March the 14 th'. 1645.  
I Have perused these Learned Animadversions upon the Common Tenets and Opinions of men in former and in these present times, Entitled Pseudodoxia Epidemica; and finding them much transcending vulgar conceit, and adorned with great variety of matter, and multiplicity of reading; I approve them as very worthy to be Printed and Published.  
JOHN DOW NAME.   

Pseudodoxia Epidemica: OR, INQUIRIES INTO Very many received TENANTS, And commonly presumed TRUTHS. By THOMAS BROWNE Dr. of Physic.  JUL. SCALIG. Ex Libris colligere quae prodiderunt Authores longe est periculosissimum; Rerum ipsarum cognitio vera è rebus ipsis est. 
LONDON, Printed by T. H. for Edward Dod, and are to be sold in Ivy Lane. 1646.   

TO THE READER.  
WOuld Truth dispense, we could be content, with Plato, that knowledge were but Remembrance; that Intellectual acquisition were but Reminiscentiall evocation, and new impressions but the colourishing of old stamps which stood pale in the soul before. For, what is worse knowledge is made by oblivion; and to purchase a clear and warrantable body of Truth, we must forget and part with much we know. Our tender Inquiries taking up Learning at large, and together with true and assured notions, receiving many, wherein our renewing judgements do find no satisfaction; and therefore in this Encyclopaedie and round of knowledge, like the great and exemplary wheels of heaven, we must observe two Circles: that while we are daily carried about, and whirled on by the swinge and rapt of the one, we may maintain a natural and proper course, in the slow and sober wheel of the other. And this we shall more readily perform, if we timely survey our knowledge; impartially singling out those encroachments, which junior compliance and popular credulity hath admitted. Whereof at present we have endeavoured a long and serious Adviso; proposing not only a large and copious List, but from experience and reason, attempting their decisions.  
And first we crave exceeding pardon in the audacity of the Attempt; humbly acknowledging a work of such concernment unto truth, and difficulty in itself, did well deserve the conjunction of many heads: And surely more advantageous had it been unto Truth, to have fallen into the endeavours of some cooperating advancers, that might have performed it to the life, and added authority thereto: which the privacy of our condition, and unequal abilities cannot expect. Whereby notwithstanding we have not been diverted, nor have our solitary attempts been so discouraged, as to despair the favourable look of learning upon our single and unsupported endeavours.  
Nor have we let fall our pen, upon discouragement of contradiction, unbelief, and difficulty of dissuasion from radicated beliefs, and points of high prescription; although we are very sensible how hardly teaching years do learn; what roots old age contracteth into errors, and how such as are but twigs in younger days, grow Oaks in our elder heads, and become inflexible unto the powerfullest arm of reason. Although we have also beheld, what cold requitals others have found in their several redemptions of truth; and how their ingenuous inquiries have been dismissed with censure, and obloquy of singularities.  
Some consideration we hope from the course of our Profession, which though it leadeth us into many truths that pass undiscerned by others, yet doth it disturb their communications, and much interrupteth the office of our pens in their well intended transmissions: and therefore surely in this wo●ke attempts will exceed performances: it being composed by snatches of time, as medi●all vacations, and the fruitless importunity of Vroscopy would permit us. 
Inspection of Urines.  And therefore also perhaps it hath not found that regular and constant stile, those infallible experiments, and those assured determinations, which the subject sometime requireth, and might be expected from others, whose quiet doors and unmolested hours afford no such distractions. Although who shall indifferently perpend the exceeding difficulty, which either the obscurity of the subject, or unavoidable paradoxologie must often put upon the Attemptor, will easily discern, a work of this nature is not to be performed upon one leg, and should smell of oil if duly and deservedly handled.  
Our first intentions considering the common interest of Truth, resolved to propose it unto the Latin republic and equal judges of Europe; but owing in the first place this service unto our Country, and therein especially unto its ingenuous Gentry, we have declared ourself in a language best conceived. Although I confess, the quality of the Subject will sometimes carry us into expressions beyond mere English apprehensions; and indeed, if elegancy still proceedeth, and English Pens maintain that stream we have of late observed to flow from many, we shall within few years be fain to learn Latin to understand English, and a work will prove of equal facility in either. Nor have we addressed our pen or stile unto the people, (whom Books do not redress, and are this way incapable of reduction) but unto the knowing and leading part of Learning; as well understanding (at least probably hoping) except they be watered from higher regions, and fructifying meteors of knowledge, these weeds must lose their alimental sap and wither of themselves; whose conserving influence, could our endeavours prevent, we should trust the rest unto the sith of time, and hopeful dominion of truth.  
We hope it will not be unconsidered, that we find no open tract, or constant manuduction in this Labyrinth; but are ofttimes fain to wander in the America and untravelled parts of truth: For though not many years past, Dr. Primrose hath made a learned & full Discourse of vulgar Errors in Physic, yet have we discussed but two or three thereof. Laurentius ●oubertus, by the same title led our expectation into thoughts of great relief; whereby notwithstanding we reaped no advantage; it answering scarce at all the promise of the inscription. Nor perhaps (if it were yet extant) should we find any farther Assistance from that ancient piece of Andreas, pretending the same title. And therefore we are often constrained to stand alone against the strength of opinion; and to meet the Goliath and Giant of Authority, with contemptible pebbles, and feeble arguments, drawn from the scrip and slender stock of ourselves. Nor have we indeed scarce named any Author whose name we do not honour; and if detraction could invite us, discretion surely would contain us from any derogatory intention, where highest pens and friendiest eloquence must fail in commendation.  
And therefore also we cannot but hope the equitable considerations and candour of reasonable minds. We cannot expect the frown of Theology herein; nor can they which behold the present state of things, and controversy of points so long received in Divinity, condemn our sober inquiries in the doubtful appertinancies of Arts, and Receptaries of Philosophy. Surely Philologers and Critical Discoursers, who look beyond the shell and obvious exteriours of things, will not be angry with our narrower explorations. And we cannot doubt, our brothers in Physic (whose knowledge in naturals will lead them into a nearer apprehension of many things delivered) will friendly accept, if not countenance our endeavours. Nor can we conceive it, may be unwelcome unto those honoured Worthies, who endeavour the advancement of Learning: as being likely to find a clearer progression, when so many rubs are leveled, and many untruths taken off, which passing as principles with common beliefs, disturb the tranquillity of Axioms, which otherwise might be raised. And wise men cannot but know, that Arts and Learning want this expurgation: and if the course of truth be permitted unto its self, like that of Time and uncorrected computations, it cannot escape many errors, which duration still enlargeth.  
Lastly, we are not Magisteriall in opinions, nor have we Dictatorlike obtruded our conceptions, but in the humility of Inquiries or disquisitions, have only proposed them unto more ocular discerners. And therefore opinions are free, and open it is for any to think or declare the contrary. And we shall so far encourage contradiction, as to promise no disturbance, or reoppose any Pen, that shall Elenchically refute us, that shall only lay hold of our lapses, single out digressions, Corollaries, or ornamental conceptions, to evidence his own in as indifferent truths. And shall only take notice of such, whose experimental and judicious knowledge shall solemnly look upon it; not only to destroy of ours, but to establish of his own, not to traduce or extenuate, but to explain, and dilucidate, to add and ampliate, according to the laudable custom of the Ancients in their so●er promotions of Learning. Unto whom notwithstanding, we shall not contentiously rejoin, or only to justify our own, but to applaud or confirm his maturer assertions; and shall confer what is in us unto his name and honour. Ready to be swallowed in any worthy enlarger: as having acquired our end, if any way, or under any name we may obtain a work, so much desired, at least, desiderated of truth.  
T. B.   

A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS.  

THE FIRST BOOK. Containing the General part.  
OF the first cause of common Errors, the common infirmity of humane nature. Chapter 1.  
A farther illustration of the same. chap. 2.  
Of the second cause of popular Errors, the erroneous disposition of the people. chap. 3.  
Of the nearer causes of common errors both in the wiser and common sort, misapprehension, fallacy or false deduction, credulity, supinity, adherence unto Antiquity, Tradition and Authority, contained in the following Chapters.  
Of mistake, misapprehension, fallacy or false deduction. chap. 4.  
Of credulity and supinity. chap. 5.  
Of obstinate adherence unto Antiquity. chap. 6.  
Unto Authority. chap. 7.  
Of Authors who have most promoted popular conceits. chap. 8.  
Of others indirectly effecting the same. chap. 9  
Of the last and great promoter of false opinions, the endeavours of Satan. chap. 10, 11.   

THE SECOND BOOK. Beginning the particular part concerning Mineral and Vegetable bodies.  
THe common Tenent, that Crystal is nothing else but Ice strongly congealed. Chap. 1.  
Concerning the Loadstone, of things particularly spoken thereof evidently or probably true: of things generally believed or particularly delivered evidently or probably false. Of the Magnetical virtue of the earth. Of the fou●e motions of the stone, that is, its verticity or direction, its coition or Attraction, its Declination, variation, and also of its Antiquity. chap. 2.  
A Rejection of sundry opinions and Relations thereof, Natural, medical, Historical, Magical. chap. 3.  
Of bodies electrical in general.  
Of let and Amber in particular, that they attract all light bodies, 〈◊〉 B●sil, and bodies oiled. chap. 4.  
Compendiously of several other Tenants.  
That a Diamond is made soft, or broke by the blood of a Goat.  
That Glass is poison.  
Of the cordial quality of Gold in substance or Decoction.  
That a pot full of ashes will contain as much water as it would without them.  
Of white powder that kills without report.  
That Coral is soft under water, but hardeneth in the Air.  
That Porcelliane or China dishes lie under the earth an hundred years in preparation, with some others. chap. 5.  


Of sundry Tenants concerning Vegetables.  
That the root of Mandrakes resembleth the shape of man.  
That they naturally grow under Gallows and places of execution.  
That the root gives a shriek upon eradication.  
That it is fatal or dangerous t● dig them up.  
That Cinnamon, Ginger, Cloves, Mace, are but the parts or fruits of the same tree.  
That Misseltoe is bredupon trees, from seeds which birds let fall thereon.  
Of the Rose of jerico that flowreth every year upon Christmas Eve.  
That Sferra Caval●o hath a power to break or loosen Iron.  
That Bays preserve from the mischief of Lightning and Thunder.  
That bitter Almonds are preservatives against Ebriety, with some others. chap. 6.     

THE THIRD BOOK. Of popular and received Tenants concerning Animals.  
THat an Elephant hath no joints. chap. 1.  
That an horse hath no Gall. chap. 2.  
That a Pigeon hath no Gall. chap. 3.  
That a Beaver to escape the hunter bites off his Testicles or stones. chap. 4.  
That a Radger hath the legs of one side shorter than of the other. chap. 5.  
That a ●eare brings forth her cubs informous or unshaped. chap. 6.  
Of the Basilisk. chap. 7.  
That a Wolf first seeing a man begets a dumbness in him. chap. 8.  
Of the long life of Deer. chap. 9  
That a King's fisher hanged by the bill showeth where the wind is. chap. 10.  
Of Gryphins. chap. 11.  
Of the Phoenix. chap. 12.  
Of the pissing of Toads, of the stone in their head, and of the generation of Frogs. chap. 13.  
That a Salamander lives in the fire. chap. 14.  
Of the Amphisbaena or Serpent with two heads moving either way. chap. 15.  
That young Vipers force their way through the bowels of their dam. chap. 16.  
That Hares are both male and female. chap. 17.  
That Moles are blind and have no eyes. chap. 18.  
That Lampreys have many eyes. chap. 19  
That Snails have two eyes, and at the ends of their horns. chap. 20.  
That the Chamaeleon lives only by Air. chap. 21.  
That the Ostrich digeste●h Iron. chap. 22.  
Of the Unicorn's horn. chap. 23.  
That all Animals in the land are in their kind in the Sea. chap. 24.  


Compendiously of some others.  
Of the musical note of Swans before their death.  
That the flesh of Peacocks corrupt●th not.  
That Storks will only live in Republics and free States.  
Of the noise of a B●tter●e by putting the bill in a Reed.  
Th●t Whelps are blind nine dz●●es, and then begins to see.  
Of the antipathy between a ●oade and a Spider, a Lion and a Cock.  
That ●n Ea●●●g hath no wings.  
Of ●●●mes.  
That 〈◊〉 make that humming noise by their mouths or wings.  
Of t●e saint or small red Sp●der  
Of the Glow●worme.  
Of the providence of Pismires in biting off the ends of Corn. chap. 25.     

THE FOURTH BOOK. Of many popular and received Tenants concerning Man.  
THat man hath only an erect figure and that to look up to Heaven. chap. 1.  
That the heart of a man is seated on the left side. chap. 2.  
That pleurisies are only on the left side. chap. 3.  
Of the fourth finger of the left hand whereon we wear our Rings. chap. 4.  
Of the right and left hand. chap. 5.  
Of swimming, that some men swim naturally, that men drowned do slo●● the ninth d●y when their gall breaketh, women 〈…〉 upon their b●cks. chap. 6.  
That men weigh heavier dead than alive, and before meat then after. chap. 7.  
That there are several passages for meat and drink. chap. 8.  
Of the custom of saluting or blessing upon snee●ing. chap. 9  
That jews stink. chap. 10.  
Of Pigmies. chap. 11.  
Of the great Climacterical year that is 63. chap. 12.  
Of the Canicular or Dog● days. chap. 13.   

THE FIFTH BOOK. Of many things questionable as they are described in pictures.  
OF the 〈◊〉 of the Pelecan. chap. 1.  
Of the picture of Dolphin's. chap. 2.  
Of the 〈◊〉 of a Gr●sschopp●r. chap. 3.  
Of the 〈◊〉 of the S●●pent tempting Eve. chap. 4.  
Of the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and Eve with Nave●s. chap. 5.  
Of the 〈◊〉 of the jews and Eastern Nations at their feasts, and our Saviour 〈◊〉 the Passcover. chap. 6.  
Of the 〈◊〉 of our Saviour with long hair. chap. 7.  
Of the picture of Abraham sacrificing Isaac. chap. 8.  
Of the picture of Moses with horns. chap. 9  
Of the 〈◊〉 of the twelve Tribes of Israel. chap. 10.  
Of the pictures of the Sibyls. chap. 11.  
Of the picture describing the death of Cleopatra. chap. 12.  
〈…〉 pictures of the nine Worthies. chap. 13.  
〈…〉 picture of I●ptha sacrificing his daughter. chap. 14.  
〈…〉 picture of john the Baptist in a Camel's skin. chap. 15.  
〈◊〉 the picture of the Christopher. chap. 16.  
O● the picture of S. George. chap. 17.  
Of the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉. chap. 18.  
〈…〉 chap. 19  
〈…〉 chap. 20.  


Compendiously of many popular customs, opinions, 〈◊〉, practices and observations.  
Of an ●are cr●ssing the h●gh way.  
Of the 〈…〉 Owls and Raven●,  
Of the salling of sa●t.  
Of breaking the Eggshell.  
Of the true lover's kno●.  
Of the cheek burning, or 〈◊〉.  
Of speaking under the Rose.  
Of smo●k following the fairest.  
Of sitting cross-legged.  
Of hair upon Molls.  
Of the set time of pairing of nails.  
Of Lion's heads upon spouts and cisterns.  
Of the saying ungirt unblessed.  
Of the picture of God the Father.  
Of the picture of Sun, Moon, and the Winds.  
Of the Sun dancing on Easter day.  
Of the silly whither or covering about some children's heads.  
Of being drunk once a month.  
Of the appearing of the Devil with a cloven hoof.  
Of Moses his rod in the discovery of Mines.  
Of discovering of doubtful matters by hook or staff, chap. 21.     

THE six BOOK. Concerning sundry Tenants Geographical and Historical.  
COncerning the beginning of the world that the time thereof is not precisely known, as commonly it is presumed. chap. 1.  
Of men's inquiries in what season or point of the Zodiac it began, that a● they are generally made they are in vain, and as particularly incertain. chap. 2.  
Of the divisions of the seasons and four quarters of the year, according unto Astronomers and Physicians, that the common compute of the Ancients, and which is still retained by some, is very questionable. chap. 3.  
Of some computation of days, and diductions of one part of the year unto another. chap. 4.  
A Digression of the wisdom of God in the site and motion of the Sun. chap. 5.  
Concerning the vulgar opinion that the earth was slenderly peopled before the flood. chap. 6.  
Of East and West, and properties respectively ascribed unto Countries. chap. 7.  
Of the seven heads of Nile. chap. 8.  
Of the greatness of Nile.  
Of its Inundation and certain time thereof.  
That it never raineth in Egypt, etc. chap. 8.  
Of the Red Sea. chap. 9  
Of the blackness of Negroes. chap. 10.  
Of the same. chap. 11.  
A digression of Blackness. chap. 12.   

THE SEVENTH BOOK. Concerning many historical Tenants generally received, and some deduced from the history of holy Scripture.  
THat the forbidden fruit was an Apple. chap. 1.  
That a man hath one Rib less than a woman. chap. 2.  
That Methuselah must needs be the longest liver of all the posterity of Adam. chap. 3.  
That there was no Rainbow before the flood. chap. 4.  
Of Sem, Ham and japhet. chap. 5.  
That the Tower of Babel was erected against a second deluge. chap. 6.  
Of the Mandrakes of ●eah. chap. 7.  
Of the three Kings of Collein. chap. 8.  
Of the food of john the Baptist in the wilderness. chap. 9  
Of the conceit that john the Evangelist should not die. chap. 10.  
Of some others more briefly. chap. 11.  
Of the cessation of Oracles. chap. 12.  
Of the death of Aristotle. chap. 13.  
Of the wish of Philoxenus to have the neck of a Crane. chap. 14.  
Of the lake Asphaltites, or the dead Sea. chap. 15.  


Of divers other Relations.  
Of the woman that conceived in a bath.  
Of Crassus that never laughed but once.  
That our Saviour never laughed.  
Of Surgius the second or B●cca de Porco.  
That Tamerlane was a Scythian shepherd. chap. 16.    


Of divers others.  
Of the poverty of Belisarius.  
Of fluctius Decumanus or the tenth wave.  
Of Parysatis that poisoned Statyra by one side of a knife.  
Of the woman fed with poison that should have poisoned Alexander.  
Of the wand'ring jew. chap. 17.    


More briefly.  
That the Army of Xerxes drank whole Rivers dry. That Hannibal eat through the Alps with Vinegar. Of the death of Aeschylus. Of the cities of Tarsus and Anchiale built in one day. Of the great ship Syracusia or Alexandria. Of the Spartan boys. chap. 18.  
Of some others. chap. 19  
Of some Relations whose truth we fear. chap. 20.      

THE FIRST BOOK: OR, GENERAL PART.  

CHAP. I.  
Of the Causes of Common Errors.  
THE first and father cause of common Error, is the common infirmity of humane nature; of whose deceptible condition, although perhaps there should not need any other eviction, than the frequent errors, we shall ourselves commit, even in the express declarement hereof: Yet shall we illustrate the same from more infallible constitutions, and persons presumed as far from us in condition, as time, that is our first and ingenerated forefathers, from whom as we derive our being, and the several wounds of constitution, so may we in some manner excuse our infirmities in the depravity of those parts, whose traductions were pure in them, and their originals but once removed from God. Yet notwithstanding (if posterity may take leave to judge of the fact, as they are assured, to suffer in the punishment) were grossly deceived in their perfection, and so weakly deluded in the clarity of their understanding, that it hath left no small obsecu●ity in ours, how error should gain upon them.  
For first, they were deceived by Satan, and that not in an invisible insinuation, but an open and discoverable apparition; that is, in the form of a Serpent; whereby although there were many occasions of suspicion, and such as could not easily escape a weaker circumspection, yet did the unwary apprehension of Eve take no advantage thereof. It hath therefore seemed strange unto some, she should be deluded by a Serpent, or subject her reason unto a beast of the field, which God had subjected unto hers. It hath empuzzeled the inquiries of others to apprehend, and enforced them unto strange conceptions▪ to make out how without fear or doubt she could discourse with such a creature, or hear a Serpent speak, without suspicion of imposture. The wits of others, have been so bold as to accuse her simplicity in receiving his temptation so coldly, and when such specious effects of the fruit were promised, as to make them like gods, not to desire, at least not to wonder he pursued not that benefit himself; and had it been their own case would perhaps have replied, If the taste of this fruit maketh the eaters like gods, why remainest thou a beast? If it maketh us but like gods, we are so already. If thereby our eyes shall be opened hereafter, they are at present quick enough to discover thy deceit, and we desire them no opener to behold our own shame. If to know good and evil be our advantage, although we have free will unto both, we desire to perform but one, we know 'tis good to obey the Commandment of God, but evil if we transgress it.  
They were deceived by one another, & in the greatest disadvantage of delusion, that is the stronger by the weaker: For Eve presented the fruit, and Adam received it from her. Thus the Serpent was cunning enough to begin the deceit in the weaker; and the weaker of strength, sufficient to consummate the fraud in the stronger. Art and fallacy was used unto her, a naked offer proved sufficient unto him: so his superstruction was his ruin, & the fertility of his sleep, an issue of death unto him. And although the condition of sex & posterity of creation might somewhat extenuate the error of the woman: Yet was it very strange and inexcusable in the man, especially if as some affirm, he was the wisest of all men since, or if as others have conceived, he was not ignorant of the fall of the Angels, and had thereby example and punishment to deter him.  
They were deceived from themselves, and their own apprehensions, for Eve either mistook or traduced the commandment of God. Of every tree of the garden thou mai●st freely eat, but of the tree of knowledge of good a●d evil thou shalt not eat, for in the day thou eatest thereof, thou shalt surely die. Now Eve upon the question of the Serpent returned the precept in different terms, You shall not eat of it, neither shall you touch it lest perhaps you die. In which delivery, there were no less than two mistakes, or rather additional mendacites; for the commandment forbids not the touch of the fruit, and positively said ye shall surely die, but she extenuating replied, ne forte ●oriamini, lest perhaps ye die. For so in the vulgar translation it runneth, and so is it expressed in the Thargum or Paraphrase of Jonathan. And therefore although it be said, and that very truly that the devil was a liar from the beginning, yet was the woman herein the first express beginner, and falsified twice before the reply of Satan, and therefore also to speak strictly, the sin of the fruit was not the first offence, they first transgressed the rule of their own reason, ●nd after the commandment of God.  
They were deceived through the conduct of their senses, and by temptations from the object itself, whereby although their intellectuals had not failed in the theori● of truth, yet did the inservient and brutal faculties control the suggestion of reason: Pleasure and profit already overswaying the instructions of honesty, and sensuality perturbing the reasonable commands of virtue. For so is it delivered in the text; That when the woman saw that the tree was good for food, and that it was pleasant unto the eye, and a tree to be desired to make one wise, she took of the fruit thereof and did eat. Now hereby it appeareth, that Eve before the fall, was by the same and beaten way of allurements inveigled, whereby her posterity hath been deluded ever since; that is those three delivered by S●. John, the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eye, and the pride of life, wherein indeed they seemed as weakly to fail as their debilitated posterity, ever after. Whereof notwithstanding some in their imperfections, have resisted ●ore powerful temptations, and in many moralities condemned the facility of their seductions.  
Again, they might for aught we know, be still deceived in the un●beliefe of their mortality, even after they had eat of the fruit. For Eve observing no immediate execution of the curse, she delivered the fruit unto Adam, who after the taste thereof, perceiving himself still to live, might yet remain in doubt, whether he had incurred death, which perhaps he did not indubitably believe, until he was after convicted in the visible example of Abel▪ for he that would not believe the menace of God at first, it may be doubted whether before an ocular example he believed the curse at last, and therefore they are not without all reason, who have disputed the fact of Cain, that is although he purposed to mischief, whether he intended to murder his brother, or designed that, whereof he had not beheld an example in his own kind, there might be somewhat in it that he would not have done, or desired undone, when he broke forth as desperately as before he had done unmannerly, My iniquity is greater than can be forgiven me.  
Some niceties I confess there are which extenuate, but many more that aggravate this delusion, which exceeding the bounds of our Discourse, and perhaps our satisfaction, we shall at present pass over. And therefore whether the sin of our first parents were the greatest of any since, whether the transgression of Eve seducing, did not exceed that of Adam seduced, or whether the resistibility of his reason did not equivalence the facility of her seduction, we shall refer it unto the Schoolman Whether there were not in Eve as great injustice in deceiving her husband, as imprudence in being deceived herself, we leave it unto the moralist. Whether the whole relation be not Allegorical, that is, whether the temptation of the man by the woman, be not the seduction of the rational, and higher parts by the inferior and feminine faculties: or whether the tree in the midst of the garden, were not that part in the centre of the body, on which was afterward the appointment of circumcision in males, we leave it unto the Thalmudist. Whether there were any policy in the devil to tempt them before conjunction, or whether the issue before tentation might in justice have suffered with those after, we leave it unto the Lawyer. Whether Adam foreknew the advent of Christ, or the reparation of his error by his Saviour, how the execution of the curse should have been ordered, if after Eve had eaten, Adam had yet refused. Whether if they had tasted the tree of life before that of good and evil, they had yet suffered the curse of mortality; or whether the efficacy of the one had not overpowred the penalty of the other, we leave it unto God: for he alone can truly determine these and all things else, who as he hath proposed the world unto our disputation, so hath he reserved many things unto his own resolution, whose determinations we cannot hope from flesh, but must with reverence suspend unto that great day, whose justice shall either condemn our curiosities, or resolve our disquisitions.  
Lastly, man was not only deceivable in his integrity, but the Angels of light in all their clarity. He that said he would be like the highest did err if in some way he conceived himself not so already; but in attempting so high an effect from himself, he misunderstood the nature of God, and held a false apprehension of his own; whereby vainly attempting not only insolences, but impossibilities, he deceived himself as low as hell. In brief, there is nothing infallible but God, who cannot possibly err. For things are really true as they correspond unto his conception, and have so much of verity, as they hold of conformity unto that intellect, in whose Idea they had their first determinations: And therefore being the rule he cannot be irregular, nor being truth itself conceiveably admit the impossible society of error.   

CHAP. II.  
A further illustration of the same.  
BEing thus deluded before the fall, it is no wonder if their conceptions were deceitful, and could scarce speak without an error after; for what is very remarkable (and no man I know hath yet observed) in the relation of Scripture before the flood, there is but one speech delivered by man, wherein there is not an erroneous conception; and strictly examined, most heinously injurious unto truth. The pen of Moses is brief in the account before the flood, and the speeches recorded are six.  
The first is that of Adam, when upon the expostulation of God, he replied; I heard thy voice in the garden, and because I was naked, I hid myself: In which reply, there was included a very gross mistake, and if with pertinacity maintained, a high and capital error: for thinking by this retirement to obscure himself from God, he infringed the omnisciency and essential ubiquity of his Maker; who as he created all things, so is he beyond and in them all, not only in power, as under his subjection, or in his presence, as being in his cognition, but in his very Essence, as being the soul of their cau●alities, and the essential cause of their existences. Certainly his posterity at this distance and after so perpetuated an impayrement, cannot but condemn the poverty of his conception, that thought to obscure himself from his Creator in the shade of the garden, who had beheld him before in the darkness of his Chaos, and in the obscurity of nothing; that thought to fly from God, which could not fly himself, or imagined that one tree should conceal his nakedness from God's eye, as another had revealed it unto his own. Those tormented spirits that wish the mountains to cover them, have fallen upon desires of less absurdity, and chosen ways of less improbable concealment; though this be also as ridiculous unto reason, as fruitless unto their desires; for he that laid the foundations of the earth, cannot be excluded the secrecy of the mountains, nor can there any thing escape the perspicacity of those eyes which were before light, and unto whose optics there is no opacity. This is the consolation of all good men, unto whom his ubiquity affordeth continual comfort and security: And this is the affliction of hell, unto whom it affordeth despair, and remediless calamity. For those restless spirits that fly the face of the Almighty, being deprived the fruition of his eye, would also avoid the extent of his hand; which being impossible, their sufferings are desperate, and their afflictions without evasion, until they can get out of Trismegistus his circle, that is, to extend their wings above the universe, and pitch beyond ubiquity itself.  
The second is that speech of Adam unto God, the woman whom thou gavest me to be with me, she gave me of the Tree, and I did eat: this indeed was a very unsatisfactory reply, and therein was involved a very impious error, as implying God the Author of sin, and accusing his Maker of his transgression: as if he had said, If thou hadst not given me a woman I had not been deceived: Thou promisedst to make her a help, but she hath proved destruction unto me; had I remained alone, I had not sinned, but thou gavest me a consort, and so I became seduced. This was a bold and open accusation of God, making the fountain of good the contriver of evil, and the forbidder of the crime an abetter of the fact prohibited. Surely, his mercy was great that did not revenge the impeachment of his Justice; and his goodness to be admired, that it refuted not his argument in the punishment of his excusation, or only pursued the first transgression without a penalty of this the second.  
The third was that of Eve. The Serpent beguiled me, and I did eat. In which reply there was not only a very feeble excuse, but an erroneous translating her own offence upon another. Extenuating her sin from that which was an aggravation, that is to excuse the fact at all, much more upon the suggestion of a beast, which was before in the strictest terms prohibited by her God. For although we now do hope the mercies of God will consider our degenerated integrities unto some minoration of our offences, yet had not the sincerity of our first parents, so colourable expectations, unto whom the commandment was but single, and their integrities best able to resist the motions of its transgression: And therefore so heinous conceptions have risen hereof, that some have seemed more angry therewith then God himself, being so exasperated with the offence, as to call in question their salvation, and to dispute the eternal punishment of their Maker. Assuredly with better reason may posterity accuse them, than they the Serpent, or one another; and the displeasure of the Pelagians must needs be irreconcilable, who peremptorily maintaining they can fulfil the whole Law, will insatisfactorily condemn the non-observation of one.  
The fourth was that speech of Cain upon the demand of God, Where is thy Brother? and he said, I know not. In which negation, beside the open impudence, there was employed a notable error; for returning a lie unto his Maker, and presuming in this manner, to put off the Searcher of hearts, he denied the omnisciency of God, whereunto there is nothing concealable. The answer of Satan in the case of Job, had more of truth, wisdom and reverence, than this; Whence comest thou Satan? and he said, from compassing of the earth. For though an enemy of God, and hater of all truth, his wisdom will hardly permit him to fal●i●ie with the Almighty: for well understanding the omniscience of his nature, he is not so ready to deceive himself, as to falsify unto him whose cognition is no way deludable: And therefore when in the tentation of Christ he played upon the fallacy, and thought to deceive the Author of truth, the method of this proceeding arose from the uncertainty of his divinity, whereof had he remained assured, he had continued silent, nor would his discretion attempt so unsucceedable a temptation. And so again at the last day, when our offences shall be drawn into account, the subtlety of that Inquisitor shall not present unto God a bundle of calumnies or confutable accusations, but will discreetly offer up unto his omnisciency, a sure and undeniable list of our transgressions.  
The fifth is another reply of Cain upon the denouncement of his curse, My iniquity is greater than can be forgiven: For so is it expressed in some translations. The assertion was not only desperate, but the conceit erroneous, overthrowing that glorious attribute of God his mercy, and conceiving the sin of murder unpardonable; which how great soever, is not above the repentance of man, but far below the mercies of God, and was as some conceive expiated, in that punishment he suffered temporally for it. There are but two examples of this error in holy Scripture, and they both for murder, and both as it were of the same person; for Christ was mystically slain in Abel; and therefore Cain had some influence on his death, as well as Judas; but the sin had a different effect on Cain, from that it had on Judas, and most that since have fallen into it; for they like Judas desire death, and not unfrequently pursue it: Cain on the contrary grew afraid thereof, and obtained a securement from it. Assuredly if his despair continued, there was punishment enough in life, and justice sufficient in the mercy of his protection. For the life of the desperate equals the anxieties of death, who in uncessant inquietudes but act the life of the damned, and anticipate the desolations of hell. 'tis indeed a sin in man, but a punishment only in the devils, who offend not God but afflict themselves, in the appointed despair of his mercies. And as to be without all hope is the affliction of the damned, so is it the happiness of the blessed, who having their expectations present, are not distracted with futurities. So is it also their felicity to have no faith, for enjoying the beatifical vision there is nothing unto them inevident, and in the fruition of the object of faith, they have received the full evacuation of it.  
The last speech was that of Lamech, I have slain a man to my wound, and a young man to my hurt: If Cain be avenged seven fold, truly Lamech seventy and seven fold. Now herein there seems to be a very erroneous illation; from the indulgence of God unto Cain, concluding an immunity unto himself, that is, a regular protection from a single example, and an exemption from punishment in a fact that naturally deserved it. The Error of this offendor was contrary to that of Cain, whom the Rabbins conceive that Lamech at this time killed. He despaired of God's mercy in the same fact, where this presumed of it, he by a decollation of all hope annihilated his mercy, this by an immoderancy thereof destroyed his justice, though the sin were less, the error was as great; For as it is untrue that his mercy will not forgive offenders, or his benignity cooperate to their conversions, So is it also of no less falsity to affirm his Justice will not exact account of sinners, or punish such as continue in their transgressions.  
And thus may we perceive, how weakly our fathers did err before the flood, how continually and upon common discourse they fell upon errors after, it is therefore no wonder we have been erroneous ever since: And being now at greatest distance from the beginning of error, are almost lost in its dissemination, whose ways are boundless, and confess no circumscription.   

CHAP. III.  
Of the second cause of Popular Errors; the erroneous disposition of the people.  
HAving thus declared the fallible nature of man even from his first production, we have beheld the general cause of error, but as for popular errors, they are more nearly founded upon an erroneous inclination of the people; as being the most deceptible part of mankind, and ready with open arm●s to receive the encroachments of Error; which condition of theirs although deduceable from many grounds, yet shall we evidence it, but from a few, and such as most nearly and undeniably declare their natures.  
How unequal discerners of truth they are, and openly exposed unto error, will first appear from their unqualified intellectuals, unable to umpire the difficulty of its dissensions. For Error to speak strictly, is a firm assent unto falsity. Now whether the object whereunto they deliver up their assent be true or false, they are incompetent ●udges.  
For the assured truth of things is derived from the principles of knowledge, and causes, which determine their verities; whereof their uncultivated understandings, scarce holding any theory, they are but bad discerners of verity, and in the numerous tract of error, but casually do hit the point and unity of truth.  
Their understanding is so feeble in the discernement of falsities, and averting the errors of reason, that it submitteth unto the fallacies of sense, and is unable to rectify the error of its sensations. Thus the greater part of mankind having but one eye of sense and reason, conceive the earth far bigger than the Sun, the fixed Stars lesser than the Moon, their figures plain, and their spaces equidistant. For thus their sense informeth them, and herein their reason cannot rectify them, and therefore hopelessly continuing in their mistakes, they live and die in their absurdities; passing their days in perverted apprehensions, and conceptions of the world, derogatory unto God, and the wisdom of his creation.  
Again, being so illiterate in point of intellect, and their sense so incorrected, they are farther indisposed ever to attain unto truth, as commonly proceeding in those ways, which have most reference unto sense, and wherein there lieth most notable and popular delusion:  
For being unable to wield the intellectual arms of reason, they are fain to betake themselves unto wasters and the blunter weapons of truth; affecting the gross and sensible ways of doctrine, and such as will not consist with strict and subtle reason. Thus unto them a piece of Rhetoric is asufficient argument of Logic, an Apologue of A●sope, beyond a Syllogism in Barbara, parables than propositions, and proverbs more powerful, than demonstrations. And therefore are they led rather by example, than precept, receiving persuasions from visible inducements, before intellectual instructions; and therefore also do they judge of humane actions by the event; for being uncapable of operable circumstances, or rightly to judge the prudenciality of affairs, they only gaze upon the visible success, and thereafter condemn or cry up the whole progression. And so from this ground in the Lecture of holy Scripture, their apprehensions, are commonly confined unto the literal 〈◊〉 of the text, from whence have ensued the gross and duller sort of heresies. For not attaining the deuteroscopy, and second intention of the words, they are fain to omit their superconsequencies, coherencies, figures, or tropologies and are not sometime persuaded by fire beyond their literalities. And therefore also things invisible, but unto intellectual discernments, to humour the grossness of their comprehensions, have been degraded from their proper forms, and God himself dishonoured into manual expressions; and so likewise being unprovided, or unsufficient for higher speculations, they will always betake themselves, unto sensible representations, and can hardly be restrained the dulness of Idolatry. A sin or folly not only derogatory unto God, but man, overthrowing their reason, as well as his divinity. In brief a reciprocation, or rather an Inversion of the creation, making God one way, as he made us another; that is, after our Image, as he made us after his own.  
Moreover, their understanding thus weak in itself, and perverted by sensible delusions, is yet farther impaired by the dominion of their appetite, that is, the irrational and brutal part of the soul, which lording it over the sovereign faculty, interrupts the actions of that noble part, and chokes those tender sparks, which Adam hath left them of reason: and therefore they do not only swa●m with errors, but vices depending thereon. Thus they commonly affect no man any ●●●ther than he deserts his reason, or complies with their aberrancies. Hence they embrace not virtue for itself, but its reward, and the argument from pleasure or utility is far more powerful, then that from virtuous honesty▪ which Mahomet and his contrivers well understood, when he set out the felicity of his heaven, by the contentments of ●lesh, and the delights of sense: slightly passing over the accomplishment of the soul, and the beatitude of that part which earth and visibilities too weakly affect. But the wisdom of our Saviour, and the simplicity of his truth proceeded another way, defying the popular provisions of happiness from sensible expectations, placing his felicity in things removed from sense, and the intellectual enjoyment of God. And therefore the doctrine of the one was never afraid of Universities, or endeavoured the banishment of learning like the other. And though Galen doth sometime nibble at Moses, and beside the Apostate Christian, some Heathens have questioned his Philosophical part or treaty of the Creation. Yet is there surely no reasonable Pagan, that will not admire the rational and well grounded precepts of Christ, whose life as it was conformable unto his doctrine, so was that unto the highest rules of reason; and must therefore flourish in the advancement of learning, and the perfection of parts best able to comprehend it.  
Again, their individual imperfections being great, they are moreover enlarged by their aggregation, and being erroneous in their single numbers once huddled together, they will be error itself; for being a confusion of knaves and fools, and a farraginous concurrence of all conditions, tempers, sex, and ages, it is but natural if their determinations be monstrous, and many ways inconsistent with truth. And therefore wise men have always applauded their own judgement, in the contradiction of that of the people, and their soberest adversaries, have ever afforded them the stile of fools and mad men; and to speak impartially, their actions have often made good these Epithets. Had Orestes been Judge, he would not have acquitted that Lystrian rabble of madness, who upon a visible miracle, falling into so high a conceit of Paul and Barnabas, that they termed the one Jupiter, the other Mercurius, that they brought oxen and garlands, and were hardly restrained, from sacrificing unto them, did notwithstanding suddenly after fall upon Paul, and having stoned him, drew him for dead out of the city. It might have hazarded the sides of Democritus, had he been present at that tumult of Demetrius, when the people flocking together in great numbers, some cried one thing, and some another, and the assembly was confused, and the most part knew not wherefore they were come together; notwithstanding, all with one voice for the space of two hours cried out, Great is Diana of the Ephesians. It had overcome the patience of Job, as it did the meekness of Moses, and would surely have mastered any, but the longanimity and great sufferance of God, Had they beheld the mutiny in the wilderness, when after ten great miracles in Egypt, and some in the same place, they melted down their stolen earrings into a calf, and monstrously cried out, These are thy gods O Israel! that brought thee out of the land of Egypt. It much accuseth the impatiency of Peter, who could not endure the ●●aves of the multitude, and is the greatest example of lenity in our Saviour, when he desired of God forgiveness unto those, who having one day brought him into the City in triumph, did presently after, act all dishonour upon him, and nothing could be heard but Cru●●fige in their courts. Certainly he that considereth these things in Gods peculiar people, will easily discern how little of truth, there is in the ways of the multitude; and though sometimes they are flattered with that Aphorism, will hardly believe the voice of the people to be the voice of God.  
Lastly, being thus divided from truth in themselves, they are yet farther removed by advenient deception. For true it is, (and I hope shall not offend their vulgarities) if I say they are daily mocked into error by subtler devisors, and have been expressly deluded, by all professions whatsoever. Thus the Priests of Elder time, have put upon them many incredible conceits, not only deluding their apprehensions, with Ariolation, Soothsaying, and such oblique Idolatries, but winning their credulities unto the literal and downright adorement of Cats, Lizards, and Beetles; and thus also in some Christian Churches, wherein is presumed an irreproveable truth. If all be true that is suspected, or half what is related, there have not wanted, many strange deceptions, and some thereof are still confessed by the name of Pious frauds. Thus Theudas an Imposture was able to lead away four thousand into the wilderness, and the delusions of Mahomet almost the fourth part of mankind. Thus all heresies how gross soever, have found a welcome with the people. For thus, what is scarce imaginable, many of the Jews were wrought into belief, that Herod was the Messias, and David George of Leyden and Arden, were not without a party amongst the people, who maintained the same opinion of themselves almost in our days. Physicians (many at least that make profession thereof) beside divers less discoverable ways of fraud, have made them believe, there is the book of fate, or the power of Aaron's breastplate in Urines. And therefore hereunto they have recourse as unto the Oracle of life, the great determinator of virginity, conception, fertility, and the inscrutable infirmities of the whole body. For as though there were a ●●minalitie in Urine, or that like the seed that carried with it the Idea of every part, they foolishly conceive we visibly behold therein the Anatomy of every particle, and can thereby indigitate their affections.  
Saltimbancoes, Quacksalvers, and Charlatans', deceive them in lowe● degrees; were Aesop alive the Piazza and Ponte Neufe could not but speak their fallacies, mean while there are too many, whose cries cannot conceal their mischiefs: for their Impostures are full of cruelty, and worse than any other, deluding not only unto pecuniary defraudations, but the irreparable deceit of death.  
Astrologers, which pretend to be of Caballa with the stars, such I mean as abuse that worthy enquiry, have not been wanting in their deceptions, who having won their belief unto principles whereof they make great doubt themselves, have made them believe that arbitrary events below, have necessary causes above; whereupon their credulities assent unto any prognostics, and daily swallow the predictions of men, which besides the independency of their causes, and contingency in their events, are only in the prescience of God.  
Fortune tellers, Jugglers, Geomancers, and the like incantatory impostors, though commonly men of inferior rank, and from whom without infusion they can expect no more then from themselves, do daily and professedly delude them: unto whom (what is deplorable in men and Christians) too many applying themselves, betwixt j●st and earnest, betray the cause of truth, and incensibly make up, the legionary body of error.  
S●atistes and Politicians, unto whom Ragione di Stato, is the first considerable, as though it were their business to deceive the people, as a Maxim, do hold, that truth is to be concealed from them, unto whom although they reveal the visible design, yet do they commonly conceal the capital intention; and therefore have they always been the instruments of great designs, yet seldom understood the true intention of any, accomplishing the drifts of wiser heads as inanimate and ig●●o●ant Agents, the general design of the world; who though in some la●itude of sense, and in a natural cognition perform their proper actions, yet do they unknowingly concur unto higher ends, and blindly advance the great intention of nature. Now how far they may b●e kept in ignorance, a great example there is in the people of Rome, who never knew, the true and proper name of their own City. For beside ●hat common appellation received by the Citizens, it had a proper and secret name concealed from them: Cujus alterum nomen dicere s●cretis Cer●mo●●arum nefas habetur, saith Pliny. The reason hereof was superstitious, lest the name thereof being discovered unto their enemies, their Penates and Patronall gods, might be called forth by charms an● incantations. For according unto the tradition of Magicians, the tu●●la●y spirit's wil● not remove at common appellations, but at the proper names of things whereunto they are protectors.  
Thus having been deceived by themselves, and continually deluded by others, they must needs be stuffed with errors, and even overrun with these inferior falsities, whereunto whosoever shall resign their reasons, either from the root of deceit in themselves, or inability to resist such trivial ingannations from others, although their condition and fortunes may place them many Spheres above the multitude, yet are they still within the line of vulgarity, and the democratical enemies of truth.   

CHAP. FOUR  
Of the nearer and more Immediate Causes of popular errors, both in the Wiser, and common sort, Misapprehension, Fallacy, or false diductio●●, Credulity, Supinity, adherence unto Antiquity, Tradition, and Authority.  
THe first is a mistake, or a conception of things, either in their first apprehensions, or secondary relations. So Eve mistook the Commandment, either from the immediate injunction of God, or from the secondary narration of her husband. So might the Disciples mistake our Saviour, in his answer unto Peter, concerning the death of John, as is delivered, John 21. Peter seeing John, saith unto J●sus, Lord, and what shall this man do? Jesus saith, I● I will, that he tarry till I come, what is that unto thee? Then went this saying abroad among the brethren, that that Disciple should not die. Thus began the conceit and opinion of the Centaurs, that is in the mistake of the first beholders, as is declared by Servius, when some young Thessalians on horseback were beheld a far off, while their horses watered, that is, while their heads were depressed, they were conceived by their first spectators, to be but one animal, and answerable hereunto have their pictures been drawn ever since.  
And as simple mistakes commonly beget fallacies, so men rest not in false apprehensions, without absurd and inconsequent diductions, from fallacious foundations, and misapprehended mediums, erecting conclusions no way inferrible from their premises. Now the fallacies whereby men deceive others, and are deceived themselves, the Ancients, have divided into Ve●ball and Real. Of the Verbal, and such as conclude from mistakes of the word, although there be no less than six, yet are there but two only thereof worthy our notation: and unto which the rest may be referred: that is the fallacy of Aequivocation and amphibology, which conclude from the ambiguity of some one word, or the ambiguous sintaxis of many put together. From this fallacy arose that calamitous error of the Jews, misapprehending the Prophecies of their Messias, and expounding th●m always unto literal and temporal expectation. By this way many errors crept in and perverted the doctrine of Pythagoras, whilst men received his precepts in a different sense from his intention, converting Metaphors into proprieties, and receiving as literal expressions, obscure and involved truths. Thus when he enjoined his Disciples, an abstinence from beans, many conceived they were with severity debarred the use of that pulse; which notwithstanding could not be his meaning for as Aristoxenus who wrote his life, averreth he delighted much in that kind of food himself; but herein as Plutarch observeth, he had no other intention, then to dissuade men from Magistracy, or undertaking the public offices of state; for by beans were the Magistrates elected in some parts of Greece; and after his days, we read in Thucydides, of the Council of the bean in Athens. The same word also in Greek doth signify a testicle, and hath been thought by some an injunction only of continency, as Aul. Gellius hath expounded, and as Empedocles may also be interpreted, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Test●culis miseri dextras subducite. Again his injunction is, not to harbour Swallows in our houses: Whose advice notwithstanding we do not contemn, who daily admit and cherish them; for herein a caution is only implied not to entertain ungrateful and thankless persons, which like the swallow are no way commodious unto us, but having made use of our habitations, and served their own turns, forsake us. So he commands to deface the print of a cauldron in the ashes, after it hath boiled. Which strictly to observe were most condemnable superstition: For hereby he covertly adviseth us not to persevere in anger, but after our choler hath boiled, to retain no impression thereof. In the like sense are to be received, or they will else be misapprehended, when he adviseth his Disciples to give the right hand but to few, to put no viands in a chamberpot, not to pass over a balance, not to rake up ●ire with a sword, or piss against the Sun, which enigmatical deliveries comprehended useful verities, but being mistaken by literal Expositors at the first, they have been understood by most since, and may be occasion of error to verbal capacities for ever.  
This fallacy in the first delusion Satan did put upon Eve, and his whole tentation might be this Elench continued; so when he said, Ye shall not die, that was in his equivocation, she shall not incur a present death, or a destruction immediately ensuing your transgression. Your eyes shall be opened, that is, not to the enlargement of your knowledge, but to the discovery of your shame and proper confusion. You shall know good and evil, that is you shall have knowledge of good by its privation, but cognisance of evil by sense and visible experience. And the same fallacy or way of deceit so well succeeding in Paradise, he continued in his Oracles through all the world. Which had not men more warily unde●stod, they might have performed many acts inconsistent with his intention: B●utus might have made haste with Tarquin to have kissed his own mother. The Athenians might have built them wooden walls, or doubled the Altar at Delphos.  
The circle of this fallacy is very large, and herein may be comprised all Ironical mistakes; for intended expressions receiving inverted significations, all deductions from metaphors, parables, allegories, unto real and rigid interpretations. Whereby have arisen not only popular errors in Philosophy, but vulgar and senseless heresies in Divinity, as will be evident unto any that shall examine their foundations, as they stand related by Epiphanius, Austin, or Prateolus.  
Other ways there are of deceit which consist not, in false apprehension of words, that is verbal expressions or sentential significations, but fraudulent deductions, or inconsequent illations, from a false conception of things. Of these extradictionary and real fallacies, Aristotle and Logicians make in number six, but we observe that men are most commonly deceived by four thereof: those are, Petitio principii. A dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter. A non causa pro causa. And fallacia consequentis.  
The first is petitio principii, which fallacy is committed, when a question is made a medium, or we assume a medium as granted, whereof we remain as unsatisfied as of the question. Briefly where that is assumed as a principle, to prove another thing which is not conceaded as true itself. By this fallacy was Eve deceived, when she took for granted, the false assertion of the devil; Ye shall not surely die, for God doth know that in the day she shall eat thereof, your eyes shall be opened, and you shall be as gods; which was but a bare affirmation of Satan without any proof or probable inducement, contrary unto the command of God and former belief of herself; and this was the Logic of the Jews, when they accused our Saviour unto Pilate, who demanding a reasonable impeachment, or the allegation of some crime worthy of condemnation; they only replied, if he had not been worthy of death, we would not have brought him before thee; wherein there was neither accusation of the person, nor satisfaction of the Judge, who well understood a bare accusation was no presumption of guilt, and the clamours of the people no accusation at all. The same fallacy is sometime used in the dispute, between Job, and his friends, they often taking that for granted which afterward he denyeth and disproveth.  
The second is à dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter, when from that which is but true in a qualified sense an inconditionall and absolute verity is inferred, transferring the special consideration of things unto their general acceptions, or concluding from their strict acception, unto that without all limitation. This fallacy men commit when they argue from a particular to a general, as when we conclude the vices or qualities of a few upon a whole Nation, or from a part unto the whole. Thus the devil argued with our Saviour, and by this he would persuade him he might be secure if he cast himself from the pinnacle: for said he, it is written, he shall give his Angels charge concerning thee, and in their hands they shall bear thee up, lest at any time thou dash thy foot against a stone. But this illation was fallacious leaving out part of the text, Psalm 91. He shall keep thee in all thy ways; that is, in the ways of righteousness, and not of rash attempts: so he urged a part for the whole, and inferred more in the conclusion, than was contained in the premises. By this same fallacy we proceed, when we conclude from the sign unto the thing signified. By this encroachment Idolatry first crept in, men converting the symbolical use of Idols into their proper worship, and receiving the representation of things as the substance and thing itself. So the statue of Belus at first erected in his memory, was in after times adored as a Divinity. And so also in the Sacrament of the Eucharist, the bread and wine which were but the signals or visible signs, were made the things signified, and worshipped for the body of Christ. And hereby generally men are deceived that take things spoken in some la●itude without any at all. Hereby the Jews were deceived concerning the commandment of the Sabbath, accusing our Saviour for healing the sick, and his disciples for plucking the ears of corn, upon that day. And by this deplorable mistake they were deceived unto destruction, upon the assault of Pompey the great made upon that day, by whose superstitious observation they could not defend themselves, or perform any labour whatsoever.  
The third is a non causâ pro causâ, when that is pretended for a cause which is not, or not in that sense which is inferred. Upon this consequence the law of Mahomet forbids the use of wine, and his successors abolished Universities: by this also many Christians have condemned literature, misunderstanding the counsel of Saint Paul, who adviseth no further then to beware of Philosophy. On this foundation were built the conclusions of Soothsayers in their Auguriall, and Tripudiary divinations, collecting presages from voice or food of birds, and conjoining events unto causes of no connexion. Hereupon also are grounded the gross mistakes, in the cure of many diseases, not only from the last medicine, and sympathetic receipts, but amulets charms, and all incantatory applications, deriving effects not only from inconcurring causes, but things devoid of all efficiency whatever.  
The fourth is the fallacy of the consequent, which if strictly taken, may be a fallacious illation in reference unto an●ecedencie, or consequency; as to conclude from the position of the antecedent, unto the position of the consequent, or from the remotion of the consequent to the remotion of the antecedent. This is usually committed, when in connexed propositions the terms adhere contingently. This is frequent in Oratory illations, and thus the Pharisees, because he conversed with Publicans and sinners▪ accused the holiness of Christ. But if this fallacy be largely taken, it is committed in any virious illation offending the rules of good consequence, and so it may be very large, and comprehend all false illations against the settled laws of Logic; but the most usual consequences are f●om particulars, from negatives, and from affirmative conclusions in the 〈…〉, wherein indeed offences are most frequent, and their discoveries no● difficult.   

CHAP. V.  
Of Credulity and Supinity.  
A Third cause of common Errors is the Credulity of men▪ that is an easy assent, to what is obtruded, or a believing at first ear what is delivered by others; this is a weakness in the understanding, without examination assenting unto things, which from their natures and causes do carry no persuasion; whereby men often swallow falsities for truths, dubiosities for certainties, fesibilities for possibilities, and things impossible as possibilities themselves. Which though a weakness of the Intellect, and most discoverable in vulgar heads, yet hath it sometime fallen upon wiser brains, and great advancers of truth. Thus many wise Athenians so far forgot their Philosophy, and the nature of humane production, that they descended unto beliefs, the original of their Nation was from the Earth, and had no other beginning then from the seminality and womb of their great Mother. Thus is it not without wonder, how those learned Arabicks so tamely delivered up their belief unto the absurdities of the Alcoran. How the noble Geber, Avicenna and Almanzor, should rest satisfied in the nature and causes of earthquakes, delivered from the doctrine of their Prophet; that is, from the motion of a great Bull, upon whose horns all the earth is poised. How their faiths could decline so low, as to concede their generations in heaven, to be made by the smell of a citron, or that the felicity of their Paradise should consist in a Jubilee of conjunction, that is a coition of one act prolonged unto fifty years. Thus is it almost beyond wonder, how the belief of reasonable creatures, should ever submit unto Idolatry: and the credulity of those men scarce credible, without presumption of a second fall, who could believe a Deity in the work of their own hands. For although in that ancient and diffused adoration of Idols, unto the Priests and subtler heads, the worship perhaps might be symbolical, and as those Images some way related unto their deities, yet was the Idolatry direct and downright in the people, whose credulity is illimitable, who may be made believe that any thing is God, and may be made believe there is no God at all.  
And as Credulity is the cause of Error, so incredulity oftentimes of not enjoying truth, and that not only an obstinate incredulity, whereby we will not acknowledge assent unto what is reasonably inferred, but any Academical reservation in matters of easy truth, or rather sceptical infidelity against the evidence of reason and sense. For these are conceptions befalling wise men, as absurd as the apprehensions of fools, and the credulity of the people which promiscuously swallow any thing. For this is not only derogatory unto the wisdom of God, who hath proposed the world unto our knowledge, and thereby the notion of himself, but also detractory unto the intellect, and sense of man expressedly disposed for that inquisition. And therefore hoc tantum scio quod n●hil sc●o, is not to be received in an absolute sense, but is comparatively expressed unto the number of things whereof our knowledge is ignorant; nor will it acquit the insatisfaction of those which quarrel with all things, o● dispute of matters concerning whose verities we have conviction from reason, or decision from the inerrable and requisite conditions of sense. And therefore if any man shall affirm the earth doth move, and will not believe with us, it standeth still, because he hath probable reasons for it, and I no infallible sense nor reason against it, I will not quarrel with his assertion: but if like Zeno he shall walk about, and yet deny there is any motion in nature, ●urely it had been happy he had been born in Anty●era, and is only fit to converse with their melancholies, who having a conceit that they are dead, cannot be convicted into the society of the living.  
The fourth is a supinity or neglect of enquiry, even in matters whereof we doubt, rather believing, as we say, then going to see, or doubting with ease and gratis, then believing with difficulty or purchase; whereby either by a temperamentall inactivity we are unready to put in execution the suggestions or dictates of reason, or by a content and acquiescence in every species of truth we embrace the shadow thereof, or so much as may palliate its just and substantial acquirements. Had our forefathers sat down in these resolutions, or had their curiosities been sedentary, who pursued the knowledge of things through all the corners of nature, the face of truth had been obscure unto us, whose lustre in some part their industries have revealed.  
Certainly the sweat of their labours was not salt unto them, and they took delight in the dust of their endeavours. F●r questionless in knowledge there is no sl●nder difficulty, and truth which wise men say doth lie in a well, is not recoverable but by exantlation. It were some extenuation of the curse, if in sudore vul●us tul, were confineable unto corporal exercitations, and there still remained a Paradise or unthorny place of knowledge; but now our understandings being eclipsed, as well as our tempers infirmed, we must betake ourselves to ways of reparation, and depend upon the illumination of our endeavours; for thus we may in some measure repair our primary ruins, and build ourselves men again. And though the attempts of some have been precipitous, and their inquiries so audacious as to come within command of the flaming swords, and lost themselves in attempts above humanity, yet have the inquiries of most defected by the way, and tired within the sober circumference of knowledge.  
And this is the reason why some have transcribed any thing, and although they cannot but doubt thereof, yet neither make experiment by sense or enquiry by reason, but live in doubts of things whose satisfaction is in their own power, which is indeed the inexcusable part of our ignorance, and may perhaps fill up the charge of the last day. For not obeying the dictates of reason, and neglecting the cries of truth, we fail not only in the trust of our undertake, but in the intention of man itself, which although more venial unto ordinary constitutions, and such as are not framed beyond the capacity of beaten notions, yet will it inexcusably condemn some men, who having received excellent endowments, and such as will accuse the omissions of perfection, have yet sat down by the way, and frustrated the intention of their habilities. For certainly as some men have sinned, in the principles of humanity, and must answer, for not being men, so others offend if they be not more; Magis extra vitia quam cum virtutibus, would commend those, These are not excusable without an Excellency. For great constitutions, and such as are constellated unto knowledge, do nothing till they outdo all; they come short of themselves if they go not beyond others, and must not sit down under the degree of worthies. God expects no lustre from the minor stars, but if the Sun should not illuminate all, it were a sin in Nature. Vltimus bonorum, will not excuse every man, nor is it sufficient for all to hold the common level; men's names should not only distinguish them: A man should be something that men are not, and individual in somewhat beside his proper nature. Thus while it exceeds not the bounds of reason, and modesty, we cannot condemn singularity. Nos numerus sumus, is the motto of the multitude, and for that reason are they fools. For things as they recede from unity, the more they approach to imperfection, and deformity; for they hold their perfection in their simplicities, and as they nearest approach unto God.  
Now as there are many great wits to be condemned, who have neglected the increment of Arts, and the sedulous pursuit of knowledge, so are there not a few very much to be pitied, whose industry being not attended with natural parts, they have sweat to little purpose, and roled the stone in vain: which chiefly proceedeth from natural incapacity, and genial indisposition, at least to those particular ways whereunto they apply their endeavours. And this is one reason why though Universities be full of men, they are oftentimes empty of learning. Why as there are some which do much without learning, so others but little with it, and few that attain to any perfection in it. For many heads that undertake it, were never squared nor timbered for it. There are not only particular men, but whole nations indisposed for learning, whereunto is required not only education, but a pregnant Minerva and teeming constitution. For the wisdom of God hath divided the Genius of men according to the different affairs of the world, and varied their inclinations according to the variety of Actions to be performed therein, which they who consider not, rudely rushing upon professions and ways of life unequal to their natures; dishonour not only themselves and their functions, but pervert the harmony of the whole world. For if the world went on as God hath ordained it, and were every one employed in points concordant to their Natures; Professions, Arts and Commonwealths would rise up of themselves; nor needed we a Lantern to find a man in Athens.   

