by the Rectorship of the University of Louvain; to which he got himself preferred 16th of March, An. 1641.  
Regius beholding him in this manner invested with all the Authority that was needful for the executing his designs against Monsieur Des Cartes, and him; sought all occasions to curry favour with him, or at least to prevent the dire Effects of his ill-will. The Rector at first was overjoyed to observe his Submissions, and seeing he did so handsomely by him, as to offer him his Thesis to Correct, he was content only to make some Notes upon it, to save the honour of the ancient Philosophy, and left the Paradoxes and new Opinions alone to him by way of Corollaries; together with the permission to put Monsieur Des Cartes his Name at the top of his Thesis.  
The first dispute of these Theses was performed on the 17th of April, 
A Thesis of Regius.  Regius moderated, and he that kept the Act was the Sieur Johanes de Roey, still alive, who hath gotten himself a great Name by his great Writings and Learning. The great Abilities of the Moderator and Respondent to make the new Opinions Triumph, soon made Voetius repent of all his Condescensions; he took occasion upon a Tumult, and the Peripatetique Professors making their Scholars to hiss Regius to take up his resolution again, of making him lose his Professors Chair, and to Expel him ●he University.  
Regius to stand upon his own Defence, cau●ed a plain Exposition of this first Dispute to ●e Printed. He demanded withal, some re●ef from Monsieur Des Cartes; and sent him ●ll the Theses or Positions in order as they ●ere to be disputed on the 5th of May, ●ith the Remarks the Rector had made upon ●em before he would let them pass. Monsieur Des Cartes found nothing too unreasonable in the Rector's Remarks; but having fielded to the request, Regius preferred to examine his Theses without favour or affection: He corrected divers things which he should ●ave been sorry, to have been ascribed to ●im; for it was commonly given out and be●eved that Regius had no other Opinions but ●ose of Monsieur Des Cartes. So that people ●ot being any longer capable of shaking off ●is Opinion, it was expedient that Monsieur Des Cartes should pass nothing over to Regius, ●ut what he would adopt for his own, and of which he could not advantageously undertake the Defence.  
He began at that very time to observe some ●eeds of Error in that which Regius imagined of his own head, and chiefly in what concerns ●e reasonable Soul; but he was still Master of his Mind, and he had no cause to complain of his docibility.  
The second Theses disputed on the 5th of May, made as great a stir as the former; ma●y other disputes followed them all the Summer long, which served only to heighten his Reputation, and to exasperate the Spirits of the Professors already prejudiced against him, insomuch that they were resolved to oppose the Progress of these Novelties, and to enter an Action in the Name of the University against him and Monsieur Des Cartes. Voetius who outwardly was pacified by the submission of Regius, plucked off the Mask at last, and declared himself the Chief of his Adversaries, upon pretence that in some places of his last Theses he had let fall some Expressions, different from the common Language of the Schools, that he had not shown him.  
This Protestant Minister, (having no more to expect from Mersennus) who, (for all he expected a Consutation from him) sent him nothing but a grave Reprimand for the Injustice of his Carriage; undertook to attack Monsieur Des Cartes in two places, first of all by Dispute, setting his Theses against those of Regius; and then again by his Pen, by confuting his Writings. In quality of Rector, he ordered Stratenus Professor in Physic, and Ravensperger Professor of Mathematics, to refute all these Novel Opinions in all the Public Acts of November and December. As for himself, he reserved the care to oppose in the Theological Act kept under him, what he judged prejudicial to Religion.  
The last Thesis of Regius being stuffed with divers Questions that had no relation nor coherence one with another, 
The Thesis of Voetius against Regias.  and being they were Composed according to the Fancy of them that responded, rather than to that of the Moderator: One of the Respondents had unadvisedly put into one of his Assertions, that of the Union of the Soul and Body there did not result a being per se, but only per accidens; ●alling a being per accidens whatsoever was composed of two Substances quite different, without denying for all that the Substantial Union, by which the Soul is joined to the Body; nor yet that Aptitude or natural Inclination that both these parts have for this Union. Regius seeing these Expressions displeased Monsieur Des Cartes, as being too harsh, tried to excuse himself to Voetius, but ●o no purpose; This Minister took occasion from thence to have him declared an Heretic, and to get them to proceed to the turning him out of his place. In the Name of the Faculty of Theology; that is to say, of himself, his two Colleagues Carolus Dematius and Mainardus Schotanus, and of the Pastors of the City, he ordained that the Students in Divinity should abstain from the Lectures of Regius, as from Dogmas and Tenets pernicious to Religion. Then he causes some Thesis to be Printed, which were to be maintained in December against the Paradoxes of the esse per accidens in Man; of the Motion of the Earth, and against the Opinion that disallows Substantial Forms. His Design was to get them signed beforehand by the two other Professors in Divinity, and by all Divines whatsoever, who were either Ministers or Preachers in the City, and then to depute some Persons to the Magistracy, to give them notice that Regius should be condemned by a Consistory or Ecclesiastical Assembly; to the end, that the Magistracy might not lawfully dispense with his not being removed from the Chair.  
Regius having had an inkling of what they were contriving against him, goes presently to tell Monsieur Ʋander Hoolck of it, who was one of the Consuls that protected him, and an intimate Friend of Monsieur Des Cartes: The Consul sent word to the Rector Voetius, ordered him to Correct his Theses, to leave out the Title, and whatsoever might concer● the reputation of Regius. The Rector, who was to sit Moderator at these Theses, being 〈◊〉 a quandary at the Consul's order, spoke not one word more either of the Consistory, or signing; yet because the Passages of the Theses' that related to Regius and Des Cartes were already Printed, and because they were to be defended the next day; he made use of this pretence to Cloak his Disobedience and ill Intentions.  
These Theses were defended the 18th, 23th, and 24th of December. The Respondent whose Name was Lambert Waterlaet, signalised himself full as much as the Professor in opposing these new Opinions, defended with an equal heat by the Opponents; who were almost all Regius his Disciples. The Professor seeing himself towards the end a little too much put to it by one of the Opponents who urged the Argument home, and would not be put off with his Responses; was not able to extricate himself, but by saying out of spite. That those who did not like the ordinary way of Philosophy, might expect another Monsieur Des Cartes, as the Jews expected their Elias, who should teach them all Truth.  
VII. 
A Storm raised against Regius.  Voetius seemed to triumph over the new Philosophy, during the Three days of the Public Act. But Regius foreseeing that if he should hold his tongue, many would think him conquered indeed, and on the other hand, that ●f he went about to defend himself by Public Theses and Acts, they would not fail to drown his Voice by Hissing, Hum, and Clapping of Hands, as they did at his last Theses of the 8th of December; engaged to Answer in writing Voetius his Theses'. He ●ends his Answer to Mons. Des Cartes to be examined, informing him by the way, that the Spirits were more and more incensed against him; and that Consul Ʋander Hoolck's advice was, that he had better be silent.  
Monsieur Des Cartes being informed by Co●onel Alfonso of what had happened at Vtrecht, 
M. Des Cartes his advice to Regius.  ●et Regius understand that he was of the Consul's mind; That his opinion ever was, that ●e should by no means propound new Opinions, as New, but by retaining the name and appearance of old; one should be content to introduce new Reasons, and use all means, fit to make them be liked. What signified it, says he, for you to go so publicly to reject Substantial Forms and Real Qualities? Don't you call to Mind that I did declare in express terms in my Treatise of Meteors, that I did not rejects them, and that I did not pretend to deny them 〈◊〉 but only that they were not necessary to explains my Conception, and that I could without them make my Reasons be apprehended? If you had taken this course, none of your Auditors would have revolted to the contrary side, and you shoul● not have procured you any Adversaries.  
But setting aside blaming what cannot be helped, you must think of redeeming your time, and improve what is to come; it is incumbent upon you now to defend with the greatest Modesty you are capable of that which is true in what you have proposed, and to Correct without being wedded 〈◊〉 your Opinion, that which did not appear so to be, or what is ill expressed, being persuaded that there is nothing more Commandable, nor more becoming a Philosopher, than a sincere Acknowledgement of his Faults.  
These Remonstrances, backed by the advice of Consul Ʋander Hoolck, Counsellor Van Leew, Colonel Alfonso, and Professor Emilius could not alter the resolution of Emilius; who thought, that if his Answer did no good to the Public, yet it would at least be of great use to his Scholars. M. Des Cartes being concerned at his obstinacy, thought it necessary to make use of some Condescension not to discourage him, and having corrected his Writings upon his reiterated Entreaties, he drew up a new Project of an Answer full of obliging Expressions, and Praises of Voetius, he flourished with formulas of respect for others, and modestly for himself; this Model of an Answer, with Matter, Reasons, and Means and Manners of filling it up, are still remaining amongst his Letters, as one of the fairest Monuments of his Meekness and Prudence; yet altho' he had observed to him afresh that his silence would stand him in more stead than all the Answers in the World, yet he must go and publish his Writing; the success whereof answered the fears and apprehensions that men had of it.  
They made people believe it was no better than a Libel in effect, 
Voetius causeth the new Philosophy to be forbid.  Printed without the Magistrates Order, distributed by a remonstrant Bookseller, against the honour of the Rector of the University in general, and of the Protestant Religion itself. Voetius obtained, that the Judge of the City Government should seize all the Copies of them; which making the Book more scarce, and to be more eagerly inquired after, did so provoke the Rector, that having got on his side the greatest part of the Professors of the University, and Senators of the City Counsel, he obtained a Decree from the Magistrates, and after that a Judgement of the University against the New Philosophy; strictly to charge and forbid Regius not to read or teach publicly any thing but Physic or Medicine, and not to hold any private Conferences.  
Regius dispatched all these Proceedings to Monsieur Des Cartes the 31st of March 1642; sending him the Decree of the Magistrates of the 15th of the said Month, together with the Judgement and Definitive Sentence of the University, and the Theses of young Voetius the Rector's Son. Monsieur Des Cartes sent him word back again, That as for the Theses they might be waved, nay, and the Judgement of the University too, being an Act both contrary to the due Course of Law, and irregular: But as for the Decree of the Magistrate, it was not the same case; for the Senate had issued it out only to be freed from the Importunities of Voetius and his Colleagues; he advised him to stick close to the Decree according to the Letter, and to teach nothing but Medicine according to Galen and Hypocrates; adding. That Truth would not be long before she would have some or other to inquire after her, wheresoever she was.  
Notwithstanding, Voetius ill-satisfied at these Proceedings, writ, made his Son and Disciples write against Regius. His Son published his Theses in favour of Substantial Forms, and Waterlaet Printed a Pamphlet entitled, Prodromus; as if it had been the forerunner of that he prepared for the Press, tho' Fortune was not so favourable to him as to succeed his Design. For seeing that all Honest Men were but ill satisfied with his Behaviour at Utrecht, and that sending it to Leiden, to get it Printed there, under the Directions of a Renegado Monk; the Rector of that University, Golius by Name, suppresed it before it was quite finished, and the Monk took him to his heels.  
VIII. The good News that Monsieur Des Cartes received at that time touching the good success of his Philosophy in France, 
The favourable sentiments of the Fathers of the Oratory and Jesuits, for M Des Cart. philosophy.  and especially amongst the Fathers of the Oratory, the universal approbation of whom he had gained, served a little to blow over the Mortification he met with at Vtrecht.  
The Jesuits seemed and appeared somewhat more divided amongst themselves. Some of them were content to like his Principles and Reasonings, or to praise his good Intentions and Endeavours without going any further. Others there were, who without more ado, embraced his Philosophy, and declared that they were followers of the same. No man ever went farther than Father Vatier, who told him in plain terms, that he did wonderfully, approve of whatsoever he had writ, without excepting his Explanation of the Eucharist; and Father Mesland to do honour to his Philosophy, Composed an Abridgement of his Metaphysical Meditations, put them into a Scholastic stile, and intelligible to the meanest Capacity:  
Cartesianism made mighty progress in the Company of the Jesuits, not only in Flanders, but in France itself, under the Protection of two Principal Persons of that Order; I mean, of Father Charlet, French Assistant to the General at Rome; and of Father Dinet, Provincial of the Jesuits at Paris, afterward Confessor to King Lewis XIII. who honoured Monsieur Des Cartes with their Esteem and Friendship, and encouraged him to go on with his Work.  
But amongst so many Friends and Admirers that he might reckon amongst the Jesuits, 
Fath. Bourdin writ against the Meditations.  you cannot choose but imagine but there must be some envious Person that spoke ill of his Writings, and decried him, and whispered their dislike of his Works. Father Bourdin behaved himself more cordially and sincerely towards him, ever since his dispute upon Dioptriques have made him his Antagonist.  
He was pleased to attack him openly; by certain Objections he framed against his Meditations; yet protesting nevertheless, That he would not infringe the Laws of Friendship that was between them, nor yet the Rules of Decorum and Civility that is practised amongst the Learned.  
Monsieur Des Cartes pretending he had not strictly performed his Conditions; besides the Answer he gave to his Objections, writ to Father Dinet, who was still Provincial, a long Letter in the nature of a Dissertation, to complain of them: Wherein also he gave a description of the Troubles which happened at Vtrecht; and laid open Voetius in all his subtle Intrigues; The colours he made use of to Paint him, proved seeds of new Discontent, which he was likely to reap in process of time upon the account of Voetius and his Cabal. But the trouble he received from Father Bourdin, issued in a fair reconciliation, accompanied with a solid lasting friendship.  
Father Bourdin's Piece against the Meditations; with Monsieur Des Cartes his Answer and Letter to Father Dinet, was Printed under the Title of the Seventh Objections, at the end of the Second Latin Edition of the Meditations, which was put out at Amsterdam, ●in 1642.  
IX. 
M. Des Cartes lives at Eindegeest, where Sorbiere gets acquaintance with him.  From Easter of the year foregoing, Monsieur Des Cartes sojourned in the Castle of a Village called Eindegeest or Endegest, half a League from Leiden, by the Seaside, one of the most pleasant Situations in all Holland. There he received Visits more willingly than he had done elsewhere; whether because his Age and Disputes had humanized more than formerly, or because it became him to grant something to the report of his reputation, and yield to the delightsomness of his abode, is not much material; but he was there visited in the year 1642. by Samuel Sorbiere a Provincial, a man of parts, and very inquisitive to understand the Virtues and Vices of the Learned of his time. He thought he must study and practice Monsieur Des Cartes more in his Conversation, than Books; But our Philosopher being a man of few words, spoiled his design; and albeit he hath spoken very well of him, yet after all, we must confess that his great desire to do M. Gassendus a Kindness, and to set them at odds together, hath made him commit abundance of Injustice in respect of Monsieur Des Cartes.  
Regius was not of that Spirit; 
Regius and Picot see one another at Eindegtest.  he had other concerns that made him render frequent Visits to Mons. Des Cartes at Eindegeest, which he took for his School. There it was he got acquaintance with Abbot Picot, who at the latter end of the year was come to see our Philosopher, in the company of the Abbot Touchelay the younger, who was a kind of Secretary to him, in Answering for him the Questions of Physics and Mathematics that were put to him.  
In the mean time the Duke de Luineo, 
The French Translation of the Meditations.  for the benefit of all Frenchmen, translated Monsieur Des Cartes his Meditations into the vulgar Tongue. Monsieur Clerseiier, one of the most zealous and virtuous Friends of Monsieur Des Cartes, encouraged by this Example, translated another, of the Objections and Answers annexed: These two Translations were sent to Monsieur Des Carts to be Perused and Corrected a long time before; which he did with that exactness, that he made them even better than his Latin.  
X. 
Voetius his Books against Monsieur Des Cartes.  Whilst Monsieur Des Cartes his Friends that were in France came in Crowds to Eindegeest, where they knew he made himself more visible than in other places; the Enemies to his Philosophy, carried on their design at Vtrecht. Voetius now grown weary in writing Libels and Pamphlets against it, and his Person, and Regius, did corrupt a young Professor of Groninguen, called Schoockius, who had formerly been one of his Scholars, to put Pen to Paper, or at least to lend him his Name, with a design to make the World believe, that Monsieur Des Cartes had other Enemies besides him.  
He had a new Book in the Press at Vtrecht against him, and finding that they sent all the Sheets to Monsieur Des Cartes to be refuted according as they Printed them, he put the Copy of it into the hands of Schoockius, desiring him to take care of it, & caused him to put his Name to it, on purpose to cause Monsieur Des Cartes to be condemned of Precipitation; and that then he ●ight handle him as a Slanderer and an Impostor that fathered other men's Books upon him.  
In the Interim there happened an accident that made a diversion to this Libel and its refutation, 
Against the Society of our Lady at Haertoghenbosch.  by another Libel that Voetius writ, in the interval of the Impression, against the Burgesses of Bosleduc or the Buss; that is, against the Fraternity of our Lady of the Rosary, which since the reducing of this City, became common to Protestants and Papists, by an Agreement of State Policy. Desmarets' the Minister, confuted it by an Order from the Burgesses of Bosleduc; but, seeing he writ rather for them, than against Voetius, Monsieur Des Cartes took upon him to supply this last Point; and by that means gained the Esteem of the Chief Men of Bosleduc, and the particular Acquaintance of Desmarets, albeit his intent was not to court the Protestants, but to do a piece of good Service to the Catholic Religion. He never put himself to the trouble, to make a Treatise of it apart; but he put this Writing just after the refutation of the other Libel, which was to bear Schoockius his Name, and he went on with the refutation after the writing concerning the Fraternity, just as if it had been but one and the same Work.  
XI. 
The Book of Voetius & Schoockius against M. Des Cartes.  The Book that Schoockius caused to be Printed by the Order and Directions of Voetius, did not appear in Vtrecht till March 1643. under the double title of Philosophia Cartesiana, sive admiranda method●● Renati Des Cartes. The Author affected an Equivocation in both Titles, that he might the more securely deceive those, by whom he was afraid he should be refuted. The Book was ushered in by a long Preface, against Monsieur Des Cartes his Letter to Father Dinet, which Voetius had got to be condemned in the Consistory, as being very injurious to the Reformed Religion, and to the Principal Minister of the City.  
A few days after, 
M. Des Cartes his Answer.  there was seen at Amsterdam Monsieur Des Cartes his Answer, entitled, Epistola Renati Des Cartes ad Celeberrimum virum D. Gisbertum Voetium, in quo examinantur duo libri nuper pro Voetio Vltrajecti simue editi, unus de Confraternitate Mariana, alter de Philosophia Cartesiana. The Book, though pretty short, was divided into Nine Parts, which the Author did not judge necessary to connect by any rational sequel. The First, Third, Fifth, Eighth and Ninth, contains the Answer to the Book of Cártesian Philosophy, or of the admirable Method. The Sixth, is the Examination of a Book against the Fraternity of our Lady of Bosleduc; The Second and Seventh, are a kind of particular Information concerning Voetius his Carriage and Conduct. The Fourth is the Judgement passed upon his Books and Doctrine.  
This Work was by Voetius carried to the Magistrates, 
Proceedings at Vtrecht against M. Des Cartes.  together with the Letter to Father Dinet, as two Libels, scandalous and in●urious to a Minister of the Gospel. He obtained an Act of the Magistrates, June the 23d, which he caused to be proclaimed at the ring ●of a Bell. Monsieur Des Cartes perceiving by his same Act, that not only his two Writings were condemned; but that he himself was summoned in publicly to justify them before Persons that were not competent Judges, answered this Publication by a Dutch Paper, ●lated July 6. at Egmondehoef, whether he went to sojourn the First of May, quitting ●he Neighbourhood of Leiden. He offered forthwith to justify whatsoever he had advanced in his two Writings; altho' he thought not himself liable to be judged by that Court. Voetius that could prove nothing else against him, saving only that he had fathered the Book that bore Schoockius his name upon him, suborning five Witnesses all exceptionable by Monsieur Des Cartes, and to depose upon an Action of Calumny and Defamation, obtained a Sentence against Monsieur Des Cartes the 23d of September, ten days after he caused him to be warned in before the Magistrate as Guilty.  
Monsieur Des Cartes had no warning of all these Proceedings till towards the middle of October, 
Schocckins is summoned to appear at G●oninguen.  now not knowing that they had gone so far in the business; nor that they had violated all the forms of Justice in the Cause, as he learned afterwards; he made use of the Authority of the P. of Orange, by means o● Monsieur De la Thuillerie the French Ambassador, to redress this disorder. The Prince of Orange caused the Proceedings of the City Magistrates to be stopped by the States of the particular Province of Vtrecht. Now Monsieur Des Cartes, understanding that Schoocki●● for to favour Voetius, had declared himself sol● Author of the Book that went under hi● Name, took occasion to cite him to appear personally at Groninguen, before his own natural Judges, there to Answer in his own Name, for the Calumniating Monsieur Des Cartes, that was laid to his Charge, and wherewith this Book was stuffed.  
XII & XIII. The Vexation that seized Voetius for the bad success of his Intrigues, produced a new Libel he put forth shortly after against his Metaphysical Meditations, under the counterfeit name of Theophilus Cosmopolita; the Piece died so soon as it was born, the reason was, because the Public was terrified not only at the extravagancy of the Style, and the grossness of the Abuses; but also, because of the Cheat and Imposture that conspicuously reigned from the beginning to the ending.  
It fared quite otherwise with the new Piece Gassendus had lately Composed, 
Instances or Reply of M. Gassendus.  under the title of Instances for making a Reply to the Answer Monsieur Des Cartes had made to his Objections touching the Meditations. The Author had divulged it, and sent it from hand to hand in Paris, before he sent 〈◊〉 to Monsieur Sorbiere, to get it Printed in Amsterdam.  
Monsieur Des Cartes had timely notice of it, ●ut not being endowed with the Gift of Diffi●ulation; he goes, without thinking any harm, 〈◊〉 discover to Monsieur Sorbiere what his thought were concerning suchlike dealing as his; little thinking he spoke to M. Gassendus ●is Spy, whom he took into his House as his friend; he declared to him somewhat too frankly, that he had Monsieur Gassendus in ●is thoughts, when he complained of some, ●ho let his Enemies secretly read, what they writ ●gainst him. Sorbiere who was the Solicitor ●f the Cause, snatched at this Declaration, and ●utting the worst Construction he could bethink himself of upon it, whereby to blast ●assendus his reputation; he sent it him, signifying to him by the by, that whereas Des Cartes took it ill that he should conceal his distances or Reply; it was but meet he should ●fford him the Satisfaction to see them appear 〈◊〉 public.  
Thereupon Gassendus sends him his Copy, ●nd left the disposing thereof wholly to his discretion, without obliging him to any thing ●ut only to call to mind that his writing was only intended for such of their Friends who could not abide that Monsieur Des Cartes ●ould brag for having had Adversaries. Monsieur Sorbiere caused the Work to be printed 〈◊〉 Amsterdam, together with the disquisition 〈◊〉 first Objections against the Meditation and Answer of Monsieur Des Cartes. Nay, and he Composed a Preface to boot, in the Printer Name, wherein he bespattered our Philosopher as much as he thought good, without exposing himself openly to his displeasure.  
Regius incensed at this so disobliging carriag● of Sorbiere, did what in him lay to animate Monsieur Des Cartes against Monsieur Gasse●dus his Instances,, and to persuade him tha● they were full of rancour and affront. The●● were reproaches otherwise contrary to th● Character of this Author's Spirit.  
Monsieur Des Cartes did all he could to undervalue these Instances, and to forbear reading them, for fear lest he might there me● with matter for an Answer, and by th● means, an occasion of prolonging the Quar●● he had had enough of. Having learned fro● one of his Friends, that the Piece deserve● an Answer, he was willing to promise on● yet he deferred the performing it, till after the Edition of his Principles then in the Pres● his Voyage into France, and after his new su● at Groninguen, which was to be tried and decided at his return.  
He had hopes to see the finishing of the Impression of his Principles, 
Sorbiere puts M. Gassendus and M. Des Cartes at variance.  before he took h● Journey. But the tediousness of those th● Graved the Figures, obliged him to leave th● to M. Schooten, and depart in Company 〈◊〉 Monsieur de Ville Bressieux the First of May putting his Cause depending at Groninguen 〈◊〉 to such a posture, that it was not likely 〈◊〉 create him the least trouble or surprise: From Egmond de Hoef he came to Leiden, fro● thence to Amsterdam, and then passed through the Hague, to take leave of his Friends.  
Monsieur Sorbiere, who feigned himself to be one of that Number, expected him there supplied with such Arms as he had required of M. Gassendus, to assault him about his opinion of a Vacuum. Monsieur Des Cartes was armed with the patience to Answer all his Difficulties, without complaining of the unseasonableness of the time, whereby he was straitened. M. Sorbiere having spent his whole stock of Ammunition against him, could not for shame beg any new Arguments touching a Vacuum of M. Gassendus, but sought out other Subjects to plague and quite weary Monsieur Des Cartes out of his Skin; applying himself rather to find what to object, than to comprehend what Answer was given him. The next day he writes to M. Gassendus, to give him an account of whatever he had performed against Monsieur Des Cartes to be serviceable to him; yea, and he set them so very much at variance, that they were very shy of one another's Company, and treated one another with a great deal of indifference for a pretty while, without so much as caring to see one another when they were both in Paris.  
XIV. Elziver perceiving the Impression of Mons. Des Cartes his Principles to be brought almost to a Conclusion; 
The Latin Translation of the Essays by Curcellaeus.  entreated the Author to permit him at the same time to Print the Latin Translation of his Essays, which Foreigners that had no knowledge of the French Tongue earnestly longed for. Mons. Curcellaeus was Author of this Translation; who desired Monsieur Des Cartes to review it, before he gave leave to publish it. He did so, and withal took occasion to take another touch at some of his Notions, and to make some. Alterations in his Original. Insomuch that these Translations have as great an advantage as that of his Principles, which surpasses the Originals in goodness. Now M. Curcellaeus translated nothing but his Discourse de Methodo, and the Treatise of Dioptriques and Meteors. He did not meddle with Geometry; whether he judged it above his reach, or whether he had notice that M. Schooten had undertaken to translate it, we know not.  
Monsieur Des Cartes embarked and set sail from Holland, 
A Voyage iuto France.  to the great sorrow of his friends, fearing the great Obstacles that might hinder his return; but especially they feared the resentment of the Indignities committed in respect of him, by the Magistrates and Professors of Vtrecht. He arrived at Paris towards the latter end of June, and went to lodge at Abbot Picets in the Rue des Ecouffes. He departed from thence for Orleans the 12th of July, from whence he went down the Loire to Blois, to Monsieur de Beaune's House, who was a Counsel in the Presidial; from thence to Tours, to Abbot the Touchelay Junior's House, in the Absence of the Elder Brother. There he see a great many of his Friends and Acquaintance, and some of his Relations. After that he passed to Nantes, and so to Rennes; from whence, accompanied with his two Brethren, Counsellors in Parliament, he went to Crevice in the Diocese of St. Malo, to his Brother-in-Law Monsieur Rogiers a Widower, who married his Sister Jane Des Cartes; there they all laid their heads together, how to settle and accommodate their Domestic Affairs. He was to go from thence to Kerleau near Vannes, to his Eldest Brother's House, and then to Chavagnes in the Diocese of Nantes to his Younger Brother's. After that he went as far as Poictou, upon no other Errand than he did in Britagne, to visit his Friends and Relations; and so came back to Paris towards the middle of October.   

BOOK VII.  
From 1644 till 1650.  
I. & II. AT his Arrival, 
An Edition of his Principles of philosophy.  he found the Edition of his Principles, and the Latin Translation of his Essays finished, and the Copies come out of Holland. The Treatise of Principles did not come out, neither did that Piece he called his World, nor his Course of Philosophy, both of which were suppressed. He had a mind to divide them into other Parts: The First of which contains the Principles of Humane Knowledge, which one may call the first Philosophy or Metaphysics: wherein it hath very much relation and connexion with his Meditations.  
The Second contains what is most general in Philosophy, and the Explanation of the first Laws of Nature, and of the principles of natural things, the Proprieties of Bodies, Space, and Motion, etc.  
The Third contains a particular Explanation, of the System of the World, and more especially of what we mean by the Heavens and Celestial Bodies.  
The Fourth contains whatsoever belongs to the Earth.  
That which is most remarkable in this Work, is, That the Author after having first of all established the distinction and difference he puts between the Soul and the Body, when he hath laid down, for the Principles of corporeal things, bigness, figure and local motion; all which are things in themselves so clear and intelligible, that they are granted and received by every one whatsoever; he hath found out a way to explain all Nature in a manner, and to give a reason of the most wonderful Effects, without altering the Principles; yea, and without being inconsistent with himself in any thing whatsoever.  
Yet had he not the presumption for all that to believe he had hit upon the explication of all natural things, especially such that do not fall under our senses, in the same manner as they really and truly are in themselves. He should do something indeed, if he could but come the nearest that it was possible to likelihood or verisimilitude, to which others before him could never reach; and if he could ●o bring the matter about, that, whatsoever ●e had written should exactly agree with all ●he Phenomena's of Nature, this he judged sufficient for the use of Life, the profit and benefit of which seems to be the main and only end one ought to propose to himself in Mechanics, Physic, or Medicine; and in all Arts that may be brought to perfection by the help of Physic or natural Philosophy.  
But of all things he hath explained, there is not one of them that doth not seem at least morally certain in respect of the profit of life, notwithstanding they may be uncertain in respect of the absolute Power of God. Nay, there are several of them that are absolutely, or more than morally certain; such as are Mathematical Demonstrations, and those evident ratiocinations he hath framed concerning the existence of material things. Nevertheless, he was endued with that Modesty, as no where to assume the authority of positively deciding, or ever to assert any thing for undeniable.  
Although what he intended to offer, under the Name of Principles of Philosophy, was brought to that Conclusion, that one could not lawfully nor reasonably require more for the perfecting his design; yet did it give some cause to his Friends, to hope to see the Explication of all other things, which made people say, That his Physic was not complete. He promised himself likewise to explain after the same manner, the nature of other more particular Bodies, that belong to the Terrestrial Globe; as, Minerals, Plants, Animals, and Man in particular; After which, he proposed to himself (according as God should please to lengthen out his days) to treat with the same exactness of all Physic or Medicine, of Mechanics, and of the whole Doctrine of Morality or Ethics; whereby to present the World with an entire Body of Philosophy.  
He dedicated his Book of Principles to his most Illustrious Disciple, 
Elizabeth Princess Palatine of the Rhine, one of his Disciples.  the Princess Palatiné Elizabeth, Eldest Daughter to that Unfortunate Prince Frederick V. Elector Palatine, chosen King of Bohemia. The Princess had been Educated in the Knowledge of abundance of Languages, and in whatsoever Learning is comprised under the name of Litterae humaniores, or Politiores; but the elevation of, and profoundness of her genius and natural parts, would not suffer her to dwell long upon these Arts, by which the greatest Wits of her Sex, who are satisfied with desiring to seem somebody, are commonly limited. She desired to proceed to those parts of Learning, that the strongest Application of Men had advanced, and accomplished herself with, and became a great proficient in Philosophy and Mathematics; till such time as seeing the Essays of Monsieur Des Cartes his Philosophy, she conceived such high esteem and affection for his Doctrine, that she looked upon all she had learned till that time as good as nothing; and so put herself under his Tuition for to raise a new Structure upon his Principles.  
Thereupon she sends to him, to come and see her, that she might drink in the true Philosophy at the Fountain Head; and the great desire to do her Service nearer, was one of the reasons that drew him to Leiden & to Eindegeest. Never did Master more happily improve the docibility, aptness, penetration, and withal the solidity of a Scholar's Mind. Having accustomed her insensibly to the profound Meditation of the grand Mysteries of Nature, and sufficiently exercising of her in the most abstracted Questions of Geometry, and the most sublime ones of Metaphysics. There was no longer any thing abstruse or mysterious to her; and he ingeniously confesseth and owneth, that he had not yet met with any besides her (he excepted Regius in another place) that ever arrived at a perfect understanding of the Works he had published till that time. By this Testimony that he bore to the extraordinary Capacity of the Princess, he intended to distinguish her from those who were not able to apprehend his Metaphysics, altho' they might have some insight into Geometry; and from those that were not able to understand his Geometry, altho' they might be pretty well versed in Metaphysical Truths.  
She continued to Philosophise with him Viva voce, till a certain Accident obliged her to absent herself from the Presence of the Queen of Bohemia her Mother, and to quit her abode in Holland for Germany; then she changed her Acquaintance into an Intelligence by Letter, which she kept afoot with him, by the Ministry of the Princesses her Sisters.  
III. According to the measures M. Des Cartes had taken upon his return from Poictoù, 
His abode in Paris, where he sees his Friends.  to reach Holland before the Frost, he reduced himself to the necessity of staying no longer than Ten or Twelve days in Paris. They were all taken up in continual Visits that he was fain to pay his Friends he had never seen since the Siege of Rochel, and to those his reputation had acquired him in his absence.  
His greatest care was, to be sure to visit the Jesuits of the College of Clermont, where was performed the last Ceremonies of his reconciliation to Father Bourdin, his old Adversary; who, that, his friendship might be active, and not consist in a parcel of words, offered to be his Correspondent for the Letters he should send to the Fathers of the Company in any Province of the Realm, and into Italy, and also for those that he was to receive from them.  
He visited also, besides the Duke de Luines, and Monsieur Clerselier who translated his Meditations, Monsieur Chanut, whose desert had reached his Ear, by the Commendations of Father Mersennus. This Friend was pleased to introduce him into the Chancellor's Company, who received him with all Testimonies of respect, that one could possibly expect from a Magistrate who favoured Men of Parts and Learning, that loved the Sciences, and was already advantageously prepossessed with a good opinion of our Philosopher, by the reading of his Essays of Philosophy.  
He entertained likewise frequent Conferences with Sir Kenelm Digby, an English Catholic, then in Paris, and reckoned in the number of one of his chief Friends for many years together; but altho' he confined himself to see those Friends, he had never seen, the number of them was too great, and the term he had prescribed for his abode too short, to give them all the Satisfaction he could have wished. Yet he thought himself obliged not to pass by Monsieur Robervall unsaluted; he desired to assure him how much he valued him, offered him his friendship afresh, and declar●● to him Viva voce, that all the Impression of their petty Paper-scuffles were perfectly razed out of his Spirit. Monsieur Robervall strained hard to Answer the honour Monsieur Des Cartes did him; and he protested freely how much he was disposed to pay what he ought to his Worth, and to his Quality; but the small Coherence Monsieur Des Cartes observed in his Discourses, gave him quickly to understand the truth of that Idea he had conceived of his Interiours: it was no hard matter to judge that the amity of this Geometrician was a benefit that would soon perish. Nevertheless, he did him the justice to believe that there was less malice and affectation, than nature and disposition in his unpolite, roughhewn, disobliging Behaviour; and he received his friendship however, the best that he could give, without taking his Bond to warrant it, either more solid, or durable than it was.  