CHAP. VI  
Of adherence unto Antiquity.  
BUt the mortalest enemy unto knowledge, and that which hath done the greatest execution upon truth, hath been a peremptory adhesion unto Authority, and more especially the establishing of our belief upon the dictates of Antiquities. For (as every capacity may observe) most men of Ages present, so superstitiously do look on Ages past, that the authorities of the one, exceed the reasons of the other. Whose persons indeed being far removed from our times, their wo●ks which seldom with us pass uncontrolled, either by contemporaries or immediate successors, are now become out of the distance of envies. And the farther removed from present times, are conceived to approach the nearer unto truth itself. Now hereby me thinks we manifestly delude ourselves, and widely walk out of the track of tru●h.  
For first, men hereby impose a thraldom on their times, which the ingenuity of no age should endure, or indeed the presumption of any did ever yet enjoin. Thus Hypocrates about 2000 year ago, conceived it no injustice, either to examine or refute the doctrines of his predecessors: Galen the like, and Aristotle most of any; yet did not any of these conceive themselves infallible, or set down their dictates as verities irrefragable; but when they either deliver their own inventions, or rejected other men's opinions, they proceed with Judgement and Ingenuity, establishing their assertion, not only with great solidity, but submitting them also unto the correction of future discovery.  
Secondly, men that adore times past, consider not that those times were once present, that is, as our own are at this instant, and we ourselves unto those to come, as they unto us at present; as we rely on them, even so will those on us, and magnify us hereafter, who at present condemn ourselves; which very absurdity is daily committed amongst us even in the esteem and censure of our own times. And to speak impartially, old men from whom we should expect the greatest example of wisdom, do most exceed in this point of folly; commending the days of their youth, they scarce remember, at least well understood not; extolling those times their younger years have heard their fathers condemn, and condemning those times the grey heads of their posterity shall commend. And thus is it the humour of many heads to extol the days of their forefathers, and declaim against the wickedness of times present; which notwithstanding they cannot handsomely do, without the borrowed help and satyrs of times past, condemning the vices of their times, by the expressions of vices in times which they commend, which cannot but argue the community of vice in both; Horace therefore, Juvenall and Perseus were no prophets, although their lives did seem to indigitate and point at our times. There is a certain list of vices committed in all ages, and declaimed against by all Authors, which will last as long as humane nature, or digested into common places may serve for any theme, and never be out of date until Doom's day. Thirdly, the testimonies of Antiquity and such as pass oraculously amongst us, were not if we consider them always so ex●ct, as to examine the doctrine they delivered. For some, and those the acutest of them, have left unto us many things of falsity, controulable, not only by critical and collective reason, but common and country observation. Hereof there want not many examples in Aristotle, through all his book of animals; we shall instance only in three of his Problems, and all contained under one S●ction. The first enquireth why a Man doth cough, but not an Ox or Cow? whereas notwithstanding the contrary is often observed by husbandmen, and stands confirmed by those who have expressly treated de re Rustica, and have also delivered divers remedies for it. Why Juments 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he terms them) as Horses, Oxen and Asses, have no eructation or belching, whereas indeed the contrary is often observed, and also delivered by Columella. And thirdly, cur solus homo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, why man alone hath grey hairs? whereas it cannot escape the eyes, and ordinary observation of all men, that horses, dogs, and foxes, wax grey with age in our Countries, and in colder regions many other animals without it.  
Other Authors write often dubiously, even in matters wherein is expected a strict and definitive truth, extenuating their affirmations, with aiunt, ferunt, fortasse, As Dioscorides, Galen, Aristotle, and many more. Others by he●●e say, taking upon trust most they have delivered, whose volumes are mere collections, drawn from the mouths or leaves of other Authors; as may be observed in Pliny, Aelian, Athe●aeus, and many others. Not a few transcriptively, subscribing their names unto other men's endeavours, and merely transcribing almost all they have written. The Latins transcribing the greeks, the greeks and Latins each other. Thus hath Justine borrowed all from Trogus Pompeius, and Julius solinus' in a manner transcribed Pliny, thus ha●e Lucian and Apuleius served Lucius Pratensis, men both living in the same time, and both transcribing the same Author, in those famous Books, Entitled Lucius by the one, and Aureus Asinus by the other. In the same measure hath Simocrates in his Tract de Nilo, dealt with Diodorus Siculus, as may be observed, in that work annexed unto Herodotus, and translated by Jungermannus. Thus Eratosthenes wholly translated Timotheus de Insulis, not reserving the very Preface. The very same doth Strabo report of Edorus and Ariston in a Treatise entitled the Milo. Clemens Alexandrinus hath also observed many examples hereof among the greeks, and Pliny speaketh very plainly in his Preface, that conferring his Authors, and comparing their works together, he generally found those that went before verbatim transcribed, by those that followed after, and their originals never so much as mentioned. Even the magnified Virgil hath borrowed almost all his works: his Eclogues from Theocritus, his Georgics from H●siod and Aratus, his Aeneads from Homer, the second Book thereof containing the exploit of Sinon and the Trojan horses, (as Macrobius observeth) he hath verbatim derived from Pisander. Our own profession is not excusable herein. Thus Oribasius▪ Aetius and Aegineta have in a manner transcribed Galen. But Marcellus Empericus who hath left a famous work de medicamentis, hath word for word, transcribed all Scriboneus Largus, de compositione medicamentorum, and not left out his very peroration. And thus may we perceive the Ancients were but men, even like ourselves. The practice of transcription in our days was no monster in theirs: Plagiary had not its nativity with printing, but began in times when thefts were difficult, and the paucity of books scarce wanted that invention.  
Fourthly, while we so eagerly adhear unto Antiquity, and the accounts of elder times, we are to consider the fabulous condition thereof; and that we shall not deny if we call to mind the mendacity of Greece, from whom we have received most relations, and that a considerable part of Ancient times, was by the Greeks themselves termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is made up or stuffed out with fables, and surely the fabulous inclination of those days, was greater than any since, which swarmed so with fables, and from such slender grounds, took hinds for fictions, poisoning the world ever after; wherein how far they exceeded, may be exemplified from Palaephatus, in his book of fabulous narrations. That fable of Orpheus, who by the melody of his music, made woods and trees to follow him, was raised upon a slender foundation; for there were a crew of mad women, retired unto a mountain, from whence being pacified by his Music, they descended with boughs in their hands, which unto the fabulositie of those times, proved a sufficient ground to celebrate unto all posterity the Magic of Orpheus' harp, and its power to attract the senseless trees about it. That Medea the famous Sorceress could renew youth, and make old men young again, was nothing else but that from the knowledge of simples she had a receipt to make white hair black, and reduce old heads into the tincture of youth again. The fable of Geryon and Ce●berus with three heads was this: Geryon was of the City Tricarinia that is of three heads, and Ce●berus of the same place was one of his dogs, which running into a cave upon pursuit of his master's oxen, Hercules perforce drew him out of that place, from whence the conceits of those days affirmed no less, then that He●cules descended into hell, and brought up Cerberus into the habitation of the Living. Upon the like grounds was raised the figment of Briareus, who dwelling in a city called Hecatonchiria, the fancies of those times assigned him an hundred hands. 'twas ground enough to fancy wings unto Daedasus, in that he stole out of a window from Minos, and sailed away with his son Icarus, who steering his course wisely, escaped, but his son carrying too high a sail was drowned. That Niobe weeping over her children was turned into a stone, was nothing else but that during her life, she erected over their s●pultures, a marble tomb of her own. When Actaeon had undone himself with dogs, and the prodigal attendance of hunting, they made a solemn story how he was devoured by his hounds. And upon the like grounds was raised the anthropophagy of D●omedes his horses. Upon as slender foundation was built, the fable of the Minotaur; for one Taurus a servant of Minos begat his mistress Pasiphae with child, from whence the infant was named Minotaurus. Now this unto the fabulositie of those times was thought sufficient to accuse Pasiphae of Bestiality, or admitting conjunction with a Bull, and in succeeding ages gave a hynte of depravity unto Domitian to act the fable into Reality.  
Fiftly, we applaud many things delivered by the Ancients, which are in themselves but ordinary, and come short of our own conceptions. Thus we usually extol, and our Orations cannot escape the sayings of the wisemen of Greece. Nosce teipsum of Thales: Nosce tempus of Pittacus: Nihil nimis of Cleobulus; which notwithstanding to speak indifferently, are but vulgar precepts in Morality, carrying with them nothing above the line, or beyond the extemporal sententiosity of common conceits with us. Thus we magnify the Apothegms, or reputed replies of wisdom, whereof many are to be seen in Laertius, more in Lycosthenes, not a few in the second book of Macrobius, in the salts of Cicero Augustus, and the Comical wits of those times: in most whereof there is not much of admiration, and are me thinks exceeded, not only in the replies of wise men, but the passages of society and daily urbanities of our times. And thus we extol their adages or proverbs; and Erasmus hath taken great pains to make collections of them, whereof notwithstanding the greater part will, I believe, unto in●different judges be esteemed no such rarities, and may be paralleled, if not exceeded, by those of more unlearned nations, & many of our own.  
Sixtly, we urge authorities, in points that need not, and introduce the testimony of ancient writers, to confirm things evidently believed, and whereto no reasonble hearer but would assent without them, such as are; Nemo mortalium omnibus horis sapit. Virtute nil praestantius, nil pulchrius; Omnia vincit amor. Praeclarum quiddam veritas, All which, although things known and vulgar, are frequently urged by many men, and though trivial verities in our mouths, yet noted from Plato, Ovid, or Cicero, they receive immediate additions, and become reputed elegancies. For many hundred to instance but in one we meet with while we are writing. Antonius Guevara that elegant Spaniard, in his book entitled, The Dial of Princes, beginneth his Epistle thus. Apolonius Thyan●us disputing with the Scholars of Hiarchas, said, that among all the affections of nature, nothing was more natural, than the desire all have to preserve life; which being a confessed truth, and a verity acknowledged by all, it was a superstuous affectation, to derive its authority from Apolonius, or seek a confirmation thereof as far as India, and the learned Scholars of Hiarchus; which whether it be not all one to strengthen common dignities and principles known by themselves, with the authority of Mathematicians; or think a man should believe; The whole is greater than its parts, rather upon the authority of Euclid, then if it were propounded alone, I leave unto the second and wiser cogitations of all men. 'tis sure a practice that savours much of Pedantery, a Reserve of puerility we have not shaken off from School, where being seasoned with Minor sentences, by a neglect of higher inquiries, they prescribe upon our riper cares, and are never worn out but with our memories.  
Lastly, while we so devoutly adhere unto Antiquity in some things, we do not consider we have deserted them in several other; for they indeed have not only been imperfect, in the conceit of many things, but either ignorant or erroneous in divers other. They understood not the motion of the eight sphere from West to East, and so conceived the longitude of the stars invariable. They conceived the torrid Zone unhabitable, and so made frustrate the goodliest part of the earth. But we now know 'tis very well empeopled, and the habitation thereof esteemed so happy, that some have made it the proper seat of Paradise, and been so far from judging it unhabitable that they have made it the first habitation of all. Many of the Ancients denied the Antipodes, and some unto the penalty of contrary affirmations; but the experience of our enlarged navigations, can now assert them beyond all dubitation. Having thus totally relinquished them in some things, it may not be presumptuous, to examine them in others, but surely most unreasonable to adhere to them in all, as though they were infallible or could not err in any.   

CHAP. VII.  
Of Authority.  
NOr is only a resolved prostration unto Antiquity a powerful enemy unto knowledge, but also a confident adherence unto any Authority, or resignation of our judgements upon the testimony of any Age or Author whatsoever. For first, to speak generally an argument from Authority to wiser examinations, is but a weaker kind of proof, it being no other but a topical probation, and as we term it, an inartificial argument, depending upon a naked asseveration: wherein neither declaring the causes, affections or adjuncts of what we believe. It carrieth not with it the reasonable inducements of knowledge, and therefore contr a negantem principia, Ipse dixit, or oportet discentem credere, although they may be postulates, very accomodable unto Junior indoctrinations, yet are their authorities but temporary, and not to be embraced beyond the minority of our intellectuals. For our advanced beliefs are not to be built upon dictates, but having received the probable inducements of truth, we become emancipated from testimonial engagements, and are to erect upon the surer base of reason. Secondly, unto reasonable perpensions it hath no place in some Sciences, small in others, and suffereth many restrictions, even where it is most admitted. It is of no validity in the Mathematics, especially the mother part thereof Arithmetic and Geometry: For these Sciences concluding from dignities and principles known by themselves, they receive not satisfaction from probable reasons, much less from bare and peremptory asseverations. And therefore if all Athens should decree, that in every triangle, woe sides which soever be taken are greater than the side remaining, or that in rectangle triangles the square which is made of the side that sub●endeth the right angle, is equal to the squares which are made of the sides containing the right angle: Although there be a certain truth therein, would Geometritians notwithstanding, receive a satisfaction without demonstration thereof? 'Tis true by the vulgarity of Philosophers, there are many points believed without probation, and if a man affirm from Ptolemy, that the Sun is bigger than the Earth, shall he probably meet with any contradiction herein, whereunto notwithstanding Astronomers will not assent without some convincing argument or demonstrative proof thereof? And therefore certainly of all men a Philosopher should be no swearer: for an oath which is the end of controversies in Law cannot determine any here, nor are the deepest sacraments or desperate imp●●cations of any force to persuade where reason only, and necessary mediums must induce.  
In natural Philosophy, and which is more generally pursued amongst us, it carrieth but slender consideration, for that also proceeding from settled principles, therein is expected a satisfaction from scientificiall progressions, and such as beget, a sure and rational belief. For if Authority might have made out the assertions of Philosophy, we might have held, that snow was black, that the sea was but the sweat of the earth, and many of the like absurdities. Then was Aristotle injurious to fall upon Melissus, and to reject the assertions of Anaxagoras, Anaximander, and Empedocles, and then were we also ungrateful unto himself, from whom our Junior endeavours embracing many things by his authority, our mature and secondary inquiries, are forced to quit those receptions, and to adhere unto the nearest accounts of reason. And although it be not unusual, even in Philosophical tractates to make enumeration of Authors, yet are there reasons usually introduced, and to ingenuous readers do carry the stroke in the persuasion. And surely if we account it reasonable among ourselves, and not injurious unto rational Authors, no farther to abet their opinions then as they are supported by solid reason; certainly with more excusable reservation may we shrink at their bare testimonies, whose argument is but precarious and subsists upon the charity of our assentments. In Morality, Rhetoric, Law and History, there is I confess a frequent and allowable use of testimony, and yet herein I perceive, it is not unlimitable, but admitteth many restrictions. Thus in Law both Civil and Divine, that is only esteemed legitimum testimonium, or a legal testimony, which receives comprobation from the mouths of at least two witnesses; and that not only for prevention of calumny, but assurance against mistake, whereas notwithstanding the solid reason of one man, is as sufficient as the clamour of a whole Nation; and within imprejudicate apprehensions begets as firm a belief as the authority or aggregated testimony of many hundreds: For reason being the very root of our natures, and the principles thereof common unto all, what is against the laws of true reason, or the undeceived understanding of any one, if rightly apprehended must be disclaimed by all Nations, and rejected even by mankind.  
Again, a testimony is of small validity if deduced from men out of their own profession; so if Lactantius affirm the figure of the earth is plain, or Austin himself deny there are Antipodes; though venerable Fathers of the Church, and ever to be honoured, will their authorities prove sufficient to ground a belief thereon? whereas notwithstanding the solid reason or confirmed experience of any man, is very approvable in what profession soever. So Raymund Sebund, a Physician of Tholouze, besides his learned Dialogues, de natura humana, hath written a natural Theology, demonstrating therein the Attributes of God, and attempting the like in most points of Religion. So Hugo Grocius a Civilian, did write an excellent Tract in Dutch of the verity of Christian Religion, and hath since contracted the same into six books in Latin, wherein most rationally delivering themselves, their works will be embraced by most that understand them, and their reasons enforce belief even from prejudicated Readers. Neither indeed have the authorities of men been ever so awful, but that by some they have been rejected, even in their own professions. Thus Aristotle affirming the birth of the Infant or time of its gestation, extendeth sometimes unto the eleventh month, but Hypocrates averring that it exceedeth not the tenth. Adrian the Emperor in a solemn process, determined for Aristotle, but Justinian many years after, took in with Hypocrates and reversed the Decree of the other. Thus have Counsels not only condemned private men, but the Decrees and Acts of one another. So Galen after all his veneration of Hypocrates, in some things hath fallen from him. Avicen in many from Galen, and others succeeding from him: and although the singularity of Paracelsus be intolerable, who sparing only Hypocrates, hath reviled not only the Authors, but almost all the learning that went before him; yet is it not much less injurious unto knowledge obstinately and inconvincibly to side with any one: Which humour unhappily possessing many men, they have by prejudice withdrawn themselves into parties, and contemning the sovereignty of truth, seditiously abetted the private divisions of error.  
Moreover a Testimony in points historical, and where it is of unavoidable use, is of no illation in the negative, nor is it of consequence that Herodo●us writing nothing of Rome, there was therefore no such city in his time; or because Dioscorides hath made no mention of Unicorns horn, there is therefore no such thing in Nature. Indeed intending an accurate enumeration of medical materials, the omission hereof affords some probability; it was not used by the Ancients, but will not conclude the nonexistence thereof. For so may we annihilate many simples unknown to his inquiries, as Senna, Rhabarbe, Bezoar, Ambregris, and divers others. Whereas indeed the reason of man hath no such restraint, concluding not only affirmatively but negatively, not only affirming there is no magnitude beyond the last heavens, but also denying there is any vacuity within them: Although it be confessed the affirmative hath the prerogative illation, and Barbara engrosseth the powerful demonstration.  
Lastly, the strange and unimaginable relations made by Authors, may sufficiently discourage our adherence unto Authority, and which if we believe we must be apt to swallow any thing. Thus Basil will tell us, the Serpent went erect like man, and that that beast could speak before the fall. Tostatus would make us believe that Nilus increaseth every new Moon. Leonardo ●ioravanti an Italian Physician, beside many other secrets assumeth unto himself the discovery of one concerning Pellitory of the wall; that is, that it never groweth in the sight of the North star. Dove si possa vedere la stella Tramontana, wherein how wide he is from truth is easily discoverable unto every one, who hath but Astronomy enough to know that star. Franciscus Sanctius in a laudable Comment of his upon Alciats Emblems, affirmeth and that from experience, a Nightingale hath no tongue. Avem Philomelam lingua carere pro certo affirmare possum, nisi me oculi fallunt. Which if any man for while shall believe upon his experience, he may at his leisure refute it by his own. What fool almost would believe, at least, what wise man would rely upon that Antidote delivered by Pierius in his Hieroglyphics against the sting of a Scorpion? that is, to sit upon an Ass with ones face toward his tail; for so the pain, from its sting leaveth the man, and passeth into the beast. It were me thinks but an uncomfortable receit for a Quartane Ague, and yet as good perhaps as many others used, to have recourse unto the remedy of Sammonicus, that is, to lay the fourth book of Homer's Iliads under ones head, according to the precept of that Physician and Poet, Moeoniae Iliados quartum suppone trementi, There are surely few that have belief to swallow, or hope enough to experiment the Collyrium of Albe●tus, which promiseth a strange effect, and such as Thiefs would count inestimable; that is, to make one see in the dark: yet thus much, according unto his receipt, will the right eye of an Hedgehog boiled in oil and preserved in a brazen vessel effect. As strange it is, and unto vicious inclinations were worth a night's lodging with Lais, what is delivered in Kiranides, that the left stone of a Weasel, wrapped up in the skin of a she Mule, is able to secure incontinency from conception.  
These with swarms of others have men delivered in their writings, whose verities are only supported by their Authorities: but being neither consonant unto reason, nor correspondent unto experiment, their affirmations are unto us no Axioms, we esteem thereof as things unsaid, and account them but in the list of nothing. I wish herein the chemists had been more sparing, who overmagnifying their preparations, inveigle the curiosity of many, and delude the security of most. For if their experiments would answer their encomiums, the Stone and Quartane Agues, were not opprobrious unto Physicians; And we might contemn that first, and most uncomfortable Aphorism of Hypocrates; Ars Longa, Vita Brevis, For surely that Art were soon attained, that hath so general remedies, and life could not be short, were there such to prolong it.   

CHAP. VIII.  
A brief enumeration of Authors.  
NOw for as much as we have discoursed of Authority, and there is scarce any tradition or popular error but stands also delivered by some good Author; we shall endeavour a short discovery of such as for the major part have given authority hereto: who although excellent and useful Authors, yet being either transcriptive, or following the common relations of things, their accounts are not to be swallowed at large, or entertained without a prudent circumspection. In whom the ipse dixit, although it be no powerful argument in any, is yet less authentic than in many other, because they deliver not their own experiences, but others affirmations, and write from others as we ourselves from them.  
1. The first in order as also in time, shall be Herodotus of Halicarnassus, an excellent and very elegant Historian, whose books of history were so well received in his own days, that at their rehearsal in the Olympic g●mes, they obtained the names of the nine Muses, and continued in such esteem unto descending Ages, that Cicero termed him Historiarum parens. And Dionysius his Countryman, in an Epistle to Pompey, after an express comparison, affords him the better of Thucydides; all which notwithstanding, he hath received from some, the stile of Mendaciorum pater; his authority was much infringed by Plutarch, who being offended with him, as Polybius had been with Philarcus, for speaking too coldly of his Countrymen, hath left a particular Tract, de Malignitate Herodot●, But in this latter Century, Cam●rarius and Stephanus have stepped in, and by their witty Apologies, effectually endeavoured to frustrate the arguments of Plutarch, or any other. Now in this Author, as may be observed in our ensuing▪ Discourse, and is better discernible in the perusal of himself, there are many things fabulously delivered, and not to be accepted as truths: whereby nevertheless if any man be deceived, the Author is not so culpable as the believer. For he indeed imitating the father Poet, whose life he hath also written, and as Thucydides observeth, as well intending the delight as benefit of his Reader, hath besprinkled his work with many fabulosities, whereby if any man be led into error, he mistaketh the intention of the Author, who plainly confesseth he writeth many things by hearsay, and forgetteth a very considerable caution of his, that is, Ego quae fando cognovi, exponere narratione mea debe● omnia; credere autem esse vera omnia, non debeo,  
2. In the second place is Cresias the Cnidian, Physician unto Artaxerxes King of Persia, his books are often cited by ancient Writers; and by the industry of Stephanus and Rodomanus, there are extant some fragments thereof in our days; he wrote the History of Persia, and many narrations of India. In the first as having a fair opportunity to know the truth: And as Diodorus affirmeth the perusal of Persian records, his testimony is acceptable in his Indiary relations, wherein are contained strange and incredible accounts, he is surely to be read with suspension; and these were they which weakened his authority with former ages, and made him contemptible unto most. For as we may observe, he is seldom mentioned, without a derogatory parenthesis in any Author; Aristotle besides the frequent undervaluing of his authority, in his books of Animals gives him the lie no less than twice, concerning the seed of Elephants. Strabo in his xi book hath left a harder censure of him. Equidem facil●us Hesi●do & Homero, aliquis ●idem adhibuerit, itemque Tragicis Poetis▪ quam Ctesiae Herodoto, Hellanico & eorum similibus, But Lucian hath spoken more plainly than any. Scripsit Ctesias de Indorum regione, deque tis quae ●pud illos sunt, ea quae nec ipse v●dit, neque ex ull●●s sermone audivit, Yet were his relations taken up by most succeeding Writers, and many thereof revived by our Countryman, Sir John Mandevell Knight and Doctor in Physic, who after thirty years' peregrination died at Liege, and was there honourably interred. He left behind him a book of his travels, which hath been honoured with the translation of many languages, and hath now continued above three hundred years; herein he often attesteth the fabulous relations of Ctesias, and seems to confirm the refuted accounts of Antiquity: all which may still be received in some acceptions of morality, and to a pregnant invention, may afford commendable mythology, but in a natural and proper Exposition, it containeth impossibilities and things inconsistent with truth.  
3. There is a Book de mirandis auditionibus, ascribed unto Aristotle, another de mirabilibus narrationibus, written long after by Antigonus, another also of the same title by Plegon Trallianus translated by Xilander, and with the Annotations of Meursius; all whereof make good the promise of their titles and may be read with caution; which if any man shall likewise observe in the Lecture of Philostratus, concerning the life of Apolonius, or not only in ancient Writers, but shall carry a wary eye, on Paulus Venetus, Jovius, Olaus Magnus, Nierembergius, and many other, I think his circumspection is laudable, and he may thereby decline occasion of Error.  
4. Dioscorides Anazarbeus, he wrote many books in Physic, but six thereof the Materia Medica, have found the greatest esteem; he is an Author of good Antiquity, and better use, preferred by Galen before Cratevas, Pamphilus, and all that attempted the like description before him; yet all he delivereth therein is not to be conceived Oraculous: For beside that, following the wars under Anthony, the course of his life would not permit a punctual examen in all; There are many things concerning the nature of simples, traditionally delivered, and to which I believe he gave no assent himself. It had been an excellent receipt, and in his time when Saddles were scarce in fashion of very great use, if that were true, which he delivers, that Vitex, or Agnus Castus held only in the hand, preserveth the rider from galling. It were a strange effect, and whores would forsake the expe●iment of Savine. If that were a truth which he delivereth of Brake or female fern, that only treading over it, it causeth a sudden abortion. It were to be wished true, and women would Idolise him, could that be made out which he recordeth of Phyllon, Mercury, and other vegetables, that the juice of the masle plant drunk, or the leaves but applied unto the genitals, determines their conceptions unto males. In these relations although he be more sparing, his predecessors were very numerous; and Galen hereof most sharply accuseth Pamphilus: many of the like nature we meet sometimes in Oribasius, Acius, Trallianus, Serapion, Evax, and Marcellus, whereof some containing no colour of verity, we may at first sight reject them, others which seem to carry some face of truth, we may reduce unto experiment. And herein we shall rather peforme good offices unto truth, than any disservice unto their relators, who have well deserved of succeeding ages, from whom having received the conceptions of former times, we have the readier hint of their conformity with ours, and may accordingly explore their verities.  
5. Plinius Secundus of Verona, a man of great eloquence, and industry indefatigable, as may appear by the number of the writings, especially those now extant, and which are never like to perish, but even with learning itself, that is, his natural History comprised in 36. books; he was the greatest Collector or Rhapsodist of all the Latins, and as Suetonius de viris Illustribus observeth, he collected this piece out of 2000 Latin and Greek Authors. Now what is very strange, there is scarce a popular error passant in our days, which is not either directly expressed, or diductively contained in this work, which being in the hands of most men, hath proved a powerful occasion of their propogation; wherein notwithstanding the credulity of the Reader, is more condemnable than the curiosity of the Author. For commonly he nameth the Authors, from whom he received those accounts, and writes himself by hear say, as in his Preface unto Vespasian he acknowledgeth.  
6. Claudius' Aelianus, who flourished not long after in the reign of Trajan, unto whom he dedicated his Tactics, an elegant and miscellaneous Author, he hath left two books which are in the hands of every one, his History of Animals, and his Varia historia, wherein are contained many things suspicious, not a few false, some impossible; he is much beholding unto Ctesias, and in many subjects writes more confidently than Pliny.  
7. Julius Solinus, who lived also about his time: He left a work entitled Polyhistor, containing great variety of matter, and is with most in good request at this day: but to speak freely what cannot be concealed, it is but Pliny varied, or a transcription of his natural history; nor is it without all wonder it hath continued so long, but is now likely, and deserves indeed to live for ever; not so much for the elegancy of the text, as the excellency of the comment, lately performed by Salmasius, under the name of Plinian exercitations.  
8. Athenaeus a d●lectable Author, and very various, and as Causabone in his Epistle styles him Gr●corum Plinius: There is extant of his, a famous piece under the name of Deipnosophista, or coena sapientum, containing the discourse of many learned men, at a feast provided by Laurentius. It is a laborious collection out of many Authors, and some whereof are mentioned no where ●lse. It containeth strange and singular relations, not without some spice or sprinkling of all learning. The Author was probably a better Grammarian than Philosopher, dealing but hardly with Aristotle and Plato, and betrayeth himself much in his Chapter de curiositate Aristotelis, In brief, he is an Author of excellent use, and may with discretion, be read unto great advantage: and hath therefore well deserved, the Comments of Causabon and Dalecampius: but being miscellaneous in many things, he is to be received with suspicion; for such as amass all relations, must err in some, and may without offence be unbelieved in many.  
9 We will not omit the works of Nicander, a Poet of good Antiquity, that is, his Theriaca, and Alexipharmaca, translated and commented by Gorraeus: for therein are contained several traditions, and popular conceits, of venomous beasts, which only deducted, the work is ever to be embraced, as containing the first description of poisons, and their Antidotes, whereof Dioscorides, Pliny, and Galen, have made especial use in elder times; and Ardoynus, Grevinus and others, in times more near our own. We might perhaps let pass Oppianus, that famous Cilician Poet. There are extant of his in Greek, four books of Cynegeticks or venation, five of Halieuticks or piscation, commented and published by Ritterhusius, wherein describing beasts of venery, and fishes, he hath indeed but sparinlgly inserted the vulgar conceptions thereof: so that abating only the annual mutation of Sexes in the Hyaena, the single Sex of the Rhinoceros, the antipathy between two drums, of a Lamb and a Wolves skin, the informity of Cubbes, the venation of Centaurs, the copulation of the Murena and the Viper, with some few others, he may be read with great delight and profit. It is not without some wonder, his elegant lines are so neglected. Surely hereby we reject one of the best Epic Poets, and much condemn the judgement of Antoninus, whose apprehensions so honoured his Poems, that as some report, for every verse, he assigned him a Stater of gold.  
10. More warily are we to receive the relations of Philes, who in Gr●cke iambics delivered the proprieties of Animals, for herein he hath amassed the vulgar accounts recorded by the Ancients, and hath therein especially followed Aelian, and likewise Johannes Tzetzes, a Grammarian, who besides a Comment upon Hesiod and Homer, hath left us Chiliads de varia Historia, wherein delivering the accounts of C●esias, Herodotus, and most of the Ancients, he is to be embraced with caution, and as a transcriptive relator.  
11. We cannot without partiality omit all caution even of holy Writers, and such whose names are venerable unto all posterity, not to meddle at all with miraculous Authors, or any Legendary relators: We are not without circumspection to receive some books even of Authentic and renowned Fathers. So are we to read the leaves of Basil and Ambrose in their books, entitled Hexameron, or The description of the Creation; Wherein delivering particular accounts of all the Creatures, they have left us relations suitable to those of Aelian, Pliny and other natural Writers; whose authorities herein they followed, and from whom most probably, they desumed their Narrations. And the like hath been committed by Epiphanius, in his Phisiologie, that is, a book he hath left concerning the nature of Animals. With no less caution must we look on Isidor, Bishop of Sevill, who having left in 25. books, an accurate work de originihus, hath to the Etymology of words, superadded their received natures; wherein most generally he consents with common opinions and Authors which have delivered them.  
12. Albertus' Bishop of Ratisbone, for his great learning and latitude of knowledge firnamed Magnus, besides divinity, he hath written many Tracts in Philosophy; what we are chiefly to receive with caution, are his natural Tractates, more especially those of Minerals, Vegetables, and Animals, which are indeed chiefly Collections out of Aristotle, Aelian, and Pliny, and respectively contain many of our popular errors. A man who hath much advanced these opinions by the authority of his name, and delivered most conceits, with strict enquiry into few. In the same classis, may well be placed Vincentius Belluacensis, or rather he from whom he collected his Speculum naturale, that is, Gulielmus de Conchis, as also Hortus Sanitatis, and Bartholomeus Glanvill, firnamed Anglicus, who writ de Proprietatibus rerum, Hither also may be referred Kiranides, which is a collection of Harpocration the Greek, and sundry Arabic writers; delivering not only the Natural but Magical propriety of things, a work as full of vanities as variety, containing many relations, whose invention is as difficult as their beliefs, and their experiments sometime as hard as either.  
13. We had almost forgot jeronymus Cardanus that famous Physician of Milan a great enquirer of truth, but too greedy a receiver of it, he hath left many excellent discourses, medical, Natural, and Astrological; the most suspicious are those two he wrote by admonition in a dream, that is, de subtilitate & varietate rerum, Assuredly this learned man hath taken many things upon trust, and although examined some, hath let slip many others. He is of singular use unto a prudent Reader, but unto him that desireth Hoties, or to replenish his head with varieties, like many others before related, either in the original or confirmation, he may become no small occasion of error.  
14. Lastly, those Authors are also suspicious, nor greedily to be swallowed, who pretend to write of secrets, to deliver Antipathies, Sympathies, and the occult abstrucities of things, in the list whereof may be accounted, Alexis Pedimont: Antonius Mizaldus, Trinum Magicum, and many others; not omitting that famous Philosopher of Naples, Baptista Porta, in whose works, although there be contained many excellent things, and verified upon his own experience; yet are there many also receptary, and such as will not endure the test: who although he have delivered many strange relations in other pieces, as his Phylognomy, and his Villa; yet hath he more remarkably expressed himself in his Natural Magic, and the miraculous effects of Nature: which containing a various and delectable subject, with all promising wondrous and easy effects, they are etertained by Readers at all hands, whereof the major part sit down in his authority, and thereby omit not only the certainty of truth, but the pleasure of its experiment.  
And thus have we made a brief enumeration of these learned men, not willing any to decline their Works, (without which it is not easy to attain any measure of general knowledge) but to apply themselves with caution thereunto. And seeing the lapses of these worthy pens, we are to cast a wary eye on those diminutive, and pamphlet Treaties daily published amongst us, pieces maintaining rather Typography than verity. Authors presumably writing by common places, wherein for many years promiscuously amassing all that makes for their subject, they break forth at last in trite and fruitless Rhapsodies, doing thereby not only open injury unto learning, but committing a secret treachery upon truth. For their relations falling generally upon credulous Readers, they meet with prepared beliefs, whose supinities had rather assent unto all, then adventure the trial of any.  
Thus, I say, must these Authors be read, and thus must we be read ourselves, for discoursing of matters dubious, and many controvertible truths, we cannot without arrogancy entreat a credulity, or implore any farther assent, than the probability of our reasons, and verity of experiments induce.   

CHAP. IX.  
Of the same.  
THere are beside these Authors and such as have positively promoted errors, divers other which are in some way accessary, whose verities although they do not directly assert, yet do they obliquely concur unto their beliefs. In which account are many holy Writers, Preachers, Moralists, Rhetoricians, Orators and Poets; for they depending upon invention deduce their mediums from all things whatsoever, and playing much upon the smile, or illustrative argumentation, induce their Enthymemes unto the people, they take up popular conceits, and from traditions unjustifiable or really false, illustrate matters, though not of consequence, yet undeniable truths. Wherein although their intention be sincere, and that course not much condemnable, yet are the effects thereof unwarrantable, in as much as they strengthen common errors, and confirm as veritable those conceits, which verity cannot allow.  
Thus have some Divines drawn into argument the fable of the Phoenix, made use of that of the Salamander, Pelican, Basilisk, and divers relations of Pliny, deducing from thence most worthy morals, and even upon our Saviour. Now although this be not prejudicial unto wiser judgements, who are indeed but weakly moved with such kind of argument, yet is it oftentimes occasion of error unto vulgar heads, who expect in the fable as equal a truth as in the mo●●ll, and conceive that infallible Philosophy, which is in any sense delivered by Divinity. But wiser discerners do well understand, that every Art hath its own circle, that the effects of things are best examined, by sciences wherein are delivered their causes, that strict and definitive expressions, are always required in Philosophy, but a loose and popular delivery will serve oftentimes in Divinity; as may be observed even in holy Scripture, which often omitteth the exact account of things, describing them rather to our apprehensions, then leaving doubts in vulgar minds, upon their unknown and Philosophical descriptions. Thus it termeth the Sun and the Moon, the two great lights of heaven. Now if any man shall from hence conclude, the Moon is second in magnitude unto the Sun, he must excuse my belief; and I think it cannot be taken for heresy, if I herein rather adhere unto the demonstration of Ptolemy, than the popular description of Moses. Thus is it said, Chron. 2. 4. That Solomon made a molten sea often cubits, from him to brim round in compass, and five cubits the height thereof, and a line of thirty cubits did compass it round about. Now in this description, the circumference is made just treble unto the diameter, that is, 10. to 30. or 7. to 21. But Archimedes demonstrates in his Cyclometro that the proportion of the diameter, unto the circumference, is as 7 unto almost 22, which will occasion a sensible difference that is almost a cubit. Now if herein I adhere unto Archimedes who speaketh exactly rather then the sacred Text which speaketh largely, I hope I shall not offend Divinity. I am sure I shall have reason and experience of every circle to support me.  
Thus Moral Writers, Rhetoricians and Orators make use of several relations which will not consist with verity. Aristotle in his Ethics takes up the conceit of the Beaver, and the divulsion of his Testicles. The tradition of the Bear, the Viper, and divers others are frequent amongst Orators. All which although unto the illiterate, and undiscerning hearers may seem a confirmation of their realities; yet is this no reasonable establishment unto others, who will not depend hereon otherwise then common Apologues, which being of impossible falsities do notwithstanding include wholesome moralities, and such as do expiate the trespass of their absurdities.  
The hieroglyphical doctrine of the Egyptians (which in their four hundred years' cohabitation, some conjecture they learned from the Hebrews) hath much advanced many popular conceits, for using an Alphabet of things, and not of words, through the Image and pictures thereof, they endeavoured to speak their hidden conceits, in the letters and language of nature; in pursuit whereof, although in many things, they exceeded not their true, and real apprehensions, yet in some other they either framing the story, or taking up the tradition, conducible unto their intentions, obliquely confirmed many falsities, which as authentic and conceded truths did after pass unto the Greeks, from them unto other Nations, are still retained by symbolical writers, Emblematistes, Heralds and others, whereof some are strictly maintained for truths, as naturally making good their artificial representations; others symbolically intended are literally received, and swallowed in the first sense, without all gust of the second. Famous in this doctrine in former ages were Heraiscus, Cheremon, and Epius, especially Orus, Apollo, Niliacus, who lived in the reign of Theodosius and in Egyptian language left two books of Hieroglyphics, translated into Greek by Philippus, in Latin published by Hoschelius, and a full collection of all made lately by Pierius.  
Painters who are the visible representers of things, and such as by the learned sense of the eye endeavour to inform the understanding, are not inculpable herein, who either describing naturals as they are, or actions as they have been, have oftentimes erred in their delineations, which being the books that all can read, are fruitful advancers of these conceptions, especially in common and popular apprehensions, who being unable for farther enquiry must rest in the text, and letter of their descriptions.  
Lastly, Poets and Poetical Writers have in this point exceeded others, leaving unto us the notions of Harps, Centaurs, Gryphins, and divers others. Now how ever to make use of fictions, Apologues and fables be not unwarrantable, and the intent of these inventions might point at laudable ends: Yet do they afford to our junior capacities a frequent occasion of error, settling impressions in our tender memories, which our advanced judgements, do generally neglect to expunge. This way the vain and idle fictions of the Gentiles, did first insinuate into the heads of Christians, and thus are they continued even unto our days: Our first and literary apprehensions being commonly instructed in Authors which handle nothing else; wherewith our memories being stuffed, our inventions become Pedantic, and cannot avoid their allusions, driving at these as at the highest elegancies, which are but the frigidities of wit, and become not the genius of our more manly ingenuities. It were therefore no loss like that of Galens study; if these had found the same fate, and would in some way requite the neglect of solid Authors, if they were less pursued. For surely were a pregnant wit educated in ignorance hereof, receiving only impressions from realities, from such solid foundations, it must needs raise more substantial superstructions, and fall upon very many excellent strains, which have been jusled off by their intrusions.   

CHAP. X.  
Of the last and common promoter of false Opinions, the endeavours of Satan.  
BUt beside the infirmities of humane nature, the seed of error within ourselves, and the several ways of delusion from each other, there is an invisible Agent, and secret promoter without us, whose activity is undiscerned, and plays in the dark upon us, and that is the first contriver of Error, and professed opposer of Truth, the Devil. For though permitted unto his proper principles, Adam perhaps would have sinned, without the suggestion of Satan, and from the transgressive infirmities of himself might have erred alone, as well as the Angels before him. And although also there were no devil at all, yet is there now in our natures a confessed sufficiency unto corruption; and the frailty of our own O●conomie, were able to betray us out of truth; yet wants there not another Agent, who taking advantage hereof, proceedeth to obscure the diviner part, and essace all tract of its traduction, to attempt a particular of all his wiles, is too bold an Arithmetic for man, what most considerably concerneth his popular, and practised ways of delusion, he first deceiveth mankind infive main points concerning God and himself.  
And first his endeavours have ever been, and they cease not yet to instill a belief in the mind of man, There is no God at all; and this he specially labours to establish in a direct and literal apprehension, that is, that there is no such reality existent, that the necessity of his entity dependeth upon ours, and is but a political Chimaera; That the natural truth of God is an artificial erection of man, and the Creator himself but a subtle invention of the creature. Where he succeeds not thus high, he labours to introduce a secendary and deductive Atheism, that although they concede there is a God, yet should they deny his providence, and therefore assertions have flown about, that he intendeth only the care of the species or common natures, but letteth lose the guard of individuals, and single essences therein: That he looks not below the Moon, but hath designed the regiment of sublunary affairs unto inferior deputations; to promote which apprehensions or empuzzell their due conceptions, he casteth in the notions of fate, destiny, fortune, chance and necessity; terms commonly misconceived by vulgar heads, and their propriety sometime perverted by the wisest. Whereby extinguishing in minds the compensation of virtue and vice, the hope and fear of heaven or hell, they comply in their actions unto the drift of his delusions, and live like creatures below the capacity of either.  
Now hereby he not only undermineth the Base of religion, and destroyeth the principle preambulous unto all belief, but puts upon us the remotest error from truth. For Atheism is the greatest falsity, and to affirm there is no God the highest lie in Nature: and therefore strictly taken, some men will say his labour is in vain; For many there are, who cannot concive there was ever any absolute Atheist, or such as could determine there was no God, without all check from himself, or contradiction from his own opinions; and therefore those few so called by elder times, might be the best of Pagans, suffering that name rather, in relation to the gods of the Gentiles, than the true Creator of all. A conceit that cannot befall his greatest enemy, or him that would induce the same in us, who hath a sensible apprehension hereof, for he believeth with trembling. To speak yet more strictly and conformably unto some opinions, no creature can wish thus much, nor can the will which hath a power to run into velleities, and wishes of impossibilities, have any utinam of this. For to desire there were no God, were plainly to unwish their own being, which must needs be annihilated in the substraction of that essence, which substantially supporteth them, and restrains them from regression into nothing. And if as some contend, no creature can desire his own anihilation, that nothing is not appetible, and not to be at all, is worse than to be in the miserable condition of something; the devil himself could not embrace that motion, nor would the enemy of God be freed by such a Redemption.  
But coldly thriving in this design, as being repulsed by the principles of humanity, and the Dictates of that production, which cannot deny its original, he fetcheth a wider cirle, and when he cannot make men conceive there is no God at all, he endeavours to make them believe, there is not one but many; wherein he hath been so successful with common heads, that he hath lead their belief thorough all the works of Nature.  
Now in this latter attempt, the subtlety of his circumvension, hath indirectly obtained the former. For although to opinion there be many gods, may seem an excess in Religion, and such as cannot at all consist with Atheism, yet doth it diductively and upon inference include the same: for unity is the inseparable and essential attribute of Deity; And if there be more than one God, it is no Atheism to say there is no God at all. And herein though Socrates only suffered, yet were Plato and Aristotle guilty of the same truth, who demonstratively understanding the simplicity of perfection, and the indivisible condition of the first causator, it was not in the power of earth, or Areopagy of hell to work them from it. 
Areopagus the severe Court of Athens,  For holding an apodictical knowledge, and assured science of its verity, to persuade their apprehensions unto a plurality of gods in the world, were to make Euclid believe there were more than one Centre in a Circle, or one right Angle in a Triangle; which were indeed a fruitless attempt, and inferreth absurdities beyond the evasion of hell. For though Mechanic and vulgar heads ascend not unto such comprehensions, who live not commonly unto half the advantage of their principles, yet did they not escape the eye of wiser Mine●vacs, and such as made good the genealogy of Jupiter's brains, who although they had divers styles for God, yet under many appellations acknowledged one divinity: rather conceiving thereby the evidence or acts of his power in several ways and places, than a multiplication of Essence, or real distraction of unity in any one.  
Again, to render our errors more monstrous, (and what unto miracle sets forth the patience of God) he hath endeavoured to make the world believe, that he was God himself, and failing of his first attempt to be but like the highest in heaven, he hath obtained with men to be the same on earth, and hath accordingly assumed the annexes of divinity, and the prerogatives of the Creator, drawing into practise the operation of miracles, and the prescience of things to come. Thus hath he in a specious way wrought cures upon the sick: played over the wondrous acts of Prophets, and counterfeited many miracles of Christ and his Apostles. Thus hath he openly contended with God; And to this effect his insolency was not ashamed to play a solemn prize with Moses, wherein although his performance was very specious, and beyond the common apprehension of any power below a Deity, yet was it not such as could make good his Omnipotency. For he was wholly confounded in the conversion of dust into louse. An act Philosophy can scarce deny to be above the power of Nature, nor upon a requisite predisposition beyond the efficacy of the Sun. Wherein notwithstanding the head of the old Serpent was confessedly too weak for Moses hand & the a●m of his Magicians too short for the finger of God.  
Thus hath he also made men believe that he can raise the dead, that he hath the key of life and death, and a prerogative above that principle which makes no regression from privations. The Stoics that opinioned the souls of wise men, dwelled about the Moon, and those of fools wandered about the earth, advantaged the conceit of this effect, wherein the Epicureans, who held that death was nothing, nor nothing after death, must contradict their principles to be deceived. Nor could the Pythagorean or such as maintained the transmigration of souls give easy admittance hereto: for holding that separated soule●, successively supplied other bodies, they could hardly allow the raising of souls from other worlds, which at the same time, they conceived conjoined unto bodies in this. More inconsistent with these opinions, is the error of Christians, who holding the dead do rest in the Lord, do yet believe they are at the lure of the devil; that he who is in bonds himself commandeth the fetters of the dead, and dwelling in the bottomless lake, the blessed from Abraham's bosom. That can believe the resurrection of Samuel, or that there is any thing but delusion, in the practice of Necromancy and popular conception of Ghosts.  
He hath moreover endeavoured the opinion of Deity, by the delusion of Dreams, and the discovery of things to come, in sleep above the prescience of our waked senses. In this expectation he persuaded the credulity of elder times to take up their lodging before his temple, in skins of their own sacrifices, till his reservedness had contrived answers, whose accomplishments were in his power, or not beyond his presagement. Which way although it hath pleased Almighty God, sometimes to reveal himself, yet was their proceeding very different. For the revelations of heaven are conveied by new impressions, and the immediate illumination of the soul; whereas the deceiving spirit, by concitation of humours, produceth his conceited phantasms, or by compounding the species already residing, doth make up words which mentally speak his intentions.  
But above all other he most advanced his Deity in the solemn practice of Oracles, wherein in several parts of the world, he publicly professed his divinity; but how short they slew, of that spirit, whose omniscience they would resemble, their weakness sufficiently declared. What juggling there was therein, the Orator plainly confessed, who being good at the same game himself, could say that Pythia Phillippised: who can but laugh at the carriage of Ammon unto Alexander, who addressing unto him as God, was made to believe, he was a god himself? How openly did he betray his Indivinity unto Croesus, who being ruined by his amphibology, and expostulating with him for so ungrateful a dec●it, received no higher answer, than the excuse of his impotency upon the contradiction of fate, and the settled law of powers beyond his power to control what more than sublunary directions, or such as might proceed from the oracle of humane reason, was in his advice unto the Spartans' in the time of a great plague; when for the cessation thereof, he wished them to have recourse unto a Fawn, that is in open terms unto one Nebrus, 
Nebros in Greek, a Fawn.  a good Physician of those days. From no diviner a spirit came his reply unto Caracalla, who requiring a remedy for his gout, received no other counsel then to refrain cold drink, which was but a dietetical caution, and such as without a journey unto A●sculapius culinary prescription and kitchen Aphorisms, might have afforded at home. Nor surely if any truth there were therein of more than natural activity was his counsel unto Democritus, when for the falling sickness he commended the Maggot in a Goat's head; for many things secret are very true, sympathyes and antipathies are safely authentic unto us, who ignorant of their causes may yet acknowledge their effects. Beside being a natural Magician he may perform many acts in ways above our knowledge, though not transcending our natural power, when our knowledge shall direct it; part hereof hath been discovered by himself, and some by humane indagation which though magnified as fresh inventions unto us, are stale unto his cognition: I hardly believe, he hath from elder times unknown the verticity of the loadstone; surely his perspicacity discerned it to respect the North, when ours beheld it indeterminately. Many secrets there are in nature of difficult discovery unto man, of natural knowledge unto Satan, whereof some his vainglory cannot conceal, others his envy will never discover.  
Again, such is the mystery of his delusion, that although he labour to make us believe that he is God, and supremest nature whatsoever, yet would he also persuade our beliefs that he is less than Angels or men, and his condition not only subjected unto rational powers, but the action of things which have no efficacy on ourselves; thus hath he inveigled no small part of the world into a credulity of artificial Magic. That there is an Art, which without compact commands the powers of hell, whence some have delivered the policy of spirits, and left an account even to their Provincial dominions, that they stand in awe of charms, spells and conjurations, that he is afraid of letters and characters of notes and dashes, which set together do signify nothing; and not only in the dictionary of man, but the subtler vocabulary of Satan. That there is any power in Bitumen, pitch or brimstone, to purify the air from his uncleanness, that any virtue there is in Hypericon to make good the name of fuga Demonis, any such magic as is ascribed unto the root Baaras by Josephus or Cynospastus by Aelianus, it is not easy to believe, nor is it naturally made out what is delivered of Tobias, that by the fume of a fishes liver, he put to flight Asmodeus. That they are afraid of the pentangle of Solomon, though so set forth with the body of man, as to touch and point out the five places wherein our Saviour was wounded. I know not how to assent if perhaps he hath fled from holy water, if he cares not to hear the sound of Tetragrammaton, if his eye delight not in the sign of the Cross, and that sometimes he will seem to be charmed with words of holy Scripture, and to fly from the letter and dead verbality, who must only start at the life and animated interiors thereof. It may be feared they are but Parthian flights, Ambuscado retreats, and elusory tergiversations, whereby to confirm our credulities, he will comply with the opinion of such powers which in themselves have no activities, whereof having once begot in our minds an assured dependence, he makes us rely on powers which he but precariously obeys, and to desert those true and only charms which hell cannot withstand.  
Lastly, to lead us farther into darkness, and quite to lose us in this maze of error, he would make men believe there is no such creature as himself, and that he is not only subject unto inferior creatures but in the rank of nothing: Insinuating into men's minds there is no devil at all and contriveth accordingly, many ways to conceal or indubitate his existency: wherein beside that he anihilates the blessed Angels and spirits in the rank of his creation, he begets a security of himself and a careless eye unto the last remunerations. And therefore hereto he inveigleth, not only the Sadduces and such as retain unto the Church of God, but is also content that Epicurus Democritus or any of the heathen should hold the same. And to this effect he maketh men believe that apparitions, and such as confirm his existence are either deceptions of sight, or melancholy depravements of fancy: Thus when he had not only appeared but spoke unto Brutus, Cassius, the Epicurian was ready at hand to persuade him it was but a mistake in his weary imagination, and that indeed there were no such realities in nature. Thus he endeavours to propagate the unbelief of witches, whose concession infers his coexistency, and by this means also he advanceth the opinion of total death, and staggereth the immortality of the soul: for those which deny there are spirits subsistent without bodies, will with more difficulty affirm the separated existence of their own.  
Now to induce and bring about these falsities he hath laboured to destroy the evidence of truth, that is the revealed verity and written word of God. To which intent he hath obtained with some to repudiate the books of Moses, others those of the Prophets, and some both to deny the Gospel and authentic histories of Christ, to reject that of John, and receive that of Judas, to disallow all and erect another of Thomas. And when neither their corruption by Valentinus and Arrian, their mutilation by Martion, Manes and Ebion could satisfy his design, he attempted the ruin and total destruction thereof, as he sedulously endeavoured, by the power and subtlety of Julian, Maximinus and Dioclesian.  
But the longevity of that piece, which hath so long escaped the common fate, and the providence of that Spirit which ever waketh over it, may at last discourage such attempts; and if not, make doubtful its mortality, at least indubitably declare, this is a stone too big for Saturn's mouth, and a bit indeed Oblivion cannot swallow.  
And thus how strangely he possesseth us with errors may clearly be observed, deluding us into contradictory and inconsistent falsities, whilst he would make us believe: That there is no God. That there are many. That he himself is God. That he is less than Angels or Men. That he is nothing at all. Nor hath he only by these wiles depraved the conception of the Creator, but with such riddles hath also entangled the Nature of our Redeemer. Some denying his humanity, and that he was one of the Angels, as Ebion; that the Father and Son were but one person, as Sabellius. That his body was fantastical, as Manes, Basilides, Priscillian, Jovinianus; that he only passed through Mary, as Eutichus and Valentinus. Some deny his Divinity, that he was begotten of human● principles, and the seminal son of Joseph, as Carpocras, Symmachus, Photinus. That he was Seth the son of Abraham, as the Sethians. That he was less than Angels, as Cherinthus. That he was inferior unto Melchisedech, as Theodotus. That he was not God, but God dwelled in him, as Nicolaus. And some embroiled them both. So did they which converted the Trinity into a quaternity, & affirmed two persons in Christ, as Paulus Samosatenus; that held he was man without a soul, and that the word performed that office in him, as Apollinaris. That he was both Son and Father, as Montanus. That Jesus suffered, but Christ remained impatible, as Cherinthus. And thus he endeavours to entangle truths: And when he cannot possibly destroy its substance he cunningly confounds its apprehensions, that from the inconsistent and contrary determinations thereof, collective impieties, and hopeful conclusion may arise, there's no such thing at all.   

CHAP. XI.  
A further Illustration.  
NOw although these ways of delusions, most Christians have escaped, yet are there many other whereunto we are daily betrayed▪ and these we meet with in visible and obvious occurrents of the world, wherein he induceth us, to ascribe effects unto causes of no cognation, and distorting the order and theory of causes perpendicular to their effects, he draws them aside unto things whereto they run parallel, and in their proper motions would never meet together.  
Thus doth he sometime delude us in the conceits of Stars and Meteors, beside their allowable actions ascribing effects thereunto of independent causations. Thus hath he also made the ignorant sort believe that natural effects immediately and commonly proceed from supernatural powers, and these he usually derives from heaven; and his own principality the air, and meteors therein, which being of themselves, the effects of natural and created causes, and such as upon a due conjunction of actives and passives, without a miracle must arise unto what they appear, are always looked on by the ignorant spectators as supernatural spectacles, and made the causes or signs of most succeeding contingencies. To behold a Rainbow in the night, is no prodigy unto a Philosopher. Then eclipses of Sun or Moon, nothing is more natural. Yet with what superstition they have been beheld since the Tragedy of Niceas, and his Army, many examples declare.  
True it is, and we will not deny it, that although these being natural productions from second and settled causes, we need not always look upon them as the immediate hands of God, or of his ministering Spirits, yet do they sometimes admit a respect therein, and even in their naturals, the indifferency of their existences contemporised unto our actions, admits a farther consideration.  
That two or three Suns or Moons appear in any man's life or reign, it is not worth the wonder, but that the same should fall out at a remarkable time, or point of some decisive action, that the contingency of its appearance should be confined unto that time. That those two should make but one line in the book of fa●e, and stand together in the great Ephemerideses of God, beside the Philosophical assignment of the cause, it may admit a Christian apprehension in the signality.  
But above all he deceiveth us when we ascribe the effects of things unto evident & seeming causalities which arise from the secret & undiscerned action of himself. Thus hath he deluded many Nations in his Auguriall and Extispicious inventions, from casual and uncontrived contingences divining events succeeding. Which Fuscan superstition first ceasing upon Rome hath since possessed all Europe. When Augustus found two galls in his sacrifice, the credulity of the City concluded a hope of peace with Anthony, and the conjunctions of persons in choler with each other. Because Brutus and Cassius met a Blackmore, and Pompey had on a dark or sad coloured garment at Pharsalia; these were presages of their overthrow, which notwithstanding are scarce Rhetorical sequels, concluding metaphors from realities, and from conceptions metaphorical inferring realities again.  
Now these divinations concerning events being in his power, to force, contrive, prevent or further, they must generally fall out conformably unto his predictions. When Graceus was slain, the same day the Chickens refused to come out of the coop. And Claudius Pulcher underwent the like success, when he contemned the Tripudiary Augurations. They died not because the Pullet's would not feed, but because the devil foresaw their death, he contrived that abstinence in them. So was there no natural dependence of the event upon the sign, but an artificial contrivance of the sign unto the event. An unexpected way of delusion, and whereby he more easily led away the incercumspection of their belief. Which fallacy he might excellently have acted, before the death of Saul, which being in his power to foretell, was not beyond his ability to foreshow, and might have contrived signs thereof through all the creatures, which visibly confirmed by the event, had proved authentic unto those times, and advanced the Art ever after.  
He deludeth us also by Philters, Ligatures, Charms, ungrounded Annulets, Characters, and many superstitious ways in the cure of common diseases, seconding herein the expectation of men with events of his own contriving: which while some unwilling to fall directly upon Magic, impute unto the power of imagination, or the efficacy of hidden causes, he obtains a bloody advantage; for thereby he begets not only a false opinion, but such as leadeth the open way of destruction; In maladies admitting natural reliefs, making men rely on remedies, neither of real operation in themselves, nor more than seeming efficacy in his concurrence, which whensoever he pleaseth to withdraw, they stand naked unto the mischief of their diseases, and revenge the contempt of the medicines of the earth which God hath created for them. And therefore when neither miracle is expected, nor connexion of cause unto effect from natural grounds concluded; however it be sometime successful▪ it cannot be safe to rely on such practices, and desert the known and authentic provisions of God. In which rank of remedies, if nothing in our knowledge or their proper power be able to relieve us, we must with patience submit unto that restraint, and expect the will of the Restrainer.  
Now in these effects although he seem oft times to imitate, yet doth he concur unto their productions in a different way from that spirit which sometime in natural means produceth effects above Nature; For whether he worketh by causes which have relation or none unto the effect, he maketh it out by secret and undiscerned ways of Nature. So when Caius the blind, in the reign of Antonius, was commanded to pass from the right side of the Altar unto the left, to lay five fingers of one hand thereon, and ●ive of the other upon his eyes, although the cure succeeded and all the people wondered, there was not any thing in the action which did produce it, nor any thing in his power that could enable it thereunto. So for the same infirmity, when Aper was counselled by him to make a collyrium or ocular medicine with the blood of a white Cock, and honey, and apply it to his eyes for three days. When Julian for his haemoptysis or spitting of blood, was cured by honey and pine Nuts taken from his Altar. When Lucius for the pain in his side, applied thereto the ashes from his Altar with wine, although the remedies were somewhat rational, and not without a natural virtue unto such intentions, can we believe that by their proper faculties they produced these effects?  
But the effects of powers Divine flow from another operation, who either proceeding by visible means, or not unto visible effects, is able to conjoin them by his cooperation. And therefore those sensible ways which seem of indifferent natures, are not idle ceremonies, but may be causes by his command, and arise unto productions beyond their regular activities. If Nahaman the Syrian had washed in Jordan without the command of the Prophet, I believe he had been cleansed by them no more then by the waters of Damascus. I doubt if any beside Elisha had cast in salt, the waters of Jericho had not been made wholesome thereby. I know that a decoction of wild gourd or Colocynthis, though somewhat qualified, will not from every hand be dulcified unto aliment by an addition of flower or meal. There was some natural virtue in the plaster of figs applied unto Ezechias; we find that gall is very mundificative, and was a proper medicine to clear the eyes of Tobit; which carrying in themselves some action of their own, they were additionally promoted by that power which can extend their natures unto the production of effects beyond their created efficiencies. And thus may he operate also from causes of no power unto their visible effects; for he that hath determined their actions unto certain effects, hath not so emptied his own but that he can make them effectual unto any other.  
Again, although his delusions run highest in points of practice, whose errors draw on offensive or penal enormities, yet doth he also deal in points of speculation, and things whose knowledge terminates in themselves, whose cognition although it seems independent, and therefore its aberration directly to condemn no man; Yet doth he hereby preparatively dispose us unto errors, and deductively deject us into destructive conclusions.  
That the Sun, Moon and Stars are living creatures, endued with soul and life, seems an innocent error, and a harmless digression from truth; yet hereby he confirmed their Idolatry, and made it more plausibly embraced. For wisely mistrusting that reasonable spirits would never firmly be lost in the adorement of things inanimate, and in the lowest form of Nature, he begat an opinion that they were living creatures, and could not decay for ever.  
That spirits are corporeal, seems at first view a conceit derogative unto himself, and such as he should rather labour to overthrow; yet hereby he establisheth the doctrine of Lustrations, Annulets and Charms, as we have declared before.  
That there are two principles of all things, one good, and another evil; from the one proceeding virtue, love, light, and unity; from the other division, discord, darkness and deformity, was the speculation of Pythagoras, Empedocles, and many ancient Philosophers, and was no more than Oromasdes and Arimanius of Zoroaster; yet hereby he obtained the advantage of Adoration, and as the terrible principle became more dreadful than his Maker, and therefore not willing to let it fall, he furthered the conceit in succeeding Ages, and raised the faction of Ma●es to maintain it.  
That the feminine sex have no generative emission, affording rather place than principles of conception, was Aristotle's opinion of old, maintained still by some, and will be countenanced by him for ever. For hereby he disparageth the fruit of the Virgin, and frustrateth the fundamentals Prophesy, nor can the seed of the woman then break the head of the Serpent.  
Nor doth he only sport in speculative errors, which are of consequent impieties, but the unquietness of his malice hunts after simple lapses▪ and such whose falsities do only condemn our understandings. Thus if Xenophanes will say there is an other world in the Moon; If Heraclitus with his adherents will hold the Sun is no bigger than it appeareth; If Anaxagoras affirm that Snow is black; If any other opinion there are no Antipodes, or that the Stars do fall, shall he want herein the applause or advocacy of Satan. For maligning the tranquillity of truth, he delighteth to trouble its streams, and being a professed enemy unto God, (who is truth itself) he promoteth any error as derogatory to his nature, and revengeth himself in every deformity from truth. If therefore at any time he speak or practise truth it is upon design, and a subtle inversion of the precept of God, to do good that evil may come of it. And therefore sometimes we meet with wholesome doctrines from hell, Nossete●psum: The Motto of Delphos was a good precept in morality, That a just man is beloved of the gods, an uncontrollable verity. 'twas a good deed, though not well done, which he wrought by Vespasian, when by the touch of his foot he restored a lame man, and by the stroke of his hand another that was blind; but the intention hereof drived at his own advantage, for hereby he not only confirmed the opinion of his power with the people, but his integrity with Princes, in whose power he knew it lay to overthrow his Oracles, and silence the practice of his delusions.  
But indeed of such a diffused nature, and so large is the Empire of truth, that it hath place within the walls of hell, and the devils themselves are daily forced to practise it; not only as being true themselves in a Metaphysical verity, that is, as having their essence conformable unto the Intellect of their maker, but making use of Moral and Logical verities, that is, whether in the conformity of words unto things, or things unto their own conceptions, they practise truth in common among themselves. For although without speech they intuitively conceive each other, yet do their apprehensions proceed through realities, and they conceive each other by species, which carry the true and proper notions of things conceived. And so also in Moral verities, although they deceive us, they lie not unto each other; as well understanding that all community is continued by truth, and that of hell cannot consist without it.  
To come yet nearer to the point and draw into a sharper angle; They do not only speak and practise truth, but may be said wellwisher thereunto, and in some sense do really desire its enlargement. For many things which in themselves are false, they do desire were true; He cannot but wish he were as he professeth, that he had the knowledge of future events, were it in his power, the Jews should be in the right, and the Messias yet to come. Could his desires effect it, the opinion of Aristotle should be true, the world should have no end, but be as Immortal as himself. For thereby he might evade the accomplishment of those afflictions, he now but gradually endureth, for comparatively unto those flames he is but yet in Balneo, then begins his Ignis Rotae, and terrible ●ire, which will determine his disputed subtlety, and hazard his immortality.  
But to speak strictly, he is in these wishes no promoter of verity, but if considered some ways injurious unto truth, for (besides that if things were true, which now are false, it were but an exchange of their natures, and things must then be false, which now are true) the settled and determined order of the world would be perverted, and that course of things disturbed, which seemed best unto the wise contriver. For whilst they murmur against the present disposure of things, regulating their determined realityes unto their private optations, they rest not in their established natures, but unwishing their unalterable verities, do tacitly desire in them a difformity from the primitive rule, and the Idea of that mind that form all things best. And thus he offended truth even in his first attempt; For not content with his created nature, and thinking it too low, to be the highest creature of God, he offended the ordainer thereof, not only in the attempt, but in the wish and simple volition thereof.    

THE SECOND BOOK:  
Of sundry popular Tenants concerning Mineral, and vegetable bodies, generally held for truth, which examined, prove either false, or dubious.  

CHAP. I.  
Of Crystal.  
HEreof the common opinion hath been, and still remains amongst us, that Crystal is nothing else, but Ice or Snow concreted, and by duration of time, congealed beyond liquation. Of which assertion, if the prescription of time, and numerosity of Assertors, were a sufficient demonstration, we might sit down herein, as an unquestionable truth; nor should there need ulterior disquisition. For indeed, few opinions there are, which have ●ound so many friends, or been so popularly received, through all professions and ages. And first, Pliny is positive in this opinion: Crystallus sit gelu vehem●ntius concr●to: the same is followed by Seneca, and Elegantly described by Claudian, not denied by Scaliger, and some way affirmed by Albertus, Brasavolus, and directly by many others. The venerable Fathers of the Church have also assented hereto; As Basil in his Hexameron, Isidore in his Etymologies, and not only Austin a Latin Father, but Gregory the great, and Jerom upon occasion of that term, expressed in the first of Ezekiel.  
All which notwithstanding upon a strict enquiry, we find the matter controve●●ible, and with much more reason denied then is as yet affirmed. For first, though many have passed it over with easy affirmatives▪ yet are there also many Authors that deny it, and the exactest Mineralogists have rejected it. Diodorus in his eleventh book denyeth it, If Crystal be there taken in its proper acception, as Rhodiginus hath used it, and not for a Diamond, as Salmatius hath expounded it; for in that place he affirmeth. Crystallum esse lapidem ex aqua pura concr●tum▪ non tamen frigore sed divini caloris v●. Solinus who transcribed Pliny, and therefore in almost all subscribed unto him, hath in this point dissented from him. Putant quidam glaciem coire, & in Crystallum corporari sed frustra. Mathiolus in his Comment upon Dioscorides, hath with confidence and not without reason rejected it. The same hath been performed by Agricola de Natura foss●lium; by Cardan, Boe●ius de Boot, Caesius Bernardus, Senuertus, and many more.  
Now besides authority against it, there may be many reasons deduced from their several differences which seem to overthrow it. And first, a difference is probable in their concretion. For if Crystal be a stone, (as in the number thereof it is confessedly received) it is not immediately concreted by the efficacy of cold, but rather by a Mineral spirit, and lapid●ficall principles of its own, and therefore while it lay in solutis principiis, and remained in a fluid body, it was a subject very unapt for proper conglaceation; for Mineral spirits, do generally resist and scarce submit thereto. So we observe that many waters and springs will never freeze, and many parts in rivers and lakes, where there a●e Mineral eruptions, will still persist without congelation; as we also visibly observe, in Aqua fortis, or any Mineral solution, either of Vitriol, Alum, Salpeter, Ammoniac, or Tartar; which although to some degree exhaled and placed in cold conservatories, will Crystallise and shoot into white and glacious bodies; yet is not this a congelation primarily effected by cold, but an intrinsical induration from themselves, and a retreat into their proper solidityes, which were absorbed by the liquour, and lost in a full imbibition thereof before. And so also when wood and many other bodies do petrify, either by the sea, other waters, or earth's abounding in such spirits, do we usually ascribe their induration to cold, but rather unto salinous spirits, concretive juices, and causes circumjacent, which do assimilate all bodies not indisposed for their impressions.  
But Ice is only water congealed by the frigidity of the air, whereby it acquireth no new form, but rather a consistence or determination of its diffluency, and amitteth not its essence, but its condition of fluidity; neither doth there any thing properly conglaciate but water, or watery humidity; for the determination of quicksilver is properly fixation, that of milk coagulation, and that of oil and unctuous bodies only incrassation; And therefore Aristotle makes a trial of the fertility of humane seed, from the experiment of congelation, for that saith he, which is not watery and improlificall will not conglaciate, which perhaps must not be taken strictly, but in the germ and spirited particles: for eggs I observe will freeze, in the generative and albuginous part thereof. And upon this ground Paracelsus in his Archidoxis, extracteth the magistery of wine, after four month's digestion in horsedunge, exposing it unto the extremity of cold, whereby the aqueous parts will freeze, but the Spirit retire and be found uncongealed in the centre.  
Again, the difference of their concretion is not without reason, collectible from their dissolution, which being many ways performable in Ice, is not in the same manner effected in Crystal. Now the causes of liquation are contrary to those of concretion, and as the atoms and indivisible parcels are united, so are they in an opposite way disjoined. That which is concreted by exsiccation or expression of humidity, will be resolved by humectation, as earth, dirt, and clayi; that which is coagulated by a fiery siccity, will suffer colliquation from an aqueous humidity, as salt and sugar, which are easily dissoluble in water, but not without difficulty in oil, and well rectified spirits of wine. That which is concreated by cold, will dissolve by a moist heat, if it consist of watery parts, as Gums, Arabic, Tragacanth, Ammoniac, and others, in an airy heat or oil, as all resinous bodies, Turpentine, Pitch, and Frankincense; in both as gummy resinous bodies, Mastic, Camphire, and Storax; in neither, as neutrals and bodies anomalous hereto, as Bdellium, Myrrh and others. Some by a violent dry heat, as metals, which although corrodible by waters, yet will they not suffer a liquation from the powerfullest heat, communicable unto that element. Some will dissolve by this heat although their ingredients be earthy, as glass, whose materials are fine sand, and the ashes of Chali or Fearne; and so will salt run with fire, although it be concreated by heat, and this way alone may be effected a liquation in Crystal, but not without some difficulty; that is, calcination or reducing it by Art, into a subtle powder, by which way and a vitreous commixture, glasses are sometime made hereof, and it becomes the chiefest ground for artificial and factitious gems; but the same way of solution is common also unto many stones, and not only Berylls and Cornelians, but flints and pebbles, are subject unto fusion, and will run like glass in fire.  
But Ice will dissolve in any way of heat, for it will dissolve with ●ire, it will colliquate in water, or warm oil; nor doth it only submit to an actual heat, but not endure the potential calidity of many waters; for it will presently dissolve in Aqua fortis, sp. of vitriol, salt or tartar, nor will it long continue its fixation in spirits of wine, as may be observed in Ice injected therein.  
Again, the concretion of Ice will not endure a dry attrition without liquation; for if it be rubbed long with a cloth it melteth, but Crystal will calefy unto electricity, that is a power to attract straws or light bodies, and convert the needle freely placed; which is a declarement of very different parts, wherein we shall not at present enlarge, as having discoursed at full concerning such bodies in the Chap of Electricks.  
They are differenced by supernatation or floating upon water, for Crystal will sink in water as carrying in its own bulk a greater ponderosity, than the space in any water it doth occupy, and will therefore only swim in molten mettle, a●d Quicksilver. But Ice will swim in water of what thinness soever; and though it sink in oil, will float in spirits of wine or Aqua vitae. And therefore it may swim in water, not only as being water itself, and in its proper place, but perhaps as weighing no more than the water it possesseth. And therefore as it will not sink unto the bottom, so will it neither float above like lighter bodies, but being near, or inequality of weight, lie superficially or almost horizontally unto it. And therefore also an Ice or congelation of salt or sugar, although it descend not unto the bottom, yet will it abate, and decline below the surface in thin water, but very sensibly in spirits of wine. For Ice although it seemeth as transparent and compact as Crystal, yet is it short in either, for its atoms are not concreted into continuity, which doth diminish its translucency; it is also full of spumes and bubbles, which may abate its gravity. And therefore waters frozen in pans, and open glasses, after their dissolution do commonly leave a froth, and spume upon them.  
They are distinguished into substance of parts and the accidents thereof, that is in colour and figure; for Ice is a similary body▪ and homogeneous concretion, whose material is properly water, and but accidentally exceeding the simplicity of that element; but the body of Crystal is mixed, its ingredients many, and sensibly containeth those principles into which mixed bodies ar● reduced; for beside the spirit and mercurial principle, it containeth a sulphur or inflammable part, and that in no small quantity; for upon collision with steel, it will actually send forth its sparks▪ not much inferior unto a flint. Now such bodies only strike fire as have a sulphur or ignitible parts within them. For as we elsewhere declare, these scintillations are not the accension of the air, upon the collision of two hard bodies, but rather the inflammable effluencies discharged from the bodies collided. For diamonds, marbles, heliotropes, and agaths, though hard bodies, will not strike fire, nor one steel easily with another, nor a flint easily with a steel, if they both be wet, for then the sparks are quenched in their eruption.  
It containeth also a salt, and that in some plenty which may occasion its fragility, as is also observable in coral. This by the art of Chemistry is separable unto the operations whereof it is liable, with other concretions, as calcination, reverberation, sublimation, distillation: And in the preparation of Crystal, Paracelsus hath made a rule for that of Gems, as he declareth in his first the praeparationibu●. Briefly, it consisteth of such parts so far from an Icy dissolution that powerful menstruums are made for its emolition, whereby it may receive the tincture of minerals, and so resemble Gems, as Boetius hath declared in the distillation of Urine, spirits of wine, and turpentine, and is not only triturable, and reduceable into powder, by contrition, but will subsist in a violent ●ire, and endure a vitrification: Whereby are testified its earthy and fixed parts. For vitrification is the last work of fire, and when that arriveth, humidity is exhaled, for powdered glass emits no fume or exhalation although it be laid upon a red hot iron. And therefore when some commend the powder of burnt glass against the stone, they fall not under my comprehension, who cannot conceive how a body should be farther burned, which hath already passed the extremest teste of fire.  
As for colour although crystal in his pellucide body seems to have none at all, yet in its reduction into powder, it hath a veil and shadow of blue, and in its courser pieces, is of a sadder hue, than the powder of Venice glass, which complexion it will maintain although it long endure the fire; which notwithstanding needs not move us unto wonder, for vitrified and pellucide bodies, are of a clearer complexion in their continuities, then in their powders and atomical divisions. So Stibium or glass of Antimony, appears somewhat red in glass, but in its powder yellow; so painted glass of a sanguine red will not ascend in powder above a murrey.  
As for the figure of crystal (which is very strange, and forced Pliny to the despair of resolution) it is for the most part hexagonal or six cornered, being built upon a confused matter from whence as it were from a root angular figures arise, as in the Amethists and Basaltes, which regular figuration hath made some opinion, it hath not its determination from circumscription or as conforming unto contiguities, but rather from a seminal root, and formative principle of its own, even as we observe in several other concretions. So the stones which are sometime found in the gall of a man, are most triangular, and pyramidal, although the figure of that part seems not to cooperate thereto. So the Aster●a or Lapis Stellaris, hath on it the figure of a Star, and so Lapis Iuda●cu●, that famous remedy for the stone, hath circular lines in length all down its body, and equidistant, as though they had been turned by Art. So that we call a Fairy stone, and is often found in gravel pits amongst us, being of an hemisphericall figure, hath five double lines arising from the centre of its basis, which if no accretion distract them do commonly concur and meet in the pole thereof. The figures are regular in many other stones, as in the Belemnites, Lapis anguinus, Cornu Amn●onis, and divers beside, as by those which have not the experience hereof may be observed in their figures expressed by Mineralogistes. But Ice receiveth its figure according unto the surface, wherein it concreteth or the circumambiency which conformeth it. So is it plain upon the surface of water, but round in hail, (which is also a glaciation) and figured in its guttulous descent from the air. And therefore Aristotle in his Meteors concludeth that hail which is not round is congealed nearer the earth, for that which falleth from an high, is by the length of its journey corraded, and descendeth therefore in a lesser magnitude, but greater rotundity unto us.  
They are also differenced in the places of their generation; for though Crystal be found in cold countries, and where Ice remaineth long, and the air exceedeth in cold, yet is it also found in regions, where Ice is seldom seen or soon dissolved, as Pliny and Agricola relate of Cyprus, Caramania and an Island in the Red-sea; it is also found in the veins of Minerals, in rocks, and sometime in common earth. But as for Ice it will not concrete but in the approachment of the air, as we have made trial in glasses of water, covered half an inch with oil, which will not easily freeze in the hardest frosts of our climate; for water concreteth first in its surface, and so conglaciates downward, and so will it do although it be exposed in the coldest mettle of lead; which well acordeth with that expression of God, Job 38. The waters are hid as with a stone, and the face of the deep is frozen.  
They have contrary qualities elemental, and uses medicinal; for Ice is cold and moist, of the quality of water: But Crystal is cold and dry, according to the condition of earth, the use of Ice is condemned by most Physicians; that of Crystal commended by many. For although Dioscorides and Galen, have left no mention thereof; yet hath Mathiolus, Agricola, and many other commended it in disenteries and fluxes; all for the increase of milk, most chemists for the stone, and some as Brassavolus and Boetius, as an antidote against p●oyson: Which occult and specifical operations, are not expectible from Ice; for being but water congealed, it can never make good such qualities, nor will it reasonably admit of secret proprieties, which are the affections of forms, and compositions at distance from their elements.  
Having thus declared what Crystal is not, it may afford some satisfaction to manifest what it is. To deliver therefore what with the judgement of approved Authors, and best reason consisteth, It is a mineral body in the difference of stones, and reduced by some unto that subdivision, which comprehendeth gems; transparent and resembling glass or Ice, made of a lentous colament of earth, drawn from the most pure and limpid juice thereof, owing unto the coldness of the earth some concurrence or coadjuvancy, but not its immediate determination and efficiency, which are wrought by the hand of its concretive spirit, the seeds of petrification and Gorgon within itself; as we may conceive in stones and gems, as Diamonds, Beryls, Saphires and the like, whose generation we cannot with satisfaction confine unto the remote activity of the Sun, or the common operation of coldness in the earth, but may more safely refer it unto a lapidificall ●uccity, and congelitive principle which determines prepared materials unto specifical concretions. And therefore I fear we commonly consider subterranities not in contemplations sufficiently respective unto the creation. For though Moses have left no mention of minerals, nor made any other description than suits unto the apparent and visible creation; yet is there unquestionably, a very large Classis of creatures in the earth far above the condition of elementarity: And although not in a distinct and indisputable way of vivency, or answering in all points the properties or affections of plants, yet in inferior and descending constitutions, they do like these contain specifical distinctions, and are determined by seminalities; that is created, and defined seeds committed unto the earth from the beginning. Wherein although they attain not the indubitable requisites of Animation, yet have they a near affinity thereto. And though we want a proper name and expressive appellation, yet are they not to be closed up in the general name of concretions, or lightly passed over as only Elementary, and Subterraneous m●xtions.  
The principle and most gemmary affection is its Tralucency; as for irradiancy or sparkling which is found in many gems it is not discoverable in this, for it cometh short of their compactness and durity: and therefore it requireth not the Eme●ry, as Diamonds or Topaz, but will receive impression from steel, more easily than the Turchois. As for its diaphanity or perspicuity, it enjoyeth that most eminently, and the reason thereof is its continuity, as having its earthly & salinous parts so exactly resolved, that its body is left imporous and not discreted by atomical terminations. For, that continuity of parts, is the cause of perspicuity, is made perspicuous by two ways of experiment, that is either in effecting transparency in those bodies which were not so before, or at least far short of the additional degree. So snow becomes transparent upon liquation, so horns and bodies resolveable into continued parts or jelly. The like is observable in oiled paper, wherein the interstitial divisions being continuated by the accession of oil, it becometh more transparent, and admits the visible rays with less umbrosity. Or else by rendering those bodies opacus which were before pellucide and perspicuous. So glass which was before diaphanous, being by powder reduced into multiplicity of superficies, becomes an opacus body, and will not transmit the light: and so it is in crystal powdered, and so it is also evident before; for if it be made hot in a c●usible, and presently projected upon water, it will grow dim, and abate its diaphanity, for the water entering, the body begets a division of parts, and a termination of Atoms united before unto continuity.  
The ground of this opinion might be, first the conclusions of some men from experience, for as much as Crystal is found sometimes in rocks, and in some places not much unlike the stirious or stillicidious dependencies of Ice; which notwithstanding may happen either in places which havee been forsaken or left bare by the earth, or may be petrifications, or Mineral indurations, like other gems proceeding from percolations of the earth disposed unto such concretions.  
The second and most common ground is from the name Crystallus, whereby in Greek, both Ice and Crystal are expressed, which many not duly considering, have from their community of name, conceived a community of nature, and what was ascribed unto the one, not unsitly appliable unto the other. But this is a fallacy of Aequivocation, from a society in name inferring an Identity in nature. By this fallacy was he deceived that drank Aqua fortis for strong water: By this are they deluded, who conceive sperma Coeti (which is a bituminous superfluitance on the Sea) to be the spawn of the Whale; Or take sanguis draconis, (which is the gum of a tree) to be the blood of a Dragon. By the same Logic we may infer, the Crystalline humour of the eye, or rather the Crystalline heaven above, to be of the substance of Crystal below; Or that Almighty God sendeth down Crystal, because it is delivered in the vulgar translation, Psal. 47. Mittit Crystallum suum sicut Buccellas: which translation although it literally express the Septuagint, yet is there no more meant thereby, than what our translation in plain English expresseth; that is, he casteth forth his Ice like morsels, or what Tremellius and Junius as clearly deliver, De●icit gelu suum sicut frusta coram frigore eius quis consistet? which proper and Latin expressions, had they been observed in ancient translations, elder Expositors had not been misguided by the Synonomy, nor had they afforded occasion unto Austen, the Gloss, Lyranus, and many others, to have taken up the common conceit, and spoke of this text conformably unto the opinion rejected.   

CHAP. II.  
Concerning the Loadstone.  
Of things particularly spoken thereof evidently or probably true. Of things generally believed, or particularly delivered, manifestly or probably false. In the first of the Magnetical virtue of the earth, of the four motions of the stone, that is, its Verticity or direction, its Attraction or Coition, its declination, its Variation, and also of its Antiquity. In the second a rejection of sundry opinions and relations thereof, Natural, medical, Historical, Magical.  
ANd first we conceive the earth to be a Magnetical body. A Magnetical body, we term not only that which hath a power attractive, but that which seated in a convenient medium naturally disposeth it self to one invariable and fixed situation. And such a Magnetical virtue we conceive to be in the Globe of the earth; whereby as unto its natural points and proper terms it disposeth itself unto the poles, being so framed, constituted & ordered unto these points, that those parts which are now at the poles, would not naturally abide under the Aequator, nor Green-land remain in the place of Magellanica; and if the whole earth were violently removed, yet would it not forgo its primitive points, nor pitch in the East or West, but return unto its polary position again. For though by compactness or gravity it may acquire the lowest place, and become the centre of the universe, yet that it makes good that point, not varying at all by the accession of bodies upon, or secession thereof, from its surface pertu●bing the equilibration of either Hemisphere (whereby the altitude of the stars might vary) or that it strictly maintains the north and southern points, that neither upon the moti●ns of the heavens, air and winds without, large eruptions and d●v●sion of parts within, its polar pa●ts should never incline or veer unto the Aequator (whereby the latitude of places should also vary) it cannot so well be salved from gravity as a magnetical verticity. This is probably that foundation the wisdom of the Creator h●th laid unto the earth, and in this sense we may more nearly apprehend, and sensibly make out the expressions of holy Scripture, as that of Ps. 93. 1. Firma vit orbem terrae qui non commovebitur, he hath made the round world so sure that it cannot be moved: as when it is said by J●b, Extendit Aquilonem super vacuo, etc. He stretcheth forth the North upon the empty place, and hangeth the earth upon nothing. And this is the most probable answer unto that great question, Job ●8. whereupon are the foundations of the earth fastened, or who laid the corner stone thereof? Had they been acquainted with this principle, Anaxagoras, Socrates and Democritus had better made out the ground of this stability: Xen●phanes had not been fain to say it had no bottom, and ●h●les Milesius to make it swim in water. Now whether the earth stand still, or moveth circularly, we may concede this Magnetical stability: For although it move, in that conversion the poles and centre may still remain the same, as is conceived in the Magnetical bodies of heaven, especially J●piter and the Sun; which according to Galileus, Kepler, and Fabr●cius, are observed to have Dineticall motions and certain revolutions abou● their proper centres; and though the one in about the space of ten days, the other in less than one, accomplish this revolution, yet do they observe a constant habitude unto their poles and firm themselves thereon in their gyration.  
Nor is the vigour of this great body included only in is self, or circumferenced by its surface▪ but diffused at indeterminate distances through the air, water and bodies circumjacent; exciting and impregnating magnetical bodies within it surface or without it, and performing in a secret and invisible way what we evidently behold effected by the Loadstone. For these effluxions penetrate all bodies, and like the species of visible objects are ever ready in the medium, and lay hold on all body's proportionate or capable of their action; those bodies likewise being of a congenerous nature do readily receive the impressions of their motor; and if not fettered by their gravity, conform themselves to situations, wherein they best unite unto their Animator. And this will sufficiently appear from the observations that are to follow, which can no better way be made out then this we speak of the magnetical vigour of the earth. Now whether these effluvi●ms do fly by streated Atoms and winding particles as Renatus des Cartes conceaveth, or glide by streams attracted from either pole and hemisphere of the earth unto the Aequator, as Sir Kenelm Digby excellently declareth, it takes not away this virtue of the earth, but more distinctly sets down the gests and progress thereof, and are conceits of eminent use to salve magnetical phenomena's. And as in Astronomy those hypotheses though never so strange are best esteemed which best do salve apparencies, so surely in Philosophy those principles (though seeming monstrous) may with advantage be embraced, which best confirm experiment, and afford the readiest reason of observation. And truly the doctrine of effluxions, their penetrating natures, their invisible paths, and insuspected effects, are very considerable; for besides this magnetical one of the earth, several effusions there may be from divers other bodies, which invisibly act their parts at any time, and perhaps through any medium, a part of Philosophy but yet in discovery, and will I fear prove the last leaf to be turned over in the book of Nature.  
First, therefore it is evidently true and confirmable by every experiment, that steel and good Iron never excited by the Loadstone, discover in themselves a verticity; that is, a directive or polary faculty, whereby conveniently they do septentrionate at one extreme, and Australize at another; & this is manifestible in long and thin plates of steel perforated in the middle and equilibrated, or by an easier way in long wires equiponderate with untwisted silk and soft wax; for in this manner pendulous they will conform themselves Meridionally, directing one extreme unto the North, another to the South. The same is also manifest in steel wires thrust through little spheres or globes of Cork and floated on the water, or in naked needles gently let fall thereon, for so disposed they will not rest until they have ●ound out the Meridian, and as near as they can lie parallel unto the axis of the earth: Sometimes the eye, sometimes the point Northward in divers Needles, but the same point always in most, conforming themselves unto the whol● earth, in the same manner as they do unto every Loadstone; For if a needle untouched be hanged above a Loadstone, it will convert into a parallel position thereto; for in this situation it can best receive its verticity and be excited proportionably at both extremes: now this direction proceeds not primitively from themselves, but is derivative and contracted from the magnetical effluxions of the earth, which they have wound in their hammering and formation, or else by long continuance in one position, as we shall declare hereafter.  
It is likewise true what is delivered of Irons heated in the fire, that they contract a verticity in their refrigeration; for heated red hot and cooled in the meridian from North to South, they presently contract a polary power, and being poised in air or water convert that part unto the North which respected that point in its refrigeration; so that if they had no sensible verticity before it may be acquired by this way, or if they had any, it might be exchanged by contrary position in the cooling: for by the fire they omit not only many drossy and scorious parts, but whatsoever they had received either from the earth or loadstone, and so being naked and despoiled of all verticity, the magnetical Atoms invade their bodies with more effect and agility.  
Neither is it only true what Gilbertus' first observed, that Irons refrigerated North and South acquire a Directive faculty, but if they be cooled upright and perpendicularly they will also obtain the same; that part which is cooled toward the North on this side the Aequator, converting itself unto the North, and attracting the South point of the Needle: the other and highest extreme respecting the South, and attracting the Northern according unto the Laws Magnetical: for (what must be observed) contrary poles or faces attract each other, as the North the South, and the like decline each other, as the North the North. Now on this side of the Aequator, that extreme which is next the earth is animated unto the North, and the contrary unto the South; so that in Coition it applies itself quite oppositely, the coition or attraction being contrary to the verticity or Direction. Contrary if we speak according unto common use, yet alike if we conceive the virtue of the North pole to diffuse itself and open at the South, and the South at the North again.  
This polarity Iron refrigeration upon extremity and in defect of a Loadstone might serve to invigorate and touch a needle any where; and this, allowing variation, is also the truest way at any season to discover the North or South; and surely far more certain than what is affirmed of the grains and circles in trees, or the figure in the root of Ferne. For if we erect a red hot wire until it cool, then hang it up with wax and untwisted silk, where the lower end and that which cooled next the earth doth rest, that is the Northern point; and this we affirm will still be true, whether it be cooled in the air or extinguished in water, oil of vitriol, Aqua fortis, or Quicksilver. And this is also evidenced in culinary utensils and Irons that often feel the force of fire, as tongs, fireshovels, prongs and Andirons; all which acquire a magnetical and polary condition, and being suspended, convert their lower extremes unto the North, with the same attracting the Southern point of the Needle. For easier experiment if we place a Needle touched at the foot of tongues or andirons, it will obvert or turn aside its lily or North point, and conform its cuspis or South extreme unto the andiron. The like verticity though more obscurely is also contracted by bricks and tiles, as we have made trial in some taken out of the backs of chimneys. Now to contract this Direction, there needs not a total ignition, nor is it necessary the Irons should be red hot all over. For if a wire be heated only at one end, according as that end is cooled upward or downward, it respectively acquires a verticity, as we have declared before in wires totally candent. Nor is it absolutely requisite they should be exactly cooled perpendicularly, or strictly lie in the meridian, for whether they be refrigerated inclinatorily or somewhat Aequinoxially, that is toward the Eastern or Western points though in a lesser degree, they discover some verticity.  
Nor is this only true in Irons but in the Loadstone itself; for if a Loadstone be made red hot in the fire it amits the magnetical vigour it had before in itself, and acquires another from the earth in its refrigeration; for that part which cooleth toward the earth will acquire the respect of the North, and attract the Southern point or cuspis of the Needle. The experiment hereof we made in a Loadstone of a parallellogram or long square figure, wherein only inverting the extremes as it came out of the fire, we altered the poles or faces thereof at pleasure.  
It is also true what is delivered of the Direction and coition of Irons that they contract a verticity by long and continued position; that is, not only being placed from North to South, and lying in the meridian, but respecting the Zenith and perpendicular unto the centre of the earth, as is most manifest in bars of windows, casements, hinges and the like; for if we present the Needle unto their lower extremes, it wheels about it and turns its Southern point unto them. The same condition in long time do bricks contract which are placed in walls, and therefore it may be a fallible way to find out the meridian by placing the Needle on a wall for some bricks therein which by a long and continued position, are often magnetically enabled to distract the polarity of the Needle.  
Lastly, Irons do manifest a verticity not only upon refrigeration and constant situation, but (what is wonderful and advanceth the magnetical hypothesis) they evidence the same by mere position according as they are inverted▪ and their extremes disposed respectively unto the earth. For if an iron or steel not formerly excited, be held perpendicularly or inclinatorily unto the needle, the lower end thereof will attract the cuspis or southern point; but if the same extreme be inverted and held under the needle, it will then attract the lily or northern point; for by inversion it changeth its direction acquired before, and receiveth a new and southern polarity from the earth as being the upper extreme. Now if an iron be touched before, it varyeth not in this manner, for than it admits not this magnetical impression, as being already informed by the Loadstone and polarily determined by its preaction.  
And from these grounds may we best determine why the Northern pole of the Loadstone attracteth a greater weight than the Southern on this side the Equator, why the stone is best preserved in a natural and polary situation; and why as Gilbertus observeth, it respecteth that pole out of the earth which it regarded in its minereall bed and subterraneous position.  
It is likewise true and wonderful what is delivered of the Inclination or Declination of the Loadstone; that is, the descent of the needle below the plain of the Horizon: for long needles which stood before upon their axis parallel unto the Horizon, being vigorously excited, incline and bend downward, depressing the North extreme below the Horizon; that is the North on this, the South on the other side of the Equator, and at the very Line or middle circle of the Earth stand parallel, and deflecteth neither. And this is evidenced not only from observations of the needle in several parts of the earth, but sundry experiments in any part thereof, as in a long steel, wires equilibrated or evenly balanced in the air; for excited by a vigorous Loadstone it will somewhat depress it's animated extreme, and interest the horizontal circumference. It is also manifest in a needle pierced through a globe of Cork so cut away and pared by degrees that it will swim under water, yet sink not unto the bottom, which may be well effected; for if the cork be a thought too light to sink under the surface, the body of the water may be attenuated with spirits of wine; if too heavy, it may be incrassated with salt; and if by chance too much be added, it may again be thinned by a proportionable addition of fresh water: if then the needle be taken out, actively touched and put in again, it will depress and bow down its northern head toward the bottom, and advance its southern extremity toward the brim. This way invented by Gilbertus may seem of difficulty; the same with less labour may be observed in a needled sphere of cork equally contiguous unto the surface of the water; for if the needle be not exactly equiponderant, that end which is a thought too light, if touched becometh even; that needle also which will but just swim under water if forcibly touched will sink deeper, and sometime unto the bottom. If likewise that inclinatory virtue be destroyed by a touch from the contrary pole, that end which before was elevated will then decline; & this perhaps might be observed in some scales exactly balanced, and in such needles which for their bulk can hardly be supported by the water. For if they be powerfully excited & equally let fall, they commonly sink down and break the water at that extreme whereat they were septentrionally excited, & by this way it is conceived there may be some fraud in the weighing of precious commodities, and such as carry a value in quarter grains, by placing a powerful Loadstone above or below, according as we intent to depres or elevate one extreme.  
Now if these magnetical emissions be only qualities, and the gravity of bodies incline them only unto the earth; surely that which moveth other bodies to descent carrieth not the stroke in this, but rather the magnetical alliciency of the earth, unto which alacrity it applieth itself, and in the very same way unto the whole earth, as it doth unto a single Loadstone: for if an untouched needle be at a distance suspended over a Loadstone, it will not hang parallel, but decline at the north extreme, and at that part will first salute its Director. Again, what is also wonderful, this inclination is not invariable; for as it is observed just under the line the needle lieth parallel with the Horizon, but sailing north or south it beginneth to incline, and increaseth according as it approacheth unto either pole, and would at last endeavour to erect itself; and this is no more than what it doth upon the Loadstone, and that more plainly upon the Terrella or spherical magnet geographically set out with circles of the Globe. For at the Aequator thereof the needle will stand rectangularly, but approaching northward toward the tropic it will regard the stone obliquely; & when it attaineth the pole directly, and if its bulk be no impediment, erect itself and stand perpendicularly thereon. And therefore upon strict observation of this inclination in several latitudes & due records preserved, instruments are made whereby without the help of Sun or Star, the latitude of the place may be discovered; and yet it appears the observations of men have not as yet been so just & equal as is desirable, for of those tables of declination which I have perused, there are not any two that punctually agree, though some have been thought exactly calculated, especially that which Ridley received from Mr. Brigs in our time Geometry Professor in Oxford.  
It is also probable what is delivered concerning the variation of the compass that is the cause and ground thereof, for the manner as being confirmed by observation we shall not at all dispute. The variation of the compass is an Arch of the Horizon intercepted between the true and magnetical meridian, or more plainly, a deflexion and siding East and West from the true meridian. The true meridian is a major circle passing through the poles of the world, and the Zenith or Vertex of any place, exactly dividing the East from the West. Now on this line the needle exactly lieth not, but diverts and varieth its point, that is the North point on this side the Aequator, the South on the other; sometimes unto the East, sometime toward the West, and in some few places varieth not at all. First, therefore it is observed that betwixt the shore of Ireland, France, Spain, Guinie and the Azores, the North point varieth toward the East, and that in some variety; at London it varieth eleven degrees, at Antwerp nine, at Rome but five, at some parts of the Azores it deslecteth not, but lieth in the true meridian on the other side of the Azores; and this side the Equator the north point of the needle wheeleth to the West, so that in the latitude of 36. near the shore, the variation is about eleven degrees; but on the other side the Equator, it is quite otherwise: for about Capo Frio in Brasilia, the south point varieth twelve degrees unto the West, and about the mouth of the straits of Magellan five or six; but elongating from the coast of Brasilia toward the shore of Africa it varyeth Eastward, and arriving at Capo de las Agullas, it resteth in the Meridian, and looketh neither way.  
Now the cause of this variation may be the inequality of the earth, variously disposed, and differently intermixed with the Sea: withal the different disposure of its magnetical vigour in the eminencies and stronger parts thereof; for the needle naturally endeavours to conform unto the Meridian, but being distracted driveth that way where the greater & most powerfuller part of the earth is placed, which may be illustrated from what hath been delivered before, and may be conceived by any that understands the generalities of Geographie. For whereas on this side the Meridian, or the Isles of Azores, where the first Meridian is placed, the needle varieth Eastward, it may be occasioned by that vast Tract of earth, that is, Europe, Asia, and Africa, seated toward the East, and disposing the needle that way: For arriving at some part of the Azores, or Islands of Saint michael's, which have a middle situation between these continents, and that vast and almost answerable Tract of America, it seemeth equally distracted by both, and diverting unto neither, doth parallel and place itself upon the true Meridian. But sailing farther it veers its Lily to the West, and regardeth that quarter wherein the land is nearer or greater; and in the same latitude as it approacheth the shore augmenteth its variation. And therefore as some observe, if Columbus or whosoever first discovered America, had apprehended the cause of this variation, having passed more than half the way, he might have been confirmed in the discovery, and assuredly foretold there lay a vast and mighty continent toward the West. The reason I confess, and inference is good, but the instance perhaps not so. For Columbus knew not the variation of the compass, whereof Sebastian Cabot first took notice, who after made discovery in the Northern parts of that continent. And it happened indeed that part of America was first discovered, which was on 〈◊〉 side farthest distant, that is Jamaica, Cuba, and the Isles in the Bay of M●xico. And from this variation do some new discoverers deduce a probability in the attempts of the Northern passage toward the Indies.  
Now because where the greater continents are joined, the action and ●ffl●ence is also greater, therefore those needles do suffer the greatest variation which are in Countries which most do feel that Action. A●d therefore hath Rome far less variation than London; for on the West side of Rome, are seated the great continents of France, Spain, Germ●ny, which take of the exuperance and in some way balance the vigour of the Eastern parts; but unto England there is almost no earth W●st▪ but the whole extent of Europe and Asia, lieth Eastward, and therefore at London it varieth eleven dgerees, that is almost one Rhomb. Thus also by reason of the great continent of Brasilia, Peru, and Chili, the needle deflecteth toward the land twelve degrees; but at the straits of M●gellan where the land is narrowed, and the Sea on the o●her side, it varyeth but five or six. And so likewise, because the Cape 〈◊〉 Agullas hath Sea on both sides near it, and other land remote and as it were aequid●stant from it, therefore at that point the needle conforms unto the true Meridian, and is not distract by the vicinity of Adjacencyes. And this is the general and great cause of variation. But if in certain creeks and valleys the needle prove irregular, and vary beyond expectance, it may be imputed unto some vigorous part of the earth, or Magnetical eminence not far distant. And this was the invention of Dr Gilbert not many years past, a Physician in London. And therefore although some assume the invention of its direction, and others have had the glory of the Card, yet in the experiments, grounds, and causes thereof, England produced the Father Philosopher, and discovered more in it, than Columbus or Americus did ever by it.  
It is also probable what is conceived of its Antiquity, that the knowledge of its polary power and direction unto the North was unknown unto the Ancients, and though Levinus Lemnius, and Caelius Calcagninus, are of another belief, is justly placed with new inventions by Pancirollus; for their Achilles and strongest argument is an expression in Plautus, a very ancient Author, and contemporary unto Ennius. Hic ventus jam secundus est cape modo versoriam Now this ve●soriam they construe to be the compass, which notwithstanding according unto Pineda, who hath discussed the point, Turnebus, Cabeus, & divers others, is better interpreted the rope that helps to turn the ship; or as we say, doth make it tack about; the Compass, declaring rather the ship is tu●ned, then conferring unto its conversion. As for the long expeditions & sundry voyages of elder times, which might confirm the antiquity of this invention, it is not improbable they were performed by the help of stars; and so might the Phaenicean navigators, and also Ulysses' sail about the Mediterranean, by the flight of birds, or keeping near the shore, and so might Hanno coast about Africa, or by the help of oars as is expressed in the voyage of Jonah. And whereas it is contended that this verticity was not unknown unto Solomon, in whom is presumed a universality of knowledge, it will as forcibly follow he knew the Art of Typography, powder and guns, or had the Philosopher's stone, yet sent unto Ophir for gold. It is not to be denied, that beside his political wisdom; his knowledge in Philosophy was very large, and perhaps from his works therein, the ancient Philosophers especially Aristotle, who had the assistance of Alexander's acquirements, collected great observables, yet if he knew the use of the Compass, his ships were surely very s●ow, that made a three years' voyage from Eziongeber in the red Sea unto Ophir, which is supposed to be Taprobana or Malaca in the Indies, not many month's sail, and since in the same or lesser time, Drake and Candish performed their voyage about the earth.  
And as the knowledge of its verticity is not so old as some conceive, so is it more ancient than most believe; nor had its discovery with guns, printing, or as many think, some years before the discovery of America; for it was not unknown unto Petrus Peregrinus a French man, who two hundred years since hath left a Tract of the Magnet & a perpetual motion to be made thereby preserved by Gasserus. Paulus Venetus and about five hundred years past, Albertus Magnus, make mention hereof, and quoteth for it a book of Aristotle de lapide, which book although we find in the Catalogue of Laertius, yet with Cabeus I rather judge it to be the work of some Arabic writer, not many years before the days of Albertus.  
Lastly, It is likewise true what some have delivered of Crocus martis, that is, steel corroded with vinegar, sulphur, or otherwise, and after reverberated by fire. For the Loadstone will not at all attract it, nor will it adhere, but lie therein like sand. This is to be understood of Crocus martis well reverberated, and into a violet colour: for common chalybs praeparatus, or corroded and powdered steel, the Loadstone attracts like ordinary filings of iron, and many times most of that which passeth for Crocus martis. So that this way may serve as a test of its preparation, after which it becometh a very good medicine in fluxes. The like may be affirmed of Flakes of iron that are rusty and begin to tend unto earth; for their cognation then expireth, and the Loadstone will not regard them.   

CHAP. III.  
Concerning the Loadstone, therein of sundry common opinions, and received relations, Natural, Historical, medical, Magical.  
ANd first not only a simple Hetorodox, but a very hard Parodox, it will seem, and of great absurdity unto obstinate ears, if we say attraction is unjustly appropriated unto the Loadstone, and that perhaps we speak not properly, when we say vulgarly the Loadstone draweth Iron, and yet herein we should not want experiment and great authority. The words of Renatus des Cartes in his principles of Philosophy are very plain. Praeterea magnes trahet ferrum, sive potius magnes & ferrum ad invicem accedunt, neque enim ulla ibi tractio est, The same is solemnly determined by Cabius. Nec magnes trahit proprie ferrum, nec ferrum ad se magnetem provocat, sed ambo pari conatu ad invicem con●luunt. Concordant hereto is the assertion of Doctor Ridley, Physician unto the Emperor of Russia in his Tract of Magnetical bodies; defining Magnetical attraction to be a natural incitation and disposition conforming unto contiguity, an union of one Magnetical body with an other, and no violent haling of the weak unto the stronger. And this is also the doctrine of Gilbertus, by whom this motion is termed coition, and that not made by any faculty attractive of one, but a Syndrome and concourse of each; a coition always of their vigours, and also of their bodies, if bulk or impediment prevent not, and therefore those contrary actions which slow from opposite poles or faces, are not so properly expulsion and attraction, as Sequela and Fuga a mutual flight and following.  
The same is also confirmed by experiment; for if a piece of iron be fastened in the side of a bowl or basin of water, a Loadstone swimming freely in a boat of cork, will presently make unto it. And so if a steel or knife untouched be offered toward the needle that is touched, the needle nimbly moveth toward it, and conformeth unto union with the steel that moveth not. Again, If a Loadstone be finely filled, the atoms or dust thereof will adhere unto iron that was never touched, even as the powder of iron doth also unto the Loadstone. And lastly, If in two skiphs of cork, a Loadstone and steel be placed within the orb of their activities, the one doth not move, the other standing still, but both hoist sail and steer unto each other; so that if the Loadstone attract, the steel hath also its attraction; for in this action the Alliciency is reciprocal, which jointly felt, they mutually approach and run into each others arms.  
And therefore surely more moderate expressions become this action, than what the Ancients have used, which some have delivered in the most violent terms of their language, so Austin calls it, Mirabilem ferri rap●orem: Hypocrates, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lapis qui ferrum rapit. Galen disputing against Epicurus useth the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. but that is also too violent: among the Ancients Aristotle spoke most warily. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lapis qui ferrum movet: and in some tolerable acception do run the expressions of Aquinas, Scaliger and Cusanus.  
Many relations are made, and great expectations are raised from the Magnes Carneus, or a Loadstone, that hath a faculty to attract not only Iron but flesh; but this upon enquiry, and as Cabeus hath also observed, is nothing else but a weak an inanimate kind of Loadstone, veyned here and there with a few magnetical and ferreous lines, but chiefly consisting of a bolary and clammy substance, whereby it adheres like Haematites, or Terra Lemnia, unto the Lips, and this is that stone which is to be understood, when Physicians join it with Aetites or the Eagle stone, and promise therein a virtue against abortion.  
There is sometime a mistake concerning the variation of the compass, and therein one point is taken for another. For beyond the Aequator some men account its variation by the diversion of the Northern point, whereas beyond that circle the Southern point is sovereign, and the North submits his preeminency. For in the Southern coast either of America or Africa, the Southern point deflects and varieth toward the land, as being disposed and spirited that way by the meridional and proper Hemisphere. And therefore on that side of the earth the varying point is best accounted by the South. And therefore also the writings of some, and Maps of others, are to be enquired, that make the needle decline unto the East twelve degrees at Capo Frio, and six at the straits of Magellan, accounting hereby one point for another, and preferring the North in the liberties and province of the South.  
But certainly false it is what is commonly affirmed and believed, that Garlic doth hinder the attraction of the Loadstone; which is notwithstanding delivered by grave and worthy Writers; by Pliny, Solinus, Ptolemy, Plutarch, Albertus, Mathiolus, Ru●us, Langius, and many more. An effect as strange as that of Homer's Moly, and the Garlic the gods bestowed upon Ulysses. But that it is evidently f●lse, many experiments declare. For an Iron wire heated red hot and quenched in the juice of Garlic, doth notwithstanding contract a verticity from the earth, and attracteth the Southern point of the Needle. If also the tooth of a Loadstone be covered or stuck in Garlic, it will notwithstanding attract and animate any Needles excited and fixed in Garlic until they begin to rust, do yet retain their attractive and polary respects.  
Of the same stamp is that which is obtruded upon us by Authors ancient and modern, that an Adamant or Diamond prevents or suspends the attraction of the Loadstone, as is in open terms delivered by Pliny. Adam as dissidet cum Magnete Lapide ut juxta positus ferrum non patiatur abstrahi, a●t si admotus magnes apprehenderit, rapiat atque auferat. For if a Diamond be placed between a needle and a Loadstone, there will nevertheless ensue a Coition even over the body of the Diamond: and an easy matter it is to touch or excite a needle through a Diamond, by placing it at the tooth of a Loadstone, and therefore the relation is false, or our estimation of these gems untrue; nor are they Diamonds which carry that name amongst us.  
It is not suddenly to be received what Paracelsus in his book De generatione rerum, affirmeth, that if a Loadstone be anointed with Mercurial oil, or only put into Quicksilver, it omitteth its attraction for ever. For we have found that Lodestones and touched needles which have laid long time in Quicksilver have not amitted their attraction, and we also find that red hot needles or wires extinguished in quicksilver, do yet acquire a verticity according to the Laws of position in extinction. Of greater repugnancy unto reason is that which he delivers concerning its graduation, that heated in fire & often extinguished in oil of Mars or Iron, it acquires an ability to extract or draw forth a nail fastened in a wall; for, as we have declared before, the vigour of the Loadstone is destroyed by fire, nor will it be reimpregnated by any other Magnete then the earth.  
True it is, and we shall not deny, that besides fire some other ways there are of its destruction, as Age, Rust, and what is least dreamt on an unnatural or contrary situation; for being impolarily adjoined unto a more vigorous Loadstone, it will in a short time exchange it poles, or being kept in undue position, that is, not lying on the meridian or with its poles inverted, it receaves in longer time impair in activity exchange of faces, and is more powerfully preserved by site then by the dust of steel. But the sudden and surest way is fire, as we have declared before: that is, fire not only actual but potential; the one surely and suddenly, the other slowly and imperfectly; the one changing, the other destroying the figure. For if distilled Vinegar or Aquafortis be poured upon the powder of Loadstone, the subsiding powder dried, retains some magnetical virtue, and will be attracted by the Loadstone: but if the menstruum or dissolvent be evaporated to a consistence, and afterward doth shoot into Icicles or crystals, the Loadstone hath no power upon them, and if in a full dissolution of steel a separation of parts be made by precipitation or exhalation, the exsiccated powder hath lost its wings and ascends not u●to the Loadstone. And though a Loadstone fired do presently omit its proper virtue, and according to the position in cooling contracts a new verticity from the earth, yet if the same be laid a while in Aqua fortis or other corrosive water, and taken out before a considerable corrosion, it still reserves its attraction, and will convert the Needle according to former polarity.  
It is improbable what Pliny affirmeth concerning the object of its attraction, that it attracts not only ferreous bodies, but also liquorem vitri, for in the body of glass there is no serreous or magnetical nature which might occasion attraction. For of the glass we use, the purest is made of the finest sand and the ashes of Chali or Glasseworte, and the courser or green sort of the ashes of brake or other plants. Beside, vitrification is the last or utmost fusion of a body vitrifiable, and is performed by a strong and violent fire, which keeps the melted glass red hot. Now certain it is, and we have showed it before, that the Loadstone will not attract even steel itself that is candent, much less the incongenerous body of glass being fired. For fire destroys the Loadstone, and therefore it declines it in its own defence, and seeks no union with it. But that the Magnet attracteth more than common Iron, we can affirm. It attracteth the Smyris or Emery in powder, It draweth the shining or glassy powder brought from the Indies, and usually employed in writing dust. There is also in Smith's cinders by some adhesion of Iron whereby they appear as it were glazed, sometime to be found a magnetical operation, for some thereof applied have power to move the Needle.  
It is also improbable and something singular what some conceive, and Eusebius Nierembergius a late writer and Jesuit of Spain delivers, that the body of man is magnetical, and being placed in a boat, the vessel will never rest until the head respecteth the North; if this be true, the bodies of Christians do lie unnaturally in their graves, and the Jews have fallen upon the natural position, who in the reverence of their Temple, do place their beds from North to South. This opinion confirmed would much advance the microcosmicall conceit, and commend the Geography of Paracelsus; who according to the cardinal points of the world divideth the body of man, and therefore working upon humane ordure▪ and by long preparation rendering it odiferous, he terms it Zibeta Occidentalis, Western Civet; making the face the East, but the posteriors the America or Western part of his microcosm. The verity or rather falsity hereof, might easily be tried in Wales, where there are portable boats, and made of leather, which would convert upon the impulsion of any verticity, and seem to be the same whereof in his description of Britain, Caesar hath left some mention.  
Another kind of verticity, 
Anagrammatically.  is that which Angelus doce mihi jus, alias, Michael Sundevogis, in a Tract de sulphur, discovereth in Vegetables, from sticks let fall or depressed under water; which equally framed and permitted unto themselves, will ascend at the upper end, or that which was vertical in its vegetation, wherein notwithstanding, as yet, we have not found satisfaction; although perhaps too greedy of magnallities, we are apt to make but favourable experiments concerning welcome truths, and such desired verities.  
It is also wondrous strange and untrue what Laelius Bisciola reporteth, that if unto ten ounces of Loadstone one of Iron be added, it increaseth not unto eleven, but weighs ten ounces still: a relation inexcusable in the title of his work, Horae subsecivae, or leasureable hours: the examination being as ready as the relation, and the falsity tried as easily as delivered: nor is it to be omitted what is taken up by Caesius Bernardus a late Mineralogist, and originally confirmed by Porta, that needles touched with a Diamond contract a verticity, even as they do with a Loadstone, which will not consist with experiment. And therefore, as Gilbertus observeth, he might be deceived, in touching such needles with Diamonds, which had a verticity before, as we have declared most needles to have, and so had he touched them with gold or silver, he might have concluded a magnetical virtue therein.  
In the same form may we place Fracastorius his attraction of silver, Philostratus his Panturbes, Apollodorus, and Beda his relation of the Loadstone that attracted only in the night: but most inexcusable is Franciscus Rueus, a man of our own profession, who in his Discourse of gems mentioned in the Apocalypse, undertakes a Chapter of the Loadstone; wherein substantially and upon experiment he scarce delivereth any thing, making enumeration of its traditional qualities, whereof he seemeth to believe many, and some of those above, convicted by experience, he is fain to salve as impostures of the Devil. But Boetius de Boot Physician unto Rodulphus the second, hath recompensed this defect; and in his Tract, de lapidibus & gemmis, speaks very materially hereof, and his discourse is consonant unto experience and reason.  
As for relations Historical, though many there be of less account, yet two alone deserve consideration; the first concerneth magnetical rocks, and attractive mountains in several parts of the earth. The other the tomb of Mahomet and bodies suspended in the air. Of rocks magnetical there are likewise two relations; for some are delivered to be in the Indies, and some in the extremity of the North, and about the very pole; the Northern account is commonly ascribed unto Olaus Magnus' Archbishop of Upsale, who out of his predecessor Joannes, Saxo, and others, compiled a history of some Northern Nations; but this assertion we have not discovered in that work of his which passeth among us, and should believe his Geography herein no more than that in the first line of his book, when he affirmeth that Biarmia (which is not seventy degrees in latitude) hath the pole for its Zenith▪ and Equinoctial for the Horizon.  
Now upon this foundation how uncertain soever men have erected mighty illations, ascribing thereto the cause of the needle's direction, and conceiving the ●ffluxions from these mountains and rocks invite the lily toward the north; which conceit though countenanced by learned men, is not made out either by experience or reason; for no man hath yet attained or given a sensible account of the pole by some degrees; it is also observed the needle doth very much vary as it approacheth the pole, whereas were there such direction from the rocks, upon a nearer approachment it would more directly respect them. Beside were there such magnetical rocks under the pole, yet being so far removed they would produce no such effect; for they that sail by the Isle of Flua now called Elba in the Tuscan sea which abounds in veins of Loadstone, observe no variation or inclination of the needle, much less may they expect a direction from rocks at the end of the earth. And lastly, men that ascribe thus much unto rocks of the north must presume or discover the like magneticalls at the south: For in the southern seas and far beyond the Aequator, variations are large, and declinations as constant as in the northern Ocean.  
The other relation of Loadstone, mines, and rocks, in the shore of India is delivered of old by Pliny; wherein saith he, they are so placed both in abundance and vigour, that it proves an adventure of hazard to pass those coasts in a ship with Iron nails. S●rapion the Moor an Author of good esteem and reasonable antiquity, confirmeth the same, whose expression in the word magnes in this. The mine of this stone is in the Sea coast of India, whereto when Ships approach, there is no Iron in them which flies not like a bird unto these mountains, and therefore their Ships are fastened not with Iron but wood, for otherwise they would be torn to pieces. But this assertion how positive soever is contradicted by all Navigators that pass that way, which are now many and of our own Nation, and might surely have been controlled by Nearchus the Admiral of Alexander, who not knowing the compass, was fain to coast that shore.  
For the relation concerning Mahomet, it is generally believed his tomb at Medina Talnabi, in Arabia, without any visible supporters hangeth in the air between two Lodestones artificially contrived both above and below, which conceit is very fabulous, and evidently false from the testimony of ocular Testators; who affirm his ●ombe is made of stone and lieth upon the ground; as besides others▪ the learned Vossius observeth from Gabriel Sionita, & Joannes Hesronita, two Maronites in their relations hereof. Of such intentions and attempt by Mahometans we read in some relators, and that might be the occasion of the fable; which by tradition of time and distance of place enlarged into the story of being accomplished: and this hath been promoted by attempts of the like nature; for we read in Pliny that one Dinocrates began to Arch the Temple of Arsinoe in Alexandria with Loadstone, that so her statue might be suspended in the air to the amazement of the beholders; and to lead on our credulity, herein confirmation may be drawn from History and Writers of good authority: so is it reported by Ruffinus, that in the Temple of Serapis there was an iron chariot suspended by Lodestones in the air, which stones removed, the chariot fell and dashed into pieces. The like doth Beda report of Bellerophon's horse which framed of iron, and placed between two Lodestones with wings expansed, hung pendulous in the air.  
The verity of these stories we shall not further dispute their possibility, we may in some way determine; if we conceive, what no man will deny, that bodies suspended in the air have this suspension from one or many Lodestones placed both above and below it, or else by one or many placed only above it. Likewise the body to be suspended in respect of the Loadstone above, is placed first at a pendulous distance in the medium, or else attracted unto that site by the vigour of the Loadstone; and so we first affirm that possible it is a body may be suspended between two Lodestones; that is, it being so equally attracted unto both that it determineth itself unto neither: but surely this position will be of no duration; for if the air be agitated or the body waved either way, it omits the equilibration and disposeth itself unto the nearest attractor. Again, it is not impossible (though hardly feasible) by a single Loadstone to suspend an iron in the air, the iron being artificially placed, and at a distance guided toward the stone, until it find the neutral point wherein its gravity just equals the magnetical quality, the one exactly extolling as much as the other depresseth; and thus must be interpreted Fracastorius. And lastly, impossible it is that if an iron rest upon the ground, and a Loadstone be placed over it, it should ever so arise as to hang in the way or medium; for that vigour which at a distance is able to overcome the resistance of its gravity and to lift it up from the earth, will as it approacheth nearer be still more able to attract it, and it will never remain in the middle that could not abide in the extremes; and thus is to be understood Gilbertus. Now the way of Baptista Porta that by a thread fasteneth a needle to a table, and then so guides and orders the same, that by the attraction of the Loadstone it abideth in the air, infringeth not this reason; for this is a violent retention, and if the thread be loosened, the needle ascends and adheres unto the Attractor.  
The third consideration concerneth relations medical, wherein what ever effects are delivered, they are derived from its mineral and ferreous condition, or else magnetical operation. Unto the ferreous and mineral quality pertaineth what Dioscorides an ancient Writer and Soldier under Anthony and Cleopatra, affirmeth, that half a dram of Loadstone given with honey and water, proves a purgative medicine, and evacuateth gross humours; but this is a quality of great incertainty, for omitting the vehicle of water and honey, which is of a laxative power itself, the powder of some Lodestones in this dose doth rather constipate and bind, then purge and loosen the belly. And if sometimes it cause any laxity it is probably in the same way with iron and steel unprepared, which will disturb some bodies, and work by purge and vomit. And therefore, what is delivered in a book ascribed unto Galen that it is a good medicine in dropsies, and evacuates the waters of persons so affected: It may I confess by siccity and astriction afford a confirmation unto parts relaxed, and such as be hydropically disposed, and by these qualities it may be useful in Hernias or Ruptures, and for these it is commended by Aetius, Aegineta and Orbasius, who only affirm that it contains the virtue of Haematites, and being burnt was sometimes vended for it. To this mineral condition belongeth what is delivered by some, that wounds which are made with weapons excited by the Loadstone, contract a malignity, and become of more difficult cure; which nevertheless is not to be found in the incision of Chirurgeons with knives and lancets touched, which leave no such effect behind them. Hitherto must we also refer that affirmative which says the Loadstone is poison, and therefore in the lists of poisons we find it in many Authors; but this our experience cannot confirm, and the practice of the King of Zeilan clearly contradicteth, who as Garcias ab Horto, Physician unto the Spanish Viceroy delivereth, hath all his meat served up in dishes of Loadstone, and conceives thereby he preserveth the vigour of youth.  
But surely from a magnetical activity must be made out what is let fall by Aetius, that a Loadstone held in the hand of one that is podagrical doth either cure or give great ease in the gou●. Or what Marcellus Empericus affirmeth, that as an amulet it also cureth the headache, which are but additions unto its proper nature, and hopeful enlargements of its allowed attraction; for perceiving its secret power to draw unto itself magnetical bodies, men have invented a new attraction to draw out the dolour and pain of any part. And from such grounds it surely became a philter, and was conceived a medicine of some venereal attraction, and therefore upon this stone they graved the Image of Venus according unto that of Claudian, Venerem magnetica gemma figurat. Hither must we also refer what is delivered concerning its power to draw out of the body bullets and heads of arrows, and for the like intention is mixed up in plasters: which course although as vain and ineffectual it be rejected by many good Authors, yet is it not me thinks so readily to be denied, nor the practice of many ages and Physicians which have thus compounded plasters, thus suddenly to be condemned, as may be observed in the Emplastrum divinum Nicolai, the Emplastrum nigrum of Augspurge, the Opodeldoch and At●ractivum of Paracelsus, with several more in the Dispensatory of Wecker, and practise of Sennertus; the cure also of Heurnias, or Ruptures in Pareus, and the method also of curation lately delivered by Daniel Beckherus, and approved by the Professors of Leyden in the Tract de Cultrivoro Prussiaco, 1636. that is, of a young man of Spruceland that casually swallowed down a knife about ten inches long, which was cut out of his stomach and the wound healed up. In which cure to attract the knife to a convenient situation, there was applied a plaster made up with the powder of Loadstone. Now this kind of practice Libavius, Gilbertus, and lately Swickardus in his Ars Magnetica, condemn, as vain, and altogether unuseful; and their reason is, because a Loadstone in powder hath no attractive power; for in that form it omits his polary respects, and looseth those parts which are the rule of its attraction: wherein to speak compendiously, if experiment hath not deceived us, we first affirm, that a Loadstone in powder omits not all attraction. For if the powder of a rich vein be in a reasonable quantity presented toward the Needle freely placed, it will not appear to be void of all activity, but will be able to stir it; nor hath it only a power to move the Needle in powder and by itself, but this will it also do, if incorporated and mixed with plasters, as we have made trial in the Emplastrum de Minio, with half an ounce of the mass, mixing a dram of Loadstone, for applying the magdaleon or role unto the Needle it would both stir and attract it; not equally in all parts, but more vigorously in some, according unto the mine of the stone more plentifully dispersed in the mass. And lastly, in the Loadstone powdered, the polary respects are not wholly destroyed; for those diminutive particles are not atomical or merely indivisible, but consist of dimensions sufficient for their conditions, though in obscure effects. Thus if unto the powder of Loadstone or Iron we admove the North pole of the Loadstone, the powders or small divisions will erect and conform themselves thereto: but if the South pole approach, they will subside, and inverting their bodies respect the Loadstone with the other extreme. And this will happen not only in a body of powder together, but in any particle or dust divided from it.  
Now though we affirm not these plasters wholly ineffectual, yet shall we not omit two cautions in their use, that therein the stone be not too subtly powdered; for it will better manifest its attraction in a more sensible dimension; that where is desired a speedy effect, it may be considered whether it were not better to relinquish the powdered plasters, and to apply an entire Loadstone unto the part: And though the other be not wholly ineffectual, whether this way be not more powerful, and so might have been in the cure of the young man delivered by Beckerus.  
The last consideration, concerneth Magical relations, in which account we comprehend effects derived and fathered upon hidden qualities, specifical forms, Antipathies and Sympathies, whereof from received grounds of Art, no reasons are derived. Herein relations are strange and numerous, men being apt in all ages to multiply wonders, and Philosophers dealing with admirable bodies as Historians have done with excellent men, upon the strength of their great achievements, ascribing acts unto them not only false, but impossible, and exceeding truth as much in their relations, as they have others in their actions. Hereof we shall briefly mention some delivered by Authors of good esteem, whereby we may discover the fabulous inventions of some, the credulous supinity of others, and the great disservice unto truth by both; multiplying obscurities in nature, and authorising hidden qualities that are false, whereas wise men are ashamed there are so many true.  
And first▪ Dioscorides puts upon it a shrewd quality, and such as men are apt enough to experiment, and therewith discovers the incontinency of a wife by placing the Loadstone under her pillow; for than she will not be able to remain in bed with her husband. The same he also makes a help unto thievery; for thiefs saith he, having a design upon a house, do make a fire at the four corners thereof, and 〈◊〉 therein the fragments of Loadstone, whence ariseth a fume that so d●sturbeth the inhabitants, that they forsake the house and leave it to ●he spoil of the robbers. This relation how ridiculous soever, hath Albertus taken up above a thousand years after, & Marbodeus the Frenchman hath continued it the same in Latin verse, which with the notes of Pictorious is currant unto our days. As strange must be the Litholmancy or divination from this stone, whereby as Tzetzes in his Chyliads delivers, Helenus' the Prophet foretold the destruction of Troy; and the Magic thereof, not safely to be believed, what was delivered by Orpheus, that sprinkled with water it will upon a question emit a voice not much unlike an Infant. But surely the Loadstone of Laurentius Guascus the Physician is never to be matched, wherewith as Cardane delivereth, whatsoever needles or bodies were touched, the wounds and punctures made thereby, were never felt at all. And yet as strange a virtue is that which is delivered by some that a Loadstone preserved in the salt of a Remora, acquires a power to attract gold out of the deepest Wells. Certainly a studied absurdity, not casually cast out, but plotted for a perpetuity: for the strangeness of the effect ever to be admired, and the difficulty of the trial never to be convicted.  
These conceits are of that monstrosity that they refute themselves in their recitements: there is another of better notice, and whispered thorough the world with some attention; credulous and vulgar auditors readily believing it, and more judicious and distinctive heads, not altogether rejecting it. The conceit is excellent, and if the effect would follow somewhat divine, whereby we might communicate like spirits, and confer on earth with Menippus in the Moon; which is pretended from the sympathy of two needles touched with the ●ame Loadstone, and placed in the centre of two Abscedary circles, or rings with letters described round about them; one friend keeping one, & another the other, and agreeing upon an hour wherein they will communicate. For than saith tradition, at what distance of place soever, when one needle shall be removed unto any letter; the other by a wonderful Sympathy will move unto the same. But herein I confess my experience can find no truth; for having expressly framed two circles of wood, and according to the number of the Latin letters divided each into twenty three parts, placing therein two styles or needles composed of the same steel, touched with the same Loadstone, and 〈◊〉 same point: yet of these two, whensoever I removed the one, 〈…〉 but at the distance of half a span, the other would stand like Hercules pillars, and if the earth stand still, have surely no motion 〈◊〉 Now as it is not possible that any body should have no boundary 〈…〉 as we term it Sphere of its activity, so is it improbable it should eff●●t that at distance, which nearer hand it cannot at all perform.  
Again, the conceit is ill contrived, and one effect inferred, whereas indeed the contrary will ensue. For if the removing of one of the needls from A to B should have any action or influence on the other, it would not entice it from A to B but repel it from A to Z: for needles excited by the same point of the stone, do not attract; but avoid each other, even as these also do, when their invigorated extremes approach unto one another.  
Lastly, were this conceit assuredly true, yet were it not a conclusion 〈◊〉 every distance to be tried by every head: yet being no ordinary or Almanac business, but a problem Mathematical, to find out the difference of hours in different places; nor do the wisest exactly satisfy themselves in all. For the hours of several places anticipate each other, according unto their Longitudes, which are not exactly discovered of every place, and therefore the trial hereof at a considerable interval, is best performed at the distance of the 〈◊〉 that is, such habitations as have the same Meridian and equal parallel, on different sides of the Equator; or more plainly have the same Longitude, and the same Latitude unto the South, which we have in the North. For unto such Situations it is noon and midnight at the very same time.  
And therefore the Sympathy of these needles is much of the same mould, with that intelligence which is pretended from the flesh of one body transmuted by incision into another. For if the Art of Taliacotius de Curtorum Chyrurgia per incisionem, a permutation of flesh, or transmutation be made from one man's body into another, as if a piece of flesh be exchanged from the biciptall muscle of either party's arm, and about them both, an Alphabet circumscribed; upon a time appointed as some conceptions affirm, they may communicate at what distance soever. For if the one shall prick himself in A, the other at the same time will have a sense thereof in the same part; and upon inspection of his arm, perceive what letters the other points out in his own; which is a way of intelligence very strange, and would requite the Art of Pythagoras; who could read a reverse in the Moon.  
Now this Magnetical conceit how strange soever, might have some original in reason; for men observing no solid body, whatsoever did interrupt its action, might be induced to believe no distance would terminate the same, & most conceiving it pointed unto the pole of heaven, might also opinion that nothing between could restrain it. Whosoever was the Author, the Aeolus that blew it about, was Famianus Strada, that elegant Jesuit in his Rhetorical prolutions, who chose out of this subject to express the stile of Lucretius. But neither Baptista Porta, de furtivis literarum notis; Trithemius in his Steganography, Silenus in his Cryptography, or Nuncius inanimatus written of late years by Dr Godwin Bishop of Herford, make any consideration hereof: although they deliver many ways to communicate our thoughts at distance. And this we will not deny may in some manner be effected by the Loadstone; that is, from one room into an other, by placing a table in the wall common unto both, and writing thereon the same letters one against another: for upon the approach of a vigorous Loadstone unto a letter on this side, the needle will move unto the same on the other: But this is a very different way from ours at present; and hereof there 〈◊〉 many ways delivered, and more may be discovered which contradict not the rule of its operations.  
As for unguentum Armarium, called also Magneticum, it belongs not to this discourse, it neither having the Loadstone for its ingredient, nor any one of its actions: but supposeth other principles, as common and universal spirits, which convey the action of the remedy unto the part, and conjoins the virtue of bodies far disjoined. But perhaps the c●res it doth, are not worth so mighty principles; it commonly healing but simple wounds, and such as mundified and kept clean, do need no other hand than that of Nature, and the Balsam of the proper part. Unto which effect, there being fields of Medicines sufficient. it may be a hazardous curiosity to rely on this; and because men say the effect doth generally follow, it might be worth the experiment to try, if the same will not ensue upon the same method of cure, by ordinary Balsams, or common vulnerary plasters.  
Other Discourses there might be made of the Loadstone, as Moral, Mystical, Theological; and some have handsomely done them, as Ambrose, Austin, Gulielmus Parisiensis, and many more; but these fall under no rule, and are as boundless as men's inventions; and though honest minds do glorify God hereby, yet do they most powerfully magnify him, and are to be looked on with another eye, who demonstratively set forth its Magnalities, who not from postulated or precarious inferences, entreat a courteous assent, but from experiments and undeniable effects, enforce the wonder of its Maker.   