Leaving what Copies of his Principles he had to Abbot Picot's disposal, at whose House he lodged, who had already translated the better part into the French Tongue, he departed for Holland about the end of October. And Father Mersennus, that had nothing le●● at this departure that could retain him in Paris, took a Journey into Italy, which he was obliged to do for the matter of Eight or Nine Months.  
IV & V. The News of Monsieur Des Cartes his return, 
He retires to Egmond.  dissipated the trouble he had put his Friends in Holland to, about some suspicions they had that he should be retained in France. Upon his Arrival about the 15th of March, he went directly from Amsterdam into North-Hollan● to his retiring place at Egmond de Bearnen, with a resolution to shut himself up more closely than ever in his old beloved Solitude, and at a distance from the importunities of his Neighbours, and visits of Friends, having resolved wholly to apply himself to the knowledge of Animals, Plants, and Minerals.  
That he might procure himself the ease and quietness necessary to his Studies, he presently had thoughts of putting an end to that process or suit that he had depending at Groninguen against Schoockius, Professor and Rector of the University; which was partly the cause of that which Voetius had commenced against him at Vtrecht. The face of this Vtrecht affair changed to his honour at last; altho' by the ill-will of the Judges Voetius ●ad bribed, he got but little advantage by it. But it was enough for him that their irregular Proceedings contrary to the Course of Law, turned to their confusion; the great noise ●heir Injustice made, stood the Judges of Gro●inguen in no small stead, for the regulating ●heir Proceeding in the Judgement they were ●o pass between the Professor and Monsieur Des Cartes.  
The Business was depending in the Senate ●r Counsel of the University, which is the ●ight Court of Judicature where Schoockius his Causes were to be tried: and the Action against him was, to make a public amends ●nd reparation for the Calumnies, and Slanders, ●hereof the Latin Book was full, entitled, Philosophia Cartesiana, or, Admiranda Methodus, which was composed and published by Voetius, ●n Schoockius his Name, who declared himself Author of the same; and consequently to be responsible for it. Upon a Letter Monsieur Des Cartes writ about it the 7th of February, to Tobias Andraeus one of the Professors of the University, and one of the Judges that sit upon the Cause; Schoockius was warned into Court; upon his appearance, without holding it necessary to hear the Cause, they gave Sentence in favour of Monsieur Des Cartes the 10th of April, 1645. yea, and they dealt very favourably with Schoockius (because he was Colleague to the Judges) being content only, that he should acknowledge and confess his Errors, and that he had been but only the Instrument and Broker of Voetius his Calumnies and Excesses.  
The surprisal that his Cause came to an● Hearing in his absence, even before he had produced his Writings, made Monsieur Des Cartes look upon this quick expedition, as 〈◊〉 pure effect of the Evidence that his Cause was good. The Judges of Groninguen sending him a Copy of the Judgement, together with all the Acts that served to the prosecuting the Cause, he judged it convenient to dispatch them to the Magistrates of Vtrecht, with five Letters of Voetius their Minister, written to Father Mersennus, on purpose that they might open their Eyes, and behold the Impostures and Malignity of this Hypocrite; But instead of repairing the loss, and making amends for what was past, their confusion turned into their being ashamed at it; which produced nothing but an Act to Prohibit the Impression and dispersing whatsoever was for, or against Monsieur Des Cartes.  
Notwithstanding this Order, Voetius taking on like a Madman for what had passed at Groninguen, did nevertheless Print a Letter in Schoockius his Name against the Author's consent, who disowned it: and his Son falls foul upon the Judges of Groninguen, by a most insolent Libel, entitled, Tribunal Iniquum: it was but requisite Monsieur Des Cartes should take upon him to defend these Gentlemen and their Judgement.  
Nevertheless, Voetius the Father, and Dematius his Colleague, branded in the Sentence as Forgers and Slanderers, did complot and contrive an expedient how to punish Schoockius his Ingratitude, who had been Scholar and Confident to Voetius. They termed the Obligation that lay upon him to prefer Truth to Falsehood, before the Tribunal of his Judges, ingratitude. But because he was no longer under the lash; they entered an Action of Scandal against him, as tho' he had done wrong. Nevertheless, the threatenings Schoockius thundered out against Voetius, that he would discover all his Roguery in Court, caused the latter to surcease his Process just when it was upon the point of being tried at Vtrecht, and they never really pardoned one another after.  
The disposition of Monsieur Des Cartes in respect of them was quite otherwise. The Storm once blown over; he scrupled not to discover his heart: and had the generosity to facilitate their reconciliation, and freely tendered them his friendship; but Voetius seemed not to be sensible of all these Courtesies.  
He boasted that he had reserved another Action still against him, that he could make use of when occasion served. This put Monsieur Des Cartes upon drawing up an Apologetical Manifesto for the Magistrates of Utrecht, to the intent he might once for all bury all the whole Affair in Oblivion. He made for them an Historical and rational Compendium of what passed in their City from the Year 1639▪ touching his Philosophy and Person: He laid before them the justice of the Cause, and the injustice of his Enemies to prevail with them at last to do him right, for the wrong they had done to his reputation, out of the favour they bore to Voetius.  
However the reading of his Principles produced good or bad effects in men's Minds, according as they found themselves inclined an● disposed in respect of the Author of them● Accordingly Monsieur Des Cartes could hope for nothing but what was favourable to hi● from Rivet, who called himself his Friend, 〈◊〉 and an Admirer of his Doctrine too, that 〈◊〉 might imitate several Cartesians with wh●● he was to live. Yet not so well understanding it, he thought he put an acceptable Compliment upon M. Gassendus, in propounding to him to make the same Reflections upon his Principles, as he had done upon his Meditations.  
M. Gassendus excused himself thereupon, first of all, upon pretence that he would rub up an old Sore; and then, upon pretence that he undervalved his Principles, & was pleased to let, fly some injurious Expressions against him for to discharge his Mind. The Jesuits carriage was quite contrary to his, in the Judgement they passed upon his last Work. He received exceeding advantageous Testimonies thereof from the Heads of their Body, even to the making him believe that the Society would take his part.  
The Progress of his Philosophy was no less in Holland than in Paris: 
Hereeboord teacheth Cartesianism at Leiden.  In the Month of February, M. Hoogheland sent his three different Positions lately defended at Leiden, containing nothing but his Opinions. They were pretty fortunately introduced into this University by the Industry of Adrian Heereboord, Professor of Philosophy, and Sub-principal of the Theological College, by leave of Heydanus Minister and famous Preacher, of Golius Schoolen, and of some other Professors, who were themselves become strenuous maintainers of this new Philosophy. Heereboord's Zeal in ●is first Lessons was not perhaps heated to that ●egree as was that of Regius at Vtrecht, yet it ●eemed to be more circumspect, cautious, and ●etter regulated. So was it also of a longer continuance, and an answerable success.  
It had been very well for Monsieur Des Cartes, 
The Schism and Ingratitude of Regius.  Regius had followed the same course, ●r that he had persevered at least in the same first tractableness and docibility in respect of Monsieur Des Cartes: since he hath ventured ●o dogmatise upon his own head concerning ●he Union of the Humane Soul with the Bo●y and upon some other nice Points, he put Monsieur Des Cartes to a great deal of trouble, who by his particular Exhortations, Corrections of his Theses and other Works, endeavoured to keep his Spirit within due ●ounds. Regius, since that, fell away strangely ●nd insensibly: and either because he had recovered his first Genius, or that he searched out ●ome middle way to get again into the favour ●f his Friends of Vtrecht; and by that means, ●ecure himself of the peaceable possession of ●is Professor's Chair; he drew up, during Monsieur Des Cartes his Travails certain Essays ●f a Philosophy of his own making, to which he pretended to give the name of Fondemen de Physic, the Foundations of Physics.  
The Experience he had of Mons. Des Cartes his Kindnesses, made him believe this Work would have gone down with him. Just as he had composed it, he ●ends it him to peruse and examine, rather, not to give over his old Custom all on a sudden, than to make any advantage by his Mr's. reading of it. Monsieur Des Cartes was not so complaisant, as he flattered himself to find him; he observed in this last Writing of his, more Licence than he had observed in all the rest; and instead of sending Regius the Corrections of the places that required them, as his constant practice was formerly, he writ to him and told him roundly, That he could not, nor would not afford a general Approbation to this Work. He added withal, That if he doted so much upon his own private Sentiments, not to follow the advice he had given him to suppress or reform it, that then he should be obliged to disown it, and so undeceive the World, who thought all along that he entertained no other Sentiments but his.  
Regius, who had already taken his part, and obstinately stood it out against all sorts of Remonstrances, did nevertheless thank Monsieur Des Cartes for his advice: but instead of following it as formerly, he did what he could to excuse his Work, and to show the neat Contrivance and Excellency of it to his Master; as if these particulars had escaped his Reflections. He commended to him more especially his Method of Analysis, and that curious ●way of his to define and divide. But to avoid the inconveniencies Monsieur Des Cartes had given him notice of, he sent him this Model of an Advertisement to the Reader, with which he intended to conclude the Preface of ●is Book. For to undeceive those who might be ●pt to imagine that the things contained in this Work might be the mere Sentiments of Monsieur Des Cartes, I am willing to give notice to the World; that there are, indeed, several Passages, wherein I do, ex professo, adhere to the Dictates of that excellent Person; but that there are others also, wherein I am of a quite contrary Opinion; ●nd some others again, upon which he hath not thought good to explain his meaning. That he might endeavour to prevent the public dissatisfaction and disowning of it, wherewith he thought himself threatened by Monsieur Des Cartes: He offered him to add moreover in his Preface whatsoever he should judge convenient; because he apprehended this disowning, as a Confutation of his Work, capable of stifling or decrying it, at its very birth; but, at the bottom, he talked not a word of altering or mending it.  
Monsieur Des Cartes sent him word that he mightily approved of his manner of treating of Physics by way of Definitions and Divisions, provided he would adjoin thereto the necessary proofs: But let him understand withal, that he did not appear to him sufficiently versed in Metaphysics nor in Divinity, to undertake to publish any thing about them: And, that if he were fully bend upon the Publication of of his Foundations or Grounds of Physic, he should do well, at least to retrench what related to the Soul of Man and Divinity, and not to falsify any thing he borrowed from him: In a word, that he should do him a kindness not to make him a partaker in his mistakes and extravagant notions in Metaphysics, nor in his Visions in Natural Philosophy and Medicine.  
This last Letter caused Regius to pluck off his Mask: and being resolved to Sacrifice his Master's Honour to his own; he quite and clean renounced his Discipline by a Declaration written 23d of July 1645. after such an hectoring huffing manner; that, what they tell us of Aristotle's ingratitude to Plato, and of Maximus the Cynicks insolence to Gregory Nazianzen is not incredible; Regius went far beyond them by this insult, and lost by his Schism that Glory which involved him in such Dangers and Persecutions that had like to have made him the Proto-martyr of the Cartesian Sect. Nay, and he joined Injustice and Unfaithfulness to his Revolt, for retaining the best part of his Master's Doctrine, thereby to get the same Honour as he did before, he disfigured and spoiled it, as he pleased. And under pretence that Monsieur Des Cartes refused so long as he lived, to acknowledge it to be his, because of that foreign outside: He seized upon it after his Death; suppressing even his Name so unworthily and basely, that men look upon him as much to be the first Plagiary of his Doctrine, as the first Schismatic of his Sect.  
Monsieur Des Cartes answered all the affronts and outrages of Regius; with so much wisdom and sweetness, that might have been capable to have made an Apology for him if he had needed one; and he would not make an end of keeping a Correspondence with this ingrateful Wretch, until he had given the most wholesome advice that one could possibly expect from a good Master and truehearted Friend.  
VII. 
The Treatise of Animals stolen by Regius.  The most odious part of the Robbery which denominated Regius Plagiary of Monsieur Des Cartes, consisted in certain Memoirs that he had composed ever since the Edition of his Principles, with a design to make a Treatise of Animals: the Copy which Regius, by what ●unning took, I know not, was very deficient: ●nd out of a piece of indiscretion that helped to ●etray him, he had almost inserted it all into ●is Book of the Grounds of Physics, or Natural Philosophy; without being able to understand the meaning, as well because the Figures were wanting, as because what Monsieur Des Cartes had done, was not quite finished.  
In effect, what Regius intended to produce, was nothing else but a very imperfect rough●raught of that which Monsieur Des Cartes ●esign'd to perform upon this Subject. After ●he winning of his Cause at Groninguen, the de●ire of putting his grand design in execution, made him set about Anatomical Operations with fresh Application. At this time of being thus busied, he was visited by a Gentleman, who desired to see his Library; he showed him nothing but a Calf, which he was going to dissect.  
From the Knowledge of Beasts, 
His Studies and Treaty of Anatomy.  he proceeded to that of the Humane Body by the help of his Experiments, and begun in the Autumn of this Year 1645. his single Treatise de l'homme, of Man: And also that De la formation du foetus; altho' he had not finished his piece of Animals.  
He gave a little diversion to this Study, 
Questions about the Quadrature of the Circle.  by reason of his being engaged with the most eminent Mathematicians in Europe to make one, in that famous difference that arose this same Year, between Longomontanus and Pellius touching the Quadrature of the Circle. He had been a long time convinced that it was impossible; and after he had tried it by means of his Method and Analysis, he would have nothing more to do with this Operation, as a thing impracticable and of no use.  
At the beginning of October, 
He sees M. Chanut and M. Porlier at Amsterdam.  he sallies out of his solitude to go embrace his Friend, who passed by Amsterdam for Swedeland, in quality of Resident of France. There he got Acquaintance with Monsieur Porlier, who belonged to M. Chanut's Company; who, during the Four days he sojourned at Amsterdam, took singular delight to hear the recital of divers particulars, fit to destroy the Slanders of our Philosopher's Enemies.  
Monsieur Des Cartes returned very much satisfied the Tenth of the Month to Egmond, where he passed the Winter being very severe that Year; then he composed two little Works to pass away the time; because the Plants in his Garden were not yet in a Condition to supply with Experiments necessary for the Continuation of his Physics.  
The first of these Works was the Answer, 
He answers M. Gassendus his instances.  he at first refused to the Book of Monsieur Gassendus his instances, translated by M. Clensellier into French, with softer Expressions in behalf of the last, whom he desired to bring to an Agreement with our Philosopher; the other was a small Treatise of the Nature of the Passions of the Soul. His design was not to make a thing that was in all Points so complete as to deserve to see light, but only to exercise himself upon Morality for his own Edification, and to try if his Physics or Natural Philosophy might be as serviceable to him as he hoped, for the establishing of sure and certain Foundations in Morality.  
VIII. 
His dispute with M. Roberval about Vibrations.  In this interim, Mons. Roberval forgetting by little and little the resolution he had taken up to live in good intelligence with Monsieur Des Cartes, after the honour he had received from one of his Visits in Paris, returned insensibly to his restless Genius. He spoke, hit he, miss he; of what he knew, and what he knew not, with very little precaution. Monsieur Des Cartes had notice of it by some who peradventure represented Monsieur Roberval more in the fault than he really was, without ever considering that there was more of weakness than malice in his behaviour and deportment.  
He had advice at the beginning of 1646. of two main Points, concerning which, M. Roberval boasted he could baffle, and run him down. The first, was concerning the Question of Pappus; of which he proposed no new difficulty at that time. The other was about Vibrations; that is as much as to say, what bigness every body of what figure soever, must have, being suspended in the Air by its extremities, to make its turns and returns equal to those of a Plummet hanged at a thread of a length given.  
The Question of Vibrations was propounded to him by Father Mersennus, which he answered the 21st of February, and the 2d of March; and after that by M. Cavendish then at Paris. He sent the Solution of this Question to that Noble Person the 30th of March: whereupon Monsieur de Roberval made some Observations, which M. Cavendish did not fail to dispatch to Monsieur Des Cartes. He received an Answer to them some time after. Now Monsieur Des Cartes seeing that M. Roberval relied chiefly upon his Experiments, he sends Father Mersennus word that he durst not presume of himself to undertake at first dash, to give a sufficient Reason, for all that one might have experimented. But, that he believed all the Cunning in examining Experiments, consisted in choosing such that depend least upon divers Causes, and such whose true Reasons might be the most easily discovered.  
Monsieur Des Cartes could have heartily wished to see a timely end of this Dispute, which he perceived degenerate at last into unprofitable needless Questions: But M. Roberval was pleased to prolong them beyond the Years end. This Conduct of his, together with his Fopperies about Pappus his Question, brought an old house upon his head, by the censure of his Aristarchus; that is to say, (a Book of his touching the System of the World) together with a Judgement upon the Intellect and Capacity of this Geometrician, which Monsieur Des Cartes sent to Father Mersennus.  