CHAP. IU.  
Of body's electrical.  
HAving thus spoke of the Loadstone and bodies magnetical, I shall in the next place deliver somewhat of electrical, and such as may seem to have attraction like the other; and hereof we shall also deliver what particularly spoken or not generally known is manifestly or probable true, what generally believed is also false or dubious. Now by electrical bodies, I understand not such as are Metallicall mentioned by Pliny, and the Ancients; for their Electrum was a mixture made of gold, with the addition of the fifth part of silver, a substance now as unknown, as true Aurichalcum, or Corinthian brass, and set down among things lost by Pancirollus. Nor by Electrick bodies do I conceive such only as take up shave, straws, and light bodies, in which number the Ancients only placed Jet and Amber; but such as conveniently placed unto their objects attract all bodies palpable whatsoever. I say, conveniently placed, that is, in regard of the object, that it be not too ponderous, or any way affixed in regard of the Agent, that it be not foul or sullied, but wiped, rubbed, and excitated in regard of both, that they be conveniently distant, and no impediment interposed. I say all bodies palpable, thereby excluding fire, which indeed it will not attract, nor yet draw through it, for fire consumes its effluxions by which it should attract.  
Now although in this rank but two were commonly mentioned by the Ancients, Gilbertus discovereth many more, as Diamonds, Saphires, Carbuncles, Iris, opals, Amethistes, Berill, Crystal, Bristol stones, Sulphur, Mastic, hard Wax, hard Rosin, Arsenic, Sal gem, roch Alum, common Glass, Stibium, or glass of Antimony; unto these Cabeus addeth white Wax, Gum Elemi, Gum Guaici, Pix Hispanica, and Gypsum. And unto these we add gum Anime, Benjamin, Talcum, China dishes, Sandaraca▪ Turpentine, Styrax Liquida, and Caranna dried into a hard consistence. And the same attraction we find not only in simple bodies, but such as are much compounded, as the Oxicroceum plaster, and obscurely that ad Herniam, and Gratia Dei, all which smooth and rightly prepared, will discover a sufficient power to stir the needle settled freely upon a well pointed pin, and so as the Electrick may be applied unto it without all disadvantage.  
But the attraction of these Electricks we observe to be very different. Resinous or unctuous bodies, and such as will flame, attract most vigorously and most thereof without frication, as Anime, Benjamin and most powerfully good hard wax, which will convert the needle almost as actively as the loadstone; and we believe that all or most of this substance if reduced to hardness tralucency or clearness, would have some attractive quality; but juices concrete, or gums easily dissolving in water, draw not at all, as Aloe, Opium, Sanguis Draconis, Lacca, Galbanum, Sagapenum. Many stones also both precious and vulgar, although terse and smooth have not this power attractive; as Emeralds, Pearl, Jaspis, Corneleans, Agathe▪ Heliotropes, Marble, Alabaster, Touchstone, Flint and Bezoar. Glass attracts but weakly though clear, some slick stones and thick glasses indifferently: Arsenic but weakly, so likewise glass of Antimony, but Crocus Metallorum not at all. Saltes generally but weakly, as Sal Gemma, Alum and also Talk; nor very discoverably by any frication: but if gently warmed at the fire, and wiped with a dry cloth, they will better discover their Electricities.  
No mettle attracts, nor any concretian Animal we know, although polite and smooth; as we have made trial in Elkes hoofs, Hawks talons, the sword of a Sword fish, Tortoise shells, Sea-horse and Elephants teeth, in bones, in Heart's horn, and what is usually conceived Unicorns horn, no wood though never so hard and polished, although out of some Electricks proceed, as Ebony, Box, Lignum vitae, Cedar, etc. And although Jet and Amber be reckoned among Bitumen, yet neither do we find Asphaltus, that is, Bitumen of Judea, nor Seacole, nor Camphire, nor Mummia to attract, although we have tried in large and polished pieces. Now this attraction have we tried in straws and paleous bodies, in needles of Iron equilibrated, powders of wood and Iron, in gold and silver foliate, and not only in solid but fluent and liquid bodies, as oils made both by expression and distillation, in water, in spirits of wine, vitriol and Aqua fortis.  
But how this attraction is made is not so easily determined; that 'tis performed by effluviums is plain and granted by most; for Electricks will not commonly attract, except they grow hot or be perspicable. For if they be foul and obnubilated, it hinders their effluxion; nor if they be covered though but with Linen or Sarsenet, or if a body be interposed, for that intercepts the effluvium. If also a powerful and broad Electrick of wax or Anime be held over fine powder, the Atoms or small particles will ascend most numerously unto it; and if the Electrick be held unto the light, it may be observed that many thereof will fly, and be as it were discharged from the Electrick to the distance sometime of two or three inches, which motion is performed by the breath of the effluvium issuing with agility; for as the Electrick cooleth, the projection of the Atoms ceaseth.  
The manner hereof Cabeus wittily attempteth, affirming that this effluvium attenuateth and impelleth the neighbour air, which returning home in a gyration, carrieth with it the obvious bodies unto the Electrick, and this he labours to confirm by experiments; for if the straws be raised by a vigorous electrick, they do appear to wave and turn in their ascents; if likewise the Electrick be broad and the straw's light and chaffy, and held at a reasonable distance, they will not arise unto the middle, but rather adhere toward the verge or borders thereof. And lastly, if many straws be laid together and a nimble Electrick approach, they will not all arise unto it, but some will commonly start aside and be whirled a reasonable distance from it. Now that the air impelled returns unto its place in a gyration or whirling, is evident from the Atoms or moats in the Sun. For when the Sun so enters a hole or window, that by its illumination the Atoms or moats become perceptible, if then by our breath the air be gently impelled, it may be perceived that they will circularly return, and in a gyration unto their places again.  
Another way of their attraction is also delivered, that it is made by a tenuous emanation or continued effluvium, which after some distance retracteth into itself, as is observable in drops of syrups, oil and seminal viscosities, which spun at length retire into their former dimensions. Now these effluviums advancing from the body of the Electrick, in their return do carry back the bodies which they have laid hold within the sphere or circle of their continuities, and these they do not only attract but with their viscous arms, hold fast a good while after. And if any shall wonder why these effluviums issuing forth impel and protrude not the straw before they can bring it back, it is because Effluvium passing out in a smaller thread and more enlengthened filament, it stirreth not the bodies interposed but returning unto its original it falls into a closer substance, and carrieth them back unto itself. And this way of attraction is best received, embraced by Sir Kenelm Digby in his excellent Treaty of bodies, allowed by Des Cartes in his principles of Philosophy, as far as concerneth fat and resinous bodies, and with exception of glass, whose attraction he also deriveth from the recess of its effluxion. And this in some manner the words of Gilbertus will bear. Effluvia illa tenuior a concipiunt & amplectuntur corpora, quibus uniuntur, & Electris tanquam extensis brachiis & ad fontem, propinquitate invalescentibus effluviis, deducuntur. And if the ground were true that the earth were an Electrick body, and the air but the effluvium thereof, we might perhaps believe that from this attraction and by this effluxion that bodies tended to the earth, and could not remain above it.  
Our other discourse of Electricks concerneth a general opinion touching Jet and Amber, that they attract all light bodies, except Ocymum or B●sil, and such as be dipped in oil or oiled, and this is urged as high as Theophrastus: but Scaliger acquitteth him; And had this been his assertion, Pliny would probably have taken it up, who herein stands out, and delivereth no more but what is vulgarly known. But Plutarch speaks positively in his Symposiacks, that Amber attracteth all bodies, excepting Basil and oiled substances. With Plutarch consent many Authors both ancient and modern, but the most inexcusable are Lemnius, and Rueus, whereof the one delivering the nature of minerals, mentioned in Scripture the infallible fountain of truth, confirmeth their virtues with erroneous traditions; the other undertaking the occult and hidden miracles of Nature, accepteth this for one, and endeavoureth to allege a reason of that which is more than occult, that is not existent.  
Now herein, omitting the Authority of others, as the doctrine of experiment hath informed us we first affirm, that Amber attracts not Basil, is wholly repugnant unto truth; for if the leaves thereof or dried stalks be stripped into small straws, they arise unto Amber, Wax, and other Electries no otherwise then those of Wheat or Rye; nor is there any peculiar fatness or singular viscosity in that plant that might cause adhesion and so prevent its ascension. But that Jet and Amber attract not straws oiled, is in part true and false, for if the straws be much wet or drenched in oil, true it is that Amber draweth them not, for then the oil makes the straw to adhere unto the part whereon they are placed, so that they cannot rise unto the Attractor; and this is true not only if they be soaked in oil, but spirits of wine or water. But if we speak of straws or festucous divisions lightly drawn over with oil, and so that it causeth no adhesion, or if we conceive an antipathy between oil and Amber, the doctrine is not true; for Amber will attract straws thus oiled, it will attract or convert the Needls of Dial's made either of Brass or Iron, although they be much oiled; for in these Needls consisting free upon their centre there can be no adhesion; it will likewise attract oil itself, and if it approacheth unto a drop thereof, it becometh conical and ariseth up unto it, for oil taketh not away his attraction, although it be rubbed over it. For if you touch a piece of wax already excitated with common oil, it will notwithstanding attract▪ though not so vigorously as before. But if you moisten the same with any chemical oil, water or spirits of wine, or only breath upon it, it quite omits its Attraction, for either its effluences cannot get through or will not mingle with those substances.  
It is likewise probable the Ancients were generally mistaken concerning its substance and generation, they conceiving it a vegetable concretion made of the gums of trees, especially, Pine and Poplar falling into the water, and after indurated or hardened, whereunto acordeth the fable of Phaeton's sisters: but surely the concretion is mineral, according as is delivered by Boetius; for either it is found in mountains and mediterraneous parts, and so it is a fat and unctuous sublimation in the earth concreted and fixed by salt and nitrous spirits wherewith it meeteth; or else, which is most usual, it is collected upon the sea shore, and so it is a fat and bituminous Juice coagulated by the saltness of the sea. Now that salt spirits have a power to congeal and coagulate unctuous bodies, is evident in chemical operations, in the distillations of Arsenic, sublimate and Antimony, in the mixture of oil of Juniper, with the salt and acide spirit of Sulphur, for thereupon ensueth a concretion unto the consistence of Bird-lime; as also in spirits of salt, or Aqua fortis poured upon oil of Olive, or more plainly in the manufacture of Soap. And many bodies will coagulate upon commixture whose separated natures promise no concretion. Thus upon a solution of Tin by Aqua fortis, there will ensue a coagulation, like that of whites of eggs. Thus the volatile salt of urine will coagulate Aqua vitae, or spirits of wine; and thus perhaps (as Helmont excellently declareth) the stones or calculous concretions in Kidney or bladder may be produced: the spirits or volatile salt of urine conjoining with the Aqua vitae potentially lying therein; as he illustrateth from the distillation of fermented urine. From whence ariseth an Aqua vitae or spirit, which the volatile salt of the same urine will congeal, and finding an earthy concurrence strike into a lapideous substance.  
Lastly, we will not omit what Bellabonus upon his own experiment writ from Dantzich unto Mellichius, as he hath left recorded in his Chapter, De succino, that the bodies of Flies, Pismires, and the like, which are said oft times to be included in Amber, are not real but apparent and representative, as he discovered in several pieces broke for that purpose; if so, the two famous Epigrams hereof in Marshal are but poetical, the Pismire of Brassavolus Imaginary, and Cardan's Mousoleum for a fly, a mere fancy. But hereunto we know not how to assent in the General, as having met with some whose Reals made good their representations.   

CHAP. V.  
Compendiously of sundry other common Tenants, concerning Mineral and Terreous bodies, which examined, prove either ●alse or dubious.  
1. ANd f●●st we hear it in every man's mouth, and in many good Authors we read it, That a Diamond, which is the hardest of stones, and not yielding unto steel, Emery, or any thing, but it's own powder, is yet made soft, or broke by the blood of a Goat; Thus much is assumed by Pliny, Solinus, Albertus, Cyp●ian, Austin, Isidore, and many Christian Writers, alluding herein unto the heart of man, and the precious blood of our Saviour, who was typified indeed by the Goat that was slain, and the scape Goat in the wilderness; and at the effusion of whose blood, not only the hard hearts of his enemies relented, but the stony rocks and veil of the Temple was shattered. But this I perceive is easier affirmed then proved. For Lapidaries, and such as p●o●esse the art of cutting this stone, do generally deny it, and they that seem to countenance it, have in their deliveries so quali●ied it, that little from thence of moment can be inferred for it. For first, the holy Fathers, without a further enquiry did take it 〈◊〉 granted, and rested upon the authority of the first deliverers. As for Alber●us, he promiseth this effect but conditionally, that is not except the Goat drink wine, and be fed with Siler monta●um, petroselinum, and such herbs as are conceived of power to break the stone in the bladder. But the words of Pliny from whom most likely the rest at first derived it, if strictly considered, do rather overthrew, than any way advantage this effect. His words are these: Hi●cino rumpitur san guine, nec aliter quam recenti, calidoque m●c●rata▪ & sic qu qu● mu●tis ●ctibus, tunc etiam praet●rquam ex●mias incu●es mall●e●sque ferreos fr●ngens. That is, i● is broken with Goat's blood, bu● not 〈◊〉 it be ●resh and warm▪ and that not without many blows, and then also it will bre●ke the best anvils and hammers of iron. And answerable hereto, is the assertion of Isidore and S●l●nus. By which account, a Diamond st●●ped in Goat's blo●d, r●ther increaseth in hardness, then acquir●th any softness by the infusion; for the best we have are commi●uible without it, and a●e so far from breaking hammers, that they submit unto pistillation, and r●●sist not an ●ordina●y pestle.  
Upon this conceit arose, perhaps the discovery of another; that is, that the blood of a Goat, was sovereign for the stone, as it stands commended by many good Writers, and brings up the composition in the Lithont●ipticke powder of Nicolaus▪ or rather because it was found an excellent medicine ●or the stone, and its ability comm●nded by some to dissolve the hardest thereof; it might be conceived by amplifying apprehensions, to be able to break a Diamond, and so it came to be ordered that the Goat should be fed with saxifragous' herbs, and such as are conceived of power to break the stone. However it were as the effect is false in the one, so is it surely very doubtful in the other. For although inwardly received it may be very diuretic, and expulse the stone in the kidneys; yet how it should dissolve or break that in the bladder, will require a further dispute, and perhaps would be more reasonably tried by a warm injection thereof, then as it is commonly used. Wherein notwithstanding, we should rather rely upon the urine in a Castlings bladder, a resolution of Crabs eyes, or the second distillation of urine, as Helmont hath commended; or rather, if any such might be found a Chylifactory menstruum or digestive preparation drawn from species or individuals, whose stomaches peculiarly dissolve lapideous bodies.  
2. That glisse is poison, according unto common conceit, I know not how to grant not only from the innocency of its ingredients, that is fine ●and, and the ashes of glassewort or fern, which in themselves are harmless and useful: or because I find it by many commended for the stone, but also from experience, as having given unto dogs above a dram thereof, subtly powdered in butter or paste, without any visible disturbance. And the trial thereof we the rather did make in that animal, because Grevinus in his Treaty of poisons, affirmeth that dogs are inevitably destroyed thereby.  
The conceit is surely grounded upon the visible mischief of glass grossly or coursely powdered; for that indeed is mortally noxious, and effectually used by some to destroy mice and rats; for that by reason of its acuteness and augularity, commonly excoriates the parts through which it passeth, and solicits them unto a continual expulsion. Whereupon there ensues fearful symptoms, not much unlike those which attend the action of poison. From whence notwithstanding, we cannot with propriety impose upon it that name, either by occult or elementary quality; which he that concedeth will much enlarge the catalogue or lists of poisons; for many things, neither deleterious by substance or quality, (are yet destructive by figure, or) some occasional activity. So are leeches destructive, and by some accounted poison; not properly, that is by temperamentall contrariety, occult form, or so much as elemental repugnancy; but because being inwardly taken they fasten upon the veins, and occasion an effusion of blood, which cannot be easily staunched. So a sponge is mischievous, not in itself, for in its powder it is harmless, but because being received into the stomach it swelleth, and occasioning a contival distension, induceth at last a strangulation. So pins, needls, ●ares of Rye or Barley, may be poison. So Daniel destroyed the Dragon by a composition of three things, whereof neither was poison alone, nor properly altogether, that is pitch, fat and hair, according as is expressed in the History. Then Daniel took pitch, and fat, and hair, and did seethe them together and made lumps thereof, these he put in the Dragon's mouth, and so he bu●st asunder; that is the fat and pitch being cleaving bodies, and the hair continually extimulating the parts, by the action of the one, nature was provoked to expel, but by the tenacity of the other forced to retain: so that there being left no passage in or out, the Dragon broke in pieces. It must therefore be taken of grossly powdered glass what is delivered by Grevinus, and from the same must that mortal dissentery proceed which is related by Sanctorius; and in the same sense shall we only allow a Diamond to be poison, and whereby as some relate Paracelsus himself was poisoned. And so also even the precious fragments and cordial gems which are of frequent use in Physic, and in themselves confessed of useful faculties, received in gross and angular powders, may so offend the bowels, as to procure desperate languors, or cause most dangerous fluxes.  
3. That Gold inwardly taken, and that either in substance, infusion, decoction or extinction is a special cordial of great efficacy, in sundry medical uses, although a practice much used is also much questioned, and by no man determined beyond dispute. There are hereof I perceive two extreme opinions; some excessively magnifying it, and probably beyond its deserts; others extremely vilifying it, and perhaps below its demerits. Some affirming it is a powerful medicine in many diseases, others averring that so used it is effectual in none; and in this number are very eminent Physicians, Erastus, Dur●tus, Rondeletius, Brassavolus, and many other; who beside the strigments and sudorous adhesions from men's hands, acknowledge that nothing proceedeth from gold in the usual decoction thereof. Now the capital reason that led men unto this opinion was their observation of the inseparable nature of gold; it being excluded in the same quantity as it was received without alteration of parts, or diminution of its gravity.  
Now herein to deliver somewhat which in a middle way may be entertained; we first affirm & few I believe will deny it, that the substance of gold is indeed invincible by the powerfullest action of natural heat, and that not only alimentally in a substantial mutation, but also medicamentally in any corporeal conversion; as is very evident, not only in the swallowing of golden bullets but in the lesser and foliate divisions thereof; passing the stomach and guts even as it doth the throat, that is without abatement of weight or consistence; so that it entereth not the veins with those electuaries, wherein it is mixed, but taketh leave of the permeant parts, at the mouths of the miseraicks, and accompanieth the inconvertible portion unto the siege; nor is its substantial conversion expectible in any composition or aliment wherein it is taken. And therefore that was truly a starving absurdity, which befell the wishes of Midas. And little credit there is to be given to the golden Hen, related by Wendlerus. And so likewise in the extinction of gold, we must not conceive it parteth with any of its salt or dissoluble principle thereby, as we may affirm of Iron, for the parts thereof are fixed beyond division; nor will they separate upon the strongest test of fire. And this we affirm of pure gold, for that which is currant and passeth in stamp amongst us, by reason of its allay, which is a proportion of copper mixed therewith, it is actually dequantitated by fire, and possibly by frequent extinction.  
Secondly, although the substance of gold be not sensibly immuted or its gravity at all decreased, yet that from thence some virtue may proceed either in substantial reception or infusion, we cannot safely deny. For possible it is that bodies may emit a virtue and operation without abatement of weight, as is most evident in the Loadstone, whose effluencies are both continual and communicable without a minoration of gravity. And the like is observable in bodies electrical, whose emissions are less subtle. So will a Diamond or Saphire emit an effluvium sufficient to move the needle or a straw without diminution of weight. Nor will polished amber although it send forth a gross and corporal exhalement be found a long time defective upon the exactest scales.  
Thirdly, if amulets do work by Aporrhoias', or emanations from their bodies, upon those parts whereunto they are appended, and are not yet observed to abate their weight; if they produce visible and real effects by imponderous and invisible emissions, it may be unjust to deny all efficacy of gold in the non omission of weight, or deperdition of any ponderous particles.  
L●stly, since Stibium or glass of Antimony, since also its Regulus will manifestly communicate unto water, or wine, a purging and vomitory operation; and yet the body itself, though after iterated infusions, cannot be ●ound to abate either virtue or weight; I dare not deny but gold may do the like; that is, impart some ef●luences unto the infusion which carry with them the subtler nature, and separable conditions of its body.  
That therefore this mettle thus received, hath any undeniable effect upon the body either from experience in others or myself, I cannot satisfactorily affirm. That possibly it may have I not will at all deny. But from power unto act, from a possible unto an actual operation, the inference is not reasonable. And therefore since the point is dubious, and not yet authentically decided, it will be discretion not to depend on disputable remedies; but rather in cases of known danger, to have recourse unto medicines of known and approved activity; for beside the benefit accrueing unto the sick, hereby may be avoided a gross and frequent error, commonly committed in the use of doubtful remedies, conjointly with those which are of approved virtue. That is, to impute the cure unto the conceited remedy, or place it on that whereon they place their opinion, whose operation although it be nothing, or its concurrence not considerable, yet doth it obtain the name of the whole cure, and carrieth often the honour of the capital energy, which had no finger in it.  
4. That a pot full of ashes, will still contain as much water as it would without them, although by Aristotle in his problems taken for granted, and so received by most, is surely very false, and not effectible upon the strictest experiment I could ever make. For when the eyrie intersticies are filled, and as much of the salt of the ashes as the water will imbibe is dissolved, there remains a gross and terreous portion at the bottom which will possess a space by itself, according whereto there will remain a quantity of water not receiveable, and so will it come to pass in a pot of salt, although decrepitated; and so also in a pot of snow. For so much it will want in reception, as its solution taketh up, according unto the bulk whereof, there will remain a portion of water not to be admitted. So a glass stuffed with pieces of sponge, will want about a sixth part of what it would receive without it. So sugar will not dissolve beyond the capacity of the water, nor a mettle in Aquafortis be corroded beyond its reception. And so a pint of salt of tartar exposed unto a moist air until it dissolve, will make far more liquor, or as some term it oil, than the former measure will contain.  
Nor is it only the exclusion of air by water, or repletion of cavities possessed thereby which causeth a pot of ashes to admit so great a quantity of water, but also the solution of the salt of the ashes into the body of the dissolvent; so a pot of ashes will receive somewhat more of hot water then of cold, for as much as the warm water imbibeth more of the salt, and a vessel of ashes more than one of pindust or filings of Iron, and a glass full of water, will yet drink in a proportion of salt or sugar without overflowing.  
5. Of white powder and such as is discharged without report, there is no small noise in the world: but how far agreeable unto truth, few I perceive are able to determine. Herein therefore to satisfy the doubts of some, and amuse the credulity of others, We first declare; that gunpowder consisteth of three ingredients, that is, Saltpetre, Smal-coale, and Brimstone. Salt-peter, although it be also natural and found in several places, yet is that of common use an artificial salt, drawn from the infusion of salt earth, as that of Stalls, Stables, Dovehouses, Cellars, and other covered places, where the rain can neither dissolve, nor the sun approach to resolve it. Brimstone is a Mineral body of fat and inflammable parts, and this is used crude, and called sulphur vive, and is of a sadder colour; or after depuration, such as we have in magdeleons or rolls, of a lighter yellow: Smal-coale is commonly known unto all, and for this use is made of Sallow, W●llow, Alde●, Hasell, and the like, which three proportionably mixed, tempered and form into granulary bodies, do make up that powder which is in use for guns.  
Now all these although they bear a share in the discharge, yet have they distinct intentions, and different offices in the composition: from brimstone proceedeth the continued and durable firing, for Small coal and peter together will only spit, nor easily continue the ignition. From Small-coale ensueth the black colour and quick accension; for neither brimstone nor peter, although in powder, will take fire like Small-coale, nor will they easily kindle upon the sparks of a flint, as neither will Camphire a body very inflammable, but small-coal is equivolent to tinder, and serveth to light the sulphur: from salt-peter proceedeth the force and the report, for sulphur and small-coale mixed will not take fire with noise, or exilition, and powder which is made of imp●re, and greasy peter, hath but a weak emission, and giveth a faint report, and therefore in the three sorts of powder, the strongest containeth most salt-peter, and the proportion thereof is at the least ten parts of peter, unto one of coal and sulphur.  
But the immediate cause of the report, is the vehement commotion of the air upon the sudden and violent eruption of the powder; for that being suddenly fired, and almost altogether, being thus ratified it requireth by many degrees a greater space than before its body occupied; but ●inding resistance, is actively forceth out his way, and by concussion of the air, occasioneth the report. Now with what vigour and violence it forceth upon the air, may easily be conceived, if we admit what Cardan affirmeth, that the powder fired doth occupy a hundred times a greater space than its own bulk, or rather what S●ellius more exactly accounteth; that it exceedeth its former space on less than 12000. and 500 times. And this is the reason not only of this tonni●ruous and ful●●i●ating report of guns, but may resolve the cause of those terrible cracks, and affrighting noise of heaven; that is, the nitrous and sulphureous exhalations, set on fire in the clouds, whereupon requiring a larger place, they force out their way, not only with the breaking of the cloud, but the ●aceration of the air about it. When if the matter be spirituous, and the cloud compact, the noise is great and terrible: If the cloud be thin, and the materials weak, the eruption is languide, and ending in corrus●ations without any noise, although but at the distance of two miles, which is esteemed the remotest distance of clouds; and therefore such lightnings do seldom any harm. And therefore also it is prodigious to have thunder in a clear sky, as is observably recorded in some Histories.  
Now therefore, he that would destroy the report of Powder, must work upon the peter, he that would exchange the colour, must think how to alter the small coal. For the one, that is, to make white powder, it is surely many ways feasible: The best I know is by the powder of rotten willows, spunck, or touchwood prepared, might perhaps make it russet: and some as Beringuccio in his Pyrotechny affirmeth, have promised to make it red. All which notwithstanding doth little concern the report: for that as we have showed depends on another ingredient; and therefore also under the colour of black; this principle is very variable, for it is made not only by Willow, Aller, hazel, etc. But some above all commend the coals of Flax and Rushes, and some also contend the same may be effected with Tinder.  
As for the other, that is, to destroy the Report, it is reasonably attempted but two ways; that is, either by quite leaving out, or else by silencing the Saltpetre. How to abate the vigour thereof, or silence its bombulation, a way is promised by Porta, and that not only in general terms by some fat bodies, but in particular by Borax and Bu●ter mixed in a due proportion; which sayeth he, will so go off as scarce to be heard by the discharger; and indeed plentifully mixed, it will almost take off the reporr, and also the force of the charge. That it may be thus made without Salt-peter, I have met with but one example, that is, of Alphonsus' Duke of Ferrara, who in the relation of Brassavolus and Cardan invented such a Powder, as would discharge a bullet without report.  
That therefore white Powder there may be, there is therein no absurdity, that also such a one as may give no report, we will not deny a possibility. But this however, contrived either with or without Saltpetre, will surely be of little force, and the effects thereof no way to be feared: For as it omits of report, so will it of effectual exclusion; for seeing as we have delivered the strength and report, do necessarily depend upon the violent exclusion, where there is no report there will be no violent exclusion, and so the charge of no force which is excluded. For thus much is reported of that famous powder of Alphonsus, which was not of force enough to kill a chicken, according to the delivery of Brassavolus. jamque pulvis inventus est qui glandem sine bombo proj●cit, nec tamen vehementer ut vel pullum interficere possit.  
It is very true and not to be denied, there are ways to discharge a bullet, not only with powder that makes no noise, but without any powder at all, as is done by water and windegunnes; but these afford no fulminating report, and depend on single principles, and even in ordinary powder there are pretended other ways, to alter the noise and strength of the discharge, and the best, if not only way consists in the quality of the Nitre: for as for other ways which make either additions or alterations in the powder, or charge, I find therein no effect. That unto every pound of sulphur, an adjection of one ounce of Quicksilver, or unto every pound of peter, one ounce of Sal Armoniac will much intend the force, and cosequently report, as Beringuccio hath delivered, I find no verity therein. That a piece of Opium will dead the force, and blow as some have promised, I find herein ●o such peculiarity, no more then in any gum of viscose body, and as much effect there is to be found from Scammony. That a bullet dipped in oil by preventing the transpiration of air, will carry farther, and pierce deeper, as Portu affirmeth, my experience cannot with satisfaction discern. That Quicksilver is more destructive than shot is surely not to be made out; for it will scarce make any penetration, and discharged from a Pistol, will hardly pierce thorough a pa●chment. That vinegar, spirits of wine, or the distilled water of Orange pills, wherewith the powder is tempored, are more effectual unto the report then common water, as some do promise, I shall not affirm, but may assuredly be more conducible unto the preservation and durance of the powder, as Cataneo hath well observed.  
But beside the prevalent report from Saltpetre by some antipathy, or incummiscibility therewith upon the approach of fire. Sulphur may hold a greater use in the composition and further activity in the exclusion than is by most conceived; for sulphur vive makes better powder then common sulphur, which nevertheless is of as quick accension as the other; for Small-coale, Saltpetre and Camphire made into powder will be of little force, wherein notwithstanding there wants not the accending ingredient; for Camphire though it ●l●me well, yet will not flush so lively, or de●ecate Saltpetre, if you inject it thereon like sulphur, as in the preparation of Sal prunellae, And lastly, though many ways may be found to light this powder, yet is there none I know to make a strong and vigorous powder of Saltpetre, without the admixion of sulphur. Arsenic red and yellow, that is, Orpement and Sandarach may perhaps do something, as being inflammable and containing sulphur in them, but containing also a salt, and hydra●gyrus mixtion, they will be of little effect; and white or Cristaline arsenic of less, for that being artficiall, and sublimed with salt, will not endure flamation.  
And this antipathy or contention between saltpetre and sulphur upon an actual fire, and in their complete & distinct bodies, is also manifested in their preparations, and bodies which invisibly contain them. Thus is the preparation of Crocus Metallorum, the matter kindleth and flusheth like Gunpowder, wherein notwithstanding, there is nothing but Antimony and Saltpetre, but this proceedeth from the sulphur of Antimony, not enduring the society of saltpetre; for after three or four accensions, through a fresh addition of peter, the powder will flush no more; for the sulphur of the Antimony is quite exhaled. Thus Iron in Aqua fortis will fall into ebullition, with noise and emication, as also a crass and fumide exhalation, which are caused from this combat of the sulphur of Iron, with the acide and nitrous spirits of Aqua fortis. So is it also in Aurum fulminans, or powder of gold dissolved in Aqua Regis, and precipitated with oil of Tartar, which will kindle without an actual fire, and afford a report like Gunpowder, that is, not as Crollius affirmeth from any Antipothy between Sal Armoniac and Tartar, but rather between the nitrous spirits of Aqua Regis, commixed per minima with the sulphur of gold, as in in his last, De consensu chymicorum etc. Sennertus hath well observed.  
6. That Coral (which is a Lithophyton or stone plant, and groweth at the bottom of the Sea) is soft under water, but waxeth hard as soon as it arriveth unto the air, although the assertion of Dioscorides, Pliny, and consequently Solinus, Isidore, Rueus, and many others, and stands believed by most, we have some reason to doubt, not only from so sudden a petrifaction and strange induration, not easily made out from the qualities of Air, but because we find it rejected by experimental enquirers. Johannes Beguinus in his Chapter of the tincture of Coral, undertakes to clear the world of this error, from ●he express experiment of john Baptista de Nicole, 
In the french Copy.  who was Overseer of the gathering of Coral upon the Kingdom of Thunis. This Gentleman, saith he, desirous to find the nature of Coral, and to be resolved how it groweth at the bottom of the Sea, caused a man to go down no less than a hundred fathom into the Sea, with express to take notice whether it were hard or so●t in the place where it groweth, who returning brought in each hand a branch of Coral, affirming it was as hard at the bottom, as in the air where he delivered it. The same was also confirmed by a trial of his own, handling it a fathom under water before it felt the air. Beotius de Boote in his accurate Tract De Gemmis, is of the same opinion, not ascribing its concretion unto the air, but the coagulating spirits of salt, and lapidi●icall juice of the sea, which entering the parts of that plant, overcomes its vegetability, and converts it into a lapideous substance, and this, saith he, doth happen when the plant is ready to decay; for all Coral is not hard, and in many concreted plants some parts remain unpetrified, that is, the quick and livelier parts remain as wood, and were never yet converted. Now that plants and ligneous bodies may indurate under water without approachment of air, we have experiment in Coralline, with many Coralloidall concretions, and that little stony plant which Mr. Johnson nameth, Hippuris coralloides, and Gesner foliis m●nsu Arenosis; we have ourself found in fresh water, which is the less concretive portion of that element. We have also with us the visible petrification of wood in many waters, whereof so much as if covered with water converteth into stone, as much as is above, it and in the air retaineth the form of wood, and continueth as before.  
7. We are not thoroughly resolved concerning Porcelain or China dishes, that according to common belief they are made of earth, which lieth in preparation about an hundred years under ground, for the relations thereof are not only divers, but contrary, and Authors agree not herein. Guido Pancirollus will have them made of Egg shells, Lobster shells, and Gypsum laid up in the earth the space of 80. years: of the same affirmation is Scaliger, and the common opinion of most. Ramuzius in his Navigations is of a contrary assertion, that they are made out of earth, not laid under ground, but hardened in the Sun and wind, the space of forty years. But Gonzales de Mendoza, a man employed into China, and with an honourable present, sent from Philip the second King of Spain, hath upon ocular experience, delivered a way different from all these. For enquiring into the artifice thereof, he found they were made of a Chalky earth, which beaten and steeped in water, affordeth a cream or fatness on the top, and a gross subsidence at the bottom; out of the cream or superfluitance, the finest dishes, saith he, are made; out of the residence thereof the courser; which being form, they gilled or paint, and not after an hundred years, but presently commit unto the furnace: And this, saith he, is known by experience, and more probable than what Odoardus Barbosa hath delivered, that they are made of shells, and buried under earth of hundred years: And answerable unto all points hereto, is the relation of Linschotten, a very diligent enquirer in his Oriental Navigations.  
Now if any man inquire, why being so commonly made, and in so short a time, they are become so scarce, or not at all to be had, the answer is given by these last Relators, that under great penalties it is forbidden to carry the first sort out of the Country. And of those surely the properties must verified, which by Scaliger and others are ascribed to China dishes, That they admit no poison, That they strike fire, That they will grow hot no higher than the liquor in them ariseth. For such as pass amongst us, and under the name of the finest, will only strike fi●e, but not discover Aconite Mercury, or Arsenic, but may be useful in dissenteries, and fluxes beyond the other.  
8. Lastly, he must have more heads than Janus, that makes out half of those virtues ascribed unto stones, and their not only medical, but Magical proprieties, which are to be found in Authors of great name. In Psellus, Serapion, Evax, Albertus, Aleazar Marbodeus; in Maiolus, 
Against poison.  Rueus; Mylius, and many other.  
That Lapis Lazul● hath in it a purgative faculty we know, 
Provoking urine.  that Bezoar is antidotal, Lapis Judaicus diuretical, Coral Antipilepticall, we will not deny. 
Against the falling-sickness.  That Cornelians, Jaspis, Heliotropes, and bloud-stones, may be of virtue to those intentions they are employed, experience and visible effects will make us doubt. But that an Amethyst prevents inebriation, that an Emerald will break if worn in copulation. That a Diamond laid under the pillow, will betray the incontinency of a wife. That a Sapphire is preservative against enchantments; that the fume of an Agath will avert a tempest, or the wearing of a Crysoprase make one out of love with gold, as some have delivered, we are yet, I confess to believe, and in that infidelity are likely to end our days. And therefore, they which in the explication of the two Beryls upon the Ephod, or the twelve stones in the Rational or breastplate of Aaron, or those twelve which garnished the wall of the holy City in the Apocalypse, have drawn their significations from such as these, or declared their symbolical verities from such traditional falsities, have surely corrupted the sincerity of their Analogies, or misunderstood the mystery of their intentions.   

CHAP. VI  
Of sundry tenants concerning vegetables or Plants, which examined, prove either false or dubious.  
1. MAny Mola's and false conceptions there are of Mandrakes, the first from great Antiquity, conceiveth the Root thereof resembleth the shape of man, which is a conceit not to be made out by ordinary inspection, or any other eyes, than such as regarding the clouds, behold them in shapes conformable to preapprehensions.  
Now what ever encouraged the first invention, there have not been wanting many ways of its promotion. The first a Catacresticall and far derived similitude, it holds with man; that is, in a byfurcation or division of the root into two parts, which some are content to call thighs, whereas notwithstanding they are oft times three, and when but two commonly so complicated and crossed, that men for this deceit, are fain to effect their design into other plants; And as fair a resemblance is often found in Carrots, Parsnips, Bryony, and many others. There are, I confess, divers plants which carry about them, not only the shape of parts, but also of whole animals, but surely not all thereof, unto whom this conformity is imputed. Whoever shall peruse the signatures of Crollius, or rather the phytognomy of Port●, and strictly observes how vegetable realities, are commonly forced into Animal representations, may easily perceive in very many, the semblance is but postulatory, and must have a more assimilating fancy than mine to make good many thereof.  
Illiterate heads have been led on by the name, which in the first syllable expresseth its representation; but others have better observed the laws of Etymology, and deduced it from a word of the same language, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, spel●nca, because it delighteth to grow in obscure and shady places, which derivation, although we shall not stand to maintain, yet is the other openly absurd, answerable unto the Etymologies of many Authors, who often confound such nominal notations. Not to inquire beyond our own profession, the Latin Physicians, which most adheared unto the Arabic way, have often failed herein, particularly Valescus de Taranta a received Physician, in whose Philonium or medical practice these may be observed; Diarhaea saith he, quaa pluries venit in die. Herisepela, quasi haerens pilis, emorrohois, ab emach sanguis & morrhois quod est cadere. Lithargia à Litos quod est oblivio & Targus morbus, Scotomia a Scotos quod est videre & mias musca, Opth●l mia ab opus Graece quod est succus, & Talmon quod est occulus, Paralisis, qu●si laesio partis, Fistula à fos sonus & stolon quod est emissio, quasi emissio soni vel vocis: which are derivations as strange indeed as the other, and hardly to be paralleled elsewhere, confirming not only the words of one language with another, but creating such as were never yet in any.  
The received distinction and common notation by sexes, hath also promoted the conceit; for true it is, that Herbalists from ancient times, have thus distinguished them; naming that the masle, whose leaves are lighter, and fruit and apples rounder, but this is properly no generative division, but rather some note of distinction in colour, figure or operation. For though Empedocles affirm, there is a mixed, and undivided sex in vegetables; and Scaliger upon Aristotle de plantis, doth favourably explain that opinion, yet will it not consist with the common and ordinary acception, nor yet with Aristotle's definition: for if that be mas●e which generates in another, that female which procreates in itself; if it be understood of sexes conjoined, all plants are female, and if of dis●joyned, and congressive generation, there is no male or female in them at all.  
But the Atlas or main axis, which supported this opinion, was daily experience, and the visible testimony of sense; for many there are in several parts of Europe who carry about, and sell roots unto ignorant people, which handsomely make out the shape of man or woman, but these are not productions of Nature, but contrivances of Art, as divers have noted, and Mathiolus plainly detected, who learned this way of trumpery from a vogabond cheater lying under his cure for the French disease; his words are these, and may determine the point, Sed profecto vanum & fabulosum, etc. But that is vain and fabulous which ingnorant people, and simple women believe; for the roots which are carried about by impostors to deceive unfruitful women, are made of the roots of Canes, Bryony, and other plants, for in these yet fresh and virent, they carve out the figures of men and women, first sticking, therein the grains of barley or millet, where they intent the hair should grow, then bury them in sand, until the grains shoot forth their roots, which at the longest will happen in twenty days; afterward clip and trim those tender strings in the fashion of beard and other hairy t●guments. All which like other impostures once discovered is easily effected, and in the root of white Bryony may be practised every spring.  
What is there fore delivered in favour hereof, by Author's ancient or modern, must have its roots in tradition, imposture, or far derived similitude; so may we admit of the epithyte of Pythagoras who calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and that of Col●mella, who terms i● semihomo, otherwise Alber tus magnus is not to be received when he affirmeth that Mandrakes so represent mankind, that distinction of sex and other accidents are manifest therein. And udner these terms may those Authors be admitted, which for this opinion are introduced by Drusius, as David Camius, Moses ●ilius Namanis, and Abenezra Hispanus.  
The second assertion concerneth its production, That it naturally groweth under gallows and places of execution, arising from fat or urine that drops from the body of the dead; a story somewhat agreeable unto the fable of the Serpent's teeth sowed in the earth by Cadmus, or rather the birth of Orion from the urine of Jupiter, Mercury, and Neptune: Now this opinion seems grounded on the former, that is a conceived similitude it hath with man; and therefore from him in some way they would make out its production. Which conceit is not only erroneous in the foundation, but injurious unto Philosophy in the superstruction, making putrifactive generations, correspondent unto seminal productions, and conceiving in equivocal effects and univocal conformity unto the efficient; which is so far from being verified of animals in their corruptive mutations into plants, that they maintain not this similitude in their nearer translation into animals. So when the Ox corrupteth into Bees, or the Horses into hornets, they come not forth in the image of their originals. So the corrupt and excrementous humours in man are animated into lice; and we may observe that hogs, sheep, goats, hawks, hens, and divers other, have one peculiar a●d proper kind of vermin, not resembling themselves according to seminal conditions, it carrying a settled and confined habitude unto their corruptive originals; and therefore come not forth in generations erratical, or different from each other, but seem specifically and in regular shapes to attend the corruption of their bodies, as do more perfect conceptions, the rule of seminal productions.  
The third affirmeth the roots of Mandrakes do make a noise or give a shriek upon eradication, which is indeed ridiculous, and false below confute; arising perhaps from a small and stridulous noise, which being firmly rooted, it maketh upon divulsion of parts. A slender foundation for such a vast conception: for such a noise we sometime observe in other plants, in parsnips, liquorish, eri●gium, flags, and others.  
The last concerneth the danger ensuing, that there follows an hazard of life to them that pull it up, that some evil fate pursues them, and they live not very long after; therefore the attempt hereof among the Ancients, was not in ordinary way, but as Pliny informeth, when they intended to take up the root of this plant, they took the wind thereof, and with a sword describing three circles about it they digged it up, looking toward the West, a conceit not only injurious unto truth, and confutable by daily experience, but somewhat derogatory unto the providence of God, that is not only to impose so destructive a quality on any plant, but conceive a vegetable whose parts are useful unto many, should in the only taking up prove mortal unto any. To think he suffereth the poison of Nubia to be gathered, Nap●llus, Aconite and Thora to be eradicated, yet this not to be moved. That he permitteth Arsenic and mineral poisons to be forced from the bowels of the earth, yet not this from the surface thereof. This were to introduce a second forbidden fruit, and enhance the first malediction; making it not only mortal for Adam to taste the one, but capital unto his posterity to eradicate or dig up the other.  
Now what begot, at least promoted so strange conceptions might be the magical opinion hereof; this being conceived the plant so much in use with Circe, and therefore named Circea, as Dioscorides and Theophrastus have delivered; which being the eminent soceres of elder story, and by the magic of simples believed to have wrought many wonders, some men were apt to invent, others to believe any tradition or magical promise thereof.  
Analogus relations concerning other plants, and such as are of near affinity unto this, have made its currant smooth, and pass more easily among us; for the same effect is also delivered by Josephus, concerning the root Baaras, by Aelian of Cynospastus, and we read in Homer the very same opinion concerning Moly.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Gods it Moly call, whose root to dig away,  
Is dangerous unto man, but Gods they all things may.  
Now parallels or like relations alternately relieve each other; when neither will pass asunder, yet are they plausible together, and by their mutual concurrences support their solitary instablilities.  
Signaturists have somewhat advanced it, who seldom omitting what Ancients delivered, drawing into inference received distinctions of sex, not willing to examine its humane resemblance, and placing it in the form of strange and magical simples, have made men suspect there was more therein, then ordinary practice allowed, and so became ●pt to embrace what ever they heard or read conformable unto such conceptions.  
Lastly, the conceit promoteth itself: for concerning an effect whose trial must cost so dear, it fortifies itself in that invention, and few there are whose experiment it need to ●●are. For (what is most contemptible) although not only the reason of any head, but experience of every hand may well convict it, yet will it not by divers be rejected, for prepossessed heads will ever doubt it, and timorous beliefs will never dare to try it. So these traditions how low and ridiculous soever, will find in some suspicion, doubt in others, and serve as tests or trials of melancholy, and superstitious tempers for ever.  
2. That Cinnamon, Ginger, Clove, Mace and Nutmeg, are but the several parts and fruits of the same tree, is the common belief of those which daily use them; whereof to speak distinctly, Ginger is the root of neither tree nor shrub, but of an herbaceous plant, resembling the water ●lower De ●uce, as Garcias fi●st described, or rather the common reed, as Lobelius since affirmed, very common in many parts of India, growing either from root or seed, which in December and January they take up, and gently dried, role it up in earth, whereby occluding the pores, they conserve the natural humidity, and so prevent corruption.  
Cinnamon is the inward bark of a Cinnamon tree, whereof the best is brought from Zeilan; this freed from the outward bark, and exposed unto the Sun, contracts into those folds wherein we commonly receive it. If it have not a sufficient insolation it looketh pale, and attains not its laudable colour, if it be sunned too long it suffereth a torrefaction, and descendeth somewhat below it.  
Clove is the rudiment or beginning of a fruit growing upon the Clove tree, to be found but in few Countries. The most commendable is that of Isles of Molucca; it is first white, afterward green, which beaten down, and dried in the Sun becometh black, and in the complexion we receive it.  
Nutmeg is the fruit of a tree differing from all these, and as Garcias describeth it, somewhat like a Peach, growing in divers places, but fructifying in the Isle of Banda. The fruit hereof, consisteth of four parts; the first or outward part is a thick and carnous covering like that of a Walnut. The second a dry and flosculous coat, commonly called Mace. The third a harder tegument or shell, which lieth under the Mace. The fourth a kernel included in the shell, which is the same we call Nutmeg; all which both in their parts and order of disposure, are easily discerned in those fruits, which are brought in preserves unto us.  
Now if because Mace and Nutmegs proceed from one tree, the rest must bear them company, or because they are all from the East-Indies, they are all from one plant, the Inference is precipitous, nor will there such a plant be found in the Herbal of Nature.  
3. That Viscus Arboreus of Misseltoe is bred upon trees, from seeds which birds, especially Thrushes and Ringdoves let fall thereon, was the creed of the Ancients, and is still believed among us, is the account of its production, set down by Pliny, delivered by Virgil, and subscribed by many more. If so, some reason must be assigned, why it groweth only upon cert●ine trees, and not upon many whereon these birds do light. For as Exotic observers deliver, it groweth upon Almond trees, Chesnut, Apples, Oaks, and Pine trees, as we observe in England, very commonly upon Apple, Holly, Bayes, Crabs, and White thorn, sometimes upon Sallow, Hasell, and Oak, never upon Bays, Holly, Ashes, Elms, and many others. Why it groweth not in all countries and places where these birds are found, for so Brassavolus affirmeth, it is not to be found in the territory of Ferrara, and was fain to supply himself from other parts of Italy. Why if it ariseth from a seed, if sown it will not grow again, as Pliny affirmeth, and as by setting the berries thereof, we have in vain attempted its production; why if it cometh from seed that falleth upon the tree, it groweth often downwards and puts forth under the bough, where seed can neither fall, nor yet remain. Hereof beside some others, the Lord Verulam hath taken notice. And they surely speak probably who make it an arboreous excrescence, or rather superplant, bred of a viscous and superfluous sap the tree itself cannot assimilate, and therefore sprouteth not forth in boughs and surcles of the same shape and similary unto the tree that beareth it, but in a different form, and secondary unto its specifical intention, wherein once failing, another form succeedeth, and in the first place that of Misseltoe, in plants and trees disposed to its production. And therefore also where ever it groweth▪ it is of constant shape, and maintains a vegular figure like other supercrescenses, and such as living upon the stock of others, are termed Parasitical plants, as Polypody, Moss, the smaller Capillaries, and many more.  
Now what begot this conceit, might be the enlargement of that part of truth contained in its story. For certain it is, that some birds do feed upon the berries of this vegetable, and we meet in Aristotle with one kind of thrush called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the missell thrush or ●eeder upon misseltoe. But that which hath most promoted it, is a received proverb. Turdus sibi malum cac●t▪ Appliable unto such men as are authors of their own misfortune: For according unto ancient tradition and Pliny's relation, the bird not able to digest the fruit whereon she feedeth, from her inconverted muting, ariseth this plant, of the berries whereof birdlime is made, wherewith she is after entangled. Now although proverbs be popular principles, yet is not all true that is proverbial; and in many thereof there being one thing delivered, and another intended, though the verbal expression be false, the proverb is true enough in the verity of its intention.  
As for the Magical virtues in this plant, and conceived efficacy unto veneficiall intentions, it seemeth unto me a Pagan relic derived from the ancient D●uides, the great admirers of the Oak, especially the Misseltoe that grew thereon; which according unto the particular of Pliny, they gathered with great solemnity. For after sacrifice the priest in a white garment, ascended the tree, cut down the Misseltoe with a golden hook, and received it in a white coat, the virtue whereof was to resist all poisons, and make fruitful any that used it. Virtues not expected from Classical practice; And did they answer their promise which are so commended, in epileptical intentions, we would abate these qualities. Country practice hath added another, to provoke the afterbirth, and in that case the decoction is given unto Cows. That the berries are poison as some conceive, we are so far from averring, that we have safely given them inwardly, and can confirm the experiment of Brassavolus, that they have some purgative quality.  
4. The Rose of Jericho, that flourishes every year just upon Christmas Eve is famous in Christian reports, which notwithstanding we have some reason to doubt; and we are plainly informed by Bellonius, it is but a Monastical imposture, as he hath delivered in his observations, concerning the plants in Jericho. That which promoted the conceit, or perhaps begot its continuance, was a propriety in this plant. For though it be dry, yet will it upon imbibition of moisture dilate its leaves, and explicate its flowers contracted, and seemingly dried up. And this is to be effected not only in the plant yet growing, but in some manner also in that which is brought exuccous and dry unto us. Which quality being observed, the subtlety or contrivers did commonly play this show upon the Eve of our Saviour's Nativity, and by drying the plant again, it closed the next day, and so pretended a double mystery. That is the opening and closing of the womb of Mary.  
There wanted not a specious confirmation from a text in Ecclesiasticus, chap. 24. Quasi palma exaltata sum in Cad●s▪ & quasi plantatio Rosae in jericho: I was exalted like a Palm tree in Engaddi, and as a Rose in Jericho. The sound whereof in common ears, begat an extraordinary opinion of the Rose of that denomination. But herein there seemeth a great mistake; for by the Rose in the text, is employed the true and proper Rose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Greek, and ours accordingly rendereth it. But that which passeth under this name, and by us is commonly called the Rose of Jericho, is properly no Rose, but a small thorny shrub or kind of heath, bearing little white flowers, far differing from the Rose, whereof Bellonius a very inquisitive Herbalist could not find any in his travels thorough Jericho. A plant so unlike a Rose, it hath been mistaken by some good Simplist for Amomum, which truly understood is so unlike a Rose, that as D●oscorides delivers, the flowers thereof, are like the white violet, and its leaves resemble bryony; suitable unto this relation almost in all points is that of the thorn at Glassenbury, and perhaps the daughter thereof; herein our endeavours as yet have not attained satisfaction, and cannot therefore enlarge. Thus much in general we may observe, that strange effects, are naturally taken for miracles by weaker heads, and artificially improved to that apprehension by wiser.  
5. That ferrum Equinum, or Sferra Cavallo hath a virtue attractive of Iron, a power to break locks, and draw off the shoes of a horse that passeth over it. Whether you take it for one kind of Secu●idaca, or will also take in Lunaria, we know it to be false; and cannot but wonder at Mathiolus, who upon a parallel in Pliny was staggered into suspension; who notwithstanding in the imputed virtue to open things, close and shut up, could laugh himself at that promise from Aethiopis, and condemn the judgement of Scipio, who having such a picklock, would spend so many years in battering the gates of Carthage. Which strange and Magical conceit, seems unto me to have no deeper root in reason, than the figure of its seed; for therein indeed it somewhat resembles an horseshooe, which notwithstanding Baptista Porta hath thought too low a signation, and raised the same unto a Lunary representation.  
6. That Bays will protect from the mischief of lightning and thunder, is a quality ascribed thereto, common with the figtree, Eagle, and skin of a Seal. Against so famous a quality, Vicomer●atus produceth experiment of a Bay tree blasted in Italy, and therefore although Tiberius for this intent, did wear a Laurel about his temples. Yet did Augustus take a more probable course, who fled under arches and hollow vaults for protection. And though Porta conceive, becasue in a streperous eruption, it riseth against fire, it doth therefore resist lightning, yet is that no emboldening Illation: And if we consider the threefold effect of Jupiter's Trisulc, to burn, discuss and terebrate; and if that be true which is commonly delivered, that it will melt the blade, yet pass the scabbard, kill the child, yet spare the mother, dry up the wine, yet leave the hogshead entire; though it favour the amulet it may not spare us; it will be unsure to rely on any preservative, 'tis no security to be dipped in Styx, or clad in the armour of Ceneus. Now that beer, wine, and other liquors, are spoilt with lightning and thunder, we conceive it proceeds not only from noise and concussion of the air, but also noxious spirits, which mingle therewith, and draw them to corruption, whereby they become not only dead themselves, but sometime deadly unto others, as that which Seneca mentioneth, whereof whosoever drank, either lost his life, or else his wits upon it.  
7. It hath much deceived the hopes of good fellows, what is commonly expected of bitter Almonds, and though in Plutarch confirmed from the practice of Claudius his Physician, that Antidote against ebriety hath commonly failed. Surely men much versed in the practice do err in the theory of inebriation, conceaving in that disturbance the brain doth only suffer from exhalations and vaporous ascensions from the stomach, which fat and oily substances may suppress, whereas the prevalent intoxication is from the spirits of drink dispersed into the veins and arteries, from whence by common conveyances they creep into the brain, insinuate into its ventricles, and beget those vertigoes, accompanying that perversion. And therefore the same effect may be produced by a Glister, the head may be intoxicated by a medicine at the heel. And so the poisonous bites of Serpents, although on parts at distance from the head, yet having entered the veins, disturb the animal faculties, and produce the effects of drink, or poison swallowed. And so as the head may be disturbed by the skin, it may the same way be relieved, as is observable in balneations, washings, and fomentations, either of the whole body, or of that part alone.  
8. That every plant might receive a name according unto the disease it cureth, was the wish of Paracelsus; a way more likely to multiply Empirics then Herbalists, yet what is practised by many is advantageous unto neither; that is, relinquishing their proper appellations, to re-baptise them by the name of Saints, Apostles, Patriarcks and Martyrs, to call this the herb of John, that of Peter, this of James or Joseph, that of Mary or Barbara, for hereby apprehensions are made additional unto their proper natures; whereon superstitious practices ensue, and stories are framed accordingly to make good their foundations.  
9 We cannot omit to declare the gross mistake of many in the nominal apprehension of plan●s; to instance but in few. An herb there is commonly called Betonica Pauli, or Paul's Betony, hereof the people have some conceit in reference to S. Paul, whereas indeed that name is derived from Paulus Aegineta, an ancient Physician of Aegina, and is no more than speed well, or Fluellen. The like expectations are raised from Herba Trinitatis, which notwithstanding obtaineth that name only from the figure of its leaves, and is one kind of liverworte of Hepatica. In Milium Solis, the epithet of the Sun hath enlarged its opinion, which hath indeed no reference thereunto, it being no more than Li●hospermon, or grummell, or rather milium Soler, which as Serapion from Aben Juliel hath taught us, because it grew plentifully in the mountains of Solar, received that appellation. In Jews ears some thing is conceived extraordinary from the name, which is in propriety but Fungus sambucinus, or an excrescence about the roots of Elder, and concerneth not the Nation of the Jews, but Judas Iscariot, upon a conceit, he hanged on this tree, and is become a famous medicine in Quinses, sore throats, and strangulations ever since. And so are they deceived in the name of Horse-raddish, Horse-mint, Bulrush▪ and many more: conceiving therein some prenominall consideration, whereas indeed that expression is but a Grecisme, by the prefix of Hippos and Bous, that is, Horse and Bull, intending no more than great. According whereto the great dock is called Hippolapathum; and he that calls the horse of Alexander great head, expresseth the same which the Greeks do in Bucephalus.  
10. Lastly, many things are delivered and believed of other plants, wherein at least we cannot but suspend. That there is a property in Basil to propagate Scorpions, and that by the smell thereof they are bred in the brains of men, is much advanced by Hollerius, who found this insect in the brains of a man that delighted much in this smell. Wherein beside that we find no way to conjoin the effect unto the cause assigned; herein the Moderns speak but timerously, and some of the Ancients quite contrarily. For, according unto Oribasius, Physician unto Julian, The Africans, men best experienced in poisons, affirm whosoever hath eaten Basil, although he be stung with a Scorpion, shall feel no pain thereby: which is a very different effect, and rather antidotally destroying then seminally promoting its production.  
That the leaves of Cataputia or spurge being plucked upward or downward respectively perform their operations by purge or vomit, as some have written, and old wives still do preach, is a strange conceit, and indeed somewhat magnetical, aseribing unto plants positionall operations, and after the manner of the Loadstone, upon the pole whereof if a knife be drawn from the handle unto the point, it will take up a needle, but if drawn again from the point to the handle, it will attract it no more.  
That an Ivy cup will separate wine from water, if filled with both, the wine soaking through, but the water still remaining, as after Pliny many have averred we know not how to affirm, who making trial thereof, found both the liquors to soak indistinctly through the bowl.  
That Ros solis which rotteth sheep hath any such cordial virtue upon us, we have some reason to doubt.  
That Flos Affricanus is poison, and destroyeth dogs, in two experiments we have not found.  
That Yew and the berries thereof are harmless we know.  
That a Snake will not endure the shade of an Ash we can deny.  
That Cats have such delight in the herb Nepeta, called therefore Cattaria, our experience cannot discover. Nor is it altogether inconsiderable what is affirmed by Bellonius; for if his assertion be true in the first of his observations, our apprehension is oftentimes wide in ordinary simples, and in common use we mistake one for another. We know not the true thime, the savoury in our Gardens is not that commended of old, and that kind of hyssop the Ancients used, is unknown unto us who make great use of another.  
We omit to recite the many virtues, and endless faculties ascribed unto plants, which sometime occur in grave and serious Authors, and we shall make a bad composition for truth to concede a verity in half. To reckon up all, it were employment for Archimedes, who undertook to write the number of the sands. Swarms of others there are, some whereof our future endeavours may discover; common reason I hope will save us a labour in many, whose absurdities stand naked unto every eye, errors not able to deceive the Emblem of Justice, and need no Argoes to descry them. Herein there surely wants expurgatory animadversions, whereby we might strike out great numbers of hidden qualities, and having once a serious and conceded list, we might with more encouragement and safety, attempt their Reasons.    

THE THIRD BOOK.  
Of divers popular and received Tenants concerning Animals, which examined, prove either false or dubious.  

CHAP. I.  
Of the Elephant.  
THE first shall be of the Elephant, whereof there generally passeth an opinion it hath no joints; and this absurdity is seconded with another, that being unable to lie down, it sleepeth against a tree, which the Hunters observing do saw almost asunder; whereon the beast relying, by the fall of the tree falls also down itself, and is able to rise no more; which conceit is not the daughter of latter times, but an old and gray-headed error, even in the days of Aristotle, as he delivereth in his book, de incessu animalium, and stands successively related by several other Authors, by Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Ambrose, Cassiodore, Solinus, and many more: Now herein me thinks men much forget themselves, not well considering the absurdity of such assertions.  
For first, they affirm it hath no joints, and yet concede it walks and moves about; whereby they conceive there may be a progression or advancement made in motion without the inflexion of parts: Now all progression or animal locomotion being (as Aristotle teacheth) performed tractu & pulsu; that is by drawing on, or impelling forward some part which was before in station, or at quiet; where there are no joints or flexures neither can there be these actions; and this is true, not only in Quadrupedes, Volatills and Fishes, which have distinct and prominent organs of motion, legs, wings, and fins; but in such also as perform their progression by the trunk, as serpents, worms and leeches; whereof though some want bones, and all extended articulations, yet have they arthritical analogies, and by the motion of fibrous and musculous parts, are able to make progression; which to conceive in bodies inflexible, and without all protrusion of parts, were to expect a race from Hercules his pillars, or hope to behold the effects of Orpheus his ha●pe, when Trees found legs, and danced after his music.  
Again, while men conceive they never lie down, and enjoy not the position of rest, ordained unto all pedestrious animals whatsoever, hereby they imagine (what reason cannot conceive) that an animal of the vastest dimension and longest duration should live in a continual motion, without that alternity and vicissitude of rest whereby all others continue; and yet must thus much come to pass, if we opinion they lie not down and enjoy no decumbence at all; for station is properly no rest, but one kind of motion, relating unto that which Physicians (from Galen) do name extensive or tonicall, that is an extension of the muscles and organs of motion maintaining the body at length or in its proper figure, wherein although it seem to be immoved is nevertheless without all motion, for in this position the muscles are sensibly ex●ended, and labour to support the body, which permitted unto its proper gravity would suddenly subside and fall unto the earth, as it happeneth in sleep, diseases and death; from which occult action and invisible motion of the muscles in station (as Galen declareth) proceed more offensive lassitudes then from ambulation; and therefore the Tyranny of some have tormented men, with long and enforced station, and though Ixion and Sisyphus which always moved, do seem to have the hardest measure, yet was not Titius favoured, that lay extended upon Caucasus, and Tantalus suffered somewhat more than thirst, that stood perpetually in hell; and thus Mercurialis in his Gym nasticks justly makes standing one kind of exercise, and Galen when we lie down, commends unto us middle figures; that is, not to lie directly, or at length, but somewhat inflected, that the muscles may be at rest; for such as he termeth Hypobolemaioi or figures of excess, either shrinking up or stretching out, are wearisome positions, and such as perturb the quiet of those parts.  
Moreover men herein do strangely forget the obvious relations of history, affirming they have no joints, whereas they daily read of several actions which are not performable without them. They forget what is delivered by Xiphilinus, and also by Suetonius in the lives of Nero and Galba, that Elephants have been instructed to walk on ropes, and that in public shows before the people; which is not easily performed by man, and requireth not only a broad foot, but a pliable flexure of joints, and commandible disposure of all parts of progression; they pass by that memorable place in Curtius, concerning the Elephant of King Porus, Indus qui Elephantem regebat descendere eumratus, more solito procumbere jussit in genua, caeteri quoque (ita en●● instituti erant) demisere corpora in terram; they remember not the expression of Osorius de rebus gestis Emanuelis, when he speaks of the Elephant presented to Leo the tenth, Pontificemter genibus flexis, & demisso corporis habitu veverabundus salutavit: But above all, they call not to mind that memorable show of Germanicus, wherein twelve Elephants danced unto the sound of music, and after laid them down in the Tricliniums, or places of festival Recumbency.  
Lastly, they forget or consult not experience, whereof not many years past, we have had the advantage in England, by an Elephant shown in many parts thereof▪ not only in the posture of standing, but kneeling and lying down; whereby although the opinion at present be reasonable well suppressed, yet from the strings of tradition and fruitful recurrence of error, it is not improbable, it may revive in the next generation again; for this was not the first that hath been seen in England, for (besides some others since) as Polydore Virgil relateth, Lewis the French King sent one to Henry the third; and Emanuel of Portugal another unto Leo the tenth into Italy, where notwithstanding the error is still alive and epidemical, as with us.  
The hint and ground of this opinion might be the gross and somewhat cylindrical composure of the legs, the equality and less perceptible disposure of the joints, especially in the fore legs of this Animal, they appearing when he standeth like pillars of flesh, without any evidence of articulation: the different flexure and order of the joints might also countenance the same, being not disposed in the Elephant, as they are in other quadrupedes, but carry a nearer conformity into those of man, that is the bought of the fore legs not directly backward, but laterally and somewhat inward, but the hough or suffraginous flexure behind rather outward, contrary unto many other Q●ad●upedes, and such as can scratch the care with the hinder foot, as Horses, Camels, Dear, Sheep and Dogs, for their fore legs bend like our legs, and their hinder legs like our arms, when we move them to our shoulders; but quadrupedes oviparous, as Frogs, Lizards, Crocodiles, have their joints and motive flexures more analogously framed unto ours; and some among viviparous, that is such thereof as can bring their forefeet and meat therein into their mouths, as most can do that have the clanicles or coller-bones, whereby their breasts are broader, and their shoulders more asunder, as the Ape, the Monkey, the Squirrel, and some others: If therefore any shall affirm the joints of Elephants are differently framed from most of other Quadrupedes, and more obscurely and grossly almost then any, he doth her●in no injury unto truth; but if à dicto secundum quid addictum simpliciter, he affirmeth also they have no articulations at all, he incurs the controlment of reason, and cannot avoid the contradiction of sense.  
As for the manner of their venation, if we consult historical experience, we shall find it to be otherwise then as is commonly presumed, by sawing away of trees; the accounts whereof are to be seen at large in johannes Hugo, Edwardus Lopez, Garcias ab Horto, Cadamustus, and many more: other concernments there are of the Elephant, which might admit of discourse, and if we should question the teeth of Elephants, that is whether th●y be properly so termed, or might not rather be called horns, it were no new enquiry of mine, but a paradox as old as Oppianus: whether as Pliny and divers since affirm, that Elephants are terrified, and make away upon the grunting of Swine, Garcias ab Horto may decide, who affirmeth upon experience they enter their stalls, and live promiscuously in the woods of Malavar; That the situation of the genitals is averse, and their copulation like that of Camels, as Pliny hath also delivered, is neither to be received, for we have beheld that part in a different position, and their coition is made by supersaliency like that of horses, as we are informed by some who have beheld them in that act. That some Elephants have not only written whose sentences, as Aelian ocularly testifieth, but have also spoken, as Oppianus delivereth, and Christophorus a Costa particularly relateth, although it sound like that of Achilles' horse in Homer, we do not conceive impossible; nor beside the affinity of reason in this Animal any such intolerable incapacity in the organs of divers other Quadrupedes, whereby they might not be taught to speak, or become imitators of speech like birds; and indeed strange it is how the curiosity of men that have been active in the instruction of beasts, have never fallen upon this artifice, and among those many paradoxical and unheard of imitations, should not attempt to make one speak; the Serpent that spoke unto Eve, the Dogs & Cats, that usually speak unto Witches, might afford some encouragement, and since broad and thick chaps are required in birds that speak, since lips and teeth are also organs of speech; from these there is also an advantage in quadrupedes, and a proximity of reason in Elephants and Apes above them all.   

CHAP. II.  
Of the Horse.  
THE second Assertion, that an Horse hath no gall, is very general, nor only swallowed by the people, and common Farriers, but also received by good Veterinarians, and some who have laudably discoursed upon Horses, it seemeth also very ancient; for it is plainly set down by Aristotle, an Horse and all Solipeds have no gall; and the same is also delivered by Pliny, which notwithstanding we find repugnant unto experience and reason; for first, it calls in question the providence or wise provision of nature, who not abounding in superfluities, is neither deficient in necessities, wherein nevertheless there would be a main defect, and her improvision justly accusable, if such a feeding Animal, and so subject unto diseases from bilious causes, should want a proper conveyance for choler, or have no other receptacle for that humour, than the veins, and general mass of blood.  
It is again controulable by experience; for we have made some search and enquiry herein, encouraged by Absyrtus a Greek Author, in the time of Constantine, who in his Hippiaticks, obscurely assigneth the gall a place in the liver▪ but more especially by Ruino the Bononian, who in his Anatomia deal Cavallo, hath more plainly described it, and in a manner as I found it; for in the dissections of Horses, and particular enquiry into that part, in the concave or simous part of the liver, whereabout the gall is usually seated in quadrupeds, I discover an hollow, long and membranous substance of a yellow colour without, and lined with choler and gall within; which part is by branches diffused into the lobes and several parcels of the liver, from whence receiving the fiery superfluity, or choleric remainder, upon the second concoction by a manifest and open passage, it conveyeth it into the duodenum or upper gut, thence into the lower bowels, which is the manner of its derivation in man and other animals; and therefore although there be no eminent and circular follicle, no round bag or vesicle which long containeth this humour, yet is there a manifest receptacle and passage of choler, from the liver into the guts; which being not so shut up, or at least not so long detained, as it is in other animals, procures that frequent excretion, and occasions the horse to dung more often then many other; for choler is the natural glister, or one excretion whereby nature excludeth another, which descending daily into the bowels, extimulates those parts, and excites them unto expulsion; and so when this humour aboundeth or corrupteth, there succeeds ofttimes a cholerica passio, that is a sudden and vehement purgation upward and downward; and so when the passage of gall becomes obstructed, the body grows costive, and the excrements of the belly white, as it happeneth ofttimes in the Jaundice.  
If any therefore affirm an horse hath no gall, that is, no receptacle, or part ordained for the separation of choler, or not that humour at all, he hath both sense and reason to oppose him; but if he saith it hath no bladder of gall, and such as is observed in many other animals, we shall oppose our sense if we gainsay him; and thus must Aristotle be made out when he denyeth this part, and by this distinction we may relieve Pliny of a contradiction; who in one place affirming an horse hath no gall, delivereth yet in another, that the gall of an horse was accounted poison, and therefore at the sacrifices of horses in Rome, it was unlawful for the Flamen but to touch it; but with more difficulty, or hardly at all is that reconcilable which is delivered by our Countryman, and received veterinarian, whose words in his masterpiece, and Chapter of diseases from the gall, are somewhat too strict, and scarce admit a Reconciliation. The fallacy therefore of this conceit is not unlike the former, A dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter, because they have not a bladder of gall, like those we usually observe in others, they have no gall at all; which is a Paralogism not admittible, a fallacy that dwells not in a cloud, and needs not the Sun to scatter it.   

CHAP. III.  
Of the Dove.  
THe third Assertion is somewhat like the second, That a Dove or Pigeon hath no gall, which is affirmed from very great Antiquity; for as Pierius observeth, from this consideration the Egyptians did make it the Hieroglyphic of meekness; it hath been averred by many holy Writers, commonly delivered by Postillers and Commentators, who from the frequent mention of the Dove in the Canticles, the precept of our Saviour to be wise as Serpents, and innocent as Doves, and especially the appearance of the holy Ghost in the similitude of this animal, have taken occasion to set down many affections of the Dove, and what doth most commend it, is that it hath no Gall; and hereof have made use not only inferior and minor Divines, but Cyprian, Austin, Isidore, Beda, Rupertus, Jansenius, and many more.  
Whereto notwithstanding we know not how to assent, it being repugnant unto the Authority and positive determination of ancient Philosophy; the affirmative of Aristotle in his history of Animals is very plai●e, Felaliis ventri, aliis intestino jungitur; Some have the Gall adjoined to the guts, as the Crow, the Swallow, Sparrow, and the Dove, the same is also attested by Pliny, and not without some passion by Galen, who in his book de Atra bile, accounts him ridiculous that denies it.  
It is not agreeable to the constitution of this Animal, nor can we so reasonably conceive there wants a gall; that is, the hot and ●iery humour in a body so hot of temper, which phlegm or melancholy could not effect: Now of what complexion it is, Julius Alexandrinus declareth, when he affirmeth, that some upon the use thereof, have fallen into Fevers and Quinsies; the temper also of their dung and intestinall excretions do also confirm the same, which Topically applied become a Phaenigmus or Rubifying medicine, and are of such fiery parts, that as we read in Galen, they have of themselves conceived fire, and burned a house about them, and therefore when in the famine of Samaria, (wherein the fourth part of a cab of Pigeons dung was sold for five pieces of silver) it is delivered by Josephus, that men made use hereof instead of common flat, although the exposition seem strange, it is more probable than many other, for that it containeth very much salt; beside the effects before expressed, it is discernible by taste, and the earth of Columbaries or Dovehouses, so much desired in the artifice of Saltpetre; and to speak generally, the excrements of birds which want both bladder and kidneys, hath more of salt and acrimony, then that of other animals, who beside the guts have also those conveyances; for whereas in these, the salt and lixiviated serosity with some portion of choler, is divided between the guts and bladder, it remains undivided in birds, and hath but a single descent, by the guts, with the exclusions of the belly. Now if because the Dove is of a mild and gentle nature, we cannot conceive it should be of an hot temper, our apprehensions are not distinct in the measure of constitutions, and the several parts which evidence such conditions: for the Irascible passions do follow the temper of the heart, but the concupiscible distractions the crasis of the liver; now many have not livers, which have but cool and temperate hearts, and this was probably the temper of Paris, a contrary constitution to that of Aiax, and in both but short of Medea, who seemed to exceed in either.  
Lastly, it is repugnant to experience, for anatomical enquiry discovereth in them a gall, and that according to the determination of Aristotle, not annexed unto the Liver, but adhering unto the guts; nor is the humour contained in smaller veins, or obscure capillations, but in a vesicle or little bladder, though some affirm it hath no cystis or bag at all, and therefore the Hieroglyphic of the Egyptians, though allowable in the sense, is weak in the foundation, who expressing meekness and lenity by the portrait of a Dove with the tail erected, affirmed it had no gall in the inward parts, but only in the rump, and as it were out of the body, and therefore if they conceived their gods were pleased with the sacrifice of this Animal, as being without gall, the ancient Heathen were surely mistaken in the reason, and in the very oblation, whereas in the holocaust or burnt offerings of Moses the gall was cast away; for as Ben Maimon instructeth, the inwards whereto the gall adhereth were taken out with the crop, according unto the Law, Levit. 1. which the Priest did not burn, but cast unto the E●st, that is, behind his back, and readiest place to be carried out of the Sanctuary. And if they also conceived that for this reason, they were the birds of Venus, and wanting the furious and discording part, were more acceptable unto the Deity of Love; they surely added unto the conceit, which was at first venereal, and in this animal may be sufficiently made out from that conception.  
The ground of this conceit is partly like the former, that is, the obscure situation of the gall, and out of the Liver, wherein it is commonly enquired, but this is a very injust illation, not well considering with what variety this part is seated in birds; in some both at the stomach and the liver, as in the Cap●iceps, in some at the liver only, as in Cocks, Turkeys, and Phasiants, in others at the guts and Liver, as in Hawks and Kites; in some at the guts alone, as Crows, Doves, and many more, and these perhaps may take up all the ways of situation, not only in birds, but also other animals, for what is said of the Anchony or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that answerable unto its name, it carrieth the gall in the head, is further to be enquired; and though the discoloured particles in the skin of an Heron, be commonly termed Galls, yet is not this animal deficient in that part; and thus when it is conceived that the eyes of Tobias were cured by the gall of the fish Callyonimus or Scorpius marinus, commended to that effect by Dioscorides, although that part were not in the liver, were there reason to doubt that probability, and whatsoever animal it was, it may be received without exception when 'tis delivered, the married couple as a testimony of future concord, did cast the gall of the sacrifice behind the Altar?  
A strict and literal acception of a loose and tropical expression was a second ground hereof; for while some affirmed it had no gall, intending only thereby no evidence of anger or fury, others have construed it anatomically, and denied that part at all; by which illation we may infer, and that from sacred Text, a Pigeon hath no heart, according to that expression, Hosea 7. Factus est Ephraim sicut Colum ba seducta non habens cor; and so from the letter of Scripture we may conclude it is no mild, but a fiery and furious animal, according to that of Jeremy, chap. 25. Facta est terra in desolationem à facie irae Columbae: and again, chap. 46. Revertamur ad terram nativitatis nostrae à facie gladii columbae, where notwithstanding the Dove is not literally intended, but thereby are employed the Babylonians whose Queen Semiramis was called by that name, and whose successors did bear the Dove in their standard: so is it proverbially said, Formicae sua bilis inest, habet & musca splenem, whereas we all know Philosophy denyeth these parts, nor hath Anatomy discovered them in infects.  
If therefore any shall affirm a Pigeon hath no gall, implying no more thereby then the lenity of this animal, we shall not controvert his affirmation; and thus may we make out the assertions of ancient Writers, and safely receive the expressions of those great Divines and worthy Fathers; but if by a transition from Rhetoric to Logic, he shall contend, it hath no such part, or humour, he committeth an open fallacy, and such as was probably first committed concerning Spanish Mares, whose swiftness tropically expressed from their generation by the wind, might after be grossly taken, and a real truth conceived in that conception.   

CHAP. IU.  
Of the Beaver.  
THat a Beaver to escape the Hunter, bites off his testicles or stones, is a tenant very ancient, and hath had thereby advantage of propagation; for the same we find in the Hieroglyphics of the Egyptians, in the Apologue of Aesop, an Author of great antiquity, who lived in the beginning of the Persian Monarchy, and in the time of Cyrus, the same is touched b● Aristotle in his Ethics, but seriously delivered by Aelian, Pliny and Solinus, with the same we meet with in Juvenal, who by an handsome and metrical expression more welcomely engrafts it in our junior memories— 
imitatus Castora, qui se  
Eunuchum ipse facit cupiens evadere damno  
Testiculo●um, adeo medicatum intelligit inguen,  it hath been propagated by Emblems, and some have been so bad Gramarians, as to be deceived by the name, deriving Castor à castrando; whereas, the proper Latin word is Fibor, and Castor, but borrowed from the Greek so called quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Animal ventricosum, from his swaggy and prominent belly.  
Herein therefore to speak compendiously, we first presume to affirm, that from a strict enquiry, we cannot maintain the evulsion or biting of any parts, and this is declareable from the best and most professed Writers, for though some have made use hereof in a Moral or Tropical way, yet have the professed discoursers by silence deserted, or by experience rejected this assertion. Thus was it in ancient times discovered, and experimentally refuted by one Sestius a Ph●sitian, as it stands related by Pliny; by Dioscorides, who plainly affirms that this tradition is false, by the discoveries of modern Authors, who have expressly discoursed hereon, as Aldrovandus, Mathiolus, Gesne●us, Bellonius; by Olaus Magnus, Peter Martyr and divers others, who have described the manner of their venations in America, they generally omitting this way of their escape, and have delivered several other, by which they are daily taken.  
The original of the conceit was probably hieroglyphical, which after became mythological unto the Greeks, & so set down by Aesop, and by process of tradition, stole into a total verity, which was but partially true, that is in it's cove●t sense and morality. Now why they placed this invenion upon the Beaver, (beside the medical and Merchantable commodity of castoreum or parts conceived to be bitten away) might be the sagacity and wisdom of that animal, which indeed from the works it performs, and especially its artifice in building is very strange, and surely not to be matched by any other, omitted by Plutarch de solertia animalium, but might have much advantaged the drift of that discourse.  
If therefore any affirm a wise man should demean himself like the B●ver, who to escape with his life, contemneth the loss of his genitals; that is, in case of extremity, not strictly to endeavour the preservation of all, but to sit down in the enjoyment of the greater good, though with the detriment and hazard of the lesser; we may hereby apprehended a real and useful truth; and in this la●i●ude of belief, w●e are content to receive the fable of Hippomanes who redeemed his life, with the loss of a golden ball; and whether true o●●alse, we reject not the tragedy of Absyrtus, and the dispersion of his members b● Medea to perplex the pursuit of her father; but if he shall positively affirm this act, and cannot believe the moral, unless he also credit the fable, he is surely greedy of delusion, and will hardly avoid deception in theories of this nature. The error therefore and Alogie in th●s opinion, is worse than in the last, that is not to receive figures for realities, but expect a verity in Apologues, and believe, as serious ●ffi●mations, confessed and studied fables.  
Again, if this were true, and that the Beaver in chase make some divulsion of parts, as that which we call Castoreum; yet are not these parts avelled to be termed Testicles or stones, for these cod or follicles are sound in both sexes, though somewhat more protuberant in the male; t●ere is hereto no derivation of the seminal parts, nor any passage from hence, unto the vessels of ejaculations; some perforations only in the part itself, through which the humour included doth exudate; as may be observed in such as are fresh, and not much dried with age; and lastly, the Testicles properly so called, are of a lesser magnitude and sea●ed inwardly upon the loins; and therefore it were not only a fruitless attempt, but impossible act, to eunuchate or castrate themselves, and might be an hazardous practice of Art, if at all attempted by othe●s.  
Now all this is confirmed from the experimental testimony of five very memorable Authors; Bellonius, Gesnerus, Amatus, Rondeletius, and M●●hiolus, who receiung the hint hereof from Rondeletius in the Anatomy of two Bevers, did find all true that had been delivered by him, whose words are these in his learned book de Piscibus: Fibri in ingu●nibus geminos tumores habent utrinqueunicum, ovi ●nserini magnitudine, inter hos est mentula in m●ribus, in foeminis pud●ndum hi tumores testes non sunt sed folliculi member anâ con●ecti in quorn medio singuli sunt meatus è qu●bus exudat liquor pinguis & cerosus quem ipse Castor saepe admoto ore lambit & ●xug●t, p●stea veluti oleo corporis pa●tes oblinit; Hos tumores testes non e●s● hinc m●ixime coll●gitur quod ab illis nulla est ad mentulam via neque ductus quo humor in mentulae me●tum derivetur & fo● as emitt●tur; prae●erea quod ●estes ●n●us reperi●ntur, eosdem tumores Moscho animali in esse puto, è quibus odoratum illud pus emanat; then which words there can be none plainer, nor more evidently discover the impropriety of this appellation: that which is included in the cod or visible bag about the groin, being not the Testicle, or any spermaticall part, but rather a collection of some superfluous matter deflowing from the body, especially the parts of nutrition as unto their proper emunctories, and as it doth in Musck and Civet cats, though in a different and offensive odour, proceeding partly from its food, that being especially fish, whereof this humour may be a garous excretion, or a raucide and olidous separation.  
Most therefore of the Moderns before Rondeletius, and all the Ancients excepting Sestius, have misunderstood this part, as conceiving Castoreum for the Testicles of the Beaver, as Dioscorides, Galen, Aegineta, Aetius, and others have pleased to name it. The Egyptians also ●ailed in the ground of their Hieroglyphic, when they expressed the punishment of adultery by the Beaver depriving himself of his testicles, which was amongst them the penalty of such incontinency. Nor is Ae●●us perhaps, too strictly to be observed, when he prescribeth the 〈◊〉 of the O●ter, or River-dog, as succedaneous unto Castoreum: but ●●ost inexcusable of all is Pliny, who having before him in one place 〈◊〉 experiment of Sestius against it, sets down in another, that the Bevers of Pontus by't off their testicles, and in the same place affirmeth the like of the Hyena.  
Now the ground of this mistake might be the resemblance and situation of these tumours about those parts, wherein we observe the testicles in other animals; which notwithstanding is no well founded illation; for the testicles are defined by their office, and not determined by place or situation; they having one office in all, but different seats in many; for beside that no serpent or fishes oviparous, have any stones at all; that neither biped nor quadruped oviparous have any exteriorly, or prominent in the groin, some also that are viviparous contain these parts within, as beside this animal the Elephant, and the Hedgehog.  
If any therefore shall term these, testicles, intending metaphorically, and in no strict acception, his language is tolerable and offends our ears no more than the Tropical names of plants, when we read in herbals in the several kinds of Orchis of Dogs, Fox, and Goat-stones; but if he insist thereon, and maintain a propriety in this language, our discourse hath overthrown his assertion, nor will Logic permit his illation; That is, from things alike, to conclude a thing the same, and from an accidental convenience that is a similitude in place or figure, to infer a specifical congruity or substantial concurrence in nature.   

CHAP. V.  
Of the Badger.  
TH●t a Brock or Badger hath his legs of one side shorter than of the other, though an opinion perhaps not very ancient, is yet very general, received not only by theorists and unexperienced believers, but assented unto by most who have the opportunity to behold and hunt them daily; which notwithstanding upon enquiry I find repugnant unto the three determinators of truth, Authority, Sense and Reason: For first, Albertus m●gnus speaks dubiously, confessing he could not confirm the verity hereof, but Aldrovand affirmeth plainly, there can be no such inequality observed; and for my own part, upon indifferent enquiry, I cannot discover this difference, although the regardible side be defined, and the brevity by most imputed unto the left.  
Again, it seems no easy affront unto reason, and generally repugnant unto the course of nature; for if we survey the total set of animals, we may in their legs, or organs of progression, observe an equality of length, and parity of numeration; that is, not any to have an odd leg, or the supporters and movers of one side not exactly answered by the other▪ although the hinder may be unequal unto the fore and middle legs, as in Frogs, Locusts and Grafhoppers, or both unto the middle, as in some beetles, and spiders, as is determined by Aristotle de incessu animalium; perfect and viviparous quadrupeds, so standing in their position of proneness, that the opposite joints of neighbour legs consist in the same plain, and a line descending from their navel intersects at right angles the axis of the earth: It happeneth often I confess that a Lobster hath the chely or great claw of one side longer than the other, but this is not properly their leg, but a part of apprehension, and whereby they hold or seize upon their prey; for in them the legs and proper parts of progression are inverted backward, and stand in a position opposite unto these.  
Lastly, the monstrosity is ill contrived, and with some disadvantage, the shortness being affixed unto the legs of one side, which might have been more tolerably placed upon the thwart or Diagoniall movers; for the progression of quadrupeds being performed per Diametrum, that is the cross legs moving or resting together, so that two are always in motion, and two in station at the same time, the brevity had been more tolerable in the cross legs; for then the motion and station had been performed by equal legs, whereas herein they are both performed by unequal organs, and the imperfection becomes discoverable at every hand.   

CHAP. VI  
Of the Bear.  
THat a Bear brings forth her young informous and unshapen, which she fashioneth after by licking them over, is an opinion not only vulgar, and common with us at present, but hath been of old delivered by ancient Writers upon this foundation, it was a Hieroglyphic amon the Egyptians; Aristotle seems to countenance it, Solinus, Pliny and Aelian directly affirm it, and Ovid smoothly delivereth it— 
— Nec catulus partu quem reddidit ursa recenti  
Sed male viva caro est, lambendo mater in artus  
Ducit & in formam qualem cupit ipsa reducit.  Which opinion notwithstanding is not only repugnant unto the sense of every one that shall with diligence inquire into it, but the exact and deliberate experiment of three authentic Philosophers; the first of Mathiolus in his Comment on Dioscorides, whose words are to this effect. In the valley of Anania about Trent, in a Bear which the Hunters eventerated, I beheld the young ones with all their parts distinct, and not without shape, as many conceive, giving more credit unto Aristotle and Pliny, than experience and their proper senses. Of the same assurance was Julius Scaliger in his Exercitations, Vrsam faetus informes potius ejicere, qu〈◊〉 parere, si vera dicunt, quos postea linctu effingat, Quid hujusce fabulae authorib●s fidei habendum ex hac historia cognosces, In nostris Alpibus venatores faetam ursam cepere, dissecta eafae tus plane formatus intus inventus est: and lastly, Aldrovandus who from the testimony of his own eyes affirmeth, that in the cabinet of the Senate of Bononia, there was preserved in a glass a Cub dissected out of a Bear perfectly form, and complete in every part.  
It is moreover injurious unto reason, and much impugneth the course and providence of nature, to conceive a birth should be ordained before there is a formation; for the conformation of parts is necessarily required not only unto the prerequisites and previous conditions of birth, as motion and animation, but also unto the parturition or very birth itself; wherein not only the Dam, but the younglings play their parts, and the cause and act of exclusion proceedeth from them both: for the exclusion of animals is not merely passive like that of eggs, nor the total action of delivery to be imputed unto the mother; but the first attempt beginneth from the Infant, which at the accomplished period attempteth to change his mansion, and struggling to come forth, dilacerates and breaks those parts which restrained him before.  
Beside (what few take notice of) men hereby do in a high measure vilify the works of God, imputing that unto the tongue of a beast, which is the strangest artifice in all the acts of nature, that is the formation of the Infant in the womb, not only in mankind, but all viviparous animals whatsoever, wherein the plastic or formative faculty, from matter appearing homogeneous, and of a similary substance erecteth bones, membranes, veins and arteries, and out of these contriveth every part in number, place and figure, according to the law of its species, which is so far from being fashioned by any outward agent, that once omitted or perverted by a slip of the inward Phidias, it is not reducible by any other whatsoever; and therefore, mirè me plasmaverunt manus tuae, though it originally respected the generation of man, yet is it appliable unto that of other animals, who entering the womb in indistinct and simple materials, return with distinction of parts, and the perfect breath of life; he that shall consider these alterations without, must needs conceive there have been strange operations within, which to behold it were a spectacle almost worth ones being, a sight beyond all, except that man had been created first, and might have seen the show of five days after.  
Now as the opinion is repugnant both unto sense and reason, so hath it probably been occasioned from some slight ground in either; thus in regard the cub comes forth involved in the Chorion, a thick and tough membrane obscuring the formation, and which the Dam doth after bite, and tea●e asunder, the beholder at first sight conceives it a rude and informous lump of flesh, and imputes the ensuing shape unto the mouthing of the Dam; which addeth nothing thereunto, but only draws the curtain, and takes away that veil which conceded the piece before; and thus have some endeavoured to enforce the same from reason; that is, the small and slender time of the Bear's gestation, or going with her young, which lasting but few days (a month some say) the exclusion becomes precipitous, and the young ones consequently informous; according to that of Solinus, Trigesimus dies uterum liberat ursae, unde evenit ut praecipitata faecundita● informs crete partus; but this will overthrow the general method of nature, in the works of generation; for therein the conformation is not only antecedent, but proportional unto the exclusion, and if the period of the birth be short, the term of conformation will be as sudden also, there may I confess from this narrow time of gestation ensue a minority or smallness in the exclusion, but this however inferreth no informity, and it still receiveth the name of a natural and legitimate birth; whereas if we affirm a total informity, it cannot admit so forward a term as an Abortment; for that supposeth conformation, and so we must call this constant and intended act of nature, a slip, an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or effluxion, that is an exclusion before conformation, before the birth can bear the name of the parent, or be so much as properly called an Embryon.   

CHAP. VII.  
Of the Basilisk.  
MAny opinions are passant concerning the Basilisk or little king of Serpents, commonly called the Cockatrice, some affirming, others denying, most doubting the relations made hereof; what therefore in these incertainties we may more surely determine, that such an animal there is, if we evade not the testimony of Scripture, and humane Writers, we cannot safely deny: So is it said Psal▪ 91. Super aspidem & Basiliscum ambulabis, wherein the vulgar Translation retaineth the word of the Septuagint, using in other places the Latin expression Regulus, as Proverb. 23. Mordebit ut coluber, & sicut Regulus venena diffundet, and Jeremy 8. Ecce ego mittam vobis serpentes Regulos, etc. That is, as ou●s translate it, Behold I will send Serpents, Cockatrices among you which will not be charmed, and they shall bite you; and as for humane Authors, or such as have discoursed of animals, or poisons, it is to be found almost in all, as Dioscorides, Galen, Pliny, Soli●us, Aelian, Aetius, Avicen, Ardoynus, Crevinus, and many more; In Aristotle I confess we find no mention, but Scaliger in his Comment and enumeration of Serpents, hath made supply, and in his Exercitations delivereth that a Basilisk was found in Rome, in the days of Leo the fourth, and the like is reported by Sigonius, and some are so far from denying one, that they have made several kinds thereof, for such is the Catoblepas of Pliny, conceived by some, and the Dryinus of Aetius by others.  
But although we deny not the existence of the Basilisk, yet whether we do not commonly mistake in the conception hereof, and call that a Basilisk which is none at all, is surely to be questioned; for certainly that which from the conceit of its generation we vulgarly call a Cockatrice, and wherein (but under a different name) we intent a formal Identity and adequate conception with the Basilisk, is not the Basilisk of the Ancients, whereof such wonders are delivered. For this of ours is generally described with legs, wings, a serpentine and winding tail, and a christ or comb somewhat like a Cock; but the Basilisk of elder times was a proper kind of Serpent, not above three palms long, as some account, and differenced from other Serpents by advancing his head, and some white marks or coronary spots upon the crown, as all authentic Writers have delivered.  
Nor is this Cockatrice only unlike the Basilisk, but of no real shape in nature, and rather an hieroglyphical fancy, to express their different intentions, set forth in different fashions; sometimes with the head of a man, sometimes with the head of an Hawk, as Pierius hath delivered, and as with addition of legs the Heralds and Painters still describe it; nor was it only of old a symbolical and allowable invention, but is now become a manual contrivance of Art, and artificial imposture, whereof besides others, Scaliger hath taken notice: Basilisci f●rmam mentiti sunt vulgo Gallinaceo similem, & pedibus binis, neque enim absimiles sunt caeteris serpentibus, nisi maculâ quasi in vertice candidâ, unde illi nomen Regium, that is, men commonly counterfeit the form of a Basilisk, with another like a Cock, and with two feet, whereas they differ not from other Serpents, but in a white speck upon their crown; now although in some manner it might be counterfeited in Indian Cocks, and flying Serpents, yet is it commonly contrived out of the skins of Thornbacks, Scaites or Maids, as Aldrovand hath observed, and also graphically described in his excellent book of Fishes.  
Nor is only the existency of this animal considerable, but many things delivered thereof, particularly its poison, and its generation. Concerning the first, according to the doctrine of the Ancients, men still affirm, that it killeth at a distance, that it poisoneth by the eye, and that by priority of vision; now that deleterious it may be at some distance and destructive without a corporal contaction, what uncertainty soever there be in the effect, there is no high improbability in the relation; for if plagues or pestilential Atoms have been conveyed in the air from different Regions, if men at a distance have infected each other; if the shadows of some trees be noxious, if Torpedoes deliver their opium at a distance, and stupefy beyond themselves; we cannot reasonably deny, that, beside our gross and restrained poisons requiring contiguity unto their actions, there may proceed from subtler seeds, more agile emanations, which will contemn those Laws, and invade at distance unexpected.  
That this venenation shooteth from the eye, and that this way a Basilisk may empoison, although thus much be not agreed upon by Authors, some imputing it unto the breath, others unto the bite, it is not a thing impossible; for eyes receive offensive impressions, from their objects, and may have influences destructive to each other; for the visible species of things strike not our senses immaterally, but streaming in corporal rays, do carry with them the qualities of the object from whence they flow, and the medium through which they pass: Thus through a green or red glass all things we behold appear of the same colours; thus sore eyes affect those which are sound, and themselves also by reflection, as will happen to an inflamed eye that beholds itself long in a glass; thus is fascination made out, and thus also it is not impossible, what is affirmed of this animal, the visible rays of their eyes carrying forth the subtlest portion of their poison, which received by the eye of man, or beast, infecteth first the brain, and is from thence communicated unto the heart.  
But lastly, that this destruction should be the effect of the first beholder, or depend upon priority of aspection, is a point not easily to be granted, and very hardly to be made out upon the principles of Aristotle, Al●azen, Vitello, and others; who hold that sight is made by Reception, and not by Extramission, by receiving the rays of the object into the eye, and not by sending any out; for hereby although he behold a man first, the Basilisk should rather be destroyed, in regard he fi●st receiveth the rays of his Antipathy and venomous emissions which objectively move his sense; but how powerful soever his own poison be, it invadeth not the sense of man, in regard he beholdeth him not: and therefore this conceit was probably first begot by such as held the contrary opinion of sight by extramission, as did Pythagoras, Plato, Empedocles, Hipparchus, Galen, Macrobius, Proclus, Simplic●us, with most of the Ancients, and is the postulate of Euclid in his Optics: and of this opinion might they be, who from this Antipathy of the Basilisk and man, expressed first the enmity of Christ and Satan, and their mutual destruction thereby; when Satan being elder than his humanity, beheld Christ first in the ●lesh, and so he was destroyed by the Serpent, but Elder than Satan in his Divinity, and so beholding him fi●st he destroyed the old Basilisk, and overcame the effects of his poison, sin, death, and hell.  
As for the generation of the Basilisk, that it proceedeth from a Cock's egg hatched under a Toad or Serpent, it is a conceit as monstrous as the brood itself: for if we should grant that Cocks growing old, and unable for emission, amass within themselves some seminal matter, which may after conglobate into the form of an egg, yet will this substance be unfruitful, as wanting one principle of generation, and a commixture of the seed of both sexes, which is required unto production, as may be observed in the eggs of hens not trodden, and as we have made trial in some which are termed Cocks eggs; It is not indeed impossible that from the sperm of a Cock, Hen, or other animal being once in putrescence, either from incubation, or otherwise, some generation may ensue, not univocal and of the same species, but some imperfect or monstrous production; even as in the body of man from putrid humours, and peculiar ways of corruption, there have succeeded strange and unseconded shapes of worms, whereof we have beheld some ourselves, and read of others in medical observations: and so may strange and venomous Serpents be several ways engendered; but that this generation should be regular, and always produce a Basilisk, is beyond our affirmation, and we have good reason to doubt.  
Again, it is unreasonable to ascribe the equivocacy of this form unto the hatching of a Toad, or imagine that diversifies the production; for Incubation altars not the species, nor if we observe it so much as concurres either to the sex or colour, as evidently appears in the eggs of Ducks or Partridges hatched under a Hen, there being required unto their exclusion, only a gentle and continued heat, and that not particular or confined unto the species or parent; so have I known the seed of silkworms hatched on the bodies of women, and so Pliny reports that Livia the wife of Augustus hatched an egg in her bosom; nor is only an animal heat required hereto, but an elemental and artificial warmth will suffice; for as Diodorus delivereth, the Egyptians were wont to hatch their eggs in ovens, and many eye witnesses confirm that practice unto this day: and therefore this generation of the Basilisk, seems like that of Castor and Helena, he that can credit the one, may easily believe the other; that is, that these two were hatched out of the egg, which Jupiter in the form of a Swan, begat on his Mistress Leda.  
The occasion of this conceit might be an Egyptian tradition concerning the bird Ibis, which after became transferred unto Cocks; for an old opinion it was of that Nation, that the Ibis feeding upon Serpents, that venomous food so inquinated their oval conceptions, or eggs within their bodies, that they sometimes came forth in Serpentine shapes, and therefore they always broke their eggs, nor would they endure the bird to sit upon them; but how causeless their fear was herein, the daily Incubation of Ducks, Peahens', and many other testify, and the Sto●ke might have informed them, which bird they honoured and cherished, to destroy their Serpents.  
That which much promoted it, was a misapprehension in holy Scripture upon the Lative Translation in Esay 51. Ova aspidum ruperunt, & telas Aranearum texuerunt, qui comedent de ovis corum morietur, & quod confotum est, erumpet in Regulum, from whence notwithstanding, beside the generation of Serpents from eggs there can be nothing concluded; but what kind of serpents are meant not easy to be determined, for translations are very different: Tremellius rendering the Asp Haemorrhous, & the Regulus or Basilisk a Viper, & our translation for the Asp, sets down a Cockatrice in the text, and an Adder in the margin.  
Another place of Esay doth also seem to countenance it, chap. 14. Ne Lateris Philistaea quoniam diminuta est virga percussoris tui, de radice enim colubri egredietur Regulus, & semen ejus absorbens volucrem, which ours somewhat favourably rendereth, out of the Serpent's Root shall come forth a Cockatrice, and his fruit shall be a fiery flying Serpent: But Tremellius, è radice Serpentis prodit Haemorrhous, & fructus illius Praester volans, wherein the words are different, but the sense is still the same; for therein are figuratively intended Vzziah and Ezechias, for though the Philistines had escaped the Minor Serpent Vzziah, yet from his stock, a fiercer Snake should arise, that would more terribly sting them, and that was Ezechias.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Of the Wolf.  
SUch a Story as the Basilisk is that of the Wolf concerning priority of vision, that a man becomes hoarse or dumb, if a Wolf have the advantage first to eye him, and this is in plain language affirmed by Pliny: In Italia ut cred●●ur, ●uporum v●sus est noxius, vocemque homini, quem prius contemplatur adimere; ●o is it made out what is delivered by Theocritus, and after him by Virgil— 
Vox quoq Moerim  
jam fugit ipsa, Lupi Moerim videre priores.  And thus is the proverb to be understood, when during the discourse the party or subject interveneth, and there ensueth a sudden silence, it is usually said, Lupus est in fabulâ: which conceit being already convicted, not only by Scaliger, R●olanus and others, but daily confutable almost every where out of England, we shall not further refute.  
The ground or occasional original hereof was probably the amazement and sudden silence, the unexpected appearance of wolves do often put upon travellers; not by a supposed vapour, or venomous emanation, but a vehement fear which naturally produceth obmutescence, and sometimes irrecoverable silence: thus birds are silent in presence of an hawk, and Pliny saith that dogs are mute in the shadow of an Hyaena; but thus could not the spirits of worthy Martyrs be silenced, who being exposed not only unto the eyes, but the merciless teeth of Wolves, gave loud expressions of their faith, and their holy clamours were heard as high as heaven.  
That which much promoted it beside the common proverb, was an expression in Theocritus, a very ancient Poet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ●Ed●re non poteris vocem, Lycus est tibs visus; which Lycus was Rival unto another, and suddenly appearing stopped the mouth of his Corrival: now Lycus signifying also a Wolf, occasioned this apprehension; men taking that appellatively, which was to be understood properly, and translating the genuine acception; which is a fallacy of Aequivocation, and in some opinions begat the like conceit concerning Romulus and Remus, that they were fostered by a Wolf, the name of the nurse being Lupa; and founded the fable of Europa, and her carriage over Sea by a Bull, because the Ship or Pilots name was Taurus; and thus have some been startled at the proverb Bos in linguâ confusedly apprehending how a man should be said to have an Ox in his tongue, that would not speak his mind; which was no more than that a piece of money had silenced him: for by the Ox was only employed a piece of coin stamped with that figure, first currant with the Athenians, and after among the Romans.   

CHAP. IX.  
Of Deer.  
THe common opinion concerning the long life of Animals, is very ancient, especially of Crows, Choughs and Dear; in moderate accounts exceeding the age of man, in some the days of Nestor, and in others surmounting the years of Artephius, or Methuselah; from whence Antiquity hath raised proverbial expressions, and the real conception of their duration, hath been the hyperbolical expression of others. From all the rest we shall single out the Deer, upon concession a long lived Animal, and in longaevity by many conceived to attain unto hundreds; wherein permitting every man his own belief, we shall ourselves crave liberty to doubt, and our reasons are these ensuing.  
The first is that of Aristole, drawn from the increment and gestation of this animal, that is, it's sudden arrivance unto growth and maturity, and the small time of its remainder in the womb; his words in the translation of Scaliger, are these; Deejus vitae longitudine fabulantur, neque enim aut gestatio aut incrementum hinnulorum ejusmodi sunt, ut praestent argumentum longaevi animalis, that is, fables are raised concerning the vivassity of Deer; for neither are their gestation or increment, such as may afford an argument of long life; and these saith Scaliger, are good mediums conjunctively taken, that is, not one without the other; For of animals viviparous such as live long, go long with young, and attain but slowly to their maturity and stature; so the Horse that liveth about thirty, arriveth unto his stature about six years, and remaineth above nine months in the womb; so the Camel that liveth unto fifty, goeth with young no less than ten months, and ceaseth not to grow before seven; and so the Elephant that liveth an hundred, beareth i●'s young above a year, and arriveth unto perfection at twenty; on the contrary, the Sheep and Goat, which live but eight or ten years, go but five months, and attain to their perfection at two years; and the like is observable in Cats, Hares, and Coneys; and so the Dear that endureth the womb but eight months, and is complete at six years, from the course of nature, we cannot expect to live an hundred, nor in any proportional allowance much more than thirty, as having already passed two general motions observable in all animations, that is, it's beginning and increase, and having but two more to run thorough, that is, it's state and declination, which are proportionally set out by nature in every kind, and naturally proceeding admit of inference from each other.  
The other ground that brings its long life into suspicion, is the immoderate salacity, and almost unparallelled excess of venery, which every September may be observed in this Animal, and is supposed to shorten the lives of Cocks, Partridges, and Sparrows; certainly a confessed and undeniable enemy unto longaevitie, and that not only as a sign in the complexional desire, and impetuosity, but also as a cause in the frequent act, or iterated performance thereof; For though we consent not with that Philosopher, who thinks a spermaticall emission unto the weight of one dram, is equivalent unto the effusion of sixty ounces of blood, yet considering the resolution and languor ensuing that act in some, the extenuation and marcour in others, and the visible acceleration it maketh of age in most, we cannot but think it much abridgeth our days: although we also concede that this exclusion is natural, that nature itself will find a way hereto without either act or object; And although it be placed among the six non naturals, that is, such as neither naturally constitutive, nor merely destructive, do preserve or destroy according unto circumstance; yet do we sensibly observe an impotency or total privation thereof, prolongeth life, and they live longest in every kind that exercise it not at all, and this is true not only in eunuchs by nature, but spadoes by Art; For castrated animals in every species are longer lived than they which retain their virilities: For the generation of bodies is not effected as some conceive, of souls, that is, by Irradiation, or answerably unto the propagation of light, without its proper diminution; but therein a transmission is made materially from some parts, and Ideally from every one, and the propagation of one, is in a strict acception, some minoration of another; and therefore also that axiom in Philosophy, that the generation of one thing, is the corruption of another, although it be substantially true concerning the form and matter, is also dispositively verified in the efficient or producer.  
As for more sensible arguments, and such as relate unto experiment, from these we have also reason to doubt its age, and presumed vivacity; for where long life is natural, the marks of age are late, and when they appear, the journey unto death cannot be long. Now the age of a Dear (as Aristotle long ago observed) is best conjectured, by the view or the horns and teeth; from the horns there is a particular and annual account unto six years, they arising first plain, and so successively branching, after which the judgement of their years by particular marks becomes uncertain; but when they grow old, they grow less branched, and first do lose their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or propugnacula; that is, their brow Antlers, or lowest furcations next the head, which Aristotle saith the young ones use in fight, and the old as needles have them not at all. The same may be also collected from the loss of their Teeth, whereof in old age they have few or none before in either jaw. Now these are infallible marks of age, and when they appear, we must confess a declination, which notwithstanding (as men inform us in England) where observations may well be made, will happen between twenty and thirty: As for the bone or rather induration of the roots of the arterial veyn, and great artery, which is thought to be found only in the heart of an old Deer, and therefore becomes more precious in its rarity, it is often found in Dear, much under thirty, and we have known some affirm they have found it in one of half that age; and therefore in that account of Pliny of a Dear with a collar about his neck, put on by Alexander the Great, and taken alive a hundred years after, with other relations of this nature we much suspect imposture or mistake; and if we grant their verity, they are but single relations, and very rare contingencies in individuals, not affording a regular diduction upon the species: For though U●ysses his Dog lived unto twenty two, and the Athenian Mule unto fourscore, we do not measure their days by those years, or usually say, they live thus long, nor can the three hundred years of John of times, or Nestor, overthrew the assertion of Moses, or afford a reasonable encouragement beyond his septuagenary determination.  
The ground and authority of this conceit was first hieroglyphical, the Egyptians expressing longaevitie by this animal, but upon what uncertainties, and also convincible falsities they often erected such emblems we have elsewhere delivered; and if that were true which Aristotle delivers of his time, and Pliny was not afraid to take up long after, the Egyptians could make but weak observations herein; for though it be said that Aeneas feasted his followers with Venison, yet Aristotle affirms that neither Deer nor Boar were to be found in Africa; and how far they miscounted the lives and duration of Animals, is evident from their conceit of the Crow, which they presume to live five hundred years, and from the lives of Hawks which (as Aelian delivereth) the Egyptians do reckon no less then at seven hundred.  
The second which led the conceit unto the Grecians, and probably descended from the Egyptians, was Poetical, and that was a passage of H●siod, thus rendered by Ausonius, 
Ter binos deciesque novem super exit in ann●s  
justa senes centum quos implet vita virorum  
Hos novies super at vivendo garr●la ●ornix  
Et qua●er egreditur cornicis saecul● cervus  
Alipedem cervum ter vincit corvus.—  
To ninty six the life of man ascendeth,  
Nine times as long that of the Chough extendeth,  
Four times beyond, the life of Deer doth go,  
And thrice is that surpassed by the Crow.  So that according to this acco●nt, allowing ninety six for the age of man, the life of a Dear amounts unto three thousand, four hundred, fifty six; A conceit so hard to be made out, that many have deserted the common and literal construction. So Theon in Aratus would have the number of nine not taken strictly, but for many years: In other opinions the compute so far exceeded truth, that they have thought it more probable to take the word Genea, that is a generation consisting of many years, but for one year, or a single revolution of the Sun, which is the remarkable measure of time, and within the compass whereof we receive our perfection in the womb. So that by this construction, the years of a Deer should be but thirty six, as is discoursed at large in that Tract of Plutarch, concerning the cessation of Oracles, and whereto in his Discourse of the Crow, Aldrovandus also inclineth: others not able to make it out, have rejected the whole account, as may be observed from the words of Pliny, Hesiodus qui primus aliquid de longaevitate vitae prodidit, fabulose (reor) multa de hominum aevo reference cornici n●vem nostras attribuit aetates quadruplum eju● cervis, id ●riplicatum corvin▪ & reliqua fabulosius de Phaenice & nymphis; and this how slender soever, was probably the strongest ground Antiquity had for this longaevity of Animals, that made Theophrastus expostulate with Nature concerning the long life of Crows, that begat that Epithet of Dear 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Oppianus, and that expression of Juvenal— Longa & cervina senectus.  
The third ground was Philosophical and founded upon a probable reason in nature, and that is the defect of a Gall, which part (in the opinion of Aristotle and Pliny) this animal wanted, and was conceived a cause and reason of their long life, according (say they) as it happeneth unto some few men, who have not this part at all; but this assertion is first defective in the verity concerning the animal alleged: for though it be true, a Deer hath no gall in the liver like many other animals, yet hath it that part in the guts as is discoverable by taste and colour: and therefore Pliny doth well correct himself, when having affirmed before, it had no gall, he afterward saith, some hold it to be in the guts, and that for their bitterness, dogs will refuse to eat them. It is also deficient in the verity of the Induction or connumeration of other animals conjoined herewith, as having also no gall; that is, as Pliny accounteth, Equ●, Muli, etc. Horses, Mules, Asses, Deer, Goats, Boars, Camels, Dolphins, have no gall; concerning Horses, what truth there is herein we have declared before; as for Goats we find not them without it, what gall the Camel hath, Aristotle declareth, that Hogs also have it, we can affirm, and that not in any obscure place, but in the liver, even as it is seated in man.  
That therefore the Deer is no short lived animal, we will acknowledge, that comparatively, and in some sense long lived we will concede; and thus much we shall grant if we commonly account its days by thirty six or forty; for thereby it will exceed all other cornigerous animals, but that it attaineth unto hundreds, or the years delivered by Authors, since we have no authentic experience for it, since we have reason and common experience against it, since the grounds are false and fabulous which do establish it, we know no ground to assent.  
Concerning the Dear there also passeth another opinion, that the males thereof do yearly lose their pizzell; for men observing the decidence of their horns, do fall upon the like conceit of this part that it annually rotte●h away, and successively reneweth again. Now the ground hereof, was surely the observation of this part in Deer after immoderate venery, and about the end of their Rutt, which sometimes becomes so relaxed and pendulous, it cannot be quite retracted; and being often beset with ●●yes, it is conceived to rot, and at last to fall from the body; but herein experience will contradict us: for those Deer which either dye or are killed at that time, or any other, are always found to have that part entire; and reason also will correct us, for spermaticall parts, or such as are framed from the seminal principles of parents', although homogeneous or similary, will not admit a Regeneration, much less will they receive an integral restauration, which being organical and instrumental members, consist of many of those. Now this part, or animal of Plato, containeth not only sanguineous and reparable particles, but is made up of veins, nerves, arteries, and in some animals of bones, whose reparation is beyond its own fertility, and a fruit not to be expected from the fructifying part itself, which faculty were it communicated unto animals, whose originals are double, as well as unto plants, whose seed is within themselves, we might abate the Art of Taliaco●ius, and the new inarching of noses; and therefore the fancies of Poets have been so modest, as not to set down such renovations, even from the powers of their di●tyes; for the mutilated shoulder of Pelops was pieced out with Ivory, and that the limbs of Hippolytus were set together, not regenerated by Aesculapius, is the utmost assertion of Poetry.   

CHAP. X.  
Of the Kingfisher.  
THat a Kingfisher hanged by the bill, sheweth in what quarter the wind is, by an occult and secret propriety, converting the breast to that point of the Horizon from whence the wind doth blow, is a received opinion, and very strange; introducing natural Weathercocks, and extending magnetical conditions as far as animal natures: A conceit supported chief by present practice, yet not made out by reason or experience.  
For unto reason it seemeth very repugnant, that a carcase or body disanimated, should be so affected with every wind, as to carry a conformable respect and constant habitude thereto: For although in sundry animals, we deny not a kind of natural Astrology, or innate presention both of wind and weather; yet that proceeding from sense receiving impressions from the first mutation of the air, they cannot in reason retain that apprehension after death, as being affections which depend on life, and depart upon disanimation, and therefore with more favourable reason may we draw the same effect, or sympathy upon the Hedgehog, whose presention of winds is so exact, that it stoppeth the north or southern hole of its nest, according to prenotion of these winds ensuing, which some men unexpectedly observing, have been able to make predictions which way the wind would turn, and have been esteemed hereby wise men in point of weather. Now this proceeding from sense in the creature alive, it were not reasonable to hang up an Hedgehog dead, and to expect a conformable motion unto its living conversion: and though in sundry plants their virtues do live after death, and we know that Scammony, Rhubarbe, and Senna will purge without any vital assistance; yet in animals or sensible creatures, many actions are mixed, and depend upon their living form, as well as that of mistion, and though they wholly seem to retain unto the body depart upon disunion: Thus Glowewormes alive, project a lustre in the dark, which fulgour notwithstanding ceaseth after death; and thus the Torpedo which being alive stupifies at a distance, applied after death, produceth no such effect, which had they retained, in places where they abound, they might have supplied Opium, and served as frontals in Frenzies.  
As for experiment we cannot make it out by any we have attempted, for if a single Kingfisher be hanged up with untwisted silk in an open room, and where the air is free, it observes not a constant respect unto the mouth of the wind, but variously converting doth seldom breast it right; if two be suspended in the same room, they will not regularly conform their breasts, but ofttimes respect the opposite points of heaven; and if we conceive that for the exact exploration they should be suspended where the air is quiet and unmoved, that clear of impediments, they may more freely convert upon their natural verticity, we have also made this way of inquisition in suspending them in large and capacious glasses closely stopped; wherein nevertheless we observed a casual station, and that they rested irregularly upon conversion, wheresoever they rested remaining inconverted, and possessing one point of the Compass, whilst the wind perhaps hath passed the two and thirty.  
The ground of this popular practice might be the common opinion concerning the virtue prognosticke of these birds, 
Commonly mistaken for the true Haltion.  the natural regard they have unto the winds, and they unto them again, more especially remarkable in the time of their nidulation, and bringing forth their young; for at that time which happeneth about the brumal Solstice it hath been observed even unto a proverb, that the Sea is calm●, and the winds do cease, till the young ones are excluded, and forsake their nest, which floateth upon the Sea, and by the roughness of winds might otherwise be overwhelmed; but how far hereby to magnific their prediction we have no certain rule, for whether out of any particular prenotion they choose to sit at this time, or whether it be thus contrived by concurrence of causes, and the providence of Nature, securing every species in their production, is not yet determined. Surely many things fall out by the D●signe of the general motor and undreamt of contrivance of Nature, which are not imputable unto the intention or knowledge of the particular Actor. So though the seminallity of Ivy be almost in every earth, yet that it ariseth and groweth not, but where it may be supported, we cannot ascribe unto the distinction of the seed, or conceive any science therein which suspends and conditionates its eruption. So if, as Pliny and Plutarch report, the Crocodiles of Egypt, so aptly lay their eggs, that the natives thereby are able to know how high the flood will attain; yet is it hard to make out, how they should divine the extent of the inundation, depending on causes so many miles remote, that is, the measure of showers in Aethiopi●; and whereof, as Athanasius in the ●ife of Authony delivers, the Devil himself upon demand could make no clear prediction; and so are there likewise many things in Nature, which are the forerunners o● signs of future effects, whereto they neither concur in causality or prenotion, but are secretly ordered by the providence of causes, and concurrence of actions collateral to their signations.   

CHAP. XI.  
Of Gr●ffons.  
THat there are Griffons in Nature, that is a mixed and dubious animal, in the forepart resembling an E●gle, and behind the shape of a Lion, with erected ears, fou●e feet, and a long tail, many affirm, and most I perceive deny no●; the same is averred by Ael●an, Solinus, Mela, and Herodotus, countenanced by the name sometimes found in Scripture, and was an Hieroglyphic of the Egyptians.  
Notwithstanding we fi●de most diligent enquirers to be of a contrary assertion; for beside that Albertus and Pliny have disallowed it, the learned Ald●ovand hath in a large discourse rejected it; Mathia● Michovius who writ of those Northern parts wherein men place these Griffins, hath positively concluded against it, and if examined by the doctrine of animals, the invention is monstrous, nor much in feriour unto the figment of Sphynx, Chimaera, and Harpies: for though some species there be of a middle and participating natures, that is, of bird and beast, as we find the Bat to be, yet are their parts so conformed and set together that we cannot define the beginning or end of either, there being a commixtion of both in the whole, rather than an adaptation, or cement of the one unto the other.  
Now for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Gryps, sometimes mentioned in Scripture, and frequently in humane Authors, properly understood, it signifies some kind of Eagle or Vulture, from whence the Epithet Grypus for an hooked or Aquiline nose. Thus when the Septuagint makes use of this word in the eleventh of Leviticus, Tremellius and our Translation hath rendered it the Ossifrage, which is one kind of Eagle, although the Vulgar translation, and that annexed unto the Septuagint retain the word Grips, which in ordinary and school construction is commonly rendered a Griffin; yet cannot the Latin assume any other sense then the Greek, from whence it is borrowed; and though the Latin Gryphs be altered somewhat by the addition of an h, or aspiration of the letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, yet is not this unusual; so what the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latins will call Trophaeum, and that person which in the Gospel is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latins will render Cleophas, and therefore the quarrel of Origen was injust and his conception erroneous, when he conceived the food of Griffins forbidden by the Law of Moses, that is, poetical animals, and things of no existence: and therefore when in the Hecatombs and mighty oblations of the Gentiles, it is delivered they sacrificed Gryphs or Griffins, hereby we may understand some stronger sort of Eagles; and therefore also when it said in Virgil of an improper match, or Mopsus marrying Nysa, jungentur jam gryhes equis, we need not hunt after other sense, than that strange unions shall be made, and differing natures be conjoined together.  
As for the testimonies of ancient Writers, they are but derivative, and terminate all in one Aristeus a Poet of Proconesus; who affirmed that near the Arimaspi, or one eyed Nation, Griffins defended the mines of gold: but this as Herodotus delivereth, he wrote by hearsay; and Michovius who hath expressly written of those parts plainly affirmeth, there is neither gold nor Griffins in that country, nor any such animal extant, for so doth he conclude, Ego vero contra veteres authores, Gryphs nec in illa septentrionis, nec in al●is or bis partibus inveniri affirmarim.  
Lastly, concerning the hieroglyphical authority, although it nearest approacheth the truth, it doth not infer its existency; the conceit of the Griffin properly taken being but a symbolical fancy, in so intolerable a shape including allowable morality. So doth it well make out the properties of a Guardian, or any person entrusted; the ●ares implying attention, the wings celerity of execution, the Lion-like shape, courage and audacity, the hooked bill, reservance and tenacity. It is also an Emblem of valour and magnanimity, as being compounded of the Eagle and Lion, the noblest animals in their kinds; and so is it appliable unto Princes, Precedents, Generals, and all heroic Commanders, and so is it also borne in the Coat arms of many noble Families of Europe.   