Much what about the same time that he examined Seneca's Book, 
A Commerce of Moral Philosophy with the Princess Elizabeth.  De vitâ Beatâ, of an Happy Life, in favour to the Princess Elizabeth his Scholar, who had desired him to furnish her wherewithal to divert her, being out of favour at the Spa; where her Physicians had debarred her of all Study, and serious application of Mind: the judicious reflection the Princess made upon the said Work, engaged him afterwards to handle divers of the most important Questions of Morality with her, touching Summum bonum, or Sovereign Good, the Liberty of Man, the State of the Soul, the use of Reason, the use of the Passions, of virtuous and vicious Actions, and touching the good and bad things of Life.  
Nothing at that time interrupted the Joy he received from that happy Communication of Moral Philosophy with this Princess, 
He disowns Regius and his Book.  except Regius his Book, Entitled, The Grounds of Physics; he believed he was obliged publicly to disown them for the Reasons we have mentioned. Therefore he inserted his disowning them utterly in the French Edition of his Principles, which came out shortly after.  
IX. At the very time that Regius broached his Schism against Monsieur Des Cartes, M. Hoogheland a Popish Gentleman, renowned for his Virtue and Charity, 
A Coherence between Mr. Hoogheland and M. Des Cartes.  his Landlord 〈◊〉 Leiden, and his Correspondent, gratified the Public with tokens of his strict alliance with him; which he made appear by his publishing a Book that he dedicated to him concerning the Existence of God, the Spirituality of the Soul, and its Union with the Body; besides the oeconomy of the Body of the Animal mechanically explained.  
The Civility and Courtesy of the Author in acknowledging how much he was beholding to Monsieur Des Cartes, made him point-blank against Regius, which made him stand upon his Pantofles. My Friend, saith he, M. de Hoogheland, hath acted in Opposition against Regius, in as much as he hath Writ nothing that he did not borrow from me, and upon that account contrary to me; whereas the other hath writ nothing which is properly mine, yet there is nothing against me; forasmuch as he hath followed the selfsame Principles.  
But the World would not be put off with a Declaration they suspected to be made only the more generously to recompense the honour this Friend had done him the very Front, and through the whole Body of his Book; nay, they were so far persuaded of the contrary in Rome, that upon the relation of the Business two or three Years after, by Father Magnanus to M. Carcavi, some were apt to take the Name of Hoogheland for a Stalking-Horse, by which Monsieur Des Cartes had a Mind to make surer of his Game, to publish a new Piece.  
The Condition of other Friends with whom Monsieur Des Cartes kept Correspondence, 
The dispersing of his Friends at the Hague, and retirement of the Princess.  especially at the Hague, was somewhat discomposed and put out of order at that juncture of time, by the retirement of the Princess, his most Illustrious Scholar. Several of those who were Retainers to her, got out of the way of their own accord; very few of them were permitted to accompany or follow her in her Journey. Some again were retained by their Settlement and Employment about the Prince and Princess of Orange. M. Becklin stayed to wait upon the Princess' Sister to the Lady Elizabeth. M. de Pollot was preferred to a Chair of Philosophy and Mathematics at Breda, in the P. of Orange's New College; as was M. John Pell, heretofore Professor at Amsterdam. M. Samson Johnson that passed at Paris for Princess Elizabeth's Tutor, but, was only Chaplain to the Queen of Bohemia her Mother, was also admitted into the same College to be Professor of Divinity. All these Professors who took a Pride to follow the Cartesian Doctrine, made their University otherwise called Schola illustris, all over Cartesian at its very birth, by the good liking and favour of the Curators. Mons. Rivet Almoner, and Chaplain to the Prince, and Mons. Huyghens, second Son to Monsieur Zuitlichem, educated in the Principles of Monsieur Des Cartes.  
Amongst those that continued at the Hague, there was none more considerable than Mons. de Brasset, a French Gentleman, his Correspondent, and since that Resident of France to the State's General with M. de Burggrave de de Dhona the younger, Governor of the City of Orange, who for all that persisted in the exercise of the Cartesian Philosophy with the absent Princess.  
Besides so many subjects of satisfactions, 
The condition of his friends amongst the Jesuits and elsewhere.  Monsieur Des Cartes received also, all the year long, divers Compliments from the Jesuits of France, and the Low-Countries. The business was so much the more delightful to him, because these Fathers seemed to be the persons in the World, who should think themselves concerned in the publication of a new Philosophy; nay, and who, according to him, should have pardoned him the least, for so doing, if so be they had found any thing to blame in it. He was likewise much pleased to perceive some of those in Germany and Italy to be recovered of their prejudice, and particularly Father Athanasius Kercherus▪ who entreated him to grant him his friendship by the intercession of Father Mersennus. He was also informed by the reading of two Tracts of Physic, that Father Stephen Noel, Rector of the College of Clermont in Paris, presented him with, That the Fathers of the company of Jesuits did not so much tie themselves up to Ancient Opinions, as not ●o dare to propose new ones likewise. Father Noel was so much his friend, that the next year he thought himself obliged to undertake his defence against young Paschal, before ever he was quite brought over to the Cartesian Party.  
Much about the same time he received the Philosophy of Father Fabri, the Jesuit Mathematical Professor at Lions; this Philosophy had much reputation to be a good one, notwithstanding it was contrary to that of M. Des Cartes. Men past the like Judgement in a manner upon another Piece of this Father's, that came to light that year, concerning Local Motion. Monsieur Des Cartes upon the receipt of these two Pieces had advice, that the same Author had some thoughts to Compose a Course of Philosophy to oppose his; that which moved him to the resolution of contradicting his Notions, was, in case he might be backed by his Society, and, that it should appear that the Jesuits would be pleased to adopt his Doctrine. But the Event let him understand that Father Fabri had not then got the approbation of his Society.  
In September, that year M. Des Cartes lost a friend by the death of Father Niceron, a Minim; but he gained another in the person of M. Le Comte, Controller General of the War, who was already friend to M. Clersellier, Chanut and Porlier; he deserved his acquaintance by some Objections he started concerning his Book of Principles, which Abbot Picot and his second self were pleased to Answer.  
X. Scarce had Monsieur Des Cartes done with his new Friends M. le Comte and Monsieur Porlier, 
He answers the Q. of Sweden and M. Chanut touching some Questions in Morality.  but he was necessitated to Answer M. Chanut about one of the most material Questions in the World; and prepare to satisfy the Queen of Sweden's desire, suitable to the high opinion of him, wherewith this Resident had possessed that Princess. The last Letter he writ from Stockholm concerning the rare Perfections of Christina; The discourse he held upon the same Subject with M. de la Thuillerie at his return from his Embassy of Sweden, and the example of his illustrious Scholar the Princess Elizabeth, suffered him no longer to question the possibility of all these wonders that Fame had published of that great Queen, not yet above 19 years of Age.  
The gusto M. Chanut had already inspired into her for his Philosophy, made her demand his opinion concerning a Question of Morality, that was bandied about between her and this Resident in November 1646. The Question was, to know, when a Man makes a bad use of love or hatred, which of these two irregularities, or bad uses is the worst: M. Chanut in beseeching Monsieur Des Cartes in the Queen's behalf to send her his Sentiment upon the Question, sent him word, that the Queen and he were of two different opinions, without telling him which was the Princesses, which his.  
Monsieur Des Cartes, that he might afford Queen the Satisfaction she demanded, drew ●p presently (that is, at the beginning of the ●ear 1647.) a fine Dissertion upon Love; which we have in the first Volume of his Letters; in that Tract he discussed three things 〈◊〉 his usual Method; First, what Love is. Secondly, Whether or no pure Natural Light ●eaches us to love God. Thirdly, Which of ●he two Irregularities of Love or Hatred is the worst. This Piece was sent into Sweden in February, the reading of it made the Queen ●udge that whatsoever M. the Chanut had told her concerning Monsieur Des Cartes, came short of the real Truth. She seemed so abundantly pleased with it, that she was never ●eary of commending the Author, and began to inquire into some particulars of his Person, Life and Conversation. Monsieur Des Cartes, (says she to M. Chanut) as far as I perceive by his writing, and by the Character you give me of him, is the most happy man alive, and his Condition seems to me to deserve envying: you will do me a Kindness to assure him of the great esteem I have for him. She consented to all that was contained in the writing, except one word, that showed, by the by, that Monsieur Des Cartes was not of their opinion that hold the World to be finite; she signified her doubting whether or no one can admit the Hypothesis of an infinite World, without doing Injury to Christian Religion. M Chanut was required to signify so much to him, and demand his Explanation of this difficulty, to which he answered, that he did not hold the World infinite but, indefinite; as much as to say, that he had no Reasons to prove it to b● finite. And withal, he satisfied M. Chanut who had added another, of his own head touching the true Rule that we ought to follow in dividing and sharing our Inclinations concerning friendship in the exchange of mutual offices of Benevolence, and in the distinguishing of esteem and respect from Affection.  
XI. The pleasure Monsieur Des Cartes tasted in his Communication with the Queen of Sweden and M. Chanut about Moral Philosophy, 
The trouble Regius and Triglandius put him to in Leiden.  was disturbed at the beginning of this year 1647. by certain Leiden Divines, who did their utmost to put him to some trouble in their University. Revius, Principal of the College of Divines suborned, (as is credibly given out) by the secret Artifice of Voetius, who could not endure that Cartesianism that he laboured to root out at Vtrecht, should get ground at Leiden; thought good to cause Four different Theses against Monsieur Des Cartes, to be disputed on in January and February. Revius his intent was to pervert the sense of the Metaphysical Meditations of our Philosopher. In which business he was seconded by Triglandius the Minister, Head-Professor of Divinity in the University. Their design was to have him condemned by their Classes and Consistory▪ as a blasphemer, an impious Person, and a Pelagian: Monsieur Des Cartes being acquainted that these new Slanderers did not oppose any one of his true opinions, but only that they charged him with false ones, which had never entered into his thoughts: writ to the Curators of the University, to demand Satisfaction for the same. The Curators having ●ited the Rector and Professors to know what was the matter, issued out a Decree in all ●aste on the 20th of May, to forbid them to make any mention of Monsieur Des Cartes and ●is Opinions in their Lectures for the future. Whereupon they write to Monsieur Des Cartes, ●o give him notice, That having satisfied him, to their Power in what he demanded of them, they hoped that on his part, he would likewise answer their Desires. That to this effect they entreated him, that he would forbear to debate any longer that question which he said had been opposed by the Professors of their University; to prevent the inconvenience that might ensue to both Parties.  
Monsieur Des Cartes was very much dissatis●y'd with their Carriage towards him, and ●ound nothing commendable in it, but the civility of terms. He wrote to them to let ●hem understand, how much he was astonished ●hat he was able to comprehend their meaning; or that he had not made his plain enough 〈◊〉 to make them understand what it was he desired of them. These Gentlemen were mistaken to think that the Business was about 〈◊〉 Question that had ●een opposed by the two Divines, Revius and Triglandius. It was only ●bout giving him satisfaction for a Calumny whose dangerous Consequences were to be ●eared, because of the rank and credit of the Calumniators.  
Monsieur Des Cartes seeing the niceness of the Curators, who were afraid to put a b●●t upon the 〈◊〉 of their University, and knowing besides that Revius and Trigland●● 〈◊〉, who had 〈◊〉 brought over to their side the 〈…〉 of the Ministers, Divines and Professors, 〈◊〉 went to get him condemned 〈…〉 their Consistories or Synods; thought 〈◊〉 best to make use of the Prince of 〈…〉 Authority, as he had done in the business of 〈◊〉  
To that purpose, he writes to M. 〈◊〉 Plenipotentiary for the Peace of Munst●●; who supplied the place of an Ambassador for some time at the 〈◊〉. The purport of this Letter was, that the Divines might be made to hold their peace, and that the Faculty of Divinity might be Judges in this case; yet they took 〈◊〉 care not to do any thing that mi●ht offend or discourage the Ministers and Professors in their Funetions and Zeal they showed for the Service of their Religion.  
Nevertheless, the Divines very sorry to siee Monsieur Des Cartes and his writings snatched out of their clutches, wreaked their Malice upon 〈◊〉 of their Colleagues whom they knew followers of his Philosophy. The Storm fell heaviest upon Professor Heerebord and du Ban. and also upon Heydanus the Minister, whom they accused to be a favourer of the Popish Religion, because he Preached like a Cartesian; But they durst not meddle with either Golius, or the two 〈◊〉, nor with young Dr. the 〈◊〉, who professed Physic in private.  
XII. These new Troubles were not capable to make him any longer put off his Journey into France, 
His second Voyage into France.  which the designed at the beginning of them. He departed from the Hague the 7th of June, and got to Paris, with a resolution to pass into Bretaign at the beginning of July, to regulate his Affairs that furnished him with a pretence for his Journey. But the French Edition of his Principles which was finished, in the hands of Abbot Picot the Translator, gave him an occasion to defer a little longer, as well to put a Preface before it, as to see a man who was to be his Companion in his Journey freed from this business; he see no body during this interval but Father Mersennus, Monsieur Mydorge, who he was never to see more, as also M. Clersellier, who, after a tedious Sickness had some Months before that, procured the publishing the Meditations in French, translated by the D. de Lucines and himself.  
When he had settled his Affairs in Bretaign and Poicton, he came back through Tourain, where M. de Crenan, a Gentleman of his Acquaintance detained him for some time. At his return, he found a great deal of disorder in his Acquaintance. Father Mersennus sick, Monsieur Mydorge dead about a Fortnight before.  
Yet he had some other Friends at Court who thought of him, 
〈…〉  tho' he never dreamt of them; they made their interest with Cardinal Richelieu, to procure him a Pension from the King; it was granted him in Consideration of his great 〈◊〉, and the Profit and Advantage that his Philosophy and the Inquiries of his long Studies procured to Mankind; as also to help him to pursue his mode Experiments that required much expense, etc. He was surprised to see the Expedition of the Letters Patents, importing the Donation of a ●ension of 3000 Livres, Sealed March the 6th before he had so much as heard of the Proceedings his Friends had made to that 〈…〉 and he found Marshal de 〈…〉 then Governor of the Finances, who honoured him with 〈◊〉 particular Acquaintance, a Person very punctual and careful to see it paid him.  
The next day he thought upon his return into Holland, 
〈…〉  just as he met, near the Place Royal, M. Paschal the Son, who had a great desire to see him, from the time he knew him to be in France. Monsieur Des Cartes was much taken with his Discourse about the Experiments he 〈…〉 his Father's, in Roven, of a Vacuum●● matter of 15 Months before. He found these Experiments pretty conformable to the Principles of his Philosophy; notwithstanding M. Paschal was still averse to it, by reason of the engagement & uniformity of his Sentiment with M. Roberval, and others, who hold a Vacuum; but yet that he might make some part of amends for his Conversation, he advised him to try other Experiments upon the Mass of Air to whose Gravitation he referred that which vulgar Philosophers vainly ascribe to the fuga v●cui. He assured him of the good success of his Experiments, altho' he himself had not made them, because he discoursed of them, conformable to his Principles. M. Paschal who was not yet persuaded of solidity of his Principles, who also promised some Objections against his Materia subtilis, perhaps would have had no respect to his advice, if he had not been informed about the same time of such a like Notion, that Torricel●ius a Mathematician of Florence entertained. The Experiments he made upon this advice, and which he also caused M. Perrier his Brother-in-Law to make in 1648. were very successful. But methinks, he looks upon himself beholding rather to Torricellius than Monsieur Des Cartes for them.  
He departed as soon as ever he had received the Letters Parents for his Pension. 
His return to Holland.  He arrived in Holland towards the end of September with Abbot Picot, who kept him Company in his beloved solitude till the middle of January of the ensuing year. They spent the three last months of the year in enjoying one another, in cultivating Philosophy in a profound tranquillity being chiefly busied in divers Experiments of a Vacuum, which they found more and more agreeing with his Principles; improving to their best advantage the mildness of the Winter, which was extraordinary that same year.  
These Occupations were interrupted by a Letter of the 9th of November, 
He sends his opinion of summum bonum and Treatise of the Passions, to the Q of Sw●den.  that Monsieur Des Cartes received from M. Chanut, who beseeched him in the Queen of sweden name, to explain to her his opinion concerning summum bonum. He acquitted himself as well as he could reasoning upon matters of Faith; forasmuch as the Queen acquainted him that she only considered summum bonum in the sense of your ancient Philosophers. He accompanied his writing with some Letters which he had heretofore directed to the Princess Elizabeth, upon the same Subject, together with his Manuscript Treatise of Passions. The Queen was so well satisfied with them, that she was pleased to write to him with her own Hand to give him thanks, thinking at that very time to have him near her.  
XIII. Towards the end of the year, 
Writings of 〈◊〉 and Regius.  there appeared in Holland two Latin Pieces; as to which Monsieur Des Cartes was not likely to show himself unconcerned. Nevertheless, he thought to have slighted the first, as being directly against him, entitled, Consideration sur la Methode de la Philosophy Cartesienne, Consideration upon the Method of the Cartesian Philosophy. I say, he thought to have slighted it, because the Author of it was Revius his Enemy, and because it was stuffed with needles Cavils, and gross calumniating Abuses.  