CHAP. XII.  
Of the Phoenix.  
THat there is but one Phoenix in the world, which after many hundred years burneth itself, and from the ashes thereof ariseth up another, is a conceit not new or altogether popular, but of great Antiquity; not only delivered by humane Author's, but frequently expressed by holy Writers, by cyril, Epiphanius, and others, by Ambrose in his H●xameron, and Tertul. in his Poem de judicio D●mini, but more agreeably unto the present sense in his excellent Tract, de Resur. carnis, Illum dico alitem orientis peculiarem, de singularitate famosum, de posteritate monstruosum, qui sem●tipsum libenter funerans renovat, na tali fine decedens▪ at que succedens iterum Phoenix, ubi jam nemo, iterum ipse, quia non jam alius idem. The Scripture also seems to favour it, particularly that of Job 21. in the Interpretation of Beda, Dicebam in nidulo meo moriar & sicut Phaenix multiplicabo di●s, and Psalm 91. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vir justus ut Phaenix florebit, as Tertullian renders it, and so also expounds it in his book before alleged.  
All which notwithstanding we cannot presume the existence of this animal, nor dare we affirm there is any Phoenix in Na●u●e. For, first there wants herein the definitive confi●rmato● and test of things uncertain, that is, the sense of man: for though many Writers have much enlarged hereon, there is not any ocular describer, or such as presumeth to confirm it upon aspection; and therefore Herodotus that led the story unto the Greeks, plainly saith, he never attained the sight of any, but only in the picture.  
Again, primitive Authors, and from whom the st erme of relations is derivative, deliver themselves very dubiously, and either by a doubtful parenthesis, or a timorous conclusion overthrow the whole relation: Thus Herodotus in his Eu●erpe, delivering the story hereof, presently interposeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; that is, which account seems to me improbable; Tacitus in his Annals affordeth a larger story, how the Phoenix was first seen at Heliopolis in the reign of Sesostris, then in the reign of Amasis, after in the days of Ptolemy, the third of the Macedonian rare; but at last thus determineth, Sed ●ntiquitas obscura; & no●nulli falsum esse hunc Phaenicem, neque Arabū è terris eredidere. Pliny makes yet a fairer story, that the Phoenix flew into Egypt in the Consulship of Quintus Plancius, that it was brought to Rome in the Censorship of Claudius, in the 800. year of the City, and testified also in their records; but after all concludeth, Sed quae falsa esse nemo dubitabit, but that this is false no man will make doubt.  
Moreover, such as have naturally discoursed hereon, have so diversely, contrarily, or contradictorily delivered themselves, that no affirmative from thence can reasonably be deduced; for most have positively denied it, and they which affirm and believe it, assign this name unto many, and mistake two or three in one. So hath that bird been taken for the Phoenix which liveth in Arabia, and buildeth its nest with Cinnamon, by Herodotus called Cinnamulgus, and by Aristotle Cinnamomus, and as a fabulous conceit is censured by Scaliger; some have conceived that bird to be the Phoenix, which by a Persian name with the Greeks is called Rhyntace; but how they made this good we find occasion of doubt, whilst we read in the life of Artax●●xes, that this is a little bird brought often to their tables, and wherewith Parysatis cunningly poisoned the Queen. The Manucodiata or bird of Paradise, hath had the honour of this name, and their feathers brought from the Molucca's, do pass for those of the Phoenix; which though promoted by rariety with us, the Eastern travellers will hardly admit, who know they are common in those parts, and the ordinary plume of Janissaries among the Turks. And lastly, the bird Semenda hath found the same appellation, for so hath Scaliger observed and refuted; nor will the solitude of the Phoenix allow this denomination, for many there are of that species, & whose trifistulary bill and cranny we have beheld ourselves; nor are men only at variance in regard of the Phoenix itself, but very disagreeing in the accidents ascribed thereto: for some affirm it liveth three hundred, some five, others six, some a thousand, others no less than fifteen hundred years; some say it liveth in Aethiopia, others in Arabia, some in Egypt, others in India, and some I think in Utopia, for such must that be which is described by Lactantius, that is, which neither was singed in the combustion of Phaeton, or overwhelmed by the inundation of D●ucalcon.  
Lastly, many Authors who have made mention hereof, have so delivered themselves, and with such intentions we cannot from thence deduce a confirmation: For some have written Poetically as Ovid, Mantuan, Lactantius, Claudian, and others: Some have written mystically, as Paracelsus in his book the Azoth, or de ligno & linea vitae; and as several Hermetical Philosophers, involving therein the secret of their Elixir, and enigmatically expressing the nature of their great work: Some have written Rhetorically, and concessively not controverting but assuming the question, which taken as granted advantaged the illation: So have holy men made use hereof as far as thereby to confirm the Resurrection; for discoursing with heathens who granted the story of the Phoenix, they induced the Resurrection from principles of their own, and positions received among themselves. Others have spoken Emblematically and Hieroglyphically, and so did the Egyptians, unto whom the Phoenix was the Hieroglyphic of the Sun; and this was probably the ground of the whole relation, succe●ding ages adding fabulous accounts, which laid together built up this singularity, which every pen proclaimeth.  
As for the Texts of Scripture, which seem to confirm the conceit duly prepended, they add not thereunto; For whereas in that of Job, according to the Septuagint or Greek Translation we find the word Phoenix, yet can it have no animal signification; for therein it is not expressed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the trunk of the Palm tree, which is also called Phoenix, and therefore the construction will be very hard, if not applied unto some vegetable nature; nor can we safely insist upon the Greek expression at all: for though the Vulgar translates it Palma, & some retain the Phoenix, others do render it by a word of a different sense; for so hath Tremellius delivered it: Dicebam quod apud nidum meum expirabo, & sicut arena multiplicabo d●es; so hath the Geneva and ours translated it, I said I shall die in my nest, and shall multiply my days, as the sand: as for that in the book of Psalms, Vir justus ut Phaenix florebit, as Epiphanius and Tertullian render it, it was only a mistake upon the homonymy of the Greek word Phoenix, which signifies also a Palm tree; which is a fallacy of equivocation, from a community in name, inferring a common nature, and whereby we may as firmly conclude, that Diaphaenicon a purging electuary hath some part of the Phoenix for its ingredient, which receiveth that name from D●tes, or the fruit of the Palm tree, from whence as Pliny delivers, the Phoenix had its name.  
Nor do we only arraign the existence of this animal, but many things are questionable which are ascribed thereto, especially its unity, long life, and generation: As for its unity or conceit there should be but one in nature, it seemeth not only repugnant unto Philosophy, but also the holy Scripture, which plainly affirms, there went of every sort two at least into the Ark of Noah, according to the text, Gen. 7. Every fowl after his kind, every bird of every sort, they went into the Ark, two and two of all ●lesh, wherein there is the breath of life, and they that went in, went in both male and female of all flesh; it infringeth the Benediction of God concerning multiplication, Gen. 1. God blessed them saying, Be fruitful and multiply, and fill the waters in the seas, and let fowl multiply in the earth; and again, Chap. 8. Bring forth with thee, every living thing that they may breed abundantly in the earth, and be fruitful, and multiply upon the earth, which terms are not appliable unto the Phoenix, whereof there is but one in the world, and no more now living then at the first benediction, for the production of one, being the destruction of another, although they produce and generate, they ●ncrease not, and must not be said to multiply, who do not transcend an unity.  
As for longaevity, as that it liveth a thousand years, or more, beside that from imperfect observations and rarity of appearance, no confirmation can be made, there may be probably a mistake in the compute; for the tradition being very ancient and probably Egyptian, the Greeks who dispersed the fable, might sum up the account by their own numeration of years, whereas the conceit might have its original in times of shorter compute; for if we suppose our present calculation, the Phoenix now in nature will be the sixth from the Creation, but in the middle of its years, 
That the world should last but six thousand years.  and if the Rabbins prophesy succeed shall conclude its days, not in its own, but the last and general flames, without all hope of Reviviction.  
Concerning its generation, that without all conjunction, it begets and reseminates itself, hereby we introduce a vegetable production in animals, and unto sensible natures, transfer the propriety of plants, that is to multiply among themselves, according to the law of the Creation, Gen. 1. Let the earth bring forth grass, the herb yielding seed, and the tree yielding fruit, whose seed is in itself; which way is indeed the natural way of plants, who having no distinction of sex, and the power of the species contained in every individuum, beget and propagate themselves without commixtion, and therefore their fruits proceeding from simpler roots, are not so unlike, or distinguishable from each other, as are the offsprings of sensible creatures and prolifications descending from double originals; but animal generation is accomplished by more, and the concurrence of two sexes is required to the constitution of one; and therefore such as have no distinction of sex, engender not at all, as Aristotle conceives of Eels, and testaceous animals; and though plant animals do multiply, they do it not by copulation, but in a way analogous unto plants; so Hermaphrodites although they include the parts of both sexes, and may be sufficiently potent in either, yet unto a conception require a separated sex, and cannot impregnate themselves; and so also though Adam included all humane nature, or was (as some opinion) an Hermaphrodite, yet had he no power to propagate himself; and therefore God said, It is not good that man should be alone, let us make him an help meet for him, that is, an help unto generation; for as for any other help, it had been fitter to have made another man.  
Now whereas some affirm that from one Phoenix there doth not immediately proceed another, but the first corrupteth into a worm, which after becometh a Phoenix, it will not make probable this production; For hereby they confound the generation of perfect animals with imperfect, sanguineous, with exanguious, vermiparous, with oviparous, and erect Anomalies, disturbing the laws of Nature; Nor will this corruptive production be easily made out, in most imperfect generations; for although we deny not that many animals are vermiparous, begetting themselves at a distance, & as it were at the second hand, as generally infects, and more remarkably Butterflies and Silkwormes; yet proceeds not this generation from a corruption of themselves, but rather a specifical, and seminal diffusion, retaining still the Idea of themselves, though it act that part a while in other shapes: and this will also hold in generations equivocal, and such are not begotten from Parents like themselves; so from Frogs corrupting, proceed not Frogs again; so if there be anatiferous trees, whose corruption breaks forth into Bernacles, yet if they corrupt, they degenerate into Maggots, which produce not themselves again; for this were a confusion of corruptive and seminal production, and a frustration of that seminal power committed to animals at the creation. The problem might have been spared, Why we love not our Lice as well as our Children, Noah's Ark had been needless, the graves of animals would be the fruitfullest wombs; for death would not destroy, but empeople the world again.  
Since therefore we have so slender grounds to confirm the existence of the Phoenix, since there is no ocular witness of it, since as we have declared, by Authors from whom the Story is derived, it rather stands rejected, since they who have seriously discoursed hereof, have delivered themselves negatively, diversely or contrarily, since many others cannot be drawn into Argument as writing Poetically, Rhetorically, Enigmatically, Hieroglyphically, since holy Scripture alleged for it duly prepended, doth not advantage it, and lastly since so strange a generation, unity and long life hath neither experience nor reason to confirm it, how far to rely on this tradition, we refer unto consideration.  
But surely they were not wellwishers unto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or remedies easily acquired, who derived medicines from the Phoenix, as some have done, and are justly condemned by Pliny, Irridere est vitae, remedia post mille simum annum reditur a monstrare; It is a folly to find out remedies that are not recoverable under a thousand years, or propose the prolonging of life by that which the twentieth generation may never behold; more veniable is a dependence upon the Philosopher's stone, potable gold, or any of those Arcana's, whereby Paracelsus that died himself at 47. gloried that he could make other men immortal; which secrets, although extremely difficult, and tantum non infesible, yet are they not impossible, nor do they (rightly understood) impose any violence on Nature, and therefore if strictly taken for the Phoenix very strange is that which is delivered by Plutarch, De sanitate tuenda, That the brain thereof is a pleasant bit, but that it causeth the headache; which notwithstanding the luxurious Emperor could never taste, though he had at his table many a Phaenicopterus, yet had he not one Phoenix; for though he expected and attempted it, we read not in Lampridius that he performed it; and considering the unity thereof it was a vain design, that is, to destroy any species, or mutilate the great accomplishment of six days; and although some conceive, and it may seem true, that there is in man a natural possibility to destroy the world in one generation, that is, by a general conspire to know no woman themselves and disable all others also; yet will this never be effected, and therefore Cain after he had killed Abel, were there no other woman living, could not have also destroyed Eve; which although he had a natural power to effect, yet the execution thereof, the providence of God would have resisted, for that would have imposed another creation upon him, and to have animated a second rib of Adam.   

CHAP. XIII.  
Frogs, Toads, and Toadstone.  
COncerning the venomous urine of Toads, of the stone in a Toads head, and of the generation of Frogs, conceptions are entertained which require consideration; And first, that a Toad pisseth, and this way diffuseth its venom, is generally received, not only with us, but also in other parts; for so hath Scaliger observed in his Comment, Aversum urinam reddere ob oculos persecutoris perniciosam ruricolis persuasum est; and Mathiolus hath also a passage, that a Toad communicates its venom, not only by urine, but by the humidity and slaver of its mouth; which notwithstanding strictly understood, will not consist with truth; For to speak properly, a Toad pisseth not, nor do they contain those urinary parts which are found in other animals, to avoid that serous excretion; as may appear unto any that exenterats or dissects them; for therein will be found neither bladder, kidneys, or ureters, any more than they are in birds, which although they eat & drink, yet for the moist and dry excretion, have but one vent and common place of exclusion; and with the same propriety of language, we may ascribe that action unto Crows and Kites; and this is verified not only in Frogs and Toads, but for aught I can discover, that may be true which Aristotle assumeth, that no oviparous animal, that is, which either spawn or lay eggs doth urine, except the Tortoise.  
The ground or occasion of this expression might from hence arise, that Toads are sometimes observed to exclude or spirit out a dark and liquid matter behind, which indeed we have observed to be true, and a venomous condition there may be perhaps therein, but it cannot be called their urine; not only because they want those parts of secretion; but because it is emitted aversly or backward, by both sexes.  
As for the stone commonly called a Toadstone, which is presumed to be found in the head of that animal, we first conceive it not a thing impossible, nor is there any substantial reason, why in a Toad, there may not be found such hard and lapideous concretions; for the like we daily observe in the heads of fishes, as Cod's, Carp, and Pearches, the like also in Snails, a soft and exosseous animal, whereof in the na●ked and greater sort, as though she would requite the defect of a shell on their back, nature near the head hath placed a fl●t white stone, or rather testaceous concretion▪ which though Aldrovand affirms, that after dissection of many, he found but in some few, yet of the great grey Sna●les, I have not met with any that wanted it, and the same is indeed so palpable, that without dissection i● is discoverable by the hand.  
Again, though it be not impossible, yet is it surely very rare, as we are induced to believe from some enquiry of our own, from the trial of many who have been deceived, and the frustated search of Porta, who upon the explorement of many, could never find one; Nor is it only of rarity, but may be doubted whether it be of existency, or really any such stone in the head of a Toad at all: For although lapidaries, and questuary enquirers affirm it, yet the Writers of Minerals and natural speculators, are of another belief conceiving the stones which bear this name, to be a Mineral concretion, nor to be found in animals, but in fields; and therefore Boet●us de Boot refers it to Asteria▪ or some kind of Lapis stella●is, and plainly concludeth, Reperiuntur in agris, quos tamen alii in annosis▪ ac qui d●u in Arundinetis, inter rubos sentesque delituerunt bufonis capitibus generari pertinaciter affirmant.  
Lastly, if any such thing there be, yet must it not for aught I see, be taken as we receive it, for a loose and movable stone, but rather a concretion or induration of the cranny itself; for being of an earthy temper living in the earth, & as some say feeding thereon, such indurations may sometimes happen▪ and thus when Brassavolus after a long search had discovered one, he affirms it was rather the forehead bone petrified, than a stone within the cranny; and of this belief was Gesner. All which considered, we must with circumspection receive those stones, which commonly be●re this name, muchless believe the traditions, that in envy to mankind they are cast out, or swallowed down by the Toad, which cannot consist with Anatomy, and with the rest, enforced this censure from B●etius, Ab 〈◊〉 tempore pro nugis habui quod de Bufonio lapide, ejusque origine traditur.  
Concerning the generation of Frogs, we shall briefly deliver that account which observation hath taught us. By Frogs I understand not such as arising from putrefaction, are bred without copulation, and because they subsist not long, are called Temporariae; nor do I mean hereby the little Frog of an excellent Parrat-green, that usually sits on trees and bushes, and is therefore called Ravunculus viridis, or Arboreus; but hereby I understand the aquatile or water Frog whereof in ditches and standing plashes, we may behold many millions every Spring in England; Now these do not as Plini● conceiveth, exclude black pieces of flesh, which after become Frogs, but they let fall their spawn in the water, which is of excellent use in Physic, and scarce unknown unto any; in this spawn of a lentous and transparent body, are to be discerned many grey specks, or little conglobations, which in a little time become of deep black; a substance more compacted and terrestrious than the other, for it riseth not in distillation, and affords a powder, when the white and aqueous part is exhaled. Now of this black or dusky substance is the Frog at last form, as we have beheld, including the spawn with water in a glass, and exposing it unto the Sun; for that black and round substance, in a few days began to dilate and grow oval, after a while the head, the eyes, the tail to be discerneable, and at last to become that which the Ancients called Gyrinus, we a Porwigle or Tadpole, and this in some weeks after, becomes a perfect Frog, the legs growing out before, and the tail wearing away, to supply the other behind, as may be observed in some, which have newly forsaken the water: for in such, some part of the tail will be seen but curtaled and short, not long and finny as before; a part provided them a while to swim and move in the water, that is, until such time as nature excluded legs, whereby they might be provided not only to swim in the water, but move upon the land, according to the amphibious and mixed intention of nature, that is to live in both. And because many affirm, and some deliver, that in regard it hath lungs and breatheth a Frog may be easily drowned, though the reason be probable, I find not the experiment answerable; for making trial, and fastening one about a span under water, it lived almost six days.   

CHAP. XIV.  
Of the Salamander.  
THat a Salamander is able to live in flames, to endure and put out fire is an assertion, not only of great Antiquity, but confirmed by frequent, and not contemptible testimony; The Egyptians have drawn it into their Hieroglyphics; Aristotle seemeth to embrace it, more plainly Nicander, Serenus, Sammonicus, Aelian, and Pliny, who assigns the cause of this effect. An animal (saith he) so cold that it extinguisheth the fire like Ice; all which notwithstanding, there is on the negative Authority and experience; Sex●ius a Physician, as Pliny delivereth, denied this effect, Dioscorides affirmed it a point of folly to believe it, Galen that it endureth the fire a while, but in continuance is consumed therein; For experimental conviction Mathiolus affirmeth, he saw a Salamander burnt in a very short time; and of the like assertion is Amatus Lusitanus, and most plainly Pierius, whose words in his Hieroglyphics are these; Whereas it is commonly said, that a Salamander extinguisheth fire, we have found by experience, that 'tis so far f●om quenching hot coals; that it dieth immediately therein; As for the contrary assertion of A●istotle, it is but by hearsay, as common opinion believeth, Haec enim (ut aiunt) ignem ingrediens ●um extinguit; and therefore there was no absurdity in Galen when as a Septicall medicine he commended the ashes of a Salamander, and Magicians in vain from the power of this tradition, at the burning of towns or houses expect a relief from Salamanders.  
The ground of this opinion might be some sensible resistance of fire observed in the Salamander, which being as Galen determineth, cold in the fourth, and moist in the third degree, and having also a nucous humidity above and under the skin, by virtue thereof may a while endure the flame, which being consumed it can resist no more. Such an humidity there is observed in Newtes, or water-Lizards, especially if their skins be pricked or perforated. Thus will Frogs and Snails endure the flame, thus will whites of eggs, vitreous or glassey phlegm extinguish a coal, thus are unguents made which protect a while from the fire, and thus beside the Hirpini, there are later stories of men that have passed untouched through ●ire, and therefore some truth we allow in the tradition; truth according unto Galen, that it may for a time resist a fl●me, or as Scaliger avers, extinguish or put out a coal; for thus much will many humid bodies perform, but that it perseveres and lives in that destructive element, is a fallacious enlargement; nor do we reasonably conclude, because for a time it endureth fire, it subdueth and extinguisheth the same, because by a cold and aluminous moisture, it is able a while to resist it, from a peculiarity of nature it subsisteth and liveth in it.  
It hath been much promoted by Stories of incombustible napkins and textures which endure the fire, whose materials are called by the name of Salamander's wool; which many too literally apprehending, conceive some investing part, or tegument of the Salamander; wherein beside that they mistake the condition of this animal, which is a kind of Lizard, a quadruped corticated and depilous, that is without wool, fur, or hair, they observe not the method and general rule of nature, whereby all Quadrupeds oviparous, as Lizards, Frogs, Tortoise, Chameleons, Crocodiles, are without any hair, and have no covering part or hairy investment at all; and if they conceive that from the skin of the Salamander, these incremable pieces are composed, beside the experiments made upon the living, that of Brassavolus will step in, who in the search of this truth, did burn the skin of one dead.  
Nor is this Salamander's wool desumed from any animal, but a Mineral substance Metaphorically so called from this received opinion; For beside Germanicus his heart, and Pyrrhus his great Toe, there are in the number of Minerals, some bodies incombustible; more remarkably that which the Ancients named Asbeston, and Pancirollus treats of in the chapter of Linum vivum: whereof by Art were weaved napkins, shirts, and coats inconsumable by fire, and wherein in ancient times, to preserve their ashes pure, and without commixture, they burned the bodies of Kings; a napkin hereof Pliny reports that Nero had, & the like saith Paulus Venetus, the Emperor of Tartary sent unto Pope Alexander; and affirms that in some parts of Tartary, there were Mines of Iron whose filaments were weaved into incombustible cloth, which rare manufacture, although delivered for lost by Pancirollus, yet Salmuth delivereth in his comment that one Podocaterus a Cyprian, had showed the same at Venice, and his materials were from Cyprus, where indeed Dioscorides placeth them; the same is also ocularly confirmed by Vives upon Austin and Maiolus in his colloquies; and thus in our days do men practise to make long lasting Snastes or Elychinons' parts for lamps, out of Alumen plumosum; and by the same we read in Pausanias, that there always burnt a Lamp before the Image of Minerva.   

CHAP. XV.  
Of the Amphisbaena.  
THat the Amphisbaena, that is, a smaller kind of Serpent, which moveth forward and backward, hath two heads, or one at either extreme, was affirmed first by Nicander, and after by many others, by the Author of the book de Theriaca ad Pisonem, ascribed unto Galen, more plainly Pliny, Geminum habet caput, tanquam parum esset uno ore effundi venenum: but Aelian most confidently, who referring the conceit of Chimaera and Hydra unto fables, hath set down this as an undeniable truth.  
Whereunto while men assent, and can believe a bicipitous conformation in any continued species, they admit a gemination of principal parts, which is not naturally discovered in any animal; true it is that other parts in animals are not equal, for some make their progression with many legs, even to the number of an hundred, as Juli Scolopend●ae, or such as are termed centipedes; some fly with two wings, as birds and many insests, some with four, as all farinaceous or mealy winged animals, as Butterflies, and Moths, all vaginipennous or sheathwinged infects, as Beetles and Dorrs; some have three Testicles, as Aristotle speaks of the Buzzard, and some have four stomaches, as horned and ruminating animals; but for the principal parts, the liver, heart, and especially the brain, regularly it is but one in any kind or species whatsoever.  
And were there any such species or natural kind of animal, it would be hard to make good those six positions of body, which according to the three dimensions are ascribed unto every animal, that is, infra, supra, ante, retro, dextrorsum, sinistrorsum; for if (as it is determined) that be the anterior and upper part wherein the senses are placed, and that the posterior and lower part which is opposite thereunto, there is no inferior or former part in this animal, for the senses being placed at both extremes, do make both ends anteriour, which is impossible, the terms being Relative, which mutually subsist, and are not without each other, and therefore this duplicity was ill contrived to place one head at both extremes, and had been more tolerable to have settled three or four at one, and therefore also Poets have been more reasonable than Philosophers, and Geryon or Cerberus, less monstrous than Amphisbaena.  
Again, if any such thing there were, it were not to be obtruded by the name of Amphisbaena, or as an animal of one denomination; for properly that animal is not one, but multiplicious or many, which hath a duplicity or gemination of principle parts; and this doth Aristotle define, when he affirmeth a monster is to be esteemed one or many, according to its principle, which he conceived the heart, whence he derived the original of Nerves, and thereto ascribe many acts which Physicians assign unto the brain; and therefore if it cannot be called one, which hath a duplicity of hearts in his sense, it cannot receive that appellation with a plurality of heads in ours; And this the practice of Christians hath acknowledged, who have baptised these geminous births, and double connascencies with several names, as conceiving in them a distinction of souls, upon the divided execution of their functions; that is, while one wept, the other laughing, while one was silent, the other speaking, while one awaked, the other sleeping, as is declared by three remarkable examples in Petrarch, Vincentius, and the Scottish history of Buchanan.  
It is not denied there have been bicipitous Serpents with the head at each extreme, for an example hereof we find in Aristotle, and in the like form in Aldrovand we meet with the Icon of a Lizzard; which double formations do often happen unto multiparous generations, more especially that of Serpents, whose conceptions being numerous, and their Eggs in chains or links together, (which sometime conjoin and inoculate into each other) they may unite into various shapes, and come out in mixed formations; but these are monstrous productions, and beside the intention of Nature, and the statutes of generation, neither begotten of like parents, nor begetting the like again, but irregularly produced do stand as Anomalies, and make up the Quae genus, in the general book of Nature; which being the shifts and forced pieces, rather than the genuine and proper effects, they afford us no illation, nor is it reasonable to conclude, from a monstrosity unto a species, or from accidental effects, unto the regular works of Nature.  
Lastly, the ground of the conceit was the figure of this animal, and motion oft times both ways; for described it is to be like a worm, and so equally framed at both extremes, that at an ordinary distance it is no easy matter, to determine which is the head; and therefore some observing them to move both ways, have given the appellation of heads unto both extremes, which is no proper and warrantable denomination, for many animals with one head do ordinarily perform both different and contrary motions; Crabs move sideling, Lobsters will swim swiftly backward, Worms and Leeches will move both ways; and so will most of those animals, whose bodies consist of round and annulary fibers, and move by undulation, that is, like the waves of the Sea, the one protruding the other, by inversion whereof they make a backward motion.  
Upon the same ground hath arisen the same mistake concerning the Scolopendra or hundred footed insect, as is delivered by Rhodiginus from the scholiast of Nicander: Dicitur à Nicandro, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est dicepalus aut biceps fictum vero quoniam retrorsum (ut scribit Aristoteles) arrepit, observed by Aldrovandus, but most plainly by Muffetus, who thus concludeth upon the text of Nicander: Tamen pace tanti authoris dixerim, unicum illi duntaxat caput licet pari facilitate, prorsum capite, retrorsum ducente cauda, incedat, quod Nicandro aliisque imposuisse dubito: that is, under favour of so great an Author, the Scolopendra hath but one head, although with equal facility it moveth forward and backward, which I suspect deceived Nicander and others.   

CHAP. XVI.  
Of the Viper.  
THat the young Vipers force their way through the bowels of their Dam, or that the female Viper in the act of generation bi●es off the head of the male, in revenge whereof the young ones eat through the womb and belly of the female is a very ancient tradition; in this sense entertained in the Hieroglyphics of the Egyptians, affirmed by Herodotus, Nicander, Pliny, Plutarch, Aelian, Je●ome, Basil, Isidore, and seems to be countenanced by Aristotle, and his scholar Theophrastus; from hence is commonly assigned the reason why the Romans punished parricides by drowning them in a sack with a Viper; and so perhaps upon the same opinion the men of Melita when they saw a viper upon the hand of Paul, said presently without conceit of any other sin, No doubt this man is a murderer, whom though he have escaped the Sea, yet ven●geance suffereth him not to live; that is, he is now paid in his own way, the parricidous animal and punishment of Murderers is upon him; and though the Tradition were currant among the greeks to confirm the same the Latin name is introduced, V●pera quasi vipariat; That passage also in the Gospel, O ye generation of Vipers, hath found expositions which countenance this conceit; notwithstanding which authorities, transcribed relations and conjectures, upon enquiry we find the some repugnant unto experience and reason.  
And first it seems not only injurious unto the providence of Nature, to ordain a way of production which should destroy the producer, or contrive the continuation of the species by the destruction of the continuator; but it overthrows and frustrates the great Benediction of God, which is expressed Gen. 1. God blessed them saying, Be fruitful and multiply. Now if it be so ordained that some must regularly perish by multiplication, and these be the fruits of fructifying in the Viper; it cannot be said that God did bless, but curse this animal; upon thy belly shalt thou go, and dust shalt thou eat all thy life, was not so great a punishment unto the Serpent after the fall, as increase, be fruitful and multiply, was before. This were to confound the maledictions of God, and translate the curse of the Woman upon the Serpent; that is, in dolore paries, in sorrow shalt thou bring forth, which being proper unto the women, is verified best in the Viper, whose delivery is not only accompanied with pain, but also with death itself. And lastly, it overthrows the careful course, and parental provision of nature, whereby the young ones newly excluded are sustained by the Dam, and protected until they grow up to a sufficiency for themselves; all which is perverted in this eruptive generation, for the Dam being destroyed, the younglings are left to their own protection, which is not conceivable they can at all perform, and whereof they afford us a remarkable confirmance many days after birth; for the young ones supposed to break through the belly of the Dam, will upon any fright for protection run into it; for then the old one receives them in at her mouth, which way the fright b●ing passed they will return again; which is a peculiar way of refuge; and though it seem strange is avowed by frequent experience, and undeniable testimony.  
As for the experiment although we have thrice attempted it, it hath not well succeeded; for though we fed them with milk, bran, cheese, etc. the females always died before the young ones were mature for this eruption, but rest sufficiently confirmed in the experi●ments of worthy enquirers: Wherein to omit the ancient conviction of Apollonius, we shall set down some few of modern Writers: The first, of Amatus Lusitanus in his Comment upon Dio●corides. Vidimus nos viperas praegnantes inclusas pyxidibus parere, quae inde ex partu nec mortuae, nec visceribus perforatae manserunt: The second is that of Scaliger, Viperas ab impatientibus morae faetibus numerosissimis rumpi atque interire falsum esse scimus, qui in Vincentii Camerint circulatoris lignea the●a vidimus enatas viperellas, parent saiva: The last and most plain of Franciscus Bustamantinus, a Spanish Physician of Alcala de Henares, whose words in his third de Animantibus Scripturae are these: Cum vero per me & per alios haec ipsa disquisissem servata Vip●rina progeny, etc. that is, when by myself and others I had enquired the truth hereof, including Vipers in a glass, and feeding them with cheese and bran, I undoubtedly found that the Viper was not delivered by the tearing of her bowels, but I beheld them excluded by the passage of generation near the orifice of the siege.  
Now although the Tradition be untrue, there wanted not many grounds which made it plausibly received. The first was a favourable indulgence and special contrivance of nature, which was the conceit of Herodotus who thus delivereth himself: Fearful animals, and such as serve for food, nature hath made more fruitful, but upon the offensive and noxious kind, she hath not conferred fertility: So the Hare that becometh a prey unto man, unto beasts, and fowls of the air, is fruitful even to superfae●ation, but the Lion a fierce and ferocious animal hath young ones but seldom, and also but one at a time; Vipers indeed, although destructive, are fruitful; but lest their number should increase, providence hath contrived another way to abate it, for in copulation the female bites off the head of the male, and the young ones destroy the mother; but this will not consist with reason, as we have declared before: And if we more nearly consider the condition of Vipers and noxious animals, we shall discover another provision of nature; how although in their paucity she hath not abridged their malignity, yet hath she notoriously effected it by their secession or latitancie; for not only offensive infects as Hornets, wasps, and the like; but sanguineous corticated animals, as Serpents, Toads and Lizards, do lie hid and betake themselves to coverts in the Winter; whereby most Countries enjoying the immunity of Ireland and Candie, there ariseth a temporal security, from their venom, and an intermission of their mischiefs, mercifully requiting the time of their activities.  
A second ground of this effect, was conceived the justice of Nature, whereby she compensates the death of the father by the matricide or murder of the mother, and this was the expression of Nicander; but the cause hereof is as improbable as the effect, and were indeed an improvident revenge in the young ones, whereby in consequence, and upon defect of provision they must destroy themselves; and whereas he expresseth this decollation of the male by so full a term as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, to cut or lop off, the act is hardly conceivable; for the female Viper hath but four considerable teeth, and those so disposed so slender and needle-pointed, that they are apker for puncture then any act of incision; and if any like action there be, it may be only some fast retention or sudden compression in the Orgasmus or fury of their lust, according as that expression of Horace is construed concerning Lydia and Telephus 
— Sive puer furens▪  
Impressit memorem dente ●abris notam.  Others ascribe this effect unto the numerous conception of the Viper, and this was the opinion of Theophrastus, who though he denieth the exesion or forcing through the belly, conceiveth nevertheless that upon a full and plentiful impletion there may perhaps succeed a disruption of the matrix, as it happeneth sometimes in the long and slender fish Acus: Now although in hot Countries, and very numerous conceptions in the Viper or other animals, there may sometimes ensue a dilaceration of the genital parts, yet is this a rare and contingent effect, and not a natural and constant way of exclusion; for the wise Creator hath form the organs of animals unto their operations, and in whom he ordaineth a numerous conception, in them he hath prepared convenient receptacles, and a suitable way of exclusion.  
Others do ground this disruption upon their continued or protracted time of delivery, presumed to last twenty days, whereat, excluding but one a day, the latter brood impatient, by a forcible proruption anticipate their period of exclusion, and this was the assertion of Pliny, Caeteri tarditatis impatientes prorumpunt latera, occisâ parent, which was occasioned upon a mistake of the Greek text in Aristotle, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which are literally thus translated, Paret autem una die secundum unum, parit autem plures quam viginti, and may be thus Englished, She bringeth forth in one day one by one and sometimes more than twenty; and so hath Scaliger rendered it, sigillatim parit, absolvit una die interdum plures quam viginti: But Pliny whom Gaza followeth hath differently translated it, singulos diebus▪ singulis pa●rit, numero fere viginti, whereby he extends the exclusion unto twenty days, which in the textuary sense is fully accomplished in one.  
But what hath most advanced it, is a mistake in another text of Aristotle, which seemeth directly to determine this disruption, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which Gaza hath thus translated, Parit catulos obvolutos membran● quae tertio die rumpuntur, ●ve●t interdum ut qui in utero adhuc sunt abrosis membranis prorumpant. Now herein very probably Pliny, and many since have been mistaken, for the disruption of the membranes or skins, which include the young ones, conceiving a dilaceration of the matrix and belly of the viper, and concluding from a casual dilaceration, a regular and constant disruption.  
As for the Latin word Vipera, which in the Etymology of Isidore promoteth this conceit, more properly it may imply vivipera; for whereas other Serpents lay eggs, the Viper excludeth living animals; and though the Cerastes be also viviparous, and we have found form Snakes in the belly of the Cecilia or slowworm, yet may the Viper emphatically bear that name; for the notation or Etymology is not of necessity adequate unto the name; and therefore though animal be deduced from anima, yet are there many animations beside, and plants will challenge a right therein as well as sensible creatures.  
As touching the Text of Scripture, and compellation of the pharisees, by generation of Vipers, although constructions be made hereof conformable to this Tradition, and it may be plausibly expounded, that out of a viperous condition, they conspired against their Prophets, and destroyed their spiritual parents; yet (as Jansenius observeth) Gregory and Jerome, do make another construction, apprehending thereby what is usually employed by that Proverb, Mali corvi malum ovum; that is, of evil parents, an evil generation, a posterity not unlike their majority, of mischievous progenitors, a venomous and destructive progeny.  
And lastly, concerning the hieroglyphical account, according to the Vulgar conception set down by Orus Apollo, the authority thereof is only Emblematical, for were the conception true or false, to their apprehensions, it expressed filial impiety; which strictly taken, and totally received for truth, might perhaps begin, but surely promote this conception.   

CHAP. XVII.  
Of Hares.  
THat Hares are both male and female, beside the Vulgar opinion, was the affirmative of Archelaus, of Plutarch, Philostratus, and many more; nor are there hardly any who either treat of mutation or mixtion of sexes, who have not left some mention of this point; some speaking positively, others dubiously, and most resigning it unto the enquiry of the Reader: now hereof to speak distinctly, they must be male and female by mutation and succession of sexes, or else by composition, by mixture or union thereof.  
As for the mutation of sexes, or transition into one another, we cannot deny it in Hares, it being observable in man: for hereof beside Empedocles or Tiresias, there are not a few examples; and though very few, or rather none which have emasculated or turned women, yet very many who from an esteem or reality of being women have infallibly proved men: some at the first point of their menstruous eruptions, some in the day of their marriage, others many years after, which occasioned disputes at Law, and contestations concerning a restore of the dow●y; and that not only mankind, but many other animals, may suffer this transexion, we will not deny, or hold it at all impossible; although I confess by reason of the posticke and backward position of the feminine parts in quadrupeds, they can hardly admit the substitution of a protrusion effectual unto masculine generation, except it be in Retromingents, and such as couple backward.  
Nor shall we only concede the succession of sexes in some, but shall not dispute the transition of reputed species in others; that is, a transmutation, or (as Paracelsians term it) the Transplantation of one into another; hereof in perfect animals of a congenerous seed, or near affinity of natures, examples are not unfrequent, as Horses, Asses, Dogs, Foxes, Phaisants, Cocks, etc. but in imperfect kinds, and such where the discrimination of sexes is obscure, these transformations are more common: and in some within themselves without commixtion, as particularly in Caterpillars or Silk-wormes, wherein there is visible and triple transfiguration: but in Plants wherein there is no distinction of sex, these transplantations are yet more obvious than any; as that of barley into oats, of wheat into darnel, and those grains which generally arise among corn, as cockle, Aracus, Aegilops, and other degenerations which come up in unexpected shapes, when they want the support and maintenance of the primary and master-formes: And the same do some affirm concerning other plants in less analogy of figures, as the mutation of Mint into Cresses, Basill into Serpoile, and Turnips into Radishes; in all which as Severinus conceiveth there may be equivocal seeds and Hermaphroditical principles, which contain the radicality and power of different forms; thus in the seed of wheat there lieth obscurely the seminality of Darnell, although in a secondary or inferior way, and at some distance of production; which nevertheless if it meet with convenient promotion, or a conflux and conspiration of causes more powerful than the other, it than beginneth to edify in chief, and contemning the superintendent form, produceth the signatures of its self.  
Now therefore although we deny not these several mutations, and do allow that Hares may exchange their sex, yet this we conceive doth come to pass but sometimes, and not in that vicissitude or annual alternation as is presumed; that is, from imperfection to perfection, from perfection to imperfection, from female unto male, from male to female again, and so in a circle to both without a permansion in either; for beside the inconceiveable mutation of temper, which should yearly alternate the sex, this is injurious unto the order of nature, whose operations do rest in the perfection of their intents; which having once attained, they maintain their accomplished ends, and relapse not again into their progressionall imperfections: so if in the minority of natural vigour, the parts of feminality take place, when upon the increase or growth thereof the masculine appear, the first design of nature is achieved, and those parts are after maintained.  
But surely it much impeacheth this iterated transexion of Hares, if that be true which Cardan and other Physicians affirm, that Transmutation of sex is only so in opinion, and that these transfeminated persons were really men at first, although succeeding years produced the manifesto or evidence of their virilities; which although intended and form, was not at first excluded, and that the examples hereof have undergone no real or new transexion, but were Androgynally borne, and under some kind of Hermaphrodites: for though Galen do favour the opinion, that the distinctive parts of sexes are only different in position, that is inversion or protrusion, yet will this hardly be made out from the Anatomy of those parts, the testicles being so seated in the female that they admit not of protrusion, and the neck of the matrix wanting those parts which are discoverable in the organ of virility.  
The second and most received acception, is, that Hares are male and female by conjunction of both sexes, and such are sound in mankind, Poetically called Hermaphrodites, supposed to be form from the equality, or non victory of either seed, carrying about them the parts of man and woman; although with great variety in perfection, site and ability; not only as Aristotle conceived, with a constant impotency in one; but as latter Observers affirm, sometimes with ability of either venery: and therefore the providence of some Laws have thought good, that at the years of maturity, they should elect one sex, and the errors in the other should suffer a severer punishment; whereby endeavouring to prevent incontinency, they unawares enjoined perpetual chastity; for being executive in both parts, and confined unto one, they restrained a natural power, and ordained a partial virginity. Plato and some of the Rabbins proceeded higher, who conceived the first man an Hermaphrodite; and Marcus Leo the learned Jew, in some sense hath allowed it, affirming that Adam in one suppositum without division, contained both male and female; and therefore whereas it is said in the Text, that God created man in his own Image, in the Image of God created he him, male and female created he them, applying the singular and plural unto Adam, it might denote that in one substance, and in himself he included both sexes which was after divided, and the female called Woman. The opinion of Aristotle extendeth farther, from whose assertion all men should be Hermaphrodites; for affirming that women do not spermatize, and confer a place or receptacle rather than essential principles of generation, he deductively includes both sexes in mankind; for from the father proceed not only males and females, but from him also must Hermaphroditical and masculo-feminine generations be derived, and a commixtion of both sexes arise from the seed of one: But the Schoolmen have dealt with that sex more hardly then any other, who though they have not much disputed their generation, yet have they controverted their Resurrection, and raised a query whether any at the last day should arise in the sex of women, as may be observed in the supplement of Aquinas.  
Now as we must acknowledge this And●ogynall condition in man, so can we not deny the like doth happen in beasts. Thus do we read in Pliny that Nero's Chariot was drawn by four Hermaphroditical Mares, and Cardan affirms he also beheld one at Antwerp; and thus may we also concede, that Hares have been of both sexes, and some have ocularly confirmed it; but that the whole species or kind should be bisexous we cannot affirm, who have found the parts of male and female respectively distinct and single in any wherein we have enquired; and whereas it is conceived, that being an harmless animal and delectable food unto man, nature hath made them with double sexes, and that actively and passively performing they might more numerously increase; we forget an higher providence of nature whereby she especially promotes the multiplication of Hares, which is by superfetation; that is, a conception upon a conception, or an improvement of a second fruit before the first be excluded, preventing hereby the usual intermission and vacant time of generation, which is very common and frequently observable in Hares, mentioned long ago by Aristotle, Herodotus, and Pliny; and we have often observed that after the first cast, there remain successive conceptions, and other younglings very immature, and far from their term of exclusion.  
Nor need any man to question this in Hares, for the same we observe doth sometime happen in women; for although it be true that upon conception, the inward orifice of the matrix exactly closeth, so that it commonly admitteth nothing after; yet falleth it out sometime, that in the act of coition, the avidity of that part dilateth itself, and receiveth a second burden, which if it happen to be near in time unto the first, they commonly do both proceed unto perfection, and have legitimate exclusions, and periodically succeed each other: but if the superfetation be made with considerable intermission, the latter most commonly proves abortive; for the first being confirmed, engrosseth the aliment from the other: However therefore the project of Julia seem very plausible, and that way infallible when she received not her passengers, before she had taken in her lading, there was a fallibility therein; nor indeed any absolute security in the policy of adultery after conception; for the Matrix (which some have called another animal within us, and which is not subjected unto the law of our will) after reception of its proper Tenant, may yet receive a strange and spurious inmate, as is confirmable by many examples in Pliny, by Larissaea in Hypocrates, and that merry one in Plautus urged also by Aristotle, that is of Iphicles and Hercules, the one begat by Jupiter, the other by Amphitryon upon Al●maena; as also in those superconceptions where one child was like the father, the other like the adulterer, the one favoured the servant, the other resembled the master.  
Now the grounds that begat, or much promoted the opinion of a double sex in hares might be some little bags or tumours, as first glance representing stones or Testicles, to be found in both sexes about the parts of generation; which men observing in either sex, were induced to believe a masculine sex in both; but to speak properly these are no Testicles or parts official unto generation, but glandulous substances that seem to hold the nature of Emunctories; for herein may be perceived slender perforations, at which may be expressed a black and feculent matter; if therefore from these we shall conceive a mixtion of sexes in Hares, with fairer reason we may conclude it in Bevers, whereof both sexes contain a double bag or tumour in the groin, commonly called the Cod of Castor, as we have delivered before.  
Another ground were certain holes or cavities observable about the siege; which being perceived in males, made some conceive there might be also a feminine nature in them, and upon this very ground, the same opinion hath passed upon the Hyaena, as is declared by Aristotle, and thus translated by Scaliger; Quod autem aiunt utriusque sexus habere genitalia falsum est, quod videtur esse foemineum sub cauda, est simile sigur a foeminino verum pervinum non est; and thus is it also in Hares, in whom these holes, although they seem to make a deep cavity, yet do they not perforate the skin, nor hold a community with any part of generation, but were (as Pliny delivereth) esteemed the marks of their age, the number of those deciding their number of years; what verity there is herein, we shall not contend; for if in other animals there be authentic notations, if the characters of years be found in the horns of Cows, or in the Antlers of Deer, if we conjecture the age of Horses from joints in their dockes, and undeniably presume it from their teeth; we cannot affirm, there is in their conceit, any affront unto nature, although, who ever enquireth shall find no assurance therein.  
The last foundation was Retromingency or pissing backward, for men observing both sexes to urine backward, or aversly between their legs, they might conceive there was a feminine part in both; wherein they are deceived by the ignorance of the just and proper site of the Pizzle or part designed unto the Excretion of urine, which in the Hare holds not the common position, but is aversly seated, and in its distension inclines unto the coccix or scut. Now from the nature of this position, there ensueth a necessity of Retrocopulation, which also promoteth the conceit; for some observing them to couple without ascension, have not been able to judge of male or female, or to determine the proper sex in either, and to speak generally this way of copulation, is not appropriate unto Hares, nor is there one, but many ways of Coition, according to divers shapes and different conformations; for some couple laterally or sidewise as worms, some circularly or by complication as Serpents, some prone, that is by contaction of prone parts in both, as Apes, Porcupines, Hedgehogges, and such as are termed Mollia, as the Cuttlefish and the Purple; some mixedly, that is, the male ascending the female, or by application of the prone parts of the one, unto the postick parts of the other, as most Quadrupes; Some aversely, as all Crustaceous animals, Lobsters, Shrimps, and Crevices, and also Retromingents, as Panthers, Tigers, and Hares: This is the constant Law of their Coition, this they observe and transgress not: only the vitiosity of man hath acted the varieties hereof; nor content with a digression from sex or species, hath in his own kind run thorough the Anomalies of venery, and been so bold, not only to act, but represent to view, the Irregular ways of lust.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
Of Molls.  
THat Molls are blind and have no eyes, though a common opinion is received with much variety; some affirming only they have no sight, as Oppianus, the Proverb Talpa Caecior, and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Talpitas, which in Hesichius is made the same with Caecias: some that they have eyes, but no sight, as the text of Aristotle seems to imply, some neither eyes nor sight, as Albertus, Pliny, and the vulgar opinion; some both eyes & sight as Scaliger, Aldrovandus, & some others. Of which opinions the last with some restriction, is most consonant unto truth: for that they have eyes in their head is manifest unto any, that wants them not in his own, and are discoverable, not only in old ones, but as we have observed in young and naked conceptions, taken out of the belly of the dam; and he that exactly inquires into the cavity of their crannies, may discover some propagation of nerves communicated unto these parts; but that the humours together with their coats are also distinct, (though Galen seem to affirm it) transcendeth our discovery; for separating these little Orbs, and including them in magnifying glasses, we discerned no more than Aristotle mentions, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is; humorem nigrum, nor any more if they be broken: that therefore they have eyes we must of necessity affirm, but that they be comparatiuly incomplete we need not to deny: So Galen affirms the parts of generation in women are imperfect, in respect of those of men, as the eyes of Molls in regard of other animals; So Aristotle terms them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Gaza translates oblaesos, and Scaliger by a word of Imperfection, inchoatos.  
Now as that they have eyes is manifest unto sense, so that they have sight not incongruous unto reason, if we call not in question the providence of this provision, that is, to assign the organs, and yet deny the office, to grant them eyes and withhold all manner of vision: for as the inference is fair, affirmatively deduced from the action to the organ, that they have eyes because they see, so is it also from the organ to the action, that they have eyes, therefore some sight designed; if we take the intention of Nature in every species, and except the casual impediments, or morbosities in individuals; but as their eyes are more imperfect than others, so do we conceive of their sight, or act of vision; for they will run against things, and huddling forwards fall from high places; so that they are not blind, nor yet distinctly see, there is in them no cecity, yet more than a cecutiency; they have sight enough to discern the light, though not perhaps to distinguish of objects or colours; so are they not exactly blind, for light is one object of vision; and this (as Scaliger observeth) might be as full a sight as Nature first intended; for living in darkness under the earth, they had no further need of eyes then to avoid the light, and to be sensible when ever they lost that darkness of earth, which was their natural confinement; and therefore however Translators do render the word of Aristotle, or Galen, that is, imperfectos, oblaesos, or inchoatos, it is not much considerable; for their eyes are sufficiently begun to finish this action and competently perfect, for this imperfect Vision.  
And lastly, although they had neither eyes nor sight, yet could they not be termed blind; for blindness being a privative term unto sight, this appellation is not admittible in propriety of speech, and will overthrow the doctrine of privations, which presuppose positive forms or habits, and are not indefinite negations, denying in all subjects but such alone wherein the positive habits are in their proper nature, and placed without repugnancy. So do we improperly say a Moll is blind, if we deny it the organs or a capacity of vision from its created nature; so when the Text of John had said, that man was blind from his nativity, whose cecity our Saviour cured, it was not warrantable in Nonnus to say he had no eyes at all, as he describeth in his paraphrase, and as some ancient Fathers affirm, that by this miracle they were created in him; and so though the sense may be accepted, that proverb must be candidly interpreted which maketh fishes mute, and call them silent which have no voice in Nature.  
Now this conceit is erected upon a misapprehension or mistake in the symptoms of vision, men confounding abolishment, diminution and depravement, and naming that an abolition of sight, which indeed is but an abatement. For if vision be abolished, it is called caecitas, or blindness, if depraved and receive its objects erroneously, Hallucination, if dimished, hebetudo visus, caligati●, or dimness; now instead of a diminution or imperfect vision in the Moll, we affirm an abolition or total privation, in stead of caligation or dimness, we conclude a cecity or blindness, which hath been frequently committed concerning other animals; so some affirm the water Rat is blind, so Sammonicus and Nicander do call the Mus-Aran●us the shrew or Ranny, blind; And because darkness was before light, the Egyptians worshipped the same: So are slow-Wormes accounted blind, and the like we affirm proverbially of the Beetle, although their eyes be evident, and they will fly against lights, like many other infects, and though also Aristotle determines, that the eyes are apparent in all flying infects, though other senses be obscure, and not perceptible at all; and if from a diminution we may infer a total privation, or affirm that other animals are blind which do not acutely fee or comparatively unto others, we shall condemn unto blindness many not so esteemed; for such as have corneous or horny eyes, as Lobsters and crustaceous animals, are generally dim sighted, all infects that have antennae, or long horns to feel out their way, as Butterflies and Locusts, or their fore legs so disposed, that they much advance before their heads, as may be observed in Spiders; and if the Eagle were judge, we might be blind ourselves; the expression therefore of Scripture in the story of Jacob is surely with circumspection, And it came to pass when Jacob was old, and his eyes were dim, quando caligarunt oculi, saith Jerom and Tremellius, which are expressions of diminution, and not of absolute privation.   

CHAP. XIX.  
Of Lampreys.  
WHether Lampreys have nine eyes, as is received, we durst refer it unto Polyphemus, who had but one to judge it: an error concerning eyes, occasioned by the error of eyes, deduced from the appearance of divers cavities or holes on either side, which ●ome call eyes that carelessly behold them, and is not only refutable by experience, but also repugnant unto reason; for beside the monstrosity they fasten unto Nature, in contriving many eyes, who hath made but two unto any animal, that is, one of each side, according to the division of the brain, it were a superfluous and inartificial act to place and settle so many in one place; for the two extremes would sufficiently perform the office of sight without the help of the intermediate eyes, and behold as much as all seven joined together; for the visible base of the object would be defined by these two, and the middle eyes although they behold the same thing, yet could they not behold so much thereof as these; so were it no advantage unto man to have a third eye between those two he hath already; and the fiction of Argus seems more reasonable than this; for though he had many eyes, yet were they placed in circumference and positions of advantage.  
Again, these cavities which men call eyes are seated out of the head, and where the gills of other fish are placed, containing no organs of sight, nor having any communication with the brain; now all sense proceeding from the brain, and that being placed (as Galen observeth) in the upper part of the body, for the fitter situation of the eyes, and conveniency required unto sight, it is not reasonable to imagine that they are any where else, or deserve that name which are seated in other parts; and therefore we relinquish as fabulous what is delivered of Sternopthalmi, or men with eyes in their breast; and when it is said by Solomon, A wise man's eyes are in his head, it is to be taken in second sense, and affordeth no objection: True it is that the eyes of animals are seated with some difference, but all whatsoever in the head, and that more forward than the ear or hole of hearing. In quadrupedes, in regard of the figure of their heads, they are placed at some distance, in latirostrous and flat-bild birds they are more laterally seated; and therefore when they look intently they turn one eye upon the object, and can convert their heads to see before and behind, and to behold two opposite points at once; but at a more easy distance are they situated in man, and in the same circumference with the ear, for if one foot of the compass be placed upon the Crown, a circle described thereby will intersect, or pass over both the ears.  
The error in this conceit consists in the ignorance of these cavities, and their proper use in nature; for this is a particular disposure of parts, and a peculiar conformation whereby these holes and sluices supply the defect of gills, and are assisted by the conduit in the head; for like cetaceous animals and Whales, the Lamprey hath a fistula spout or pipe at the back part of the head, whereat they spirit out water: Nor is it only singular in this formation, but also in many other, as in defect of bones, whereof it hath not one, and for the spin or backbone, a cartilagineous substance without any spondyles, processes, or protuberance whatsoever; as also in the provision which Nature hath made for the heart, which in this animal is very strangely secured, and lies immured in a cartilege or gristly substance; and lastly, in the colour of the liver, which is in the male of an excellent grass green, but of a deeper colour in the female, and will communicate a fresh and durable verdure.   

CHAP. XX.  
Of Snails.  
THat Snails have two eyes, and at the end of their horns, beside the assertion of the people, is the opinion of some learned men; which notwithstanding Scaliger terms but imitation of eyes, which Pliny contradicts, and Aristotle upon consequence denies, when he affirms that testaceous animals have no eyes at all; And for my own part after much inquiry, I am not satisfied that these are eyes, or that those black and atramentous spots which seem to represent them are any ocular realities; for if any object be presented unto them, they will sometime seem to decline it, and sometime run against it; if also these black extremities, or presumed eyes be clipped off, they will notwithstanding make use of their protrusions or horns, and poke out their way as before: Again, if they were eyes or instruments of vision, they would have their originals in the head, and from thence derive their motive and optic organs, but their roots and first extremities are seated low upon the sides of the back, as may be perceived in the whiter sort of Snails when they retract them: And lastly, if we concede they have two eyes, we must also grant, they have no less than four, for not only the two greater extensions above have these imitations of eyes, but also the two lesser below, as is evident unto any, and if they be dextrously dissected, there will be found on either side two black filaments or membranous strings which extend into the long and shorter cornicle upon protrusion; and therefore if they have two eyes, they have also four, which will be monstrous, and beyond the affirmation of any.  
Now the reason why we name these black strings eyes, is because we know not what to call them else, and understand not the proper use of that part, which indeed is very obscure, and not delivered by any, but may probably be said to assist the protrusion, and retraction of their horns, which being a weak and hollow body, require some inward establishment, to confirm the length of their advancement, which we observe they cannot extend without the concurrence hereof; for if with your finger you apprehend the top of the horn, and draw out this black, and membranous emission, the horn will be excluded no more; but if you clip off the extremity, or only sing the top thereof with Aqua f●rtis, or other corrosive water, leaving a considerable part behind, they will nevertheless exclude their horns, and therewith explorate their way as before; and indeed the exact sense of these extremities is very remarkable; for if you dip a pen in Aqua fortis, oil of vitriol, or Turpentine, and present it towards these points, they will at a reasonable distance, decline the acrimony thereof, retiring or distorting them to avoid it; and this they will nimbly perform if objected to the extremes, but slowly or not at all, if approached unto their roots.  
What hath been therefore delivered concerning the plurality, paucity, or anomalous situation of eyes, is either monstrous, fabulous, or under things never seen includes good sense or meaning: and so may we receive the figment of Argus, who was an Hieroglyphic of heaven, in those centuries of eyes expressing the stars; and their alternate wake, the vicissitude of day and night; which strictly taken cannot be admitted, for the subject of sleep is not the eye, but the common sense, which once asleep, all eyes must be at rest: And therefore what is delivered as an Emblem of vigilancy, that the Hare and Lion do sleep with one eye open, doth not evince they are any more awake than if they were both closed; for the open eye beholds in sleep no more than that which is closed, and no more one eye in them then two in other animals that sleep with both open, as some by disease, and others naturally which have no eye lids at all.  
As for Polyphemus although his story be fabulous, the monstrosity is not impossible; for the act of Vision may be performed with one eye, and in the deception and fallacy of sight, hath this advantage of two, that it beholds not objects double, or sees two things for one; for this doth happen when the axis of the visive coves, diffused from the object, fall not upon the same plane, but that which is conveyed into one eye, is more depressed or elevated then that which enters the other. So if beholding a candle we protrude either upward or downward the pupil of one eye, the object will appear double; but if we shut the other eye, and behold it but with one, it will then appear but single, and if we abduce the eye unto either corner, the object will not duplicate, for in that position the axes of the coves remain in the same plane, as is demonstrated in the optics, and delivered by Galen, in his tenth De usa partium.  
Relations also there are of men that could make themselves invisible, which belongs not to this discourse, but may serve as notable expressions of wise and prudent men, who so contrive their affairs, that although their actions be manifest, their designs are not discoverable: in this acception there is nothing left of doubt, and Gyges' ring remaineth still among us; for vulgar eyes behold no more of wise men than doth the Sun, they may discover their exterior and outward ways, but their interior and inward pieces he only sees, that sees beyond their beings.   

CHAP. XXI.  
Of the Chameleon.  
COncerning the Chameleon there generally passeth an opinion that it liveth only upon air, and is sustained by no other aliment; Thus much is in plain terms affirmed by Solinus, Pliny, and divers other, and by this periphrasis is the same described by Ovid; All which notwithstanding upon enquiry, I find the assertion mainly controvertible, and very much to fail in the three inducements of belief.  
And first for its verity, although asserted by some, and traditionally delivered by others, yet is it very questionable. For beside Aelian▪ who is seldom defective in these accounts; Aristotle distinctly treating hereof, hath made no mention of this remarkable propriety; which either suspecting its verity, or presuming its falsity he surely omitted; for that he remained ignorant of this account it is not easily conceivable, it being the common opinion, and generally received by all men: Some have positively denied it, as Augustinus, Niphus, Stobaeus, Dalechampius, Fortunius, L●cetus, with many more; others have experimentally refuted it, as namely johannes Landius, who in the relation of Scaliger, observed a Chameleon to lick up a fly from his breast; But Bellonius hath been more satisfactorily experimental, not only affirming they feed on Flies, Caterpillars, Beetles, and other infects, but upon exenteration he found these animals in their bellies; and although we have not had the advantage of our own observation, yet have we received the like confirmation from many ocular spectators.  
As touching the verisimility or probable truth of this relation, several reasons there are which seem to overthrow it; For first, there are found in this animal, the guts, the stomach, and other parts official unto nutrition, which were its aliment the empty reception of air, their provisions had been superfluous; Now the wisdom of Nature abhorring superfluities, and effecting nothing in vain, unto the intention of these operations, respectively contriveth the organs; and therefore where we find such Instruments, we may with strictness expect their actions, and where we discover them not, we may with safety conclude the non-intention of their operations: So when we observe that oviperous animals, as Lizards, Frogs, Birds, and most Fishes have neither bladder nor kidneys, we may with reason infer they do not urine at all: But whereas in this same kind we discover these parts in the Tortoise beyond any other, we cannot deny he exerciseth that excretion; Nor was there any absurdity in Pliny, when for medicinal uses he commended the urine of a Tortoise: so when we perceive that Bats have teats, it is not unreasonable to infer they suckle their younglings with milk; but whereas no other flying animal hath these parts, we cannot from them expect a viviparous exclusion, but either a generation of eggs, or some vermiparous separation, whose navel is within itself at first, and its nutrition after not inwardly dependent of its original.  
Again, nature is so far from leaving any one part without its proper action, that she ofttimes imposeth two or three labours upon one; so the pizzle in animals is both official unto urine and to generation, but the first and primary use is generation; for many creatures enjoy that part which urine not, as fishes, birds, and quadrupeds oviparous; but not on the contrary, for the secondary action subsisteth not alone, but in concommitancie with the other; so the nostrils are useful both for respiration and smelling, but the principal use is smelling; for many have nostrils which have no lungs, as fishes, but none have lungs or respiration, which have not some show, or some analogy of nostrils: And thus we perceive the providence of nature, that is the wisdom of God, which disposeth of no part in vain, and some parts unto two or three uses, will not provide any without the execution of its proper office, nor where there is no digestion to be made, make any parts inservient to that intention.  
Beside the teeth, the tongue of this animal is a second argument to overthrow this airy nutrication, and that not only in its proper nature, but also in its peculiar figure; for indeed of this part properly taken there are two ends; that is, the formation of the voice, and the execution of taste; for the voice, it can have no office in Chameleons, for they are mute animals, as, beside fishes, are most other sort of Lizards: As for their taste, if their nutriment be air, neither can it be an instrument thereof; for the body of that element is ingustible, void of all sapidity, and without any action of the tongue, is by the rough artery or weazon conducted into the lungs: and therefore Plini● much forgets the strictness of his assertion, when he alloweth excrements unto that animal, that feedeth only upon air, which notwithstanding with the urine of an Ass, he commends as a magical medicine upon our enemies.  
The figure of the tongue seems also to overthrow the presumption of this aliment, which according to the exact delineation of Aldrovand, is in this animal peculiar, and seemeth contrived for prey; for in so little a creature it is at the least half a palm long, and being itself very slow of motion, hath in this part a very great agility; withal its food being slyes and such as suddenly escape, it hath in the tongue a spongy and mucous extremity, whereby upon a sudden emission, it inviscates and tangleth those infects: And therefore some have thought its name not unsuitable unto its nature; the nomination is Greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is a little Lion, not so much for the resemblance of shape, but affinity of condition, that is for the vigilancy in its prey and sudden rapacity thereof, which it performeth not like the Lion with its teeth, but a sudden and unexpected ejaculation of the tongue. This exposition is favoured by some, especially the old gloss upon Leviticus, whereby in the Translation of Jerome and the Septuagint, this animal is forbidden; what ever it be, it seems more reasonable than that of Isidore, who derives this name, a Camelo & Leone, as presuming herein some resemblance with a Camel; for this derivation offendeth the rules of Etymology, wherein indeed the notation of names should be Orthographical, not exchanging dipthongs for vowels, or converting consonants into each other.  
As for the possibility hereof, it is not also unquestionable, and many wise men are of opinion, the bodies of animals cannot receive a proper aliment from air: for beside that taste being (as Aristotle terms it) a kind of touch, it is required the aliment should be tangible, and fall under the palpable affections of touch; beside also that there is some sapor in all aliments, as being to be distinguished and judged by the guste, which cannot be admitted in air; Beside these, I say, if we consider the nature of aliment, and the proper use of air in respiration, it will very hardly fall under the name hereof, or properly attain the act of nutrication.  
And first concerning its nature, to make a perfect nutrition into the body nourished, there is required a transmutation of the nutriment; now where this conversion or aggeneration is made, there is also required in the aliment a familiarity of matter, and such a community or vicinity unto a living nature, as by one act of the soul may be converted into the body of the living, and enjoy one common soul; which indeed cannot be effected by the air, it concurring only with our flesh in common principles, which are at the largest distance from life, and common also unto inanimated constitutions; and therefore when it is said by Fernelius, and asserted by divers others, that we are only nourished by living bodies, and such as are some way proceeding from them, that is the fruits, effects, parts, or seeds thereof, they have laid out an object very agreeable unto assimulation; for these indeed are sit to receive a quick and immediate conversion, as holding some community with ourselves, and containing approximate disposition unto animation.  
Secondly (as is argued by Aristotle against the Pythagoreans) whatsoever properly nourisheth, before its assimulation, by the action of natural heat it receiveth a compulency or incrassation progressionall unto its conversion; which notwithstanding it cannot be effected upon the air, for the action of heat doth not condense but rarify that body, and by attenuation, rather than for nutrition, disposeth it for expulsion.  
Thirdly (which is the argument of Hypocrates) all aliment received into the body, must be therein a considerable space retained, and not immediately expelled: now air but momentally remaining in our bodies, it hath no proportionable space for its conversion, that being only of length enough to refrigerate the heart, which having once performed, lest being itself heated again, it should suffocate that part, it maketh no stay, but hasteth back the same way it passed in.  
Fourthly, the proper use of air attracted by the lungs, and without which there is no durable continuation in life, is not the nutrition of parts, but the contemperation of that fervour in the heart, and the ven●tilation of that fire always maintained in the forge of life; whereby although in some manner it concurreth unto nutrition, yet can it not receive the proper name of nutriment; and therefore by Uippocrites de alimento, it is tetmed Alimentum non Alimentum, a nourishment and no nourishment; that is in a large acception, but not in propriety of language conserving the body, not nourishing the same, not repairing it by assimulation, but preserving it by ventilation; for thereby the natural flame is preserved from extinction, and so the individuum supported in some way like nutrition: And so when it is said by the same Author, Pulmo contrarium corpori alimentum trahit, reliqua omnia idem, it is not to be taken in a strict and proper sense, but the quality in the one, the substance is meant in the other; for air in regard of our natural heat is cold, and in that quality contrary unto it, but what is properly aliment, of what quality soever, is potentially the same, and in a substantial identity unto it.  
And although the air attracted may be conceived to nourish that invisible flame of life, in as much as common and culinary flames are nourished by the air about them; I confess we doubt the common conceit, which affirmeth that air is the pabulous supply of fire, much less that flame is properly air kindled: And the same before us, hath been denied by the Lord of Verulam, in his Tract of life and death, & also by Dr. Jorden in his book of Mineral waters: For that which substantially maintaineth the fire, is the combustible matter in the kindled body, and not the ambient air, which affordeth exhalation to its fuliginous atoms, nor that which causeth the flame properly to be termed air, but rather as he expresseth it, the accention of fuliginous exhalations, which contain an unctuosity in them, and arise from the matter of fuel; which opinion is very probable, and will salve many doubts, whereof the common conceit affordeth no solution.  
As first, how fire is strike out of flints, that is not by kindling the air from the collision of two hard bodies; for then Diamonds and glass should do the like as well as slint, but rather from the sulphur and inflammable effluviums contained in them. The like saith Jorden we observe in canes and woods, that are unctuous and full of oil, which will yield ●ire by frication, or collision, not by kindling the air about them, but the inflammable oil with them: why the fire goes out without air? that is because the fuligenous exhalations wanting evaporation recoil upon the flame and choke it, as is evident in cupping glasses, and the artifice of charcoals, where if the air be altogether excluded, the 〈◊〉 goes out, why some lamps included in close bodies, have burned many hundred years, as that discovered in the sepulchre of Tullia the sister of Cicero, and that of Olibius many years after, near Milan; because what ever was their matter, either a preparation gold, or Naptha, the duration proceeded from the purity of their oil which yielded no fuligenous exhalations to suffocate the fire; For if air had nourished the ●lame, it had not continued many minutes, for it would have been spent and wasted by the fire: Why a piece of glaxe will kindle, although it touch not the ●lame? because the fire extendeth further, then indeed it is visible, being at some distance from the week a pellucide and transparent body, and thinner than the air itself: why metals in their Equation, although they intensely heat the air above their surface, arise not yet into a ●lame, nor kindle the air about them? because them sulphur is more fixed, and they emit not inflammable exhalations: And lastly, why a lamp or candle burneth only in the air about it, and inflameth not the air at a distance from it? because the flame extendeth not beyond the inflammable e●●●uence, but closely adheres unto the original of its inclamation, and therefore it only warmeth, not kindleth the air about it, which notwithstanding it will do, if the ambient air be impregnate with subtle inflamabilities, and such as are of quick accension, as experiment is made in a close room, upon an evaparation of spirits of wine and Camphir, as subterraneous fires do sometimes happen, and as Cre●sa and Alex●anders boy in the bath were set on ●ire by Naptha.  
Lastly, the Element of air is so far from nourishing the body, that some have questioned the power of water; many conceiving it enters not the body in the power of aliment, or that from thence, there proceeds a substantial supply: For beside that some creatures drink not at all, unto others it performs the common office of air, and se●ves for refrigeration of the heart, as unto fishes, who receive it, and expel it by the gills; even unto ourselves, and more perfect animals, though many ways assistant thereto, it performs no substantial nutrition, in s●●ving for refrigeration, dilution of solid aliment, and its elixation in the sto●macke, which from thence as a vehicle it conveys through less accessible cavities into the liver, from thence into the veins, and so in a ●oride substance through the capillary cavities into every part; which having performed, it is afterward excluded by urine, sweat and serous separations. And this opinion surely possessed the Ancients, for when they so highly commended that water which is suddenly hot and cold▪ which is without all favour, the lightest, the thinnest, and which will soon boil Beanes or Pease, they had no consideration of nutrition; whereunto had they had respect, they would have surely commended gross and turbid streams, in whose confusion at the last, there might be contained some nutriment; and not jejune or limpid water, and nearer the simplicity of its Element.  
All which considered, severer heads will be apt enough to conceive the opinion of this animal, not much unlike unto that of the Astomis, or men without mouths in Pliny, suitable unto the relation of the Mares in Spain, and their subventaneous conceptions, from the western wind; and in some way more unreasonable than the figment of Rabican the famous horse in Ariosto, which being conceived by flame, and wind never tasted grass, or fed on any grosser provender than air; for this way of nutrition was answerable unto the principles of his generation; which being not airy, but gross and seminal in the Chameleon, unto its conservation there is required a solid pasture, and a food congenerous unto the principles of its nature.  
The grounds of this opinion are many, The first observed by Theophrastus, was the inflation or swelling of the body made in this animal upon inspiration or drawing in its breath, which people observing, have thought it to feed upon air. But this effect is rather occasioned upon the greatness of its lungs, which in this animal are very large, and by their backward situation, afford a more observable dilatation, and though their lungs be less, the like inflation is also observable in Toads.  
A second is the continual hiation or holding open its mouth, which men observing conceive the intention thereof to receive the aliment of air; but this is also occasioned by the greatness of its lungs, for repletion whereof not having a sufficient or ready supply by its nostrils, it is enforced to dilate and hold open the jaws.  
The third is the paucity of blood observed in this animal, scarce at all to be found but in the eye, and about the heart; which defect being observed, inclined some into thoughts, that the air was a sufficient maintenance for these exauguious parts. But this defect or rather paucity of blood, is also agreeable unto many other animals, whose solid nutriment we do not controvert, as may be observed in other sorts of Lizards, in Frogs, and divers Fishes, and therefore an Horseleech will hardly be made to fasten upon a fish, and we do not read of much blood that was drawn from Frogs by Mice in that famous battle of Homer.  
The last and most common ground which begat or promoted this opinion, is the long continuation hereof without any visible food, which some precipitously observing, conclude they eat not any at all. It cannot be denied it is (if not the most of any) a very abstemious animal, and such as by reason of its frigidity, paucity of blood, and latitancy in the winter, (about which time the observations are often made) will long subsist without a visible sustentation: But a like condition may be also observed in many other animals, for Lizards and Leeches, as we have made trial, will live some months without sustenance, and we have included Snails in glasses all winter, which have returned to feed again in the spring: Now these notwithstanding, are not conceived to pass all their lives without food; for so to argue is fallacious, that is, A minori ad majus, A dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter, and is moreover sufficiently convicted by experience, and therefore probably other relations are of the same verity, which are of the like affinity, as is the conceit of the Rhin●ace in Persia, the Cavis Levis of America, and the Manucodiata or bird of Paradise in India.  
To assign a reason of this abstinence in animals, or declare how without a supply there ensueth no destructive exhaustion, exceedeth the limits of my intention, and intention of my discourse. Fortunius Licetus in his excellent Tract, De his qui diu vivunt sine alimento, hath very ingeniously attempted it, deducing the cause hereof from an equal conformity of natural heat and moisture, at least no considerable exuperancy in either; which concurring in an unactive proportion, the natural heat consumeth not the moisture (whereby ensueth no exhaustion) and the condition of natural moisture is able to resist the slender action of heat, (whereby it needeth no reparation) and this is evident in Snakes, Lizards, Snails, and divers other infects latitant many months in the year; which being cold creatures, containing a weak h●at, in a crass or copious humidity do long subsist without nutrition: For the activity of the agent, being not able to overmaster the resistance of the patient, there will ensue no deperdition. And upon the like grounds it is, that cold and phlegmatic bodies, and (as Hypocrates determineth) that old men, will best endure fasting. Now the same harmony and stationary constitution, as it happeneth in many species, so doth it fall out sometime in individuals; For we read of many who have lived long time without aliment, and beside deceits and impostures, there may be veritable Relations of some, who without a miracle, and by peculiarity of temper, have far outfasted Elias.   

CHAP. XXII.  
Of the Oestridge.  
THe common opinion of the Oestridge, Struthiocamelus, or Sparrow-Camell conceives that it digesteth Iron; and this is confirmed by the affirmations of many; beside swarms of others, Rhodiginus in his prelections taketh it for granted, Johannes Langius in his Epistles pleadeth experiment for it, the common picture also confirmeth it which usually describeth this animal, with an horse-shoe in its mouth; notwithstanding upon enquiry we find it very questionable, and the negative seems most reasonably entertained; whose verity indeed we do the rather desire, because hereby we shall relieve our ignorance of one occult quality; for in the list thereof it is accounted, and in that notion imperiously obtruded upon us: For my own part, although I have had the sight of this animal, I have not had the opportunity of its experiment, but have received great occasions of doubt, from learned discoursers thereon.  
For Aristotle and Oppianus who have particularly treated hereof are silent in this singularity, either omitting it as dubious, or as the Comment saith, rejecting it as fabulous; Pliny speaketh generally, affirming only, the digestion is wonderful in this animal; Aelian delivereth, that it digesteth stones, without any mention of Iron; Leo Africanus, who lived in those Countries wherein they most abound, speaketh diminutively, and but half way into this assertion, Surdum ac simplex animal est, quicquid invenit, absque delectu, usque ad ferrum devorat: Fernelius in his second book De abditis rerum causis, extenuates it, and Riolanus in his Comment thereof positively denies it: Some have experimentally refuted it, as Albertus Magnus, and most plainly of all other Ulysses Aldrovandus, whose words are these, Ego ferri frusta devorare, dum Tridenti essem, observavi, sede quae in cocta rursus excerneret, that is, at my being at Trent, I observed the Oestridge to swallow Iron, but yet to exclude it undigested again.  
Now beside experiment, it is in vain to attempt against it by Philosophical argument, it being an occult quality, which contemns the law of Reason, and defends itself by admitting no reason at all▪ As for its possibility, we shall not at present dispute, nor will we affirm that Iron ingested, receiveth in the stomach of the Oestridge no alteration whatsoever; but if any such there be, we suspect this effect rather from some way of corrosion, than any of digestion; not any liquid reduction or tendance to chilification by the power of natural heat, but rather some attrition from an acide and vitriolous humidity in the stomach, which may absterse, and shave the scorious parts thereof; so rusty Iron crammed down the throat of a Cock, will become terse and clear again in its gizzard: So the Counter, which according to the relation of Amatus, remained a whole year in the body of a youth, and came out much consumed at last; might suffer this diminution, rather from sharp and acide humours, than the strength of natural heat, as he supposeth. So silver swallowed and retained some time in the body will turn black, as if it had been dipped in Aqua fortis, or some corrosive water; but Led will remain unaltered, for that mettle containeth in it a sweet salt and manifest sugar, whereby it resisteth ordinary corrosion, and will not easily dissolve even in Aqua fortis: So when for medical uses, we take down the filings of Iron or steel▪ we must not conceive it passeth unaltered from us; for though the grosser parts be excluded again, yet are the volatile and dissoluble parts extracted, whereby it becomes effectual in deopilations; and therefore for speedier operation we make extinctions, infusions, and the like, whereby we extract the salt and active parts of the medicine, which being in solution, more easily enter the veins. And this is that the Chemists mainly drive at in the attempt of their Aurum potabile, that is, to reduce that indigestible substance into such a form as may not be ejected by siege, but enter the cavities, and less accessible parts of the body, without corrosion.  
The ground of this conceit is its swallowing down fragments of Iron, which men observing, by a forward illation, have therefore conceived it digesteth them; which is an inference not to be admitted, as being a fallacy of the consequent, that is, concluding a position of the consequent, from the position of the antecedent: For many things are swallowed by animals, rather for condiment, gust, or medicament, than any substantial nutriment. So Poultry, and especially the Turkey, do of themselves take down stones, and we have found at one time in the gizzard of a Turkey no less than seven hundred: Now these rather concur unto digestion, then are themselves digested, for we have found them also in the guts, and excrements, but their descent is very slow, for we have given them in paste, stones and final pieces of Iron, which eighteen days after we have found remaining in the gizzard; and therefore the experiment of Langius and others might be mistaken, whilst after the taking they expected it should come down within a day or two after: Thus also we swallow cherry-stones, but void them unconcocted, and we usually say they preserve us from surfeit, for being hard bodies they conceive a strong and durable heat in the stomach, and so prevent the crudities of their fruit; And upon the like reason do culinary operators observe that flesh boyles best, when the bones are boiled with it: Thus dogs will eat grass, which they digest not: Thus Camels to make the water sapide do raise the mud with their feet: thus horses will knabble at walls, Pigeons delight in salt stones, Rats will gnaw Iron●, and Aristotle saith the Elephant swalloweth stones; and thus may also the Oestridge swallow Iron, not as his proper aliment, but for the ends above expressed, and even as we observe the like in other animals.  
What effect therefore may be expected from the stomach of an Oestridge by application alone to further digestion in ours, beside the experimental refute of Galen, we refer it unto the considerations above alleged; or whether there be any more credit to be given unto the medicine of Aelian, who affirms the stones they swallow have a peculiar virtue for the eyes, then that of Hermolaus and Pliny drawn from the urine of this animal, let them determine who can swallow so strange a transmission of qualities, or believe that any Bird or flying animal doth urine beside the Bat.   

CHAP. XXIII.  
Of Unicorn's horns.  
GReat account and much profit is made of Unicorns horn, at least of that which beareth the name thereof▪ wherein notwithstanding, many I perceive suspect an Imposture, and some conceive there is no such animal extant: herein therefore to draw up our determinations, beside the several places of Scripture mentioning this animal (which some perhaps may contend to be only meant of the Rhinoceros) we are so far from denying there is any Unicorn at all, that we affirm there are many kinds thereof, in the number of Quadrupedes, we will concede no less than five; that is, the Indian Ox, the Indian Ass, the Rhinoceros, the Oryx, and that which is more eminently termed Monoceros, or Vnicornis: Some in the list of fishes, as that described by Olaus, Albertus, and many other: and some Unicorns we will allow even among infects, as those four kinds of nasicornous Beetles described by Muffetus.  
Secondly, although we concede there by many Unicorns, yet are we still to seek; for whereunto to affix this horn in question, or to determine from which thereof we receive this magnified medicine, we have no assurance, or any satisfactory decision: for although we single out one, 
More especially.  and Antonomastically thereto assign the name of the Unicorn, yet can we not be secure what creature is meant thereby, what constant shape it holdeth, or in what number to be received: For as far as our endeavours discover, this animal is not uniformly described, but differently set forth by those that undertake it: Pliny affirmeth it is a fierce and terrible creature, Vartomannus a tame and mansuete animal: those which Garcias ab Horto described about the cape of good hope, were beheld with heads like horses; those which Vartomannus beheld, he described with the head of a Dear; Pliny, Aelian Solinus, and after these from ocular assurance Paulus Venetus affirmeth the feet of the Unicorn are undivided, and like the Elephants: But those two which Vartomannus beheld at Mecha, were as he describeth footed like a Goat: As Aelian describeth, it is in the bigness of an horse, as Vartomannus of a Colt, That which Thevet speaketh of was not so big as an Heifer; But Paulus Venetus affirmeth, they are but little less than Elephants; which are discriminations very material, and plainly declare, that under the same name Authors describe not the same animal: So that the Unicorns horn of the one, is not that of another, although we proclaim an equal virtue in either.  
Thirdly, although we were agreed what animal this was, or differed not in its description, yet would this also afford but little satisfaction, for the horn we commonly extol, is not the same with that of the Ancients; For that in the description of Aelian and Pliny was black, this which is showed amongst us is commonly white, none black; and of those five which Scaliger beheld, though one spadiceous, or of a light red, and two inclining to red, yet was there not any of this complexion among them.  
Fourthly, what horns soever they be which pass amongst us, they are not surely the horns of any one kind of animal, but must proceed from several sorts of Unicorns; for some are wreathed, some not: That famous one which is preserved at S. Dennis near Paris, hath awfractuous spires, and chocleary turnings about it, which agreeth with the description of the Unicorns horn in Aelian; Those two in the treasure of S. Mark are plain, and best accord with those of the Indian Ass, or the descriptions of other Unicorns: Albertus Magnus describeth one ten foot long, and at the base about thirteen inches compass; And that of Antwerp which Goropius Becanus describeth, is not much inferior unto it; which best agree unto the descriptions of the Sea-Unicornes, for these, as Olaus affirmeth, are of that strength and bigness, as able to penetrate the ribs of ships; the same is more probable, in that it was brought from Island, from whence, as Becan●s affirmeth, three other were brought in his days; And we have heard of some which have been found by the sea side, and brought unto us from America: So that while we commend the Unicorns horn, and conceive it peculiar but unto one animal, under apprehension of the same virtue, we use very many, and commend that effect from all, which every one confineth unto some one, he hath either seen or described.  
Fifthly, although there be many Unicorns, and consequently many horns, yet many there are which bear that name, and currently pass among us, which are no horns at all; and such are those fragments, and pieces of Lapis Ceratites, commonly termed Cornufossile, whereof Boetius had no less than twenty several sorts presented him for Unicorns horn: hereof in subterraneous cavities▪ & under the earth there are many to be found in several parts of Germany, which are but the Lapidescencies, and petrifactive mutations of hard bodies, sometime of horn, of teeth, of bones, and branches of trees, whereof there are some so imperfectly converted, as to retain the odor and qualities of their originals, as he relateth of pieces of Ash and Wallnut. Again, in most if not all which pass amongst us, and are extolled for precious horns, we discover not one affection common unto other horns, that is, they mollify not with fire, they soften not upon decoction, or infusion, nor will they afford a jelly, or muccilaginous concretion in either; which notwithstanding we may effect in Goat's horns, Sheep's, Cows, and Heart's horn, in the horn of the Rhinoceros, the horn of the Priests or Swordfish. Briefly that which is commonly received, and whereof there be so many fragments preserved in England, is not only no horn, but a substance harder than a bone, that is, the tooth of a Morse or Sea-horse, in the midst of the solider part containing a curdled grain, which is not to be found in Ivory; this in Northern regions is of frequent use for hafts of knives, or hilts of swords, and being burnt becomes a good remedy for fluxes: but antidotically used, and exposed for Unicorns horn, it is an insufferable delusion, and with more veniable deceit, it might have been practised in Heart's horn.  
Sixtly, although we were satisfied we had the Unicorns horn, yet were it no injury unto reason to question the efficacy thereof, or whether those virtues which are pretended do properly belong unto it; for what we observe (and it escaped not the observation of Paulus jovius many years passed) none of the Ancients ascribed any medicinal or antidotal virtue unto the Unicorns horn; and that which Aelian extolleth, who was the first and only man of the Ancients who spoke of the medical virtue of any Unicorn, was the horn of the Indian Ass, whereof, saith he, the Princes of those parts make bowls and drink therein, as preservatives against poison, Convulsions, and the Falling-sickness; Now the description of that horn is not agreeable unto that we commend; for that (saith he) is read above, white b●low, and black in the middle, which is very different from ours, or any to be seen amongst us; And thus, though the description of the Unicorn be very ancient, yet was there of old no virtue ascribed unto it, and although this amongst us receive the opinion of the same virtue, yet is it not the same horn whereunto the Ancients ascribed it.  
Lastly, although we allow it an antidotal efficacy, and such as the Ancients commended, yet are there some virtues ascribed thereto by Moderns not easily to be received; and it hath surely fall'n out in this as other magnified medicines, whose operations effectual in some diseases, are presently extended unto all: That some antidotal quality it may have we have no reason to deny; for since Elkes hooves and horns are magnified for Epilepsies, since not only the bone in the heart, but the horn of a Deer is alexipharmacal, and ingredient into the confection of Hyacinth, and the Electuary of Maximilian, we cannot without prejudice except against the efficacy of this: But when we affirm it is not only antidotal to proper venoms, and substances destructive by qualities, we cannot express; but that it resisteth also Sublimate, Arsenic, and poisons which kill by second qualities, that is, by corrosion of parts, I doubt we exceed the properties of its nature, and the promises of experiment will not secure the adventure: And therefore in such extremities, whether there be not more probable relief from fat and oily substances, which are the open tyrants of salt and corrosive bodies, then precious and cordial medicines which operate by secret and disputable proprieties; or whether he that swallowed Lime, and drank down Mercury water, did not more reasonably place his cure in milk, butter, or oil, then if he had recurred unto Pea●le and Bezoar, common reason at all times, and necessity in the like case would easily determine.  
Since therefore there be many Unicorns, since that whereto we appropriate a horn is so variously described, that it seemeth either never to have been seen by two persons, or not to have been one animal; Since though they agreed in the description of the animal, yet is not the horn we extol the same with that of the Ancients; Since what horns soever they be that pass among us, they are not the horns of one but several animals: Since many in common use and high esteem are no horns at all: Since if they were true horns, yet might their virtues be questioned: Since though we allowed some vir●tues, yet were not others to be received, with what security a man may rely on this remedy, the mistress of fools hath already instructed some, and to wisdom (which is never too wise to learn) it is not too late to consider.   

CHAP. XXIV.  
That all Animals of the Land, are in their kind in the Sea.  
THat all Animals of the Land, are in their kind in the Sea, although received as a principle, is a tenant very questionable, and will admit of restraint; for some in the Sea are not to be matched by any enquiry at Land, and hold those shapes which terrestrious forms approach not; as may be observed in the Moon fish, or Orthragoriscus, the several sorts of Raia's, Torpedo, Oysters, and many more; and some there are in the Land which were never maintained to be in the Sea, as Panthers, Hyaena's, Camels, Sheep, Molls, and others which carry no name in Icthyologie, nor are to be found in the exact descriptions of Rondeletius, Gesner, or Aldrovandus.  
Again, though many there be which make out their nominations, as the Hedgehog, Sea-serpents, and others; yet are there also very many that bear the name of animals at Land, which hold no resemblance in corporal configuration; in which account we compute Vulpecula, Canis, Rana, Passer, Cuculus, Asellus, Turdus, Lepus, etc. wherein while some are called the Fox, the Dog, the Sparrow, or Frog-fish, and are known by common names with those at land; as their describers attest, they receive not these appellations, as we conceive, from a total similitude in figure, but any concurrence in common accidents, in colour, condition, or single conformation: as for Sea-horses which much confirm this assertion, in their common descriptions, they are but Crotesco deliniations which fill up empty spaces in Maps, and mere pictoriall inventions, not any Physical shapes: suitable unto those which (as Pliny delivereth) Praxiteles long ago set out in the Temple of Domitius: for that which is commonly called a Sea-horse is properly called a Morse, and makes not out that shape: That which the Ancients named Hippocampus is a little animal about six inches long, and not preferred beyond the classis of Infects: that they termed Hippopotamus an amphibious animal, about the River Nile, so little resembleth an horse, that as Mathiolus observeth in all, except the feet, it better makes out a swine: that which they termed a Lion, was but a kind of Lobster: and that they called the Bear, was but one kind of Crab, and that which they named Bos marinus, was not as we conceive a fish resembling an Ox, but a Skaite or Thornbacke, so named from its bigness, expressed by the Greek word Bous, which is a prefix of augmentation to many words in that language.  
And therefore although it be not denied that some in the water do carry a justifiable resemblance to some at the Land, yet are the major part which bear their names unlike; nor do they otherwise resemble the creatures on earth, than they on earth the constellations which pass under animal names in heaven: nor the Dogfish at sea much more make out the Dog of the land, then that his cognominall or namesake in the heavens. Now if from a similitude in some, it be reasonable to infer a correspondency in all, we may draw this analogy of animals upon plants; for vegetables there are which carry a near and allowable similitude unto animals, as we elsewhere declare: we might also presume to conclude that animal shapes were generally made out in minerals: for several stones there are that bear their names in relation to animals parts, as Lapis anguinus, Conchites, Echinites, Eucephalites, Aegopthalmus, and many more, as will appear in the writers of Minerals, and especially in Boetius.  
Moreover if we concede, that the animals of one Element, might bear the names of those in the other, yet in strict reason the watery productions should have the prenomination: and they of the land rather derive their names, then nominate those of the sea: for the watery plantations were first existent, and as they enjoyed a priority in form, had also in nature precedent denominations: but falling not under that nomenclature of Adam, which unto terrestrious animals assigned a name appropriate unto their natures, from succeeding spectators they received arbitrary appellations, and were respectively denominated unto creatures known at land, which in themselves had independent names, and not to be called after them, which were created before them.  
Lastly, by this assertion we restrain the hand of God, and abridge the variety of the creation; making the creatures of one Element, but an acting over those of an other, and conjoining as it were the species of things which stood at distance in the intellect of God, and though united in the Chaos, had several seeds of their creation: for although in that indistinguisht mass, all things seemed one, yet separated by the voice of God, according to their species they came out in incommunicated varieties, and irrelative seminalities, as well as divided places; and so although we say the world was made in six days, yet was there as it were a world in every one, that is, a distinct creation of distinguished creatures, a distinction in time of creatures divided in nature, and a several approbation, and survey in every one.   

CHAP. XXV.  
Compendiously of sundry Tenants concerning other Animals, which examined prove either false or dubious.  
1. ANd first from times of great Antiquity, and before the Melody of Sirens, the Musical notes of Swans hath been commended, and that they sing most sweetly before their death. For thus we read in Plato de Legibus, that from the opinion of Melempsuchosis, or transmigration of the souls of men into the bodies of beasts most suitable unto their humane condition, after his death, Orpheus the Musician became a Swan. Thus was it the bird of Apollo the god of Music by the greeks, and a Hieroglyphic of Music among the Egyptians, from whom the Greeks derived the conception, hath been the affirmation of many Latins, and hath not wanted assertors almost from every Nation.  
All which notwithstanding we find this relation doubtfully received by Aelian, as an hearsay account by Bellonius, as a false one by Pliny, expressly refuted by Myndius in Athenaeus, & severely rejected by Scaliger, whose words unto Cardan are these. De Cygni vero cantu suavis simo quem cum parente mendaciorum Graecia jactare ausus es, ad Luciani tribunal, apud quem novi aliquid dicas, statuo. Author's also that countenance it, speak not satifactorily of it. Some affirming they sing not till they die; some that they sing, yet die not; some speak generally, as though this note were in all; some but particularly, as though it were only in some; some in places remote, and where we can have no trial of it; others in places where every experience can refute it, as Aldrovand upon relation, delivered, concerning the Music of the Swans on the river of the Thames near London.  
Now that which countenanceth, 
This figuration to be found in Elkes, and not in common Swans.  and probably confirmeth this opinion, is the strange and unusual conformation of the wind pipe, or vocal organ in this animal: observed first by Aldrovandus, and conceived by some contrived for this intention: for in its length it far exceedeth the gullet, and hath in the chest a sinuous revolution, that is, when it ariseth from the lungs, it ascendeth not directly unto the throat, but ascending first into a capsulary reception of the breast bone, by a Serpentine and Trumpet recurvation it ascendeth again into the neck, and so by the length thereof a great quantity of air is received, and by the figure thereof a musical modulation effected. But to speak indifferently (what Aldrovand himself acknowledgeth) this formation of the Weazon, is not peculiar unto the Swan but common also, unto the Platea or Shovelard, a bird of no Musical throat; And as himself confesseth may thus be contrived in the Swan to contain a larger stock of air, whereby being to feed on weeds at the bottom, they might the longer space detain their heads under water. And indeed were this formation peculiar, or had they unto this effect an advantage from this part: yet have they a known and open disadvantage from an other, which is not common unto any singing bird we know, that is a flat bill: For no Latirostrous animal (whereof nevertheless there are no slender numbers) were ever commended for their note, or accounted among those animals which have been instructed to speak.  
When therefore we consider the dissension of Authors, the falsity of relations, the indisposition of the Organs, and the immusicall note of all we ever beheld or heard of, if generally taken and comprehending all Swans, or of all places, we cannot assent thereto. Surely he that is bit with a Tarantula, shall never be cured by this Music, and with the same hopes we expect to hear the harmony of the Spheres.  
2. That there is a special propriety in the flesh of Peacock's roast or boiled, to preserve a long time incorrupted, hath been the assertion of many, stands yet confirmed by Austin, De Civitate Dei, by Gygas Sempronius, in Aldrovand, and the same experiment we can confirm ourselves, in the brawn or fleshy parts of Peacocks so hanged up with thread, that they touch no place whereby to contract a moisture; and hereof we have made trial both in the summer and winter. The reason some I perceive, attempt to make out from the siccity and dryness of its flesh, and some are content to rest in a secret propriety thereof. As for the siccity of the flesh, it is more remarkable in other animals, as Aegle, Hawkes, and birds of prey; And that it is a propriety, or agreeable unto none other, we cannot with reason admit: for the same preservation, or rather incorruption we have observed in the flesh of Turkeys, Capons, Hares, Partridge, Venison, suspended freely in the air, and after a year and a half, dogs have not refused to eat them.  
As for the other conceit that a Peacock is ashamed when he looks on his legs, as is commonly held, and also delivered by Cardan, beside what hath been said against it by Scaliger, let them believe that hold specifical deformities, or that any part can seem unhandsome to their eyes, which hath appeared good and beautiful unto their makers. The occasion of this conceit, might first arise from a common observation, that when they are in their pride, that is, advance their train, if they decline their neck to the ground, they presently demit and let fall the same: which indeed they cannot otherwise do, for contracting their body, and being forced to draw in their foreparts, to establish the hinder in the elevation of the train, if the foreparts depart and incline to the ground, the hinder grow too weak, and suffer the train to fall. And the same in some degree is also observable in Turkeys.  
3. That Storks are to be found and will only live in Republikes or free States, is a pretty conceit to advance the opinion of popular policies, and from Antipathies in nature, to disparage Monarchical government. But how far agreeable unto truth, let them consider who read in Pliny, that among the Thessalians who were governed by Kings, and much abounded with Serpents, it was no less than capital to kill a Stork. That the ancient Egyptians honoured them, whose government was from all times Monarchical. That Bellonius affirmeth, men make them nests in France. And lastly, how Jeremy the Prophet delivered himself unto his countrymen, whose government was at that time Monarchical. Milvus in Coel● cognovit tempus suum. Turtur Hirundo & Ciconia custodierunt tempus adventus sui. Wherein to exprobrate their Stupidity, he induceth the providence of Storks. Now if the bird had been unknown, the illustration had been obscure, and the exprobration but improper.  
4. That a Bittor maketh that mugient noise, or as we term it Bumping by putting its bill into a reed as most believe, or as Bellonius and Aldrovand conceive, by putting the same in water or mud, and after a while retaining the air by suddenly excluding it again, is not so easily made out. For my own part though after diligent enquiry, I could never behold them in this motion; Notwithstanding by others whose observations we have expressly requested, we are informed, that some have beheld them making this noise on the Shore, their bills being far enough removed from reed or water; that is, first strongly attracting the air, and unto a manifest distension of the neck, and presently after with great Contention and violence excluding the same again. As for what others affirm of putting their bill in water or mud, it is also hard to make out. For what may be observed from any that walketh the Fens, there is little intermission, nor any observable pause, between the drawing in and sending forth of their breath. And the expiration or breathing forth doth not only produce a noise, but the inspiration or haling in of the air, affordeth a sound that may be heard almost a flight shoot.  
Now the reason of this strange and peculiar noise, is well deduced from the conformation of the windepipe, which in this bird is different from other volatiles. For at the upper extreme it hath no Larinx, or throttle to qualify the sound, and at the other end, by two branches deriveth itself into the Lungs. Which division consisteth only of Semicircular fibers, and such as attain but half way round the part; By which formation they are dilatable into larger capacities, and are able to contain a fuller proportion of air, which being with violence sent up the weazon, and finding no resistance by the Larinx, it issueth forth in a sound like that from caverns, and such as sometimes subterraneous eruptions, from hollow rocks afford; As Aristotle observeth in a Problem of the 25. Section, and is observable in pichards, bottles, and that instrument which Aponensis upon that problem describeth, wherewith in Aristotle's time Gardiner's affrighted birds.  
5. That whelps are blind nine days and then begin to see, is the common opinion of all, and some will be apt enough to descend unto oaths upon it. But this I find not answerable unto experience; for upon a strict observation of many, I have not found any that see the ninth day, few before the twelfth, and the eyes of some will not open before the fourteenth day. And this is agreeable unto the determination of Aristotle: who computeth the time of their anopsie or invision by that of their gestation; for some saith he do go with their young, the sixth part of a year, a day or two over or under, that is, about sixty days or nine weeks, and the whelps of these see not till twelve days; some go the fifth part of a year, that is, 71. days, and these saith he see not before the fourteenth day. Others do go the fourth part of a year, that is, three whole months, and these saith he are without sight no less than seventeen days: wherein although the accounts be different, yet doth the least thereof exceed the term of nine days which is so generally received. And this compute of Aristotle doth generally overthrow, the common cause alleged for this effect, that is, a precipitation or over hasty exclusion before the birth be perfect, according unto the vulgar Adage. Festinans canis coecos parit catulos: for herein the whelps of longest gestation, are also the latest in vision. The manner hereof is this. At the first littering their eyes are fastly closed, that is, by coalition or joining together of the eyelids, and so continue until about the twefth day, at which time they begin to separate, and may be easily divelled or parted asunder; they open at the inward canthis, or greater angle of the eye, and so by degrees dilate themselves quite open. An effect very strange, and the cause of much obscurity, wherein as yet men's inquiries are blind, and satisfaction acquirable from no man. What ever it be, thus much we may observe, those animals are only excluded without sight, which are multiparous and multifidous, that is, which have many at a litter, and have also their feet divided into many portions; for the Swine although multiparous, yet being bisulcous, and only cloven hoofed, is not excluded in this manner, but farrowed with open eyes, as other bisulcous animals.  
6. The Antipathy between a Toad and a Spider, and that they poisonously destroy each other is very famous, and solemn Stories have been written of their combats, wherein most commonly the victory is given unto the Spider. Of what Toads and Spiders it is to be understood, would be considered. For the Phalangium, and deadly Spiders, are different from those we generally behold in England. How ever the verity hereof, as also of many others, we cannot but desire; for hereby we might be surely provided of proper Antidotes in cases which require them; But what we have observed herein, we cannot in reason conceal, who having in a glass included a Toad with several Spiders, we beheld the Spiders without resistance to sit upon his head, and pass over all his body, which at last upon advantage he swallowed down, and that in few hours to the number of seven. And in the like manner will Toads also serve Bees, and are accounted an enemy unto their Hives.  
7. Whether a Lion be also afraid of a Cock, as is related by many, and believed by most, were very easy in some places to make trial. Although how far they stand in fear of that animal, we may sufficiently understand, from what is delivered by Camerarius, whose words in his Symbola are these. Nostris temporibus in Aula serenissimi Principis Bavariae, unus ex Leonibus miris saltibus in vicinam cujusdam domu● aream sese dimisit, ubi Gallinaciorum cantum aut clampres nihil reformidans ipsos una cum plurimis gallinis devoravit. That is, in our time in the court of the Prince of Bavaria, one of the Lions leapt down into a neighbous yard, where nothing regarding the crowing or noise of the Cocks, he eat them up with many other Hens. And therefore a very unsafe defensative it is against the fury of this animal, and surely no better than Virginity, or blood Royal, which Pliny doth place in Cock broth: For herewith, saith he, who ever is anointed (especially if Garlic be boiled therein) no Lion or Panther will touch him.  
8. It is generally conceived, an earewigge hath no wings, and is reckoned amongst impennous infects by many, but he that shall narrowly observe them, or shall with a needle put aside the short and sheathie cases on their back, may extend and draw forth two wings of a proportionable length for flight, and larger than many flies. The experiment of Pennius is yet more perfect, who with a rush or bristle so pricked them as to make them fly.  
9 That worms are exanguious animals, and such as have no blood at all, is the determination of Philosophy, the general opinion of Scholars, and I know not well to descent from thence myself: if so, surely we want a proper term whereby to express that humour in them which so strictly resembleth blood: and we refer it unto the discernment of others what to determine of that red and sanguineous humour, found more plentifully about the Torquis or carneous circle of great worms in the spring, affording in linen or paper an indiscernible tincture from blood; or wherein that differeth from a vein, which in an apparent blue runneth along the body, and if dexterously pricked with a lancet emitteth a red drop, which pricked on either side it will not readily afford.  
In the upper parts of worms, there are likewise found certain white and oval glandulosities which Authors term eggs, and in magnifying glasses, they also represent them: how properly may also be enquired; since if in them there be distinction of sexes, these eggs are to be found in both. For in that which is presumed to be their coition that is their usual complication, or rather lateral adhesion above the ground, dividing suddenly with two knives the adhering parts of both, I have found these eggs in either.  
10. That Flies, Bees, etc. do make that noise or humming sound by their mouth, or as many believe with their wings only, would be more warily asserted, if we consulted the determination of Aristotle, who as in sundry other places, so more expressly, in his book of respiration, affirmeth this sound to be made, by the allision of an inward spirit upon a pellicle, or little membrane about the precinct or pectoral division of their body. If we also consider that a Bee or Fly, so it be able to move the body, will buzz though its head be off; that it will do the like if deprived of wings reserving the head whereby the body may be the better moved. And that some also which are big and lively will hum without either head or wing.  
Nor is it only the brating upon this little membrane, by the inward and connatural spirit as Aristotle determines, or the outward air as Scaliger conceiveth which affordeth this humming noise, but perhaps most of the other parts may also concur hereto, as will be manifest if while they hum we lay our finger on the back or other parts; for thereupon will be felt a serrous or jarring motion like that which happeneth while we blow on the teeth of a comb through paper; and so if the head or other parts of the trunk be touched with oil, the sound will be much impaired, if not destroyed: for those being also dry and membranous parts, by attrition of the spirit do help to advance the noise: And therefore also the sound is strongest in dry weather, and very weak in rainy season, and toward winter; for then the air is moist, and the inward spirit growing weak, makes a languid and dumb allision upon the parts.  
11. There is found in the Summer a kind of spider called a Tainct of a red colour, and so little of body that ten of the largest will hardly outweigh a grain; this by Country people is accounted a deadly poison unto cows and horses, who, if they suddenly die, and swell thereon, ascribe their death hereto, and will commonly say, they have licked a Tainct. Now to satisfy the doubts of men, we have called this tradition unto experiment; we have given hereof unto dogs, chickens, calves and horses, and not in the singular number, yet never could find the least disturbance ensue. There must be therefore other causes enquired of the sudden death, and swelling of cattle, and perhaps this insect is mistaken, and unjustly accused for some other; for some there are which from elder times, have been observed pernicious unto cattle, as the Buprestis or burst cow, the Pityocampe or cruca Pinuum, by Dioscorides, Galen and Aetius, the Staphilinus described by Aristotle and others, or those red Phalangious spiders like Cantharideses mentioned by Muffetus. Now although the animal may be mistaken and the opinion also false, yet in the ground and reason which makes men most to doubt the verity hereof there may be truth enough, that is the small inconsiderable quantity of this insect. For that a poison cannot destroy in so small a bulk, we have no reason to affirm. For if as Leo Africanus reporteth, the tenth part of a grain of the poison of Nubia will dispatch a man in two hours, if the by't of a Viper and sting of a Scorpion, is not conceived to impart so much, if the by't of an Asp will kill within an hour, yet the impression scarce visible, and the poison communicated not ponderable, we cannot as impossible reject this way of destruction; or deny the power of death in so narrow a circumscription.  
12. Wondrous things are promised from the Glow●worme▪ thereof perpetual lights are pretended, and waters said to be distilled which afford a lustre in the night; and this is asserted by Cardan, Albertus, Gaudentius, Mizaldus and many others. But hereto we cannot with reason assent: for the light made by this animal depends upon a living spirit, and seems by some vital irradiation to be actuated into this lustre. For when they are dead they shine not, nor always while they live, but are obscure or light according to the diffusion of this spirit, and the protrusion of their luminous parts, as observation will instruct us; for this flammeous light is not over all the body, but only visible on the inward side, in a small white part near the tail. When this is full and seemeth protruded, there ariseth a double flame of a circular figure and Emerald green colour, which is discernible in any dark place in the day; but when it falleth and seemeth contracted, the light disappeareth, and the colour of the part only remaineth. Now this light, as it appeareth and disappeareth in their life, so doth it go quite out at their death. As we have observed in some, which preserved in fresh grass have lived and shined eighteen days, but as they declined their light grew languid, and at last went out with their lives. Thus also the Torpedo which alive hath a power to stupefy at a distance, hath none upon contaction being dead, as Galen and Rondoletius particularly experimented. And this hath also disappointed the mischief of those intentions, which study the advancement of poisons, and fancy destructive compositions from Asps or Vipers teeth, from Scorpions or Hornet stings; for these omit their efficacy in the death of the individual, and act but dependantly on their forms. And thus far also those Philosophers concur with us which held the Sun and Stars were living creatures, for they conceived their lustre depended on their lives; but if they ever died their light must perish also.  
True it is, and we have observed it, that a Glow-worm will afford a faint light, almost a day's space when many will conceive it dead, but this is a mistake in the compute of death, and term of disanimation; for indeed, it is not then dead, but if it be distended will slowly contract itself again, which when it cannot do it ceaseth to shine any more. And to speak strictly it is no easy matter to determine the point of death in infects and creatures who have not their vitalities radically confined unto one part; for these are not dead when they cease to move or afford the visible evidencies of life; as may be manifestly observed in flies, who when they appear even desperate and quite forsaken of their forms, by virtue of the sun or warm ashes will be revoked unto life, and perform its functions again.  
13. The wisdom of the Pismire is magnified by all, and in the Panegyrics of their providence we always meet with this, that to prevent the growth of corn which they store up they by't off the end thereof: And some have conceived that from hence they have their name in Hebrew: From whence ariseth a conceit that corn will not grow if the extremes be cut or broken. What other provision they make for this intention we know not, but herein we find no security to prevent its germination, as having made trial in grains whose ends cut off have notwithstanding suddenly sprouted, and according to the law of their kinds, that is the roots of barley and oats at contrary ends, of wheat and rye at the same. And therefore some have delivered that after rainy weather they dry these grains in the Sun, which if effectual, we must conceive to be made in a high degree and above the progression of Malt, for that Malt will grow this year hath informed us, and that unto a perfect ●ar.    

THE FOURTH BOOK.  
Of many popular and received Tenants concerning Man, which examined, prove either false or dubious.  

CHAP. I.  
Of the erectnesse of Man.  
THat only Man hath an erect figure, and that for to behold and look up toward heaven, according to that of the Poet— 
Pronaque cum spectant animalia caetera terram  
Os h●mini sublime dedit, caelumque tueri  
jussit, & erectos ad sydera tollere vultus,  is a double assertion, whose first part may be true, if we take erectnesse strictly, and so as Galen hath defined it; for they only, saith he, have an erect figure, whose spin and thigh bone are carried in right lines, and so indeed of any we yet know, Man only is erect; for the thighs of other animals do stand at angles with their spin, and have rectangular positions in birds, and perfect Quadrupedes; nor doth the Frog, though stretched out, or swimming, attain the rectitude of man, or carry its thigh without all angularity: and thus is it also true that man only sitteth, if we define sitting to be a firmation of the body upon the Ischias; wherein if the position be just and natural the thigh bone lieth at right angles to the spin, and the leg bone or tibia to the thigh; for others when they seem to sit, as Dogs, Cats, or Lions, do make unto their spin acute angles with their thigh, and acute to the thigh with their shank: Thus is it likewise true, what Aristotle allegeth in that Problem; why man alone is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or suffereth pollutions in the night; that is, because man only lieth upon his back, if we define not the same by every supine position, but when the spin is in rectitude with the thigh, and both with the arms lie parallel to the Horizon, that a line through their navel will pass through the Zenith and centre of the earth, and so cannot other animals lie upon their backs; for though the spin lie parallel with the Horizon, yet will their legs incline, and lie at angles unto it; And upon these three divers positions in man wherein the spin can only be at right lines with the thigh, arise those remarkable postures, prone, supine, and erect, which are but differenced in sight, or inaugular postures upon the back, the belly and the feet.  
But if erectnesse be popularly taken, and as it is largely opposed unto proneness, or the posture of animals looking downwards, carrying their ventures or opposite part to the spin directly towards the earth, it must not be strictly taken; for though in Serpents and Lizards we may truly allow a proneness, yet Galen acknowledgeth that perfect Quadrupedes, as Horses, Oxen, and Camels, are but partly prone, and have some part of erectnesse; and birds or flying animals, are so far from this kind of proneness, that they are almost erect, advancing the head and breast in their progression, and only prone in the act of their volitation; and if that be true which is delivered of the Penguin or Anser Magellanicus, and often described in Maps about those Straits, that they go erect like men, and with their breast and belly do make one line perpendicular unto the axis of the earth; it will make up the exact erectnesse of man; nor will that insect come very short which we have often beheld, that is, one kind of Locust which stands not prone, or a little inclining upward, but in a large erectnesse, elevating always the two fore legs, and sustaining itself in the middle of the other four; by Zoographers called mantis, and by the Common people of Province, Pr●ga Dio, that is, the Prophet and praying Locust, as being generally found in the posture of supplication, or such as resembleth ours, when we lift up our hands to heaven.  
As for the end of this erection, to look up toward heaven, though confirmed by several testimonies, and the Greek Etymology of man, it is not so readily to be admitted; and as a popular and vain conceit was anciently rejected by Galen; who in his third, De usu partium, determines, that man is erect because he was made with hands, and was therewith to exercise all Arts which in any other figure he could not have performed, as he excellently declareth in that place where he also proves that man could have been made neither Quadruped, nor Centaur.  
The ground and occasion of this conceit was a literal apprehension of a figurative expression in Plato, as Galen plainly delivers, the effect of whose words is this: To opinion that man is erect to look up and behold the heavens, is a conceit only fit for those that never saw the fish Uranoscopus, that is, the Beholder of heaven; which hath its eyes so placed, that it looks up directly to heaven, which man doth not, except he recline, or bend his head backward; and thus to look up to heaven agreeth not only unto men, but Asses; to omit birds with long necks, which look not only upwards, but round about at pleasure; and therefore men of this opinion understood not Plato when he said that man doth Sursum aspicere, for thereby was not meant to gape or look upward with the eye, but to have his thoughts sublime, and not only to behold, but speculate their nature with the eye of the understanding.  
Now although Galen in this place makes instance but in one, yet are there other fishes, whose eyes regard the heavens, as Plane, and cartilagineous fishes as pectinals, or such as have the Apophyses of their spin made laterally like a comb, for when they apply themselves to sleep or rest upon the white side, their eyes on the other side look upward toward heaven: for birds, they generally carry their heads erectly like man, and some have advantage in that they move not their upper eyelid; and many that have long necks, and bear their heads somewhat backward, behold far more of the heavens, and seem to look above the aequinoxiall circle; and so also in many Quadrupeds, although their progression be partly prone, yet is the sight of their eye direct, not respecting the earth but heaven, and makes an higher arch of altitude than our own. The position of a Frog with his head above water exceedeth these; for therein he seems to behold a large part of the heavens, and the acies of his eye to ascend as high as the Tropic; but he that hath beheld the posture of a Bitour, will not deny that it beholds almost the very Zenith.   

CHAP. II.  
Of the heart.  
THat the heart of man is seated in the left side, is an asseveration which strictly taken, is resutable by inspection; whereby it appears the base and centre thereof is in the midst of the chest▪ true it is that the Mucro or point thereof inclineth unto the left, for by this position it giveth way unto the ascension of the midriff, and by reason of the hollow vein could not commodiously deflect unto the right▪ from which diversion, nevertheless we cannot so properly say 'tis placed in the left; as that it consisteth in the middle, that is, where its centre resteth; for so do we usually say a Gnomon or needle is in the middle of a Dial, although the extremes may respect the North or South and approach the circumference thereof.  
The ground of this mistake is a general observation from the pulse or motion of the heart, which is more sensible on this side; but the reason hereof is not to be drawn from the situation of the heart, but the site of the left ventricle wherein the vital spirits are laboured, and also the great Artery that conveyeth them out, both which are situated on the left, and upon this reason epithems or cordial applications are justly applied unto the left breast, and the wounds under the fist rib may be more suddenly destructive if made on the sinister side; and the spear of the soldier that pierced our Saviour, is not improperly described when Painters direct it a little towards the left.  
The other ground is more particular and upon inspection; for in● dead bodies especially lying upon the spin, the heart doth seem to incline unto the left, which happeneth not from its proper site, but besides its sinistrous gravity is drawn that way by the great artery, which then subsideth & haileth the heart unto it, And therefore strictly taken, the heart is seated in the middle of the chest; but after a careless and inconsiderate aspection, or according to the readiest sense of pulsation, we shall not quarrel if any affirm it is seated toward the left; and in these considerations must Aristotle be salved, when he affirmeth the heart of man is placed in the left side, and thus in a popular acception may we receive the periphrasis of Persius when he taketh the part under the left pap for the heart; 
Lauâ in parte mamillae.  and if rightly apprehended, it concerneth not this controversy, when it is said in Ecclesiastes, The heart of a wiseman is in the right side, but that of a fool in the left.  
That assertion also that man proportionally hath the largest brain, I did I confess somewhat doubt, and conceived it might have failed in birds, especially such as having little bodies, have yet large crannies, and seem to contain much brain, as Snipes, Woodcoks, etc. but upon trial I find it very true. The brains of a man Archangelus and Bauhinus, observe to weigh four pound, and sometime five and an half, if therefore a man weigh one hundred and forty pounds, and his brain but five, his weight is 27. times as much as his brain, deducting the weight of that five pound which is allowed for it; now in a Snype which weighed four ounces two drams, I find the brains to weigh but half dram, so that the weight of the body (allowing for the brain) exceeded the weight of the brain, sixty seven times and an half.   

CHAP. III.  
Of Pleurisies.  
THat Pleurisies are only on the left side, is a popular Tenent, not only absurd but dangerous. From the misapprehension hereof, men omitting the opportunity of those remedies, which otherwise they would not neglect; chiefly occasioned by the ignorance of Anatomy, & the extent of the part affected, which in an exquisite Pleurisy is determined to be the skin or membrane which investeth the ribs, for so it is defined, Inflammati● membrane costas succingentis; An Inflammation either simple consisting only of an hot and sanguineous affluxion, or else Oedematous, Schirrous, Erisipelatous according to the predominancy of melancholy, phlegm, or choler; The vessels whereby the morbifical matter is derived unto this membrane, are either the ascending branches of the hollow vein, which disperse themselves into the four upper ribs, or else the Azygos, or vena sine pari, whose surcles are disposed unto the other lower; The membrane thus inflamed, is properly called Pleura, from whence the disease hath its name, and this investeth not only one side, but overspreadeth the cavity of the chest, and affordeth a common coat unto the parts contained therein.  
Now therefore the Pleura being common unto both sides, it is not reasonable to confine the inflammation unto one, nor strictly to determine it is always in the side, but sometimes before and behind, that is, inclining to the spin or brestbone, for thither this coat extendeth; and therefore with equal propriety we may affirm, that ulcers of the lungs, or Apostems of the brain do happen only in the left side, or that Ruptures are confineable unto one side, whereas the peritoneum or rimme of the belly may be broke, or its perforations relaxed in either.   

CHAP. IU.  
Of the Ring finger.  
AN opinion there is, which magnifies the condition of the fourth finger of the left hand, presuming therein a cordial relation, that a particular vessel, nerve, vein, or artery is conferred thereto from the heart, and therefore that especially hath the honour to bear our rings; which was not only the Christian practi●e in Nuptial contracts, but observed by the heathens, as Alexander ab Alexandro, Gellius, Macrobius, and Pierius have delivered, as lately Levinus Lemnius hath confirmed, who affirms this peculiar vessel to be an Artery, and not a nerve, as antiquity conceived it; adding moreover that rings hereon peculiarly affect the heart; that in Lipothymis or swoundings he used the frication of this finger with saffron and gold; that the ancient Physicians mixed up their Medicines herewith; that this is seldom or last of all affected with the Gout, and when that becometh nodous, men continue not long after: notwithstanding all which we remain unsatisfied, nor can we think the reasons alleged sufficiently establish the privilege of this finger.  
For first, concerning the practice of antiquity the custom was not general to wear their rings either on this hand or finger; for it is said, and that emphatically in Jeremiah, Si fuerit ●econias filius Ioachim re●gis judae annulus in manu dextrâ meâ, inde evella●● eum: Though Coniah the son of Joachim King of Judah were the signet on my right, hand, yet would I pluck thee thence: So is to observed by Pliny that in the portraits of their Gods the rings were worn on the finger next the thumb, that the Romans wore them also upon their little finger, as Nero is described in Petronius: some wore them on the middle finger as the ancient Gauls and Britan's, and some upon the forefinger, as is deduceable from Julius Pollux, who names that ring Corionos.  
Again, that the practice of the Ancients had any such respect of cordiality or reference unto the heart will much be doubted if we consider their rings were made of Iron; such was that of Prometheus who is conceived the first that brought them in use; so, as Pliny affirmeth, for many years the Senators of Rome did not wear any rings of Gold: but the slaves wore generally Iron rings until their manumission or preferment to some dignity; That the Lacedæmonians continued their Iron rings unto his days, Pliny also delivereth; and surely they used few of Gold, for beside that Lycurgus prohibited that mettle, we read in Athenaeus that having a desire to gild the face of Apollo, they enquired of the oracle where they might purchase so much gold, and were directed unto Croesus' King of Lydia.  
Moreover whether the Ancients had any such intention, the grounds which they conceived in vein, nerve, or artery, are not to be justified, nor will inspection confirm a peculiar vessel in this finger: for as Anatomy informeth, the Basilica vein dividing into two branches below the cubit, the outward sendeth two surcles unto the thumb, two unto the forefinger, and one unto the middlefinger in the inward side; the other branch of the Basilica sendeth one surcle unto the outside of the middlefinger, two unto the Ring, and as many unto the little fingers; so that they all proceed from the Basilica, and are in equal numbers derived unto every one: In the same manner are the branches of the axillary artery distributed into the hand, for below the cubit it divideth into two parts, the one running along the Radius, and passing by the wrist or place of the pulse, is at the fingers subdivided into three branches, whereof the first conveyeth two surcles unto the thumb, the second as many to the forefinger, and the third one unto the middle finger; the other or lower division of the artery descendeth by the ulna, and furnisheth the other fingers, that is the middle with one surcle, and the ring and little fingers with two; as for the nerves they are disposed much after the same manner, and have their original from the brain, and not the heart, as many of the Ancients conceived; which is so far from affording nerves unto other parts, that it receiveth very few itself from the sixth conjugation, or pair of nerves in the brain.  
Lastly, these propagations being communicated unto both hands, we have no greater reason to wear our rings on the left, then on the right, nor are there cordial considerations in the one, more than the other; and therefore when Forestus for the staunching of blood makes use of Topical applications unto the fourth finger, he confines not that practice unto the left, but varieth the side according to the nostril bleeding: and so in fevers, where the heart primarily suffereth, we apply medicines unto the wrists of either arm; and so we touch the pulse of both, and judge of the affections of the heart by the one as well as the other: and although in indispositions of liver or spleen considerations are made in Phlebotomy respectively to their situation; yet when the heart is affected men have thought it as effectual to bleed on the right as the left; and although also it may be thought, a nearer respect is to be had of the left, because the great artery proceeds from the left ventricle, and so is nearer that arm, it admits not that consideration; for under the channel bones the artery divideth into two great branches, from which trunk or point of division the distance unto either hand is equal, and the consideration answerable.  
And therefore Macrobius discussing the point, hath alleged another reason, affirming that the g●station of rings upon this hand and finger, might rather be used for their conveniency and preservation than any cordial relation; for at first (saith he) it was both free and usual to wear rings on either hand, but after that luxury increased, when precious gems and rich insculptures were added, the custom of wearing them on the right hand was translated unto the left, for that hand being less employed, thereby they were best preserved; and for the same reason they placed them on this finger, for the thumb was too active a finger, and is commonly employed with either of the rest: the Index or forefinger was too naked whereto to commit their pretiosities and hath the tuition of the thumb scarce unto the second joint: the middle and little finger they rejected as extremes, and too big or too little for their rings, and of all chose out the fourth as being least used of any, as being guarded on either side, and having in most this peculiar condition that it cannot be extended alone and by itself, but will be accompanied by some finger on either side: and to this opinion assenteth Alexander ab Alexandro, Annulum ●nuptialem prior aetas in sinister ferebat, credideri● ne attereretur.  
Now that which begat or promoted the common opinion, was the common conceit that the heart was seated on the left side, but how far this is verified, we have before declared. The Egyptian practice hath much advanced the same, who unto this finger derived a nerve from the heart, and therefore the Priest anointed the same with precious oils before the altar; but how weak Anatomists they were, which were so good Embalmers we have already showed; and though this reason took most place, yet had they another which more commended that practice, and that was the number whereof this singer was an Hieroglyphic: for by holding down the fourth finger of the left hand, while the rest were extended, they signified the perfect and magnified number of six; for as Pierius hath graphically declared, Antiquity expressed numbers by the fingers of either hand; on the left they accounted their digits and articulate numbers unto an hundred, on the right hand hundreds & thousands; the depressing this finger which in the left hand implied but six, in the right indigitated six hundred: In this way of numeration may we construe that of Juvenal concerning Nestor. 
— mortem  
Distulit, atque suos jam dextrâ comptuat annos.  And how ever it were intended, and in this sense it will be very elegant what is delivered of Wisdom, Prov. 3. Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and honour.  
As for the observation of Lemnius an eminent Physician, concerning the gout, how ever it happened in his country, we may observe it otherwise in ours; that is, that chiragricall persons do suffer in this finger as well as in the rest, and sometimes first of all, and sometimes no where else; and for the mixing up medicines herewith, it is rather an argument of opinion than any considerable effect, and we as highly conceive of the practice in Diapalma, that is in the making of that plaster, to stir it with the stick of a Palm.   