The other touched him more to the quick, altho' it did not meddle with him but indirectly; The Author, was his old quondam Disciple Regius; the Title of it was, An Explanation of Humane Spirit, or, of the Soul of Man. Monsieur Des Cartes took notice of several Opinions therein, which he judged false and pernicious: And because men were generally persuaded that Regius had still the same Sentiments be inspired him with, he thought himself obliged to discover the Errors of this writing, for fear they might be imputed to him, by those, who not having read his Works, especially his Meditations, might accidentally fall a reading this writing; the Confutation of it, writ in Latin, was entitled, Remarks upon a contain Placart, etc. was 〈◊〉 without his knowledge, Regius answered it, not that Des Cartes cared a straw for his Answer. But it was confuted afterwards by Toby d' Andre.  
He made no more account of two other Libels that appeared against him about the same time: and his undervaluing of them was followed by that of the Public, that suffered them to perish unregarded.  
Scarce was the Winter over before he received a kind of Order from Court, 
A third Voyage into France not successful.  and that too, as if it had been in the King's Name, to command him to come back into France upon advantageous offers; they consisted in proposing the acceptance of a new Pension and a considerable place, which was to procure him more honour than trouble; that so he might have leisure to continue his Studies, he showed an extraordinary backwardness to undertake this tedious Journey; for he suspected the success, by representing to himself the posture of the Affairs of the Kingdom. But receiving a brief of his new Pension, that an Officer at Court, a friend of his, sent him by M. Martigny; He was no longer in a condition to be at his own disposal.  
He departed therefore in May: but scarce was he arrived at Paris, but the state of Public Affairs afforded him a fair Prospect of the incertainty of Humane things; and showed his own easiness to let himself be overcome; troubles unexpectedly coming on, were the cause why, instead of effects and performances that they had made him hope for, by their promises, he found that they had made one of his Relations pay for the Letters they sent him, and that he stood indebted to him for the Money they cost. So that, it was just as if he had come to Paris upon no other Errand but to buy a Scroll of Parchment; ay, and the dearest and most insignificant one, that ever came to his hands. That which he most took pet at, was, that none of those who were the occasion of his coming up to Court, did declare that they had any other business with him, but only to stare him in the face, as if he had been some Elephant or Leopard.  
This so unexpected adventure, taught him never more to undertake a sleeveless Errand only upon bare Promises, tho' they may be writ upon Parchment. Nay, he would have scampered off immediately, and no body the 〈◊〉 to return as he came, that his presence might not increase their Shame that sent for him. But his friends, after they had let him take his leave of the Court, detained him at Paris near three Months, and omitted nothing that he might make this time seem short and pleasant.  
During this Interval, 
〈…〉  the Abbot d'E●r●●, since Bishop, Duke of 〈◊〉, at present a Cardinal, was pleased amicably to reconcile him to M. Gassendus. Which was done in the presence of several persons of worth and account, to the great satisfaction of these two Philosophers, and their Friends.  
XIV. That day they were reconciled was remarkable for Roberval's first undertaking to demonstrate the impossibility of Motion without admitting a Vacuum. 
Roberval's wrangling.  Monsieur Des Cartes, who was personally pointed at, by this pretending Mathematician; found it no hard task immediately to Answer all his Objections: But he did it with all the respects due to the presence of the Abbot d'Etrees and his Company, without ever changing the face of so noble and peaceable Conversation.  
M. Roberval's humour, which had always need of grains of allowance from those that had to deal with him, did by no means agree with that Phlegm, which usually accompanied the Discourses of Monsieur Des Cartes. So that he was not long before he grew hot: and upon all occasions during the remainder of his stay at Paris, Roberval made him sensible of the effects of this heat, and animosity that no Consideration was capable of extinguishing or abating.  
The Persecutions of this man, 
His return into Holland.  who took a Pride not to be absent from any Assembly, where he knew the other would come, together with his wrangling and twitting him with his taciturnity, did contribute as much as his public Troubles, to the making him out of love with the City; he took occasion from its being barricaded, to make a shift to get out of it next day, through all the Confusion. He got safe into Holland on the 4th day of September: After some short stay at L●●de● with M. 〈◊〉, and at Amsterdam, he went on the 9th of the aforesaid Month to his dear Egmond, to sequester himself there, as i● a Port, secure against all the Tempests, whose Preludes he had already seen in his Voyage.  
XV. Scarce had he tasted the first fruits 〈◊〉 his repose, 
Death 〈◊〉 Fath. M●sennus.  but he receives the News of the death of Father Mersennus, whom he left dangerously sick at his departure from Paris. This was the ancientest of his friends and followers, who always stuck to him by a constancy and faithfulness that endured all Tests. Nothing could more sensibly affect him, than the loss of such a friend: yet to demonstrate that affliction had not bereft him of Judgement, he begged of Abbot Picot to know what was become of all the Letters he sent to this Father for near upon 19 Months, because he was sure they were carefully preserved: He granted also a Commission to try to get them out of the Minims hand, for several very weighty reasons. But his foresight being a little too ●ardy, proved useless and of none effect, through the negligence of the Monks, who had lost a great company of them, and crafty diligence of M. Roberval, who had already got a good part of them into his Custody.  
In the mean time, 
The Q of Sweden turns Cartesian.  the Q. of Sweden disintantangled from the Negotiations for the Peace of Europe concluded at Munster the 24th of Octob. betook herself to the Study of the lit●●e Treatise of Monsieur Des Cartes's Passions, ●nd the good opinion of them, that was instilled ●nto her, made her resolve to proceed to the Study of all his Philosophy. She forthwith ordered Freinshemius▪ her Liberary-Keeper, to Study his Principles, to the end he might prepare the way for her, to come to the understanding of that Philosophy: the Resident of France Monsieur Chanut▪ had a Commission also to be assisting to him in this Work.  
Monsieur Des Cartes was then much taken up in satisfying the first heats of a new Disciple that his Philosophy had gained him in 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Cartesian, 〈◊〉 then his Adversary.  this was Dr. Henry More, whose 〈◊〉 and Reverence for our Philosopher, had almost proceeded to Idolatry. Monsieur Des Cartes, without giving much heed to his elaborate Encomiums, applied himself only to instruct him, and to remove his difficulties, according as he let him understand what they were. This correspondence continued till the death of M. Des Cartes, after which, More's Ardour for Cartesianism appeared much abated, by reason of his being diverted by other urgent Occasions: until one single Letter of M. Clersellier, revived it in him, in the year 1655. and made him give fresh proofs of his affection for his Doctrine.  
XVI. The year 1649. supplied the Princess Elizabeth with several considerable occasions to put his Moral Philosophy in Practice; 
His affection for the princess Elizabeth.  and supplied Monsieur Des Cartes, her dear Master, with occasions to comfort her, concerning the Accidents of this Life, and Phantasticalness of this World's Catastrophes. These occasions caused the Distemper the Princess had upon her. 1. The Regicide committed by the English on the person of her Uncle by her Mother's side. 2. The indifference and haughtiness of the Q. of Sweden towards her. And then, the small Satisfaction her Brother the Elector Palatin had received by the Peace of Munster.  
The Princess residing at that time at the Court in Berlin, had often entertained him with the mighty Satisfaction she should have to enjoy his Company in the Palatinate, whether she made account to retire, after the reinsta●ing of her Brother: And he on his part assured her of the delight he should have to go live near her, in a Country he had been acquainted with ever since 1619. which he took for one of the finest and most commodious in Europe.  
All places were indifferent to him at that time. 
His fickleness as to the place of his abode.  Although he might think he was on the lap of repose in North-Holland, and tho' he might enjoy his thoughts in his Solitude at Egmond. as peaceably and sweetly as ever he he did, yet he earnestly desired, that the Storms of France might shortly be calmed, that he might there settle himself. But the Continuation of his Countries Troubles, accompanied with the apprehension of never taking another Journey, seemed to incline him to resolve to pass the rest of his days in Holland; that is to say, in a place, that had not now the ●ame Charms it formerly had, to detain him; ●nd which did not seem commodious for him, ●ut only because he knew no other, where he ●ould be better.  
When he argued the case thus; 
The Q. of Sweden would draw him to Stockholm.  he was still ignorant of the Lot Providence had designed ●or him. But it was not long before it made ●im Conjecture that it disposed of him otherwise than he thought it would. In March he ●eceived some Letters from M. Chanut, by ●hich he was given to understand the desire ●he Q. of Sweden had to see him at Stockholm, ●o learn his Philosophy from his own Mouth▪ ●ust as he was devising Expressions how to excuse himself from taking this Voyage, he received a second, and then a third Letter very ●rgent in the Queen's Name. Insomuch, that ●●augre all the Apprehensions and Difficulties, ●hat presented themselves, in a Voyage that ●e judged very dangerous to his health; he ●ignified to M. Chanut his inclination to obey ●he Queen towards Midsummer, provided she ●ould please to give him leave to come back ●gain to Egmond within three Months, or towards the latter end of Winter following at furthest.  
The Queen presuming upon his good Intentions, even before M. Chanut had received ●is last Answer, gave order to Admiral Flem●ing to go take him on Board at Amsterdam, ●nd bring him thither before the end of April. The Admiral went as far as Egmond, ●ut by the Name of an ordinary Officer of ●he Swedish Fleet to offer him his Service, and thereupon shows the Queen's Order, adding withal, that he might consult his ow● convenience and take his own time, that h● would cause the Vessel to wait for him 〈◊〉 long as he thought convenient.  
Monsieur Des Cartes was surprised at thi● Visit, and excused himself as civilly as possibly he could, to this effect, that having w●●● back to the Resident of France, he expecte● an Answer of his Letter, that would explains the Queen's Will and Pleasure more precisely to him, and would determine his Resolution● upon a Voyage. The Officer returning to Amsterdam without making himself known 〈◊〉 Monsieur● Des Cartes received from Monsieur Chanut some Letters that had miscarried 〈◊〉 matter of a Fortnight, that gave him notice that the Queen had given to Admiral Fleming all necessary Orders for his Transportation into Sweden.  
Upon reading of them, he perceived the mistake the stoppage of these Letters had made him commit, in taking one of the Admirals of the Kingdom for a private Officer▪ who had done him the honour to give him 〈◊〉 Visit, and bring him the Queen's Orders himself; fearing lest the refusal of his Service might not be misconstrued to the prejudiced of his good Intentions, he forthwith got ready▪ his Bag and Baggage and little Equipage, that he might be no longer surprised, when he should receive orders to depart, in case he could not obtain three Months longer stay, as he had demanded.  
A little time after Monsieur Chanut took his leave of the Queen of Sweden, to go to give an account of Residence to the Court of France. He arrived in April in Holland, where he was prevented by the King's Brevet, who made him his Ordinary Ambassador to ●he same Queen. He goes to find out his Friend in Hermitage of Egmond, and left him no more difficulties to be removed as to his Voyage. He left him, directing his Course for Paris, resolving to take him at his return, and carry him along with him to the Queen of Sweden, in case he could obtain a Dispensation from his new Embassy, and Permission to bring his Family back into France, from the King ●his Master.  
XVII. 
A Latin Edition of his Geometry.  Towards the Month of March, came out the First Edition of Monsieur Des Cartes's Geometry in Latin, translated by Schooten, Ancient Mathematic Professor of the University of Leiden. He added a Commentary to it of his making, together with the excellent Notes of Monsieur de Beaune; whereof we have already given you an account, who died some Months after this Edition.  
Sch●oten, like all the rest of Monsieur Des Cartes his Translators, desired him to revise his Version, and render it in every respect conformable to his original Conceptions, as he had done other; but chose rather to let it pass untouched, than Correct it by halves. And to show that he had no hand in the Work, he was pleased to call it, La Geometrie de M. Schooten, without so much as claiming the Groundwork of it. This unconcernedness was not approved of by those who could have wished it might have had the advantage of other Translations: yea, and M. Carcavi complained to him of it, as, in the Name of some Virtuoso's of Paris.  
This man exercised on this occasion the Office of the late Father Mersennus, 
M. Carcavi M. Des Cartes his Correspondent.  in whose place he got himself substituted by Monsieur Des Cartes, for the Correspondence touching Philosophical Transactions, and New Books. He began at telling the success of the Experiment upon the Gravitation of Air, performed at Puy de Domme near Clermont in Auvergne, by M. Perrier and M. paschal. He sent him likewise two small Books come from Rome, concerning Physics; according to the new Opinions. In one of the two, there was mention made of the Principles of Monsieur Des Cartes, with abundance of esteem: but some were of opinion at Paris, that the Author did not well understand them; he acquainted him moreover by the same means, that at Rome there was a French Minim called Father Magnan, more knowing and more profound than Father Mersennus, that put him in hopes of some Objections against his Principles.  
Monsieur Carcavi, 
Le's M. Roberval govern him.  that was all one with Monsieur Roberval, was not wanting in his care to send him divers of this Geometrician's Objections, using his endeavours withal, to bring him into a good conceit of him, pretending that he was not out of his favour, but only through Fath. Mersennus his Indiscretion: Monsieur Des Cartes, thought it stood him upon to vindicate the memory of this Father: but yet for all that he took it in good part from Carcavi, that he testified his love for Peace, and Uniting Affections. And he was willing upon his account, to answer the Objections of Monsieur Roberval, just as if they had been propounded to him, by a Person that ●ore him no ill Will.  
M. de Roberval who took always delight to be Objecting, and not to receive, or admit of Solutions; making as if he knew nothing of the Answers Monsieur Des Cartes had given to his Difficulties, was willing to make use of Monsieur Carcavi's Name, to Object them to him afresh; this counterfeiting did no ways please Monsieur Des Cartes, who made nothing of discerning Roberval's Spirit, under Monsieur Carcavi's hand, therefore instead of writing back to the latter, he addressed himself to Monsieur Clerselier, being still in Swedland, and ●ntreated him to signify to Monsieur Carcavi, ●hat he was his humble Servant, and that he should not fail to Shape him an Answer, whensoever he should Write him his own proper Thoughts.  
XVIII. 
Some trouble about his Voyage into Sweden.  The Summer Season drew on, and Monsieur Des Cartes waited for the return of Monsieur Chanut, the French Ambassador ●t the Court of Sweden, to make his Voyage ●n his Company. But understanding on one ●and that he could not depart from Paris before November, and then again, that the Queen of Sweden daily expected him, he intended to prevent the first rigours of the Winter: only he longed to understand beforehand, whether the envious persons, that his Philosophy had procured him, had not been too quick for him at the Court of Sweden, to endeavour, to render him some ill office or other, in prepossessing the Queen's mind. He was not ignorant of the aversion the Swedish Nobility, and the best part of the Officers of that Court, testified for all sort of Science. He knew likewise that the Queen's passion for Learned Men, began to become the object of scorn, raillery and obloquy of Strangers; it was in every body's mouth that she assembled all the Pedants of Europe to Stockholm, and that it would not be long ere the government of the Realm would be managed by Grammarians. He was afraid to see himself counted as one's hail fellow well met with this sort of cattle, where the Natives of the Country, do not care to distinguish Strangers. And then the business of the Catholic Religion, helped to increase his Scruples. Now it was Freinsheinius his business, to whom he communicated secretly his Thoughts, to dissipate them, and once more to be very earnest with him in behalf of the Queen.  
Although he began to appoint his return precisely in the Spring of the next year, yet he was seized with, I do not know what, apprehension, and foresight of his destiny, that swayed with him, to set all matters to rights, as tho' he had been about to take a journey into the other World.  
He forsaken his beloved solitude on the first day of September. And leaving his little treatise of Passions in Elzivers hands, to be Printed in Autumn, he embarked at Amsterdam, having no more Domestics, besides Scheuter a German, a faithful affectionate Servant that Abbot Picot had lent him for this Voyage.  
He happily arrived at Stockholm at the beginning of October, and went a shore to Madam Chanut's, Sister to his Friend Monsieur Clerselier, where he presented to her some Letters from the Ambassador her Husband who expected him, and had provided him an apartment ready furnished: Which he must accept.  
The next day he went to kiss the Queen's hand, 
His reception in Sweden His meeting the Queen. In favour with her.  who received him with such a distinction, as was observed by the whole Court, which perhaps did not a little contribute, to augment the jealousy of some of the Learned, to whom, his coming seemed formidable. At the second visit he paid the Queen, she disclosed to him the design she had of getting him into Sweden for good and all, by a good settlement. But having prepared himself from the time he left Holland, against all sort of solicitations, he returned that with a compliment.  
Afterward she contrived with him some means whereby to learn his Philosophy by word of Mouth: and judging aright that she should have occasion for all her Wits about her, and all her application to accomplish her design successfully, she pitched upon the first hour after her leué for this Study, as being the most quiet and leisure time of all the day, when she perceived her Mind more sedate, and her head more disengaged from the encumbrance of affairs. Monsieur Des Cartes received with abundance of profound respect the Commission she granted him, to meet in the Closet of her Library every morning by five of the Clock, without ever alleging the irregularity she must needs cause in his manner of living, nor the danger to which she should probably expose his health, in this new change of abode, yea and in a season too, that was much more severe in Sweden, than in any other place, he had ever lived in before.  
The Queen in recompense, granted him the favour that he desired Freinsheinius to beg of her, which consisted, in dispensing with him as to the nice Ceremonies of the Court, and to free him from all confinement, or to speak in the Language of Philosophers, from all the miseries of Courtiers. Yet, before they begun their Morning Exercises, it was her will and pleasure that he should allow himself a month or six weeks to compose himself, to familiarize himself with the genius of the Country, to make his new acquaintance take deeper root, by which she was in hopes to make him delight in his new abode, and retain him by her the remainder of his Life. But having fathomed the capacity of his Spirit, that extended itself to other things besides Philosophy, she did not demur long, before she appointed him to be one of her Privy Counsel: and the confidence she reposed in him, prevailed on her to regulate her own particular conduct and behaviour, and even divers points concerning the government of her State, according to his advices. He made good use of this new favour, not only to be serviceable to Count Bregy, and other worthy persons near her, but above all, to obliterate out of her mind, the reasons of strangeness, aversion, and coldness she seemed to entertain, for the family of the P. Palatine and also the reasons of the secret jealousy she had already conceived of the parts, learning and merit of the Princess Elizabeth in particular.  
XIX. 
The jealousy of the Queen's Grammarians.  This credit joined to some applause that he gained at Court for a Copy of French Verses, the Queen had put him upon touching the peace of Munster, alarmed your Grammarians, and other pretenders to Learning in the Palace, notwithstanding all the precaution he used to prevent jealousy; they studied carefully to find out occasion of doing him a diskindness, and to abate the ardent affection she showed to her Philosopher, they rung peals of the pretended undervaluing of Tongues, and all Humane Learning, that they laid to his charge; at last despairing of blasting his Reputation with the Queen, considering the great passion she declared for the knowledge of those Sciences, they thought they could be no better revenged of him, than to make him pass for one, no better than themselves amongst the Lords of the Court, but especially amongst public Ministers. They laboured to persuade them, what a strange thing it was that this new come upstart, should have all the honour of the Queen's confidence, and how dangerous it might prove to let him intermeddle with any affairs, but such as related to Philosophy and Sciences, but they were not long at Court, before they made a difference between Monsieur Des Cartes, and those that vainly professed to be knowing, who brought an Odium upon Sciences, to all the Nobility of the place.  
However he had news from Elziver, 
His Treatise of Passions.  that the Edition of his Treatise of the Passions of the Soul was quite finished. He presents it to the Queen, not so much as dreaming to dedicate it to her, by reason that it was chiefly composed for his most illustrious Scholar the Princess Elizabeth, whom he would be sure not to forget. To the intent he might make this work intelligible to all manner of persons, he enlarged it by three parts upon Monsieur Clerselier's Advice. He divided it into three parts, in the first of which, is treated of the Passion in general, and by the way upon the nature of the Soul, etc. in the second, of the six primitive Passions; and in the third, of all the rest.  
The sight of this Piece, made the Queen suppose there might be amongst Monsieur Des Cartes his Papers, many more Treatises that had not yet come to light. And having a strong desire to make him compile a complete body of all his Philosophy, which she liked more and more, she was pleased to engage him to reduce the rest of his works, that he had not yet published, into a method, in order to prevail with him at length to complete them.  
Monsieur Des Cartes in obedience to the Queen's command, 
His Posthumous works.  began to rummish, and ransack his Trunk, where his Papers were, which he had bound up, hand over head, at his departure from Holland. He finds nothing complete in them. They were all in pieces scattered up and down; of which they have compiled Treatises since, that have been published. Amongst the most considerable of his fragments were,  
That De Homine, which Monsieur Clerselier had caused to be Printed since, wherein the Author hath laid open all the functions that belong to the body alone, without meddling with those that belong to the Soul.  
That De Formatione Faetus: whose Title doth sufficiently declare the subject matter, which hath been published in the same volume with that De Homine, by the same Author, assisted by Monsieur de la Forge, a Physician of Saumur, and Gerard Gutichowen, Professor of Mathematics at Louvain.  
That De la lumier, or du monde, of light, or of the world, which is nothing else but a little extract, or parcel of his famous Treatise of the World, which he suppressed upon the news of the disgrace of Gallilaeus; Monsieur Clerselier put it out pretty well corrected.  
That De l'Explication de Engines, which was missing, went astray after his death, and which indeed, is nothing else in a manner, but his Treatise of Mechanics.  
But the most considerable of all his Posthumous Works, is his inestimable Treasure of Letters, that were found in his Trunk, of which Monsieur Clerselier hath published a collection in three volumes.  
XX. 
His other Manuscripts.  These Posthumous pieces, which M. Clerselier, and the other Cartesians have obliged the public with, after the Death of their Author, were not the only ones, that were found upon the second rifling of his Papers. There was besides divers works begun in several parts of Mathematics and Physics, under Titles that had no manner of relation to those subjects, as Parnassus, Olympica, Democritica, Thacomantis Regia, etc.  
His Treatise of Algebra●, still found in the Studies of some Learned men.  
An Introduction, containing the grounds and foundations of his Algebra, which we are afraid is lost.  
Divers fragments upon the Nature and History of Metals, Plants, and Animals.  
An Abridgement of Pure Mathematics not finished.  
Divers bundles of free unbyas●ed thoughts upon the Soul, upon Nature, and framing of the Universe.  
An Introduction to his Geometry, whereof we have had occasion to speak, which was not so much his work, as that of one of his friends.  
Amongst those which Monsieur Chanut's care made to fall to Monsieur Clerseliers share, there is none of them more considerable, nor perhaps more complete, than the Latin Treatise, that contains Rules for guiding our mind ●in the inquiry after Truth. At least we can assure you, that there is not one of them more beneficial to the public. Of three parts, whereof it should have consisted, we have nothing but the first, and half of the second entire.  
Another Latin piece which he had carried on a good way, of which there remains a pretty large fragment, is that, of the study of good sense, or the art of apprehending, which ●he styled studium bonae mentis. Which he directed to one of his Friends, concealed under the name of Masaeus.  
There was found likewise the beginning of another piece amongst his Papers in the Trunk in Sweden, it was writ in French Dialogue-wise, under the Title of recherche de la verity. The research of Truth by innate light, which in itself, without borrowing any helps from Religion, or Philosophy, determines the opinions, that an honest man should have of all things that employs his thoughts. This work was divided into two Books, the first of which related to the things of the World, considered in themselves, the second, the same things in relation to us, considered as Good or Evil, True or False.  
There goes also up and down the World, divers of Monsieur Des Cartes his little Manuscripts that were not found amongst his Papers, when he looked them over; as, his little Treatise of the Art of Fencing: That of Socrates his Genius, etc. for I do not mention the French Comedy, which he had but just made in Sweden, which M. Chanut saved from perishing, contrary to his intent and purpose.  
Nevertheless, 
The Queen hath a mind to settle him in Sweden.  the Q. of Sweden seeing the French Ambassador returned to her Court, communicated to him the design she had entertained of keeping Monsieur Des Cartes within her Dominion: and obliged him to labour with her to obtain his Consent. Of all his Pretences, she would hearken to none, but that of the coldness of the Climate; because she believed that in effect his Temperament must needs suffer much in such a cold Country. The Expedient she proposed to the Ambassador was, to choose him a noble and considerable Charge in the most Southern Parts of the Crown of Sweden, acquired by the Peace of Munster, either in the Archbishopric of Bremen, or in Pomerania, to appoint him a Revenue of a matter of 3000 Crowns per annum, and bestow on him a Lordship of some Lands, that it might pass by Succession to him, his Heirs and Executors for ever.  
The Indisposition of the Ambassador whom the Queen had charged to put the business in execution, conjointly with a Senator of the Kingdom, put a stop to it; which proved very hurtful, not to Monsieur Des Cartes, for whom God had designed something else; but to his Heirs, who failed of being Lords in Germany.  
The Ambassador fell Sick on the 18th of January, at his return from a walk with Monsieur Des Cartes; and what diligence soever he used to solicit his Friend, Night and Day, yet for all that, he failed not to be at the Palace at Five a Clock in the Morning to discourse with the Queen, without complaining of the severity of the Season, which was more than ordinary that year, and which daily impaired his health.  
The Queen who dreamt of nothing less than to incommode him, 
The Project of an Acadamy.  obliged him at the the very height of the Ambassador's Sickness to return after Dinner to the Palace, to consult with her concerning a Conference or Assembly of Learned Men, that she had thoughts of founding in form of an Academy, of which she was to be Chief and Protectrice. She would have him to draw up the Model or Design of it, and Compose Statutes. He brought it her accordingly the First of February, which was the last time he had the honour to see her Majesty. The Queen mightily approved every Article, but was somewhat surprised at the second and third, that excluded Strangers. She questioned whether it might not be a piece of Monsieur Des Cartes his Modesty, who shut the Gate of this Academy against himself▪ whom she designed to have appointed Director.  
XXI. 
Mons. Des Cartes Sickness.  This very day coming from Court, he perceived himself, 
His Death.  seized with an Illness that was to put an end to his days, and the Ambassador began to recover. The next day being Candlemass-Day, our Philosopher with other Catholics, approached the Sacraments of Penance and Eucharist, which he received from the hands of Father Viogué, an Augustin Friar, Missionary and Almoner to the Ambassador; he was able to finish the Ceremonies of the rest of the Day, standing up.  
The Symptoms of his Malady, were the very same that preceded the Ambassador's, and were followed by a continued Fever, accompanied with an Inflammation of his Lungs, just as the Ambassador was taken. The disorder of this regular was of living, added to the dividing of his Care between the Queen and the Sick Ambassador, in a Season that was an Enemy to his Constitution, and more rigid than it had been for Threescore Years, by the report of ancient People, caused his Fever to be more Malignant than the Ambassador's was. It was within him the first days, it possessed his Brain so far, as to make him Rave; took away the liberty of knowing what Condition he was in▪ or hear the advice of his Friends; and deprived him of all strength but only to resist every bodies will. The Queen's Chief Physician Monsieur du Ryer, by Nation a Frenchman, and a particular Friend of his was unfortunately absent at that time: and that Princess ordered the next in course to take care of him; he was an Hollander, called Weulles, one of M. Des Cartes sworn Enemies, ever since the Ministers and Divines of Leiden and Vtrecht bid him defiance. The sick Person upon sight of this Doctor, and others that the Queen sent with him, was so obstinate as to do nothing that he ordered him, but especially he would not hear of being let Blood, all the while the transport of his Brain lasted; which occasioned terrible alarms to the Queen and Ambassador, who took great care to send a Gentleman twice a day to see how he did.  
His Brain began to be discharged at the end of the 7th day, which made him a little more the Master of his Head, and faculties of his Reason; that was the first time he was sensible of his Fever: He took notice of the Error he had hitherto laboured under, and now thought of nothing but to die like a Christian Philosopher. He got himself let Blood twice together, and in a great quantity, but to no purpose, it was then too late. He prayed them to send for Father Viogué his Confessor, who was about the exercise of his Mission some League's distant from Stockholm: and desired those who were about him, not to discourse with him any longer, but about the Mercy of God, and of the Courage wherewith he was to suffer the Separation of his Soul. He remained quiet and still the two last days; and Departed peaceably in the Arms of the Ambassador and Father Viogué, the 11th of February, at Four a Clock in the Morning, Aged 53 Years, 10 Months, and 11 Days.  
XXII. 
His Burial.  The Queen upon this News, soon discovered her Affliction by the true and abundant Tears she shed for the loss of her Illustrious Master; this was the Title she was always pleased to honour him with, and distinguish him from other Learned Men about her. She immediately dispatched a Gentleman of her Bedchamber to the Ambassador to assure him of her Grief and Sorrow; and to declare to him, that she was willing to leave to Posterity a Monument of the respect she bore to the Merit of the Deceased; and that she designed him his Sepulchre in the most honourable Place in the Kingdom, at the feet of the Kings her Predecessors with Magnificence answerable, besides a rich Mausolaean of Marble that she resolved to have erected for him.  
The Ambassador that had not yet been able to stir out of Doors since he fell Sick, went in the Afternoon to pay a Visit to the Queen: and obtained of her, (for good Reasons that he produced to her) that the Sepulchre should be after a very plain manner at the deceased his own proper Cost and Charges, in a place of the Foreigners Burial-place, where they laid Catholics and Children that died before they came to the use of their Reason.  
The next day the Corpse was brought out to the place of Interment without any great doings; yet all according to the Ceremonial of the Church of Rome, by the special Permission of the Queen, and the Governor of Stockholm, the Body was carried by the Ambassador's eldest Son, Monsieur de Saint Sandoux, since Governor of Tournay; M. Picques Secretary to the Embassy, at present Counsellor in the Court of Aids; and by M. Belen Secretary to the Ambassador, who is now Treasurer of France.  
The day following, the Ambassador accompanied with the first Gentleman of the Queen's Bedchamber Erric Spatacre, Baron of Croneberg, took an Inventory of what Monsieur Des Cartes brought with him into Sweden, and on March the Fourth following, M. de Hoogheland took one of the things he had left in Holland, in the presence of Monsieur Van Sureck, Seigneur de Berg, Creditor to the deceased.  
The Ambassador, whom the Queen had given to understand that she persisted in her resolution to rear him a Marble Monument, judged that beforehand, it would be much better to erect a plain Tomb over the Grave of the deceased. He caused it to be made an Oblong Square of Freestone cemented, the four Sides were wainscotted outward with planed Board's; These four Sides were covered with a course white Linen waxed, painted: and they caused to be writ upon it by the Painter, the Curious Latin Inscriptions that the Ambassador composed in Honour of his Friend.  
Not many Months after, they caused a Medal to be Coined in Holland to the memory of our great Philosopher, the reverse contains Magnificent Eulogiums.  
XXIII. 
The translation of his Body into France.  After the Conversion of the Queen of Sweden, wholly due to Monsieur Des Cartes and Monsieur Chanut, which was manifest some years after, by her renouncing Lutheranism, there remains no more for us to observe concerning that Philosopher, saving only the translating of his Ashes and Bones from Sweden into France, Seventeen years after his Death.  
It was M. d'Alibert, Treasurer General of France, who was the Chief Man in this Enterprise, and who was at the sole Charge and Expense. He employed to this purpose M. le Chevalier de Terlon, French Ambassador in Sweden, who was shortly to depart from thence for Denmark in the same Quality.  
The Ambassador caused the Body to be taken up in presence of M. Pompone, who was come to Stockholm to succeed him, at present a Minister of State. He caused it first of all to be carried to Copenhaguen, from whence he sent it into France, in Custody of true and faithful persons, the Second day of October 1666. arriving at Paris in January the year after; it was carried to Monsieur d' Alibert●● House in the Rue de Beautreillis: and some days after, it was deposited without Ceremony in a Chapel in St. Paul's Church. From thence it was transported in a pompous manner, the 24th of June, upon Midsummer, or St. John's Day, at Eight a Clock at Night into the Church of St. Genevieve du mont; where it was received by the Abbot and Cannons Regular, with most splendid Preparations.  
The day following, being Saturday, they performed solemn Service; where the Abbot, Father Blanchard, General of the Congregation officiated in his Pontificalibus. There were a great many Persons present qualified accordingly; Father l' almains, Chancellor of the University▪ had prepared a Funeral Oration: But there chanced to come an Order from Court, that it should not be pronounced.  
They set the Hearse in a Vault between two Chapels on the Southside of the Nef, or Body of the Church; where Monsieur d' Alibert hath caused to be put up a fair Marble against the Wall, representing the Philosopher's Bust, with a very pretty Epitaph, composed of two Inscriptions; one whereof is French Verse, Composed by M. de Fiewbet Counsellor of State, heretofore Chancellor to the Queen: the other which is in Latin, comes from M. Clerselier, notwithstanding some would still to this day have Father Allemant to be the Author of it.  
After the Service for Saturday, the 25th of June, was done, they carried the Titles, the Verbal Process, and Certificates, which were drawn up in good Form, into the Archives of the Abbey of St. Genevieve. Then M. d' Alibert Conducted all the Principal Assistants to the famous Bocquet's House, where he treated them with a most sumptuous and magnificent Banquet.   

BOOK VIII.  
Containing the Qualifications of his Body and Mind, his Manners, His Life and Conversation towards God and towards Man.  
I. MOnsieur Des Cartes his Body was something under a middle stature, 
His Body.  but very delicate, and well-proportioned in all the shape and symettry of Parts; yet he seemed to have an Head a little too big in proportion to the Trunk of his Body. His Brow or Forehead was broad, and standing out a little; His Complexion pale from his Infancy to his leaving the College, and then mixed with a pretty ruddy vermilion blush till his retirement into Holland, and ever since somewhat sallow till his dying day; He had upon his Cheek a kind of Pimple or Push that broke now and then, and grew again; His Under-Lip stuck out a little, a pretty wide Mouth; a Nose of a bigness answerable to its length; His Eyes dark grey; His Sight pleasant and firm to the end of his days; His Countenance evermore serene and calm; His Mind affable and Courteous; The Tone of his Voice pleasant between Base and Treble; yet too feeble to carry on any long Discourse, occasioned by an alteration of his Lungs he brought into the World with him.  
His Hair and Eyebrows pretty black, the Hair of his Chin not quite so black; and he began to be grey at the age of 43 years. Some few years after he wore a Periwig, but of a fashion that resembled his own Hair; and that too upon the account of his Health.  
He followed less the Mode, than he suffered himself to be drawn into it; he stayed till it became common that he might not affect Singularity. He was never disregarded, yet he chiefly avoided to appear in the Garb of a Philosopher. At such time as he sequestered himself from much Company in Holland, he changed his Sword for a Cloak.  
His course of Diet was always uniform. 
His Diet.  Sobriety was natural to him. He drunk little Wine, and was sometimes a whole Month together without drinking a drop yet seeming very jocund and pleasant at Table, his frugality not burdensome to his Company.  
He was neither nice nor difficult in the choice of his Victuals, and he had accustomed his palate to every thing that was not prejudicial to the health of the Body. His Diet did not consist in eating seldom, but to discern the quality of the Victual. His judgement was, that it was good always to keep the Stomach and other Viscera a doing, as we do to Horses, but that it ought to be with such things as afford small nourishment, as Roots and Fruits, which he believed more proper to prolong the Life of Man, than the Flesh of Animals.  
He observed that he eat more greedily and slept sounder when he was sad and melancholy, or in some eminent danger, than he did at any other time.  
He slept much, or at least his awaking was never forced; so soon as ever he perceived himself disengaged from sleep, he studied, meditating in Bed, and rai●ed but half his Body now and then, to commit his thoughts to writing. This is the reason why he often continued ten Hours, nay, sometimes twelve, in his Bed. His Condescension to the necessities of his Body, never proceeded to an Apathy, or so far as insensibility of them. He knew Nature must be supplied. He laboured hard and long. He delighted pretty much in bodily exercise, and indulged himself therein at his time for recreation; till at length, his sedentary life broke him off that Custom.  
He was apt to believe that health of Body, was the greatest Blessing in this life next to Virtue. He had no great share of it in his Infancy, and it was but ill preserved whilst he was subject to the government of Physicians; he was troubled during his Childhood with a dry Cough, hereditary to him from his Mother, and very infirm till the Age of 13. when he was let Blood the first; but never after till the Eve of his Death. He reckoned Phlebobotomy, extreme dangerous to most People. At the age of 19 or 20 years, he thought he was not so much a Fool as not to be his own Physician. Therefore he thought he was of age to take upon him the Administration of his health, and dispensed with a Physician till his mortal Distemper. He abhorred not only Mountebanks, but even the Drugs of Apothecaries & Empirics; yea, and he required great Caution in the administering Chemical Remedies. When he was disengaged and free from that heat of Liver, that made him in love with a Military Life in his youthful days, he took up a course of Life so even and uniform, that he was never Sick with any thing, except by that Foreign Cause, that brought him to his long home. The two grand Remedies were his spare regular Diet, and moderation in his Exercise: yet he preferred before them, those of the Mind and Spirit, that have a mighty influence upon the Body; as plainly appeared by the great change; Anger, Wrath, Fear, and other Passions did excite in him.  
The manner of living he prescribed himself, was founded upon the oeconomy and well-ordering his Family. He entertained a sufficient number of Domestics, all picked and culled, and very neat; and he took care to get them all bandsom, both as to Body and Mind: His House was like a School of Learning and Virtue to them; and not content to render them knowing and honest, he thought it likewise his Duty to meliorate and advance their Fortunes: and that was the Reason why there was always a great deal of earnest striving, and suing who should first get into his Service: and men always looked upon a Place amongst his Servants as a very advantageous Post. On his part, he treated them with that Indulgence and Mildness, that he won them over, and brought them to his beck by mere love and kindness. As for those of an higher rank, who nearest approached him in quality of Secretaries, or Valets de Chambre; he counted them so little Inferior to him, that one would have taken them for his Equals sometimes. This thing conduced much to mould and model their Heart and Mind; nay, most of them became Persons of great Worth and Consideration in the World. Men have observed it in the Person of M. de ville Bressieux, a Physician at Grenoble, of M. Gutschowen, Regius-Professor at Louvain, of the Sieur Gillot the Mathematician, and Sieur Schluter, Auditor, or Intendant of Justice in Sweden, and of a great many more Persons preferred to great Places, who are at this day very eminent in Languedoc.  
II. The Expenses of his House was ever well regulated, 
His unconcern for the Goods of Fortune.  tho' his Passion was wonderful for multiplying Experiments; yet he never affected running in Debt beyond his yearly Revenue. This Revenue was about 6000 Livres and upward per annum; if you except some few years at the latter end of his life, wherein he had augmented it. If so be it had been not so plentiful at the beginning, it would nevertheless have seemed sufficient for him. Monsieur Des Cartes did consider the good things of the World, not as a covetous, indigent Gentleman; but as a rich and contented Philosopher. He carried it always very high to Fortune, and amongst the Crowd of those that adore this blind Goddess, his sport was bravely to scorn and laugh at her, contenting himself to deplore the Condition of some Philosophers his Friends, who showed so much weakness as to complain of her. So Fortune again had a mind to be even with him seeming to be very sensible of his Disdain, she endeavoured to be revenged of him upon every occasion that presented itself of being Rich. Yet was he not one of those whimsical Fops, and churlish Cynics that seek all occasions to dare her, or insult over her; no, he was never guilty of the Vanity to triumph over her with ostentation. And indeed, one of the Principal Maxims he prescribed himself for the guidance of his Life and Conversation, was to endeavour rather to conquer himself, than Fortune; to change his desires rather than the order of the World.  
He was endowed with no less generosity, than unconcernedness▪ his heart would give place to no man alive but to his King in point of Liberality. He was never the man that would accept from any private person whatsoever the relief that was offered him, to supply the expenses that his Experiments required. He civilly refused a pretty considerable Sum of Money which the Count d'Avaux scent him into Holland. He excused himself in like manner to Monsieur de Montmor, who with many instant entreaties, offered him to make his best of one of his Country Houses and Farm of 4000 Liures per annum. Other Persons of eminent Quality, laid open their Treasures to him, but all to no purpose. He counted it a dishonest and uncivil part in him to borrow aught of any person, that he was not able to restore with interest: and he pretended it would have been burdensome to him to perceive himself indebted to the Public. But altho' he declared the unconcernedness of Philosophers for Riches, yet was he not puffed up with their Pride. He did not only look upon those that make good use of Riches with a favourable Eye, but he thought it his Duty not to neglect and slight that Estate his Father had the kindness to reserve for him. He accounted a lawful Patrimony as a Present of Nature, and not of Fortune: and of all the Goods that one is capable of acquiring in this World, there is none more innocent, or more according to that order God hath appointed. This made him one day tell his elder Brother in his Letter, That he more valued 1000 Livres by Inheritance than 10000 Livres that came to him otherwise.  
III. How you must not ascribe Monsieur Des Cartes his being rich and contented, 
His retired Life.  to his modest Revenue, that seemed competent; nor yet to his Frugality: It was his choice of a solitary Sequestered Life that rendered him so. He admitted of very few Visits at any time, and returned yet less; yet was he neither a Mesanthropus, nor morosely Melancholy: He carried along with him to the very recesses of his Solitude, that pleasant humour and natural briskness, that was observed in him from his tender years; His usual cheerfulness made him do things without straining; and if we credit him, facilitated their success; yea, and contributed not a little to his health; for without it, he could not have sustained the weight of his retirement with so much perseverance: that was it, that changed his inclination for retirement, into a real doting upon a confined Secret Life. And his desire never to relinquish it, induced him to take two Symbolums or Mottoes very proper to hinder him from forgetting this resolution; the first out of Ovid: Benè qui latuit, benè vixit. The remembrance of which made him oftentime quite off the design of publishing his Works. The other is taken out of Seneca's Tragedies, 
Illi mors gravis incubat  
Qui unus nimis omnibus  
Ignotus moritur sibi.  Which is a smart Condemning of such Persons who love to be known by others, without knowing themselves.  
After he had reduced himself to a private condition, 
His contempt of Renown.  he ever judged that the inconvenience, of being too well known was a dangerous distraction, and taking a man off his design, never to go abroad out of himself. But only when he had a mind secretly and seriously to converse with Nature, and never to quit and forsake Nature, but to come home again to himself. He looked upon the desire men are taken with, to live in the good opinion and minds of men as a frivolous vanity: yea, and never did Philosopher make less account, of that glory and splendour, most people find in what they call reputation: he had not such overweening thoughts of himself, as to take it ill, that, if any one thought of him, he had not a good opinion of him: but he could rather have chosen that he should never think of him at all.  
The trade of a solitary life, 
His habits of writing, of reading. His stile.  cost him but a few months' Apprenticeship to learn, because the inclination he had to it, was seconded by his temper and constitution, and a particular humour of his. The habit of meditation that he had got ever since he left the College, made him mighty reserved and sparing of his Tongue. But altho' he spoke but very little at any time, yet he spoke always to purpose and very naturally. His conversing was never starched or affected, never troublesome or uneasy. He shunned above all things to appear Learned or a Philosopher in Discourses. He was as little inclined to commit his Speculations to writing, as to vent them by word of mouth. He was pretty much indisposed to write, but his small, close, strait, regular way of writing is sufficient evidence, that he had conquered this idleness by a long habit, yet for all that he relapsed into it from time to time, as appears not only from the great repugnance he testified in composing his Works, but also from his usual negligence to answer his friends.  
He had not doubtless, so much listlessness and aversion for reading, as he showed for writing. We must nevertheless grant you, that he did not read much, and that he had a small parcel of Books. Discouraged at the unprofitableness and errors he observed in Books, he solemnly forsook reading of them: but that I may not tell an untruth, he did not quite and clean forsake them, nay, he makes his forsaking even suspected of dissimulation. Some believe he made more use of Books than he was willing every body should know; and they have been apt to ground this opinion upon the quality of the stile, and the multiplicity of matter he treated of in his Works, but more particularly in his Letters.  
This is a judgement, or rather a conjecture fetched from the elegance of his stile; the regularity of fancy, and quaintness and exactness of his expressions.  
IV. 
His Wit, Memory, and judgement.  He had a mind of an almost infinite extent, and of a strength in a manner equal to the extent; his penetration was prodigious in depth and vivacity. This appeared more especially when the business in debate was, to fathom the depth of man's Soul, and precisely to determine what is possible for a man to do, and what is above his reach or power.  
Never did man under the cope of Heaven, manifest that which we call, a Geometrical Spirit; and an exactness of Wit and Solidity of Judgement in an higher degree. He showed it I say, in his not confounding the principles one▪ with another, in penetrating all the consequences that may possibly be deduced from them, and indeed never arguing falsely upon known principles.  
His Memory was neither treacherous, nor unhappy; but we don't see that it was answerable to the greatness of his parts. If he was deficient in any thing upon that score, it was abundantly recompensed by that other portion of the Soul, which we call Judgement, which is the light of the humane Soul. He was solid and judicious in all respects. He had a shrewd insight into things, very exquisite, and a most subtle discerning of that which is in common use, which your greatest Wits, especially Geometricians are wont to pass by and overlook.  
Nothing ever contributed more to bring this excellent quality to perfection in him, 
His love for Truth.  than his violent passion for Truth, that never forsook him all his life long. The uprightness of his heart, being always attended by the rightness of sense and understanding, his continual care was to find out Truth in all his Studies; and to make her appear nothing but the truth and the naked truth, in all his actions; in all his discourses, openness and candour were at all times the particular character that made him be differenced from those, amongst men, who seemed to resemble him in other respects: and all that polite breeding he might receive from his Education, and frequenting the Courts of great Persons, was never capable to make him double-minded or falsehearted; nor to persuade him, that fawning, counterfeiting, and lying aught to be practised. Faults that are committed against Truth, when they proceed from ignorance or mistake, where there is no design at the bottom to injure truth, appeared to him pardonaable; but if he had been upon the Bench as a Judge, he would have proved inexorable as to those that are committed against Knowledge and Love of Truth. Notwithstanding, this kindness he bore to Truth, pushed him on to pursue her wheresoever he suspected she might lie hid, yet he concluded that for finding of her, he was to pitch principally upon the Sciences, in which he did usually examine what they contained, and what solidity was in them, to the end he might not lose his time, for that which signified nothing; and that observe to others, what use and benefit they were likely to make of them.  
V. 
His aptness to learn.  A great many have believed that he was not ignorant in any Science, and that he had skill in all the Liberal Arts. But it may suffice us to believe that he might have a competent knowledge in the Nature of all the Sciences, without being versed in every particular kind of them.  
He showed more docibility and aptness, if a man may so say, than real Science: this virtue in him was a jewel so much the more inestimable, as it is very rare in the ringleaders of a Sect. The Passion he testified to correct his faults, was always attended with a grateful acknowledgement to those who let him understand them.  
The Pride and Vanity his Adversaries have taxed him withal, 
His modesty.  upon some occasions, are frivolous and superficial, because they never took place, in his heart. But in respect of suspicions of haughtiness and presumption, that they have imputed to him, they could not hold out long against the brightness of his Modesty, that dissipated them in a moment. This Modesty accompanied with abundance of politeness, as the Noble Cantibrigian Philosopher, or More hath it, resided much more in his sentiments than in his discourses. It was no where affected, but appeared, as it were, in its proper natural places, if you consider the little account he made of himself, and his productions, and the aversion he showed for praise and commendation.  
This virtuous quality lay not dormant nor barren in him, 
His Meekness.  one may say without a soelecisme that it begot one pretty like it in Regius a Physician of Vtrecht, by that incomparable model of an answer he drew up for him against Voetius the Minister, whom he was obliged to refute, which is no less a masterpiece of meekness and civility, than of modesty; this sweetness of disposition that was dispersed through all his actions, and deportment, never went under another name amongst his friends: but the trial his adversaries made of it▪ changed its name to Moderation in respect to them; 
His Moderation.  it was not in its miridian against the turbulent Spirits of Gassendus and Fermats temper: there was need of a Roberval to make it shine out. But especially there wanted some giddy hare-brained Ministers, and wild extravagant Philosophers to make it triumph.  
The love he bore all his life long for peace and tranquillity, caused him by times to undervalue calumny, and forget injuries. He was naturally an enemy to dispute, especially for that which is mixed with wrangling, contestations and troublesome heats; and thence proceeded his aversion to rip up the faults of others, or to make them greater than they were, when he observed them in reading, this trade seemed unworthy of a man that owed all his time to the inquiry after truth: nay he thought he went out of his road, when he stopped to look upon other men's wander.  
VI So many lovely qualities could not choose but get him the love of every body, 
His friends.  so that he did not want for friends, than whom no body could boast to have more, but though he did not refuse any man's friendship, yet he used a great deal of discretion in affording his, because he endeavoured as much as possibly he could, not to separate it from his esteem and respect. He never placed confidence in any one, in whom he had not observed Wisdom; perfected and consummated with Science and Virtue.  
He was a man of the most tender Conscience in the World, even according to the relation of those who rendered themselves the most unworthy of his friendship. He showed a mighty kindness and faithfulness for his friends, which was proof against the inconstancy and vicissitude of the things of this World. He was neither distrustful nor suspicious. He easily gave credit to the good, but hardly to the ill that was spoken of his Friends. His Maxim was to suspend his consent always to disadvantageous reports, till such time as his own experience or infallible demonstrations should ascertain him of the matter they reported to him. Another maxim of his friendship was never to be troublesome to his Friends, yet nevertheless to render them all services he was capable of. Thinking that this good disposition that reigned in him, might be instead of a rule whereby to judge that of another man, he raised the obligation of amity to such an high pitch, that he pretended those that did good turns, are also the persons obliged.  
A person of his character should not have had any enemies, 
His Enemies and Adversaries.  nor indeed had he any but such who were enemies to Virtue and Truth, who made Insurrection not so much against his Person, as against his Writings. The enmities of others never troubled him: nay, and without being too Inquisitive to spy out what Enemies he had, he was content to be no bodies Enemy. And to be always ready to be reconciled to those who desired to come into favour with him again.  
But he judged it not fit to pass by the enemies of his Philosophy, some whereof became his envyers and emulators, and others open adversaries; the little vanity that might be in him, was without doubt well enough satisfied with the first sort, and his merit could not be more enhanced, nor set off to better advantage, than by the envy of others. As for his Adversaries, whose number far surpassed that of his envyers, he never refused to answer those, who notwithstanding their prejudice and ignorance, discovered to him any tokens of honesty and sincerity.  
As he had some Adversaries in his life time, who, for all that, professed, to be his friends. So, we cannot question but he had some affections to check and restrain them, as Adversaries and Enemies of his intent and purpose. In respect of the first he had nothing in a manner besides his own reason to follow, without fearing any thing from his inclination. But as for the others, where, it seems, his reason could not come in play, it was his best way to retain his inclination. There was rooted in him a strong affection for purblind people all his Life time, and was occasioned from the impression made upon his Infancy, at which time he loved a little pretty Damsel that was somewhat purblind.  
What some of his Enemies have given out concerning his pretended inclination to the 〈◊〉 Sex, 
His inclination for the Sex.  seems to have been devised but only from a passage of the Sieur Borel, who testifies that our Philosopher was not displeased with Woman's company, because, as to the business of Philosophy, he found them more tractable, patient, docile, and in a word, more void of prejudices and false doctrines, that many men.  
The adventure wherewith some idle spirits have aspersed him, about a Lady of Touraine, named La Menaudiere is a mere fiction, forged upon a Picture of our Philosopher, that, she had seen at the house of Abbot de To●chelaye. He never laid his Eyes upon this Lady, and for her part she had never seen him, but in Picture: but now the case was otherwise as to Madam du Rosai, whom he Courted just when his Relations had thought of marrying him, for whom he fought a Duel with a Rival of his, encountering him upon the Road between Paris and Orleans: yet this Lady was heard to confess at last, that Monsieur Des Cartes found more charms in Philosophy than in her: and that although she did not seem ugly to him, yet he passed a course compliment upon her, when he told her, that he found no beauty comparable to that of Truth.  
The fault he but once in all his Life committed against the honour of his Caelibacy, is not so much a proof of his inclination for the Sex, as of his weakness; and God having been pleased speedily to raise him up again, would have the remembrance of his Fall, to be matter of continual humiliation to him, and that his repentance should be a wholesome remedy against being exalted above measure.  
He recovered by this glorious reinstatement, 
His Virtues.  all the benefits wherewith it pleased God to honour the Virtues of his Soul. Till that time, he never wanted any of those that are the ingredients of a Gentleman and an Honest man: and he laboured since to deserve those that are able to make up a perfect Christian Philosopher. Those who knew him the most intimately, have all born witness of the innocency of his Life. They found him Religious as to his Sentiments, Wise in his demeanour, edifying in all his discourses, giving examples of purity and integrity, that were proof against the common corruption of the Age.  
VII. 
His opinion of Religion.  After we have known what he was in Conversation with men, and toward himself, it is convenient to know how he demeaned himself in his relation towards his Creator, what his Thoughts were about Religion, wherein his Piety consisted, which was very sincere & solid, and was not allayed with Bigotry, or Faction, in the opinion of persons of both persuasions.  
Never was a Philosopher observed to bear a more profound respect to a Deity, than himself; He was also sober about matters of Religion, he never mentioned God, but with a great deal of circumspection, always with abundance of Wisdom, always in a noble and sublime manner. The fear or rather niceness he showed in this point, made him scrupulously to decline entering upon questions of pure divinity. Believing that it was to do wrong to Truths, that depend on Faith, and cannot be proved but by natural demonstration, to go about to strengthen them by humane reasons, and they only probable.  
His blood rose against the boldness and rashness of certain Divines, who run away from their guides, that is to say, from the holy Scriptures and Fathers of the Primitive Church, that they may be their own guides, through those ways that they are not well acquainted with. But above all he blamed the boldness of Philosophers and Mathematicians, that dare appear so positive and peremptory, in determining What God can, and what he cannot do; he said, it is to speak of God as of a Jupiter or a Saturn, to make him subject to Styx, or fate, to hold that there are some truths independent on him.  
As concerning the existence of God, he rested so well satisfied in the evidence of that demonstration he thought he had found in that matter, that made no difficulty to prefer it to all the evidences and demonstrations of Geometrical Truth. It was moreover his opinion that the Universal consent of all people, is sufficient to maintain a Deity against all the injuries of Atheists, and that no private person should ever enter upon a dispute with them, except he were sure of convincing them.  
It is not much material to call to mind in this place the calumnies of Atheism and Scepticism, wherewithal his Enemies endeavoured to brand him, notwithstanding all the success he had, in opposing Atheists and Sceptics; one could not possibly have opinions, that he studied to resute. By a childish impertinence making people believe that he halted between holding, and refusing them.  
VIII. The precaution he took along with him, never to encroach upon Divinity▪ went not quite so far as to deny, that humane reason may have any share in Divine Sciences, nay, and even in those that were communicated to us only by revelation from Heaven. He was not so ignorant of the great benefit of reason, for the establishment of Maxims of Religion; and he was persuaded that Philosophy well improved is one of the main helps to support and justify faith in an illuminated mind.  
Not that he pretended that a man must needs be a Philosopher, to be a good Christian: but 〈◊〉 he thought that albeit the reason of a man submits to Faith, nevertheless, Faith makes use of humane reasoning to captivate reason, and bring it under subjection to its author.  
He was persuaded that his opinions might prove very serviceable for the explaining of the truths of Faith. He believed that there could be nothing in whatsoever concerns Divinity and Religion, with which his Philosophy would not much better agree than the vulgar Philosophy doth. And as for some controversies frequently agitated in his time in the Divinity Schools, by reason of the false principles of Philosophy upon which they were grounded, he hoped they would cease and come to nothing of themselves. If ever it should so happen, that his principles should be admitted to come in vogue: That which puffed up his mind the most is, that, describing the beginning and origin of the World, according to the principles of natural Philosophy, and reading over the first Chapter of Genesis, he found that it could be all of it expounded according to his conceptions, much better than by all the ways whereby your interpreters expound it.  
Nevertheless from the appearances only of his undertaking▪ and from his man●er of Philosophising, several have judged that his Philosophy was, if not pernitions, at least very dangerous for Christian Religion, and that it was equally contrary to the Divinity of Papists and Protestants. And that is, the reason why some controvertists of both persuasions, would fain have ●ipt it in the bud and suppressed it.  
Men are delivered from these apprehensions amongst the Catholics, except here and there a few Peripaticians hoodwinked by their own Prejudices. But the Protestants that have not experienced it so favourable to their Doctrines have been a long time without pardoning him for broaching it; because he hath not spoken as they do, of the Providence of God, and of the Liberty of Man: the worst that they have been able to disoblige him in, is, making him pass for a Pelagian; But their Accusation is vanished, they not being able to ground it upon any Passage of his Writings, or upon his particular Behaviour and Conduct, where the Grace of Jesus Christ or Supernatural Glory is questioned.  
IX. 
His manner of treating of Transubstantiation.  He was so much persuaded of the entire Conformity of his Opinions with that which the Church teaches, concerning the Truths of Faith, that Transubstantiation itself, which, according to Protestants, is impossible to be explained by the ordinary Philosophy, is, according to him, very easy, by his Philosophy: His explanation in the Judgement of some Cartesian Catholics is much less intricate, than that the Schools present us with: and if a man will credit some Jesuits▪ He hath very clearly explained the whole Mystery of the Eucharist according to his Principles without an Entity of Accidents.  
This made several Protestant Universities to judge that this Doctrine of his was wonderful prejudicial to Calvinism: and they have had reason to respect Aristotle, as more proper than he, for the design of maintaining their Tenets, and to dispute against the Dogmas of the Church of Rome.  
Honesty obligeth us to acknowledge moreover, that the best part of other Protestants have not been swayed by these Considerations, when they exploded Aristotle out of their Schools, to introduce Des Cartes; who have in that Point less considered the interest of their Divinity, than that of his Philosophy. But he will be for ever honourable for his manner of explaining Transubstantiation, to understand that it hath been so powerful as to Convert Huguenots to the Faith of the Church of Rome; even as his manner of speaking about Religion hath brought some Professed Atheists over to the said Church.  
Nevertheless▪ God hath suffered Calumny to attack him just in the particular wherein consisted his deserved Praise. Some Catholics there have been, who upon unjust, groundless Suspicions, have not stuck to accuse him of Calvinism: and some Calvinists again, out of a piece of Malice, would fain have done themselves the honour to count him one of them: But their Slanders have been invalidated by the Testimonies of a great number of Persons of both Persuasions, by the Queen of Sweden's Certificate, by that of the Princess Elizabeth, of Father Viogué his Confessor, of Monsieur Ch●nut, Clerselier; and, in fine, by the Justice the Church hath done his Memory by a Public Burial, which we take to be th● Seal of the Communion of Saints.  
This Justice was a Debt owing to such a Religious Observer of the Cannons of the Church as our Philosopher was. 
His Practice of Piety.  Never did he want Zeal for her; yet was not his, a misguided, blind Zeal, never was he ashamed, publicly to profess his Catholicism amongst Societies separated from the Church: never did there escape from his Pen or Mouth any term that savoured of liberty or irreverence touching certain Rites and Customs of our Church, upon which Philosophers and Wits do usually play, and make sport; the respect that he entertained for the Gospel-Ministry of the Protestant Divines never made him utter a word that smelled of Complaisance, or favour for Schism or Heresy.  
The Caution whereto he had confined himself upon his first entrance into Countries professing a different Religion, had made him so discreet and reserved, that he scarce ever opened his Mouth without edifying, nor without causing some impressions of respect and esteem for the Religion he professed.  
His carriage and behaviour was no less edifying than his discourse he did not make, all the Duties requisite to a true Christian to consist, in an inward worship only, as most part of your Philosophers do; no, he was extraordinary careful to accompany it with all the exercises of a good conscientious Catholic; nay, and he acquitted himself of all his Obligations, as exactly as one of the humblest and plainest of Believers would have done. He frequented more especially the Sacraments of Penance and Eucharist, with all the dispositions of a contrite heart, and humbled spirit; as far as is permitted to refer ourselves to the honesty and truth of Confessors, who had the cure of his Soul in Holland and Sweden.  
His adhering so closely to the whole Body of the Church, 
His Submission to the Church.  whereof himself was a Member, was kept up by a sincere submission to its authority without any reserve. He declared no small deference for whatsoever bore the Character, or but the Name of the Holy See; He harboured very great esteem for the Sorbonne; that is to say, for the whole Faculty of Divinity in Paris, that he respected as the Depository of the Key of Science; Knowing that the Key of Power was in the hands of the Pope and of Bishops, which made him firmly believe that his Conscience should be secure▪ so long as he should have Rome and the Sorbonne on his side.  
His Submission to the Holy See did extend even so far as to have some respect for the Roman Inquisition, although he was no where in a Praemunire, whereby to become liable to its lash. He was not ignorant of the difference one ought to put between the Pope's Authority, and that of the Congregation established at Rome for prohibited Books: yet did he not fail to testify respect for it, and to say, out of Civility, that its Authority had little less power over his Actions, than his own Reason had over his Thoughts, and he took all measures necessary, not to write any thing that might incur its displeasure; it is more than probable that this Congregation would have spared him, if it could have got clear from the Intrigues of a particular Author who had cunningly slipped one part of his Works into the Index Expurgatorius, amongst a Catalogue of other Books prohibited by a Decree of the 20th of November 1663.  
X. 
Of the Character of Novelty in his Opinions.  It is possible they could not devise a more specious pretence to censure and reject him, than that of Novelty, which men believes might have amounted to a Crime; this, perhaps (amongst all those they could impute to him) is the only one wherewith they could most reasonably have charged him. To speak the truth, he did not so much boggle at Novelty as they do, who fond adore the Ancients; he judged that in Philosophy, where the business is only the research of natural Truths, that have not hitherto been Discovered, it might be pardonable to employ new means; especially since the Ancients have had the ill luck not to discover them to us. Besides, his Spirit was not of the temper of those upo● whom two or three Thousand years are capable to impress a Veneration for Error. He was sure that the ancientest things that have been received by Posterity; were new, at their first appearance: and if Novelty had been an Obstacle to their Reception, one should never have received any thing into the World.  
But, since men are engaged upon honour, not any longer to confound Novelty with Falsehood, nor Antiquity with Truth, Envy that could not endure that Monsieur Des Cartes should pass Scot-free, hath gone about to change the Scene, and invert this order to bring him in guilty; his defenders that pleaded his Cause, that they might retort the Objection of Novelty, did take upon them to make appear that his Opinions were not so Novel as they would make them, and that, several of them had been defeated before him; those that envied him, who thought all to be new, till that time, were not wanting to make their best advantage of this Overture, and have been ready to accuse him for having robbed the Ancients, nay, and the Moderns too, who went before him; for it is the opinion of some, that he stole his Method of Algebra from one Harriot, an Englishman.  
The multitude of those who seem to have had before him sorry Sentiments resembling his, 
His meeting with those that preceded him.  may very well serve to enhance the value of his Philosophy, and serve to let men judge of the importance of the new things he hath superadded, both to Correct or Perfect that which was but only rudely drawn, or but ventured at before his time, without any Method, without any Principles: But this signifies nothing to prove him to be the Plagiary of so many Authors, the most part of which, it is well known, were utterly unknown to him. This Multitude, I say, makes us the more inclinable to believe that he found out more than all these Philosophers put together; and that he hath been more happy and successful than them all, in matter of Probability and Solidity, for the establishing his Principles, and the curious Connexion of his Consequences. His System is, in all respects so complete, and so well furnished, that one must not think it strange, that whatsoever hath been the most plausibly fancied by both Ancients and Moderns, is there couched and rectified, that there is little need of feigning that he borrowed it from their Writings.  
Monsieur Des Cartes agreeing to what is commonly objected, that what he said might possibly have been said by some other before him, judged that his Case was the same with a man, whom they should tax for having plundered the Alphabet and Dictionary, because he might not have made use of any Letters that were not in the former, nor of any words that were not found in the latter; But he adds further, That those who should please to own and acknowledge the neat Concatenation of all his Conceptions that do so necessarily follow one another, would be induced presently to confess, that he might be as innocent of the Felony laid to his charge, as an excellent Orator, that might be condemned for a Plagiary of Calepin, or old Evander, for having borrowed Words from the one, and Letters from the other.  
The main, and only difficulty that remained to be removed out of the way by the Cartesians, consisted, in alleging that a man comes a Day after the Fair in his Invention of a thing, when it hath been already invented to his hand. But, pray consider, that Experience shapes us an Answer in behalf of them, (viz.) That the very same thing, may be invented more than once at different times and in divers places, by Persons that might not have learned any thing from one another, nor might have had the least Communication together. M. Des Cartes makes it evident, that it is not much material▪ to his purpose for being the first, or the last, in writing the things he writ, provided only they might be true. He hath not the vanity to boast that he was the first Inventor of any thing he hath advanced. He is content to tell us, that if he received, and admitted of them, it was not because they were produced, or not produced by others; but only and principally because reason had persuaded him of their being true.  
In a word, he was not one of those restless, biased Spirits that are afraid lest some body should rob them of their Inventions: nay, his Judgement was, that a noble generous Soul ought not to complain of Plagiaries robbing of him, provided they do not wholly conceal and suppress their Theft; in case they do not spoil him, and that the Public be not frustrated thereby. He hath left to Posterity very fair Examples of that Generosity and Disinterest which he exacted from others upon such Occasions: In respect of two Hollanders, who turned Plagiaries of his Writings; and that, before he had Communicated them to the Public, he thought it sufficient to take all necessary Precautions against the Vainglory of the one, and Treachery of the other. That done, he committed the rest to God Almighty, as the sole Author of whatsoever good there might be found in his Writings, without challenging any thing in them, besides defects; which Ignorance and Humane Infirmity might there have produced.  
FINIS.   

Books Printed for, and sold by R. Simpson at the Harp in St. Paul's Churchyard.  
THe Young Man's Duty. A Discourse showing the necessity of seeking the Lord betimes; as also the Danger and Unreasonableness in trusting to a Late, or Deathbed Repentance. Designed especially for Young Persons, before they are Debauched by Evil Company, and Evil Habits. The 6th Edition, by Rich. Kidd●● ● D. and Dean of Peterborough.  
Time and the End of Time, in two Discourses: The first about Redemption of Time; The second about Consideration of our latter end. By John Fox.  
Miscellan●●. The Second Part; In Four Essays. 1. Upon Ancient and Modern Learning. 2. Upon the Gardens of Epic●●us. 3. Upon Heroic Virtue. 4. Upon Poetry. By Sir William Temple Baronet. The Third Edition, Corrected and Augmented by the Author.  
The Husbandman's Calling: Showing the Excellencies, Temptations, Graces, Duties, etc. of the Christian Husbandman. Being the Substance of Twelve Sermons preached to a Country Congregation, By Richard Steel, M. A. and Minister of the Gospel. The Third Edition corrected and amended.  
Christ's certain and sudden Appearance to Judgement. The 7th Edition. By Thomas Vincent, sometime Minister of Ma●dli●s Milk-street, London.  
A Treatise concerning the Lord's Supper: with Three Dialogues, for the more full Information of the Weak, in the Nature and Use of this Sacrament. By Tho. Do●litt●l. The Seventeenth Edition.  
A Communicant Instructed: Or, Practical Directions for worthy receiving of the Lord's-Supper. By Francis Roberts, D. D. Rector of the Church of Christ at Wrington in the County of Somerset. The Fifth Edition, diligently Revised and Corrected by the Author.  
An Explicatory Catechism: Or, An Explanation of the Assemblies shorter Catechism. Wherein all the Answers in the Assemblies Catechism are taken abroad in under Questions and Answers, the Truths explained, and proved by Reason and Scripture; several Cases of Conscience resolved; some chief Controversies in Religion stated, with Arguments against divers Errors: Useful to be read in private Families, after Examination in the Catechism itself; for the more clear and through understanding of what is therein Learned. By Thomas Vincent, sometime Minister of Ma●d●●● Milk-street in London.  
A particular Account of the present Persecutions and Inhuman Oppressions of the Protestants in France.  
A True Account of the Siege of London-Derry, by the Reverend Mr. George Walker, Rector of Donoghmore in the County of Tyrone, and late 〈…〉 of Derry in Ireland.  
The Cou●●ess of Pembroke's Arcadia, written by Sir Philip Sidney ●night, with his Life and Death, a brief Table of 〈◊〉 principal Heads, and some other New Additions.  
The whole Body of Cookery Diflected, Taught and fully Manifested, Methodically, Artificially and according to the best Tradition of the English, French, Italian, Dutch, etc. or a Sympathy of all Varieties in Natural Compounds in that Mystery; wherein is contained certain Bills of Fare for the Seasons of the Year for Feasts and Common Dyer's. Whereunto is annexed a Second Part of rare Receipts in Cookery, with certain Useful Traditions. With a Book of Preserving, Conserving and Candying after the most Exquisite and Newest manner, Delectable for Ladies and Gentlewomen.