CHAP. V.  
Of the right and left Hand.  
IT is also suspicious, and not with that certainty to be received, what is generally believed concerning the right and left hand, that men naturally make use of the right, and that the use of the other is a digression or aberration from that way which nature generally intendeth; and truly we do not deny that almost all Nations have used this hand, and ascribed a pre-eminence thereto: hereof a remarkable passage there is in the 48. of Genesis, And Joseph took them both, Ephraim in his right hand towards Israel's left hand, and Manasses in his left hand towards Israel's right hand, and Israel stretched out his right hand and laid it upon Ephraim's head, who was the younger, and his left hand upon Manasses head guiding his hands wittingly, for Manasses was the first borne; and when Joseph saw that his father laid his right hand upon the head of Ephraim, it displeased him, and he held up his father's hand to remove it from Ephraim's head unto Manasses head, and Joseph said not so my father, for this is thy first borne, put thy right hand upon his head: And the like appeareth from the ordinance of Moses in the consecration of their Priests, Then shalt thou kill the Ram, and take of his blood, and put it upon the tip of the right ear of Aaron, and upon the tip of the right ear of his sons, and upon the thumb of the right hand, and upon the great toe of the right foot, and sprinkle the blood on the Altar round about: That the Persians were wont herewith to plight their faith, is testified by Diodorus: That the Greeks and Romans made use hereof, beside the testimony of divers Authors, is evident from their custom of discumbency at their meals, which was upon their left side, for so their right hand was free, and ready for all service; nor was this only in use with divers Nations of men, but was the custom of whole Nations of women, as is deduceable from the Amazons in the amputation of their right breast, whereby they had the freer use of their ●ow: all which do declare a natural preeminency and preferment of the one unto motion before the other, wherein notwithstanding in submission to future information, we are unsatisfied unto great dubitation.  
For first, if there were a determinate prepotency in the right, and such as ariseth from a constant root in nature, we might expect the same in other animals, whose parts are also differenced by dextrality, wherein notwithstanding we cannot discover a distinct and complying account, for we ●inde not that Horses, Bulls, or Mules, are generally stronger on this side; and as for animals whose forelegs more sensibly supply the use of arms, they hold if not an equality in both, a prevalency oft times in the other, as Squirrels, Apes, and Monkeys, and the same is also discernible in Parrots, and men observe that the eye of a Tumbler is biggest not constantly in one, but in the bearing side.  
That there is also in men a natural prepotency in the right we cannot with constancy affirm, if we make observation in children, who permitted the freedom of both, do oft times confine unto the le●t, and are not without great difficulty restrained from it: and therefore this prevalency is either uncertainly placed in the laterallity, or custom determines its indifferency: which is the resolution of Aristotle in that Problem, which inquires why the right side being better than the left, is equal in the senses? because, saith he, the right and left do differ by use and custom which have no place in the senses: and the reason is allowable; for right and le●t as parts inservient unto the motive faculty are differenced by degrees from use and assuefaction, according whereto the one grows stronger, and oft times bigger than the other; but in the senses it is otherwise; for they acquire not their perfection by use or custom, but at the first we equally hear and see with one eye, as well as with another: and therefore, were this indifferency permitted, or did not institution, but Nature determine dextrality, there would be many more Scevolaes' then are delivered in story; not should we wonder at seven thousand in one Army, as we read concerning the Benjamites. True it is, that although there be an indifferency in either, or a prevalency indifferent in one, yet is it most reasonable for uniformity, and sundry respective uses, that men should apply themselves to the constant use of one, for there will otherwise arise anomalous disturbances in manual actions, not only in Civil and artificial, but also in Military affairs, and the several actions of war.  
Secondly, the grounds and reasons alleged for the right are not satisfactory, and afford no rest in their decision: Scaliger finding a defect in the reason of Aristotle, introduceth one of no less deficiency himself, Ratio materialis (saith he) sanguinis crassitud● simul & multitude, that is, the reason of the vigour of this side is the crassitude and plenty of blood; but this is no way sufficient, for the crassitude or thickness of blood, affordeth no reason why one arm should be enabled before the other, and the plenty thereof, why both not enabled equally: Fallopius is of another conceit, deducing the reason from the Azygos or vena sine par●, a large and considerable vein arising out of the cava or hollow vein, before it enters the right ventricle of the heart, and placed only in the right side; but neither is this perswasory, for the Azygos communicates no branches unto the arms or legs on either side, but disperseth into the ribs on both, and in its descent doth furnish the left Emulgent with one vein, and the first vein of the loins on the right side with another; which manner of derivation doth not confer a peculiar addition unto either. Caelius Rodiginus undertaking to give a reason of Ambidexters and left handed men, delivereth a third opinion: Men, saith he, are Ambidexters, and use both hands alike, when the heat of the heart doth plentifully disperse into the left side, and that of the Liver into the right, and the spleen be also much dilated; but men are left handed when ever it happeneth that the heart and Liver are seated on the left side, or when the Liver is on the right side, yet so obducted and covered with thick skins, that it cannot diffuse its virtue into the right: which reasons are no way satisfactory; for herein the spleen is injustly introduced to invigorate the sinister side, which being dilated it would rather infirm and debilitate; as for any tunicles or skins which should hinder the Liver from enabling the deutrall parts, we must not conceive it diffuseth its virtue by mere irradiation, but by its veins and proper vessels, which common skins and teguments cannot impede, and as for the seat of the heart and Liver in one side whereby men become left handed, it happeneth too rarely to countenance an effect so common; for the seat of the Liver on the left side is very monstrous, and scarce at all to be met with in the observations of Physicians. Others not considering ambidextrous and left handed men, do totally submit unto the efficacy of the Liver, which though it be seated on the right side, yet by the subclavian division doth equidistantly communicate its activity unto either arm, nor will it salve the doubts of observation, for many are right handed whose Livers are weakly constituted, and many use the left, in whom that part is strongest; and we observe in Apes and other animals, whose Liver is in the right, no regular prevalence therein, and therefore the Brain, especially the spinal marrow, which is but the brain prolonged, hath a fairer plea hereto, for these are the principles of motion wherein dextrality consists, and are bipartited within and without the Cranny; by which division transmitting nerves respectively unto either side, according to the indifferency or original and native prepotency, there ariseth an equality in both, or prevalency in either side; and so may it be made out, what many may wonder at, why some most actively use the contrary arm and leg, for the vigour of the one dependeth upon the upper part of the spin, but the other upon the lower.  
And therefore many things are Philosophically delivered concerning right and left, which admit of some suspension; that a woman upon a masculine conception advanceth her right leg, will not be found to answer strict observation; That males are conceived in the right side of the womb, females in the left, though generally delivered, and supported by ancient testimony, will make no infallible account; it happening oft times that males and females do lie upon both sides, and Hermaphrodites for aught we know on either: It is also suspicious what is delivered concerning the right and left testicle, that males are begotten from the one, and females from the other; for though the left seminal vein proceedeth from the Emulgent, and is therefore conceived to carry down a serous and feminine matter, yet the seminal Arteries which send forth the active materials, are both derived from the great Artery: Beside this original of the left vein was thus contrived, to avoid the pulsation of the great Artery over which it must have passed to attain unto the Testicle: Nor can we easily infer such different effects from the divers situation of parts which have one end and office; for in the kidneys which have one office, the right is seated lower than the left, whereby it lieth free, and giveth way unto the Liver, and therefore also that way which is delivered for masculine generation, to make a straight ligature about the left Testicle, thereby to intercept the evacuation of that part, deserveth consideration; for one sufficeth unto generation, as hath been observed in semicastration, and oft times in carnous ruptures: beside the seminal ejaculation proceeds not immediately from the Testicle, but from the spermatick glandules; and therefore Aristotle affirms, (and reason cannot deny) that although there be nothing diffused from the Testicles, an Horse or Bull may generate after castration, that is, from the stock and remainder of seminal matter, already prepared and stored up in the Prostates or glandules of generation.  
Thirdly, although we should concede a right and left in Nature, yet in this common and received account we may aberre from the proper acception, mistaking one side for another, call that in man and other animals the right which is the left, and that the left which is the right, and that in some things right and left, which is not properly either.  
For first the right and left, are nor defined by Philosophers according to common acception, that is, respectively from one man unto another, or any constant site in each; as though that should be the right in one, which upon confront or facing stands a thwart or diagonially unto the other, but were distinguished according to the activity and predominant locomotion upon either side: Thus Aristole in his excellent Tract de Incessu anim●lium, ascribeth six positions unto animals, answering the three dimensions; which he d●termineth not by site or position unto the heavens, but by their faculties and functions, and these are Imum summum, Ante Retro, Dextra & Sin●slra: that is, the superior part where the aliment is received, that the lower extreme where it is last expelled; so he termeth a man a plant inverted; for he supposeth the root of a tree the head or upper pa●t thereof, whereby it ●eceiveth it aliment, although therewith it respects the Centre of the earth, but with the other the Zenith; and this position is answerable unto longitude: Those parts are anterior and measure profundity where the senses, especially the eyes are placed, and those posterior which are opposite hereunto; The dextrous and sinistrous parts of the body make up the Latitude, and are not certain and inalterable like the other▪ for th●●●aith he, is the right side from whence the motion of the body beginneth, that is, the active or moving side, but that the sinister which is the weaker or more quiescent part: of the same determination were the Platonics and Pythagoria●s before him, who conceiving the heavens an animated body, named the East the right or dextrous part, from whence began their motion: and thus the Greeks from wence the Latins have borrowed their appellation, have named this hand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denominating it not from the site, but office from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 capio, that is, the hand which receiveth, or is usually implied in that action.  
Now upon these grounds we are most commonly mistaken, defining that by situation which they determined by motion, and give the term of right hand to that which doth not properly admit ●t: For fi●st, many in their infancy are sinistrously disposed, and divers continue all their life 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is left handed, and have but weak and imperfect use of the right; now unto these that hand is properly the right, and not the other esteemed so by situation: Thus may Aristotle be made out, when he affirmeth the right claw of Crabs and Lobsters is biggest, if we take the right for the most vigorous side, and not regard the relative situation; for the one is generally bigger than the other, yet not always upon the same side: so may it b●e verified what is delivered by Scaliger in his Comment, that Palsies do oftenest happen upon the left side if understood in this sense; the most vigorous part protecting itself, and protruding the matter upon the weaker and less resistive side: and thus the Law of Commonweals, that cut off the right hand of Malefactors, if Philosophically executed, is impartial, otherwise the amputation not equally punisheth all.  
Some ar● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, ambidexterous or right-handed on both sides, which happeneth only unto strong and Athletical bodies, whose heat and spirits are able to afford an ability unto both; and therefore Hypocrates saith, that women are not ambidexterous, that is, not so often as men, for some are found, which indifferently make use of both; and so may Aristotle say, that only man is Ambidexter; of this constitution was Asteropaeus in Homer, and Parthenopeus the Theban Captain in Statius; and of the same do some conceiv● our Father Adam to have been, as being perfectly framed, and in a constitution admitting least defect: Now in these men the right hand is on both sides, and that which is the opposite to the one, is not the left unto the other.  
Again, some are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Galen hath expressed: that is, Ambilevous or left handed on both sides; such as with agility and vigour have not the use of either, who are not gymnastically composed; nor actively use those parts; now in these there is no right hand: of this constitution are many women, and some men; who though they accustom themselves unto either hand, do dexterously make use of neither; and therefore although the Political advice of Aristotle be very good, that men should accustom themselves to the command of either hand, yet cannot th● execution or performance thereof be general, for though there be many found that can use both, yet will there divers remain that can strenuously make use of neither.  
Lastly, these lateralities in man are not only fallible, if relatively determined unto each others, but made in reference unto the heavens, and quarters of the Globe: for those parts are not capable of these conditions in themselves, nor with any certainty respectively derived from us, nor we from them again. And first in regard of their proper nature, the heavens admit not these sinister and dexter respects, there being in them no diversity or difference, but a simplicity of parts, and equiformity in motion continually succeeding each other; so that from what point soever we compute, the account will be common unto the whole circularity, and therefore though it be plausible, it is not fundamental what is delivered by Solinus, That man was therefore a Microcosms or little world, because the dimensions of his positions were answerabl● unto the greater; for as in the heavens the distance of the North and Southern pole, which are esteemed the superior and inferior poynt●, is equal unto th● space between th● East and West, accounted the dextrous and sinistrous parts thereof; so is it also in man: for the extent of his fathom, or distance betwixt the extremity of the finger's of either hand upon expansion, is equal unto the space between the soal● of the foot and the crown; but this doth but petionarily infer a dextrality in the heavens, and we may as reasonably conclude a right an left laterallity in the Ark or naval edifice of Noah: for the length thereof was thirty cubits, the breadth fifty, and the height or profundity thirty, which well agreeth unto the proportion of man, whose length that is a perpendicular from the vertix unto the sole of the foot is sextuple unto his breadth, or a right line drawn from the ribs of one side to another; and decuple unto his profundity, that is a direct line between the breast bone and the spin.  
Again, they receive not these conditions with any assurance or stability from ourselves; for the relative foundations and points of denomination, are not fixed and certain, but variously designed according to imagination. The Philosopher accounts that East from whence the heavens begin their motion. The Astronomer regarding the South and Meridian Sun, calls that the dextrous part of heaven which respecteth his right hand, and that is the West. Poets respecting the West assign the name of right unto the North which regardeth their right hand● and so must that of Ovid be explained, utque duae dextrâ z●nae totidemque sinistrâ: But Augurs or Soothsayers turning their face to the East, did make the right in the South, which was also observed by the Hebrews and Chaldaeans. Now if we name the quarters of heaven respectively unto our sides, it will be no certain or invariable denomination; for if we call that the right side of heaven which is seated Easterly unto us, when we regard, the meridian Sun, the inhabitants beyond the equator and Southern Tropic when they face us regarding the meridian will contrarily defin● it; for unto them, the opposite part of heaven will respect the left, and the Sun arise to their right.  
And thus have we at large declared that although the right be most commonly used, yet hath it no regular or certain root in nature: Since it is most confirmable from other animals: Since in children it seeme● either indifferent or more favourable in the other, but more reasonable for uniformity in action that men accustom unto one: Since the grounds and reasons urged for it do no way support it: Since if there be a right and stronger side in nature, yet may we mistake in its denomination, calling that the right which is the l●ft, and the left which is the right: Since some have one right, some both, some neither: and lastly, Since these affections in man are not only fallible in relation unto one another, but made also in reference unto the heavens, they being not capable of these conditions in themselves, nor with any certainty from us, nor we from them again.  
And therefore what admission we owe unto many conceptions concerning right and left requireth circumspection; that is, how far we ought to rely upon the remedy of Kiramides, that is the left ●ye of an Hedgehog fried in oil to procure sleep, and th● right foot of a frog in a Deers skin for the gout; or that to dream of the loss of righ● or left tooth presageth the death of male or female kindred, according to the doctrine of Metrodorus; what verity there is in that numeral conceit in the lateral division of man by even and odd, ascribing the odd unto the right side, and even unto the left; and so by parity or imparity of letters in men's names determine misfortunes on either side of their bodies; by which account in Greek numeration H●phaestus or Vulcan was lame in the right foot, and Hannibal lost his right eye: And lastly, what substance there is in that Auspiciall principle, and fundamental doctrine of Ariolation that the left hand is ominous, and that good things do pass sinistrously upon us, because the left hand of man respected the right hand of the Gods, which handed their favours unto us.   

CHAP. VI  
Of Swimming.  
THat men swim naturally, if not disturbed by fear; that men being drowned and sunk, do float the ninth day when their gall breaketh; that women drowned swim prone but men supine, or upon their back●, are popular affirmations, whereto we cannot assent: And first, that man should swim naturally, because we observe it is no lesson unto others we cannot well conclude; for other animals swim in the same manner as they go, and need no other way of motion, for natation in the water, then for progression upon the land; and this is true whether they move per latera, that is two legs of one side together, which is Tollutation or ambling, or per diametrum, which is most general, lifting one foot before, and the cross foot behind, which is succussation or trotting, or whether per fron●em or quadratum, as Scaliger terms it, upon a square base of the legs of both sides moving together as frogs, and salient animals, which is properly called leaping; for by these motions they are able to support and impel themselves in the water, without addition or alteration in the stroke of their legs, or position of their bodies.  
But with man it is performed otherwise; for in regard of site he altars his natural posture and swimmeth pron●, whereas he walketh ●rect; again in progression the arms move parallel to the legs and th● arms and legs unto each other; but in natation they intersect an make all sorts of Angles: and lastly, in progressive motion, the arms and legs do move successively, but in natation both together; all which aptly to perform, and so as to support and advance the body, is a point of art, and such as some in their young and docile years could never attain. But although it be acquired by art, yet is there somewhat more of nature in it then we observe in other habits, nor will it strictly fall under that definition, for once obtained it is not to be removed; nor is there any who from disuse did ever yet forget it.  
Secondly, that persons drowned arise and ●loat the ninth day when their gall breaketh, is a questionable determination both in the time and cause, for the time of ●loating it is uncertain according to the time of putrefaction, which will retard or accelerate according to the subject and season of the year; for as we have observed cats and mice will arise unequally and at different times, though drowned at the same; such as are fatted do commonly float soon, for their bodies soon ferment, and that substance approacheth nearest unto air: and this is one of Aristotle's reasons why dead E●les will not ●loat, because saith he, they have but slender bellies, and little fat.  
As for the cause it is not so reasonably imputed unto the breaking of the gall as the putrefaction of the body, whereby the unnatural heat prevailing the putrifying parts do suffer a turgescence and inflation, and becoming airy and spumous affect to approach the air, and ascend unto the surface of the matter: and this is also evidenced in eggs whereof the sound ones sink, & such as are addled swim, as do also those which are termed hypenemia or wind-egges, and this is also a way to separate seeds, whereof such as are corrupted and sterile swim; and this agreeth not only unto the seed of plants locked up and capsulated in their husks, but also unto the sperm and seminal humour of man, for such a passage hath Aristotle upon the Inquisition and test of its fertility.  
That the breaking of the gall is not the cause hereof experience hath informed us, for opening the abdomen, and taking out the gall in cats and mice, they did notwithstanding arise: and because we had read in Rhodiginus of a Tyrant, who to prevent the emergency of murdered bodies did use to cut off their lungs, and found men's minds possessed with this reason, we committed some unto the water without lungs, which notwithstanding floated with the others: and to complete the experiment, although we took out the guts and bladder, and also perforated the Cranium, yet would they arise, though in a longer time: from these observations in other animals, it may not be unreasonable to conclude the same in man, who is too noble a subject on whom to make them expressly, and the casual opportunity too rare almost to make any. Now if any shall ground this effect from gall or choler, because it is the highest humour and will be above the rest; or being the ●iery humour will readiest surmount the water, we must confess in the common putrescence it may promote elevation, which the breaking of the bladder of gall so small a part in man, cannot considerably advantage.  
Lastly, that women drowned float prone, that is with their bellies downward, but men supine or upward is an assertion wherein th● hoti or point itself is dubious; and were it true the reason alleged for it, is of no validity. The reason yet currant was first expressed by Pliny, veluti pudori defunctarum parcente naturâ, nature modestly ordaining this position to conceal the shame of the dead, which hath been taken up by Solinus, Rhodiginus, and many more: This indeed (as Scaliger termeth it) is ratio civilis non philosophica, strong enough for morality or Rhetorics, not for Philosophy or Physics: for first, in nature the concealment of secret parts is the same in both sexes and the shame of their reveal equal: so Adam upon the taste of the fruit was ashamed of his nakedness as well as Eve: and so likewise in America and countries unacquainted with habits, where modesty conceals these parts in one sex, it doth it also in the other; and therefore had this been the intention of nature, not only women, but men also had swimmed downwards, the posture in reason being common unto both where the intent is also common.  
Again, while herein we commend the modesty, we condemn the wisdom of nature: for that prone position we make her contrive unto the woman, were best agreeable unto the man in whom the secret parts are very anterior and more discoverable in a supine and upward posture: and therefore Scaliger declining this reason hath recurred unto another from the difference of parts in both sexes, Quod ventre vasto sunt mulieres plenolque intestinis, itaque minus impletur & subsidet, inanior maribus quibus nates preponderant: If so, than men with great bellies will ●loat downward, and only Callipygae and women largely composed behind, upward. But Anatomists observe that to make the larger cavity for the Infant, the haunch bones in women, and consequently the parts appendent are more protuberant than they are in men: They who ascribe the cause unto the breasts of women, take not away the doubt, for they resolve not why children ●loat downward who are included in that sex, though not in the reason alleged: but hereof we cease to discourse lest we undertake to afford a reason of the 
* Of the cause whereof much dispute was made, and at last proved an imposture.  golden tooth, that is to invent or assign a cause, when we remain unsatisfied or unassured of the effect.   

CHAP. VII.  
Concerning Weight.  
THat men weigh heavier dead than alive, if experiment hath not failed us, we cannot reasonably grant; for though the trial hereof cannot so well be made on the body of man, nor will the difference be sensible in the abate of scruples or drams, yet can we not confirm the same in lesser animals from whence the inference is good; and the affirmative of Pliny saith that it is true in all: for exactly weighing and strangling a chicken in the Scales, upon an immediate ponderation, we could discover no sensible difference in weight, but suffering it to lie eight or ten hours, until it grew perfectly cold, it weighed most sensibly lighter; the like we attempted, and verified in mice, and performed their trials in Scales that would turn upon the eighth or tenth part of a grain.  
Now whereas some allege that spirits are light substances, and naturally ascending do elevate and waste the body upward, whereof dead bodies being destitute contract a greater gravity; although we concede that spirits are light, comparatively unto the body, yet that they are absolutely so, or have no weight at all, we cannot readily allow; for since Philosophy affirmeth that spirits are middle substances betw●●ne the soul and body, they must admit of some corporiety which ●●ppos●th weight or gravity. Beside, in carcases warm, and bodies newly disanimated while transpiration remaineth, there do exhale and breathe out vaporous and fluid parts, which carry away some power of gravitation; which though we must allow, we do not make answerable unto living expiration, and therefore the Chicken or Mice were not so light being dead, as they would have been after ten hours kept alive, for in that space a man abateth many ounces; nor if it had slept, for in that space of sleep, a man will sometimes abate forty ounces, nor if it had been in the middle of summer, for then a man weigheth some pounds less than in the height of winter, according to experience, and the statick aphorisms of Sanctorius.  
Again, whereas men affirm they perceive an addition of ponderosity in dead bodies, comparing them usually unto blocks and stones, whensoever they lift or carry them, this accession●ll preponderancy is rather in appearance th●n reality; for being destitute of any motion, they confer no relief unto the Agents or Elevators, which makes us meet with the same complaints of gravity in animated and living bodies, where the nerves subside, and the faculty locomotive seems abolished, as may be observed in the lifting or supporting of persons inebriated, apoplectical, or in Lipothymies and swoundings.  
Many are also of opinion, and some learned men maintain, that men are lighter after meals then before, and that by a supply and addition of spirits obscuring the gross ponderosity of the aliment ingested; but the contrary hereof we have found in the trial of sundry persons in different sex, and ages; and we conceive men may mistake if they distinguish not the sense of levity unto themselves, and in regard of the scale or decision of trutination; for after a draught of wine a man may seem lighter in himself from sudden refection, although he be heavier in the balance, from a corporal and ponderous addition; but a man in the morning is lighter in the scale, because in sleep some pounds have perspired, and is also lighter unto himself, because he is refected.  
And to speak strictly, a man that holds his breath is weightier while his lungs are ●ull, then upon expiration; for a bladder blown is weightier than one empty, and if it contain a quart, expressed and emptied it will abate about half a grain; and we somewhat mistrust the experiment of a pumice-stone taken up by Montanus, in his Comment upon Avicenna, where declaring how the rarity of parts, and numerosity of pores, occasioneth a lightness in bodies, he affirms that a pumice-stone powdered, is lighter than one entire, which is an experiment beyond our satisfaction; for beside that abatement can hardly be avoided in the Trituration; if a bladder of good capacity will scarce include a grain of air, a pumice of three or four drams, cannot be presumed to contain the hund●●th part thereof, which will not be sensible upon the exactest beams we use: Nor is it to be taken strictly what is delivered by the learned Lord Verulam, and referred unto further experiment; That a dissolution of Iron in Aquafortis▪ will bear as good weight as their bodies did before, notwithstanding a great deal of waste by a thick vapour that issueth during the working; for we cannot find it to hold neither in Iron, nor Copper, which is dissolved with less ebullition; and hereof we mad●●●iall in Scales of good exactness, wherein if there be a defect, or such as will not turn upon quarter grains, there may be frequent mistakes in experiments of this nature: but stranger is that, and by the favourablest way of trial we cannot make out what is delivered by ●am●rus Poppius, that Antimony calcined or reduced to ashes by a burning glass, although it ●mitte a gross and ponderous exhalation, doth rather exceed then abate its former gravity: whose words are these in his Basilica Antimonii, Si speculum incensorium soli exponatur, ita ut pyramidis luminosae apex Antimonium pulverisatum feriat, cum m●●to ●umi profusione ad nivis albedinem calcinabitur, & quod mirabile est Antimonii pondus post calcinationem auctum potius quam diminutum deprehenditur, Mistake may be made in this way of trial, when the Antimony is not weighed immediately upon the calcination, but permitted the air it imbibeth the humidity thereof, and so repaireth its gravity.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Of the passage of meaete a●d drink.  
THat there are different passages for meat and drink, the meat or dry aliment descending by the one, the drink or moistening vehicle by the other, is a popular Tenent in our days, but was the assertion of learned men of old, for the same was affirmed by Plato, maintained by E●stathius in Mac●obius, and is deducible from Eratosthenes, Eupolis and Euripides: now herein men contradict experience, not well understanding Anatomy, and the use of parts; for at the throat there are two cavities or conducting parts, the one the Oesophagus or gullet, s●at●d next the spin, a part official unto nutrition, and whereby the aliment both wet and dry is conveyed unto the stomach; the other (by which 'tis conceived the drink doth pass) is the weazon, rough artery, or windpipe, a part inservient to voice and respiration, for thereby the air descendeth into the lungs, and is communicated unto the heart; and therefore all animals that breath or have lungs, have also the weazon, but many have the gullet or ●eeding channel, which have no lungs or windpipe; as fishes which have gills, whereby the heart is refrigerated, for such thereof as have lungs and respiration, are not without the weazon, as Whales and cetaceous animals.  
Again, beside these parts destined to divers offices, there is a peculiar provision for the windpipe, that is, a cartiliagineous flap upon the opening of the Larinx or throttle, which hath an open cavity for the admission of the air; but lest thereby either meat or drink should descend, Providence hath placed the Epiglottis Ligula, or ●lap like an Ivy leaf, which always closeth when we swallow, or that the meat and drink passeth over it into the gullet, which part although all have not that breathe, as all cetaceous and oviparous animals, yet is the weazon secured some other way; and therefore in Whales that breathe, lest the water should get into the lungs, an ejection thereof is contrived by a Fistula or spout at the head; and therefore also though birds have no Epiglottis, yet can th●y so contract the rhyme or chink of their Larinx, as to prevent the admission of wet or dry ingested, either whereof getting in occasioneth a cough, until it be ejected; and this is the reason why a man cannot drink and breathe at the same time; why if we laugh while we drink, the drink ●lies out at the nostrils, why when the water enters the weazon, men are suddenly drowned; and thus must it be understood, when we read of one that died by the seed of a Grape, and another by an hair in milk.  
Now if any shall still affirm, that some truth there is in the assertion, upon the experiment of Hypocrates, who killing an Hog after a red potion, found the tincture thereof in the Larinx; if any will urge the same from medical practice, because in affections both of Lungs and weazon, Physicians make use of ●yrupes, and lambitive medicines; we are not averse to acknowledge, that some may distil and insinuate into the windpipe, and medicines may creep down, as well as the rheum before them; yet to conclude from hence, that air and water have both one common passage, were to state the question upon the weaker side of the distinction, and from a partial or guttulous irrigation, to conclude a full and total descension.   

CHAP. IX.  
Of Sneezing.  
COncerning Sternutation or Sneezing, and the custom of saluting or blessing upon that motion, it is pretended, and generally believed to derive its original from a disease, wherein Sternutation proved moral, and such as Sneezed died: and this may seem to be proved from Carolus Sigonius, who in his History of Italy, makes mention of a Pestilence in the time of Gregory the Great, that proved pernicious and deadly to those that Sneezed; which notwithstanding will not sufficiently determine the grounds hereof, and it will evidently appear, that custom hath an elder Aera then this Chronologie affordeth.  
For although the age of Gregory extend above a thousand, yet is this custom mentioned by Apuleius in the fable of the Fuller's wife, who lived three hundred years before; by Pliny likewise in that Problem of his, our Sternutantes salutantur, and there are also reports that T●berius the Emperor otherwise a very sour man, would perform this rite most punctually unto others, and expect the same from others, unto himself; Petronius Arbiter, who lived before them both, and was Proconsul of Bythinia in the reign of Nero, hath mentioned it in these words, Gyton collectione spiritus plenus, ter contin●ò ita sternutavit ut grabatum concuteret, ad quem motum Eumolpus conversus, Salvere G●tona jubet. Caelius Rhodiginus hath an example hereof among the Greeks, far ancienter than these, that is, in the time of Cyrus the younger, when consulting about their retreat, it chanced that one among them sneezed, at the noise whereof, the rest of the soldiers called upon Jupiter Sot●r; There is also in the Gr●●ke Authologie a remarkable mention hereof, in an Epigram upon one Proclus, the Latin whereof we shall deliver, as we find it often translated. 
Non potis est Proclus digitis ●mungere nasum  
namque est pro nasi m●le pu●illa manus,  
Non vocat ille jovem sternutans, quip ●ec audit  
Se sternutantem, tam procul ●ure sonat.  
Proclus with's hand his nose can never wipe,  
His hand too little is his nose to gripe;  
He sneezing calls not jove, for why? he hears  
himself not sneeze, the sound's so far from's ears:  Nor was this only an ancient custom among the Greeks and Romans, and is still in force with us, but is received at this day in remotest parts of Africa; for so we read in Codignus, that upon a sneeze of the Emperor of Monomotapa, there passed acclamations successively through the city.  
Now the ground of this ancient custom was probably the opinion the ancients held of Sternutation: which they generally conceived to be a good sign or a bad, and so upon this motion accordingly used, a Salve or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as a gratulation for the one, and a deprecation from the other: Now of the ways whereby they enquired and determined it signality; the first was natural arising from Physical causes, and consequencles of times naturally succeeding this motion; and so it might be justly esteemed a good sign; for sneezing being properly a motion of the brain, suddenly expelling through the nostrils what is offensive unto it, it cannot but afford some evidence of its vigour; and therefore saith Aristotle in his Problems, they that hear it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they honour it as somewhat Sacred, and a sign of Sanity in the diviner part; and this he illustrates from the practice of Physicians, who in persons near death do use Sternutatories, or such as provoke unto sneezing; when if the faculty arise and Sternutation ensue, they conceive hopes of life, and with gratulation receive the signs of safety; and so is it also of good signality in lesser considerations, according to that of Hypocrates, that sneezing cureth the hickett, and is profitable unto women in hard labour; and so is it of good signality in Lethargies, Apoplexies, Catalepsies, and Coma's: and in this natural way it is sometime likewise of bad effects or signs, and may give hints of deprecation; ●s in diseases of the chest, for therein Hippocrat●s condemneth it as too much exagitating in the beginning of Catarrhs according unto Avicenna as hindering concoction, in new and tender conceptions, (as Pliny observeth) for then it endangers abortion.  
The second way was superstitious and Augurial, as Caelius Rhodiginus hath illustrated in testimonies, as ancient as Theocritus and Homer; as appears from the Athenian master, who would have retired, because a boatman sneezed, and the testimony of Austin, that the Ancients were wont to go to bed again if they sneezed while they put on their shoe; and in this way it was also of good and bad signification; so Aristotle hath a Problem, why sneezing from noon unto midnight was good, but from night to noon unlucky? So Eustathius upon Homer observes, that sneezing to the left hand was unlucky, but prosperous unto the right; and so as Plutarch relateth, when Themistocles sacrificed in his galley b●fore the battle of Xerxes, and one of the assistants upon the right hand sneezed, Euphrantides the Soothsayer presaged the victory of the greeks, and the overthrow of the Persians.  
And thus we may perceive the custom is more ancient then commonly is conceived, and these opinions hereof in all ages, not any one disease to have been the occasion of this salute and deprecation▪ arising at first from this vehement and affrighting motion of the brain, inevitably observable unto the standers by; from whence some finding dependent effects to ensue, others ascribing hereto as a cause what perhaps but casually or inconexedly succeeded, they might proceed unto forms of speeches, felicitating the good, or deprecating the evil to follow.   

CHAP. X.  
Of the jews.  
THat Jews stink naturally, that is, that in their race and nation there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or evil savour, is a received opinion, we know not how to admit; although we concede many questionable points, and dispute not the verity of sundry opinions which are of affinity hereto: we will acknowledge that certain odours attend on animals, no less than certain colours; that pleasant smells are not confined unto vegetables, but found in divers animals, and some more richly then in plants: and though the Problem of Aristotle inquire why none smells sweet beside the pard? yet later discoveries add divers sorts of Monkeys, the Civet cat, and Gazela, from which our musk proceedeth: we confess that beside the smell of the species, there may be Individual odours, and every man may have a proper and peculiar savour; which although not perceptible unto man, who hath this sense, but weak, yet sensible unto dogs, who hereby can single out their Masters in the dark: we will not deny that particular men have sent forth a pleasant savour, as Theophrastus and Plutark report of Alexander the great, and Tzetzes and Cardan do testify of themselves; That some may also emit an unsavoury odour, we have no reason to deny, for this may happen from the quality of what they have taken, the Faetor whereof may discover itself by sweat and urine, as being unmasterable by the natural heat of man, nor to be dulcified by concoction beyond an unsavoury condition: the like may come to pass from putrid humours, as is often discoverable in putrid & malignant fevers; and sometime also in gross and humid bodies even in the latitude of sanity; the natural heat of the parts being insufficient for a perfect and through digestion, and the errors of one concoction not rectifiable by another: but that an unsavoury odour is gentilitious or national unto the Jews, if rightly understood, we cannot well concede, nor will the information of reason or sense induce it.  
For first upon consult of reason, there will be found no easy assurance for to fasten a material or temperamentall propriety upon any nation; there being scarce any condition (but what depends upon clime) which is not exhausted or obscured from the commixture of introvenient nations either by commerce or conquest; much more will it be difficult to make out this affection in the Jews, whose race how ever pretended to be pure, must needs have suffered inseparable commixtures with nations of all sorts, not only in regard of their proselytes, but their universal dispersion; some being posted from several parts of the earth, others quite lost, and swallowed up in those nations where they planted: for the tribes of Reuben, Gad, part of Mana●●es and Naphthali, which were taken by Assur, and the rest at the sacking of Samaria which were led away by Salmanasser, into Assyria, and after a year and half, and arrived at Arsereth as is delivered in Esdras, these I say never returned, and are by the Jews as vainly expected as their Messias: of those of the tribe of Juda and Benjamin, which were led captive into Babylon by Nabuchadnezzar many returned under Zorobabel, the rest remained, and from thence long after upon invasion of the Saracens, fled as far as India; where yet they are said to remain, but with little difference from the Gentiles.  
The tribes that returned to India, were afterward widely dispersed; for beside sixteen thousand which Titus sent to Rome unto the triumph of his father Vespasian, he sold no less than an hundred thousand for slaves; not many years after Adrian the Emperor, who ruined the whole Country, transplanted many thousands into Spain, from whence they dispersed into divers Countries, as into France, and England, but were banished after from both: from Spain they dispersed into Africa, Italy, Constantinople, and the dominions of the Turk, where they remain as yet in very great numbers, and if (according to good relations) where they may freely speak it, they forbear not to boast that there are at present many thousand Jews in Spain, France, and England, and some dispensed withal, even to the degree of Priesthood, it is a matter very considerable, and could they be smelled out, would much advantage, not only the Church of Christ, but also the coffers of Princes.  
Now having thus lived in several Countries, and always in subjection, they must needs have suffered many commixtures, and we are sure they are not exempted from the common contagion of Venery contracted first from Christians; nor are fornications unfrequent between them both, there commonly passing opinions of invitement, that their women desire copulation with them, rather than their own nation, and affect Christian carnality above circumcised venery. It being therefore acknowledged, that some are lost, evident that others are mixed, and scarce probable that any are distinct, it will be hard to establish this quality upon the jews, unless we also transfer the same, unto those whose generations are mixed, whose genealogies are Jewish, and naturally derived from them.  
Again, if we concede a national unsavouriness in any people, yet shall we find the jews less subject hereto then any, and that in those regards which most powerfully concur to such effects, that is, their diet and generation; As for their diet, whether in obedience unto the precepts of reason, or the Injunctions of parsimony, therein they are very temperate, seldom offending inebrietie or excess of drink, nor erring in gulosity or superfluity of m●ats; whereby they prevent indigestion and crudities, and consequently putrescence of humours; they have in abomination all flesh maimed, or the inwards any way vitiated, and therefore eat no meat but of their own kill. They observe not only fasts at certain times, but are restrained unto very few dishes at all times; so few, that whereas S. Peter's sheet will hardly cover our tables, their Law doth scarce permit them to set forth a Lordly feast, nor any way to answer the luxury of our times, or those of our forefathers; for of flesh their Law restrains them many sorts, and such as complete our feasts: That animal, Propter convivianatum, they touch not, not any of its preparations, or parts so much in request at Roman tables; nor admit they unto their board, Hares, Coneys, Herons, Plovers, or Swans: Of Fishes, they only taste of such as have both sins and scales, which are comparatively but few in number, such only, saith Aristotle, whose egg or spawn is arenaceous and friable, whereby are excluded all cetaceous and cartilagineous fishes, many pectinall, whose ribs are rectilineall, many costal, which have their ribs embowed, all spinal, or such as have no ribs, but only a back bone, or somewhat analogous thereto, as E●les, conger's, Lampreys; all that are testaceous, as Oysters, Cocles, W●lks, Schollops, Muscles, and likewise all crustaceous, as Crabs, Shrimps, and Lobsters; So that observing a spare and simple diet, whereby they prevent the generation of crudities, and fasting often, whereby they might also digest them, they must be less inclinable unto this infirmity than any other Nation, whose proceedings are not so reasonable to avoid it.  
As for their generations and conceptions, (which are the purer from good diet) they become more pure and perfect by the strict observation of their Law; upon the injunctions whereof, they severely observe the times of Purification, and avoid all copulation, either in the uncleanness of themselves, of impurity of their women; A rule, I fear not so well observed by Christians, whereby not only conceptions are prevented, but if they proceed, so vitiated and defiled, that durable inquinations, remain upon the birth, which when the conception meets with these impurities, must needs be very potent, since in the purest and most fair conceptions, learned men derive the cause of Pox and Meazels, from principles of that nature, that is, the menstruous impurities in the mother's blood, and the virulent tinctures contracted by the Infant, in the nutriment of the womb.  
Lastly, experience will convict it, for this offensive odor is no way discoverable in their Synagogues where many are, and by reason of their number could not be concealed; nor is the same discernible in commerce or conversation with such as are cleanly in apparel, and decent in their houses; surely the Viziars and Turkish Bassa's are not of this opinion, who as Sir Henry Blunt informeth, do generally keep a Jew of their private Counsel; and were this true, the Jews themselves do not strictly make out the intention of their Law, for in vain do they scruple to approach the dead, who livingly are cadaverous, or fear any outward pollution, whose temper pollutes themselves. And lastly, were this true, our opinion is not impartial, for unto converted Jews who are of the same seed, no man imputeth this unsavoury odor; as though Aromatized by their conversion, they admitted their scent with their Religion, and they smelled no longer than they savoured of the Jew.  
Now the ground that begat or propagated this assertion might be the distasteful averseness of the Christian from the Jew, from their corruptness, and the villainy of that fact, which made them abominable and stink in the nostrils of all men; which real practice▪ and metaphorical expression, did after proceed into a literal construction; but was a fraudulent illation; for such an evil savour their father Jacob acknowledged in himself, when he said, his sons had made him, s●inke in the land, that is, to be abominable unto the inhabitants thereof: Now how dangerous it is in sensible things to use metaphorical expressions unto the people, and what absurd conceits they will swallow in their literals, an impatient example we have in our own profession, who having c●lled an eating Ulcer by the name of a Wolf, common apprehension conceives a reality therein, and against ourselves ocular affirmations are pretended to confirm it.  
The nastiness of that Nation, and sluttish course of life hath much promoted the opinion, occasioned by their servile condition at first, and inferior ways of parsimony ever since; as is delivered by Mr. Sandys, They are generally fat, saith he, and rank of the savours which attend upon sluttish corpulency: The Epithets assigned them by ancient times have also advanced the same; for Ammia●●s Marcellinus describeth them in such language, and Marshal more ancient, in such a relative expression sets forth unsavoury Bassa, 
Quod j●junia Sabbatariorum  
Mallem, quam quod oles, olere Bassa. — From whence notwithstanding we cannot infer an inward imperfection in the temper of that Nation, which was but an effect in the breath from outward observation, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, jejuntia olere.  in their strict and tedious fasting; and was a common effect in the breaths of other Nations, became a proverb among the Greeks, and the reason thereof occasioned a Problem in Aristotle.  
Lastly, if all were true, and were this savour conceded, yet are the reasons alleged for it no way satisfactory: Hucherius in his Tract de sterilitate, and after him Alsarius Crucius in his medical Epistles, imputes this effect unto their abstinence from salt or salt meats; which how to make good in the present diet of the Jews we know not, nor shall we conceive it was observed of old, if we consider they seasoned every sacrifice, and all oblations whatsoever, whereof we cannot deny a great part was eaten by the Priests; and if the offering were of flesh it was salted no less than thrice, that is, once in the common chamber of salt, at the footestep of the Altar, and upon the top thereof, as is at large delivered by Maimonides: nor if they refrained all salt, is the illation very urgent; for many there are not noted for ill odours, which ●ate no salt at all, as all carnivorous animals, most children, many whole Nations, and probably our Fathers after the Creation; there being indeed in every thing we eat●, a natural and concealed salt, which is separated by digestions, as doth appear in our tears, sweat and urines, although we refrain all salt, or what doth seem to contain it.  
Another cause is urged by Campegius, and much received by Christians, that this ill ●●vour i● a curse derived upon them by Christ, and stands as a badge or brand of a generation that crucified their Salvator; but this is a conceit without all warrant, and an easy way to take off dispute in what point of obscurity soever: a method of many Writers, which much deprecia●es the esteem and value of miracles, that is, therewith to salve not only r●all v●ri●ies, but also non-existences: Thus have elder times, not only ascribed the immunity of Ireland from any venomous beast, unto the s●a●●e or rod of Patrick, but the long tails of Kent unto the malediction of Austin.  
Thus therefore, although we concede that many opinions are true which hold some conformity unto this, yet in assenting hereto, many difficulties must arise, it being a dangerous point to annex a constant property un●o any Nation, and much more this unto the Jew; since 'tis not verisiabl● by observation, since the grounds are feeble that should establish it, and lastly, since if all were tr●e, yet are the reasons alleged for it, of no sufficiency to maintain it.   

CHAP. XI.  
Of Pigmies.  
BY Pigmies we understand a dwarfish race of people, or lowest diminution of mankind, comprehended in one cubit, or as some will have it, i● two ●oot, or three spa●s; not taking them single, but nationally considering them, and as th●y make up an aggregated habitation, whereof although affirmations be many, and testimonies more frequent than in any other point which wise men have cast into the list of fables, yet that there is, or ever was such a race or Nation, upon exact and confirmed testimonies, our strictest enquiry receaves no satisfaction.  
I say, exact testimonies, first, in regard of the Authors from whom we derive the account, for though we meet herewith in Herodotus, Philostratus, Mel●, Pliny, S●linus, and many more; yet were they derivative Relators, and the primitive Author was Homer; who, not only intending profit but pleasure, and using often similes, as well to delight the ear, as to illustrate his matter, in the third of his Iliads, compareth the Trojanes unto the Cranes, when they descend against the Pigmies; which was more largely set out by Oppian, Juvenall, Mantuan, and many Poets since; and being only a pleasant similitude in the fountain, became a solemn story in the stream, and current still among us.  
Again, many professed enquirers have rejected it; Strabo an exact and judicious Geographer, hath largely condemned it as a fabulous story in the fi●st of his Geography. Julius Scaliger a diligent enquirer, accounts thereof, but as a Poetical fiction; Ulysses Aldrovandus a most exact Zoographer in an express discourse hereon, concludes the story fabulous, and a poetical account of Homer; and the same was formerly conceived by Eustathius his excellent commentator, Albertus Magnus a man oftimes too credulous, herein was more than dubious, for he affirmeth, if any such dwarves were ever extant, they were surely some kind of Apes; which is a conceit allowed by Cardan, and not esteemed improbable by many others.  
There are I confess two testimonies, which from their authority admit of consideration. The first of Aristotle, whose words are these, in the eighth of his History of animals, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. That is, Hic locus est quem incolunt Pygmei, non enim id fabula est sed pusillum genus, ut aiunt. Wherein indeed Aristotle plays the A●istotle, that is, the wary and evading assertor; For though with non est in fabula, he seem at first to confirm it, yet at the last he claps in, Sic●t aiunt, and shakes the belief he put before upon it; and therefore I observe Scaliger hath not translated the first, perhaps supposing it surreptitious, or unworthy so great an assertor: and truly for those books of animals, or work of eight hundred talents, as Atheneus terms it, although it be ever to be admired, and contain most excellent truths, yet are many things therein delivered upon relation, and some things repugnant unto the history of our senses; as we are able to make out in some, and Scaliger hath observed in many more, as he hath freely declared himself in his Comment upon that piece.  
The second testimony is deduced from holy Canonical Scripture; that is, Ezech. 27. verse 11. thus rendered in the vulgar translation, Sed & Pygmaei qui erant in turribus tuis pharetras suas suspenderunt in muris tuis per gyrum: from whence notwithstanding we cannot infer this assertion; for first the Translatours accord not, and the Hebrew word Gamadim is very variously rendered: Though Aquila, Vatablus and Lyra will have it Pygmaei, yet in the Septuagint, it is not more than Watchmen; in the Chaldie, Cappadocians; in Symmachus, Medes; Theodotion of old, and Tremellius of late, have retained the Textuarie word, and so have the Italian, French, and English Translatours, that is, the men of Arvad were upon thy walls round about, and the Gammadims were in thy towers.  
Nor do men only descent in the Translation of the word, but in the exposition of the sense and meaning thereof, for some by Gammadims understand a people of Syria, so called from the city Gamala; some hereby understand the Cappadocians, many the Medes, and hereof Forerius hath a singular exposition, conceiung the watchmen of Tyre, who might well be called Pigmies, the towers of that City being so high, that unto men below they appeared in a cubitall stature; others expounded it quite contrary to common acception that is not men of the least, but of the larg●st size; so doth Cornelius construe Pygmaei or viri cubitales, that is not men of a cubit high, but of the largest stature, whose height like that of Giants is rather to be taken by the cubit than the foot; in which phrase we read the measure of Goliath whose height is said to be six cubits and a span: of affinity hereto is also the exposition of Jerom, not taking Pigmies for dwarfs, but stout and valiant Champions; not taking that sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies the cubit measure, but that which expresseth pugils, that is, men fit for combat and the exercise of the fist: Thus can there be no satisfying illation from this text, the diversity or rather contrariety of Expositions and Interpretations, distracting more then confirming the truth of the story.  
Again, I say exact testimonies in reference unto its circumstantial relations so diversely or contrarily delivered; thus the relation of Aristotle placeth above Egypt towards the head of Nile in Africa; Philostratus affirms they are about Ganges in Asia, and Pliny in a third place, that is Geravia in Scythia: some write they fight with Cranes, but Menecles in Atheneus affirms they fight with Partridges, some say they ride on Partridges, and some on the backs of Rams.  
Lastly, I say confirmed testimonies; for though Paulus jovius delivers there are Pigmies beyond Japan, Pigafe●a, about the Molucca's, and Olaus Magnus placeth them in Greenland; yet wanting frequent confirmation in a matter so confirmable, their affirmation carrieth but slow persuasion; and wise men may think there is as much reality in the Pigmies of Paracelsus; that is, his non-Adamicall men, or middle natures betwixt men and spirits.  
There being thus no sufficient confirmation of their verity, some doubt may arise concerning their possibility; wherein, since it is not defined in what dimensions the soul may exercise her faculties, we shall not conclude impossibility, or that there might not be a race of Pigmies, as there is sometimes of Giants; and so may we take in the opinion of Austin, and his Comment Ludovicus; but to believe they should be in the stature of a foot or span, requires the preaspection of such a one as Philetas the Poet in Athenaeus, who was fain to fasten lead unto his feet lest the wind should blow him away, or that other in the same Author, who was so little u● ad obolum acceder●t, a story so strange that we might herein accuse the Printer, did not the account of Aelian accord unto it, as Causabone hath observed in his learned Animadversions.  
Lastly, if any such Nation there were, yet is it ridiculous what men have delivered of them; that they fight with Cranes upon the backs of Rams or Partridges: or what is delivered by Ctesias that they are Negroes in the midst of India, whereof the King of that Country entertaineth three thousand Archers for his guard; which is a relation below the tale of Oberon, nor could they better defend him, than the Emblem saith they offended Hercules whilst he slept, that is to wound him no deeper, then to awake him.   

CHAP. XII.  
Of the great Climacterical year, that is sixty three.  
CErtainly the eyes of the understanding, and those of sense are differently deceived in their greatest objects; the sense apprehending them in lesser magnitudes than their dimensions require; so it beholdeth the Sun, the Stars, and the Earth itself; but the understanding quite otherwise, for that ascribeth unto many things far larger horizons than their due circumscriptions require, and receiveth them with amplifications which their reality will not admit: thus hath it fared with many Heroes and most worthy persons, who being sufficiently commendable from true and unquestionable merits, have received advancement from falsehood and the fruitful stock of fables: Thus hath it happened unto the stars and luminaries of heaven, who being sufficiently admirable in themselves have been set out by effects no way dependent on their efficiencies, and advanced by amplifications to the questioning of their true endowments: Thus is it not improbable it hath also fared with number, which though wonderful in itself, and sufficiently magnifyable from its demonstrable affections, hath yet received adjections of admiration from the multiplying conceits of men, and stands laden with additions which its equity will not admit.  
And so perhaps hath it happened unto the number 7. and 9 which multiplied into themselves do make up 63. commonly esteemed the great Climacterical of our lives; for the days of men are usually cast up by septenaries, and every seventh year conceived to carry some altering character with it, either in the temper of body, mind, or both; but among all other, three be most remarkable, that is 7. times 7. or forty nine, 9 times 9 or eighty one, and 7. times 9 or the year of sixty three; which is conceived to carry with it, the most considerable fatality, and consisting of both the other numbers was apprehended to comprise the virtue of either, is therefore expected and entertained with fear, and esteemed a favour of fate to pass it over; which notwithstanding many suspect to be but a Panic terror, and men to fear they justly know not what; and for my own part, to speak indifferently, I find no satisfaction, nor any sufficiency in the received grounds to establish a rational fear.  
Now herein to omit Astrological considerations (which are but rarely introduced) the popular foundation whereby it hath continued is first, the extraordinary power and secret virtue conceived to attend these numbers, whereof we must confess there have not wanted not only especial commendations, but very singular conceptions. Among Philosophers, Pythagoras seems to have played the leading part, which was long after continued by his disciples, and the Italicke School, the Philosophy of Plato, and most of the Platonists abound in numeral considerations; above all Philo the learned Jew, hath acted this part even to superstition, bestowing divers pages in summing up every thing which might advantage this number: All which notwithstanding when a serious Reader shall perpend, he will hardly find any thing that may convince his judgement or any further persuade, than the lenity of his belief, or prejudgement of reason inclineth.  
For first, not only the number of 7 and 9 from considerations abstruse have been extolled by most, but all or most of the other digits have been as mystically applauded by many; or the number of one and three have not been only admired by the heathens, but from adorable grounds, the untiy of God, and mystery of the Trinity admired by many Christians. The number of four stands much admired not only in the quaternity of the Elements, which are the principles of bodies, but in the letters of the name of God, which in the Greek, Arabian, Persian, Hebrew, and Egyptian, consisteth of that number; and was so venerable among the Pythagoreans, that they swore by the number four. That of six hath found many leaves in its favour, not only for the days of the Creation, but its natural consideration, as being a perfect number, and the first that is completed by its parts; that is, the sixth, the half, and the third, 1. 2. 3. which drawn into a sum make six: The number of ten hath been as highly extolled, as containing even, odd, long and plain, quadrate and cubical numbers; and Aristotle observed with admiration, that Barbarians as well as Greeks, did use a numeration unto Ten; which being so general was not to be judged casual, but to have a foundation in nature: So that only 7 and 9▪ but all the rest have had their Eulogies, as may be observed at large in Rhodiginus, and in several Writers since: every one extolling number, according to his subject, & as it advantaged the present discourse in hand.  
Again, they have been commended not only from pretended grounds in nature, but from artificial, casual, or fabulous foundations; so have some endeavoured to advance their admiration, from the 9 Muses, from ●he 7 Wonders of the Wo●ld, and from the 7 gates of Thebes, in that 7 City's contended for Homer, in that there are 7 stars in Ursa minor, and 7 in Charles wain or Plaust●um of Ursa major; wherein indeed although the ground be natural, yet either from constellations or their remarkable parts, there is the like occasion to commend any other ●umber; the number 5 from the stars in Sagitta, 3 from the girdle of O●i●n, and 4 ●●om Equiculus, Crusero, or the feet of the Centaur; yet are ●uch as these clapped in by very good Authors, and some not omitted by Philo.  
N●r ar● th●y only extolled from Arbitrary and Poetical grounds, but f●om foundations and principles either false or dubious: That wom●n are menstruant and men pubescent at the year of twice seven, is accounted a punctual truth; which period nevertheless we dare not precisely determine, as having observed a variation and latitude in most, agreeably unto the heat of clime or temper; men arising variously unto virility, according to the activity of causes that promote it, Sanguis menstruosus ad diem ut plurimum, septimum durat, saith Philo; wh●ch notwithstanding is repugnant unto experience, and the doctrine of Hypocrates, who in his book, de diaeta plainly affirmeth, it is thus but with few women, and only such as abound with pituitous and watery humours.  
I● is further conceived to receive addition, in that there are 7 heads of Nile, but we have made manifest elsewhere that by the description of Geographers they have been sometime more, and are at present ●ewer.  
In that there were 7 wise men of Greece; which though it be generally received, yet having enquired into the verity thereof, we cannot so readily determine it; for in the life of Thales who was accounted in that number, Diogenes La●rtius plainly saith Magna de corum numero discordia est, some holding but four, some ten, others twelve, and none agreeing in their names, though according in their number.  
In that there are just seven Planets or errand Stars in the lower orbs of heaven▪ but it is now demonstrable unto sense, that there are many more, as Galileo hath declared in his Nuncius Sydereus; that is two more in the orb of Saturn, and no less than four more in the sphere of Jupiter: and the like may be said of the Pleyades or 7 Stars, which are also introduced to magnify this number; for whereas scarce discerning six. we account them 7, by his relation in the same book, there are no less than forty.  
That the heavens are encompassed with 7 circles, is also the allegation of Philo; which are in his account, The Arctic, Antarctic, the Summer and Winter Tropics, the Aequator, Zodiac and the milky circle, whereas by Astronomers they are received in greater number; for though we leave out the Lacteous circle (which Aratus, Geminus, and Proclus out of him hath numbered among the rest) yet are there more by four than Philo mentions, that is, the Horizon, Meridian and both the Colours▪ circles very considerable and generally delivered, not only by Ptolemy and the Astronomers since his time, but such as flourished long before, as Hipparchus and Eudoxus: So that for aught I know, if it make for our purpose, or advance the theme in hand, with equal liberty, we may affirm there were 7 Sibyls, or but 7 signs in the Zodiac circle of heaven.  
That verse in Virgil translated out of Homer, O terque quaterque beati; that is, as men will have it 7 times happy hath much advanced this number in critical apprehensions; yet is not this construction so indubitably to be received, as not at all to be questioned: for though Rhodiginus, Beroaldus & others from the authority of Macrobius so interpret it, yet Servius the best of his Comments conceives no more thereby then a finite number for indefinite, and that no more is implied then often happy. Strabo the ancientest of them all, in the first of his Geography conceives no more by this expression in Homer, than a full and excessive expression; whereas in common phrase and received language he should have termed them thrice happy, herein exceeding that number he called them four times happy that is more than thrice; and this he illustrates by the like expression of Homer in the speech of Circe, who to express the dread and terror of the Ocean, sticks not unto the common form of speech in the strict account of its reciprocations, but largely speaking saith, it ebbs and ●lows no less than thrice a day, terque die revomit fluctus, iterumque resorbet; and so when '●is said by Horace, faelices ter & amplius, the exposition is sufficient, if we conceive no more than the letter fairly beareth, that is, four times, or indefinitely more than thrice.  
But the main considerations which most set of this number are observations drawn from the motions of the Moon, supposed to be measured by sevens; and the critical or decretory days dependent on that number. As for the motion of the Moon, though we grant it to be measured by sevens, yet will not this advance the same before its fellow numbers; for hereby the motion of others are not measured, the fixed Stars by many thousand years, the Sun by 365. days, the superior Planets by more, the inferior by somewhat less: and if we consider the revolution of the first Movable, & the daily motion from East to West, common unto all the orbs, we shall find it measured by another number; for being performed in four & twenty hours, it is made up of 4 times 6: and this is the measure and standard of other parts of time, of months, of years, Olympiades', Lustres, Indictions, Cycles, Jubilies, etc.  
Again, months are not only Lunary, and measured by the Moon, but also Solary, and determined by the motion of the Sun, that is, the space wherein the Sun doth pass 30. degrees of the Eccliptick; by this month Hypocrates computed the time of the Infant's gestation in the womb, for 9 times 30. that is, 270. days, or complete 9 months make up forty weeks the common compute of women, and this is to be understood in his book De octimestripartu, when he saith, 2. days makes the fifteenth, and 3. the tenth part of a month; this was the month of the ancient Hebrews before their departure out of Egypt; and hereby the compute will fall out right, and the account concur, when in one place it is said, the waters of the flood prevailed an hundred and fifty days, and in another it is delivered, that they prevailed from the seventeenth day of the second month, unto the seventeenth day of the seventh: and as for weeks, although in regard of their Sabbaths they were observed by the Hebrews, yet is it not apparent, the ancient Greeks, or Romans used any, but had another division of their months into Ides, Nones, and Calends.  
Moreover, months howsoever taken are not exactly divisible into septuaries or weeks, which fully contain seven days, whereof four times do make completely twenty eight; for, beside the usual or Calendary month, there are but four considerable, that is, the month of Peragration, of Apparition, of Consecution, and the medical or Decretoriall month, whereof some come short, others exceed this account. A month of Peragration, is the time of the Moon's revolution from any part of the Zodiac, unto the same again, and this containeth but 27. days, and about 8. hours, which cometh short to complete the septenary account. The month of Consecution, or as some will term it, of Progression, is the space between one conjunction of the Moon with the Sun unto another, and this containeth 29. days and an half; for the Moon returning unto the same point wherein it was kindled by the Sun, and not finding it there again, (for in the mean time, by its proper motion it hath passed through 2. signs) it followeth after, and attains the Sun in the space of 2. days, and 4. hours more, which added unto the account of Peragration, makes 29. days and an half; so that this month exceedeth the latitude of Septenaries, and the fourth part compr●hendeth more than 7. days. A month of Apparition, is the space wherein the Moon appeareth, (deducting three days wherein it commonly disappeareth; and being in combustion with the Sun, is presumed of less activity) and this containeth but 26. days, and 12. hours. The medical month not much exceedeth this, consisting of 26. days, and 22. hours, and it made up out of all the other months; for if out of 29. and an half, the month of Consecution, we deduct 3. days of disappearance, there will remain the month of Apparition 26. days, and 12. hours, whereto if we add 27. days and 8. hours, the month of Peragration, there will arise 53. days and 10. hours, which divided by 2. makes 26. days and 22. hours, called by Physicians the medical month; introduced by Galen against Archigenes, for the better compute of Decretory or Critical days.  
As for critical days, (such I mean wherein upon a decertation between the disease and nature, there ensueth a sensible alteration, either to life, or death) the reasons thereof are rather deduced from Astrology, than Arithmetic; for accounting from the beginning of the disease, and reckoning on unto the seventh day, the Moon will be in a Tetragonall or Quadrate aspect, that is, 4. signs removed from that wherein the disease began; in the 14. day it will be in an opposite aspect, and at the end of the third septenary Tetragonall again, as will most graphically appear in the figures of Astrologers, especially Lucas Gauricus, De diebus decretoriis.  
Again, (beside that computing by the medical month the first hebdomade or septenary consists of 6. days, 17. hours and an half, the second happeth in 13. days and eleven hours, and the third but in the twentieth natural day) what Galen first, and Aben-Ezra since observed in his Tract of Critical days, in regard of Eccentricity and the Epicycle or lesser orb wherein it moveth, the motion of the Moon is various and unequal, whereby the critical account must also vary: for though its middle motion be equal, and of 13. degrees, yet in the other it moveth sometimes fifteen, sometimes less than twelve; for moving in the upper part of its orb, it performeth its motion more slowly then in the lower, insomuch that being at the height it arriveth at the Tetragonall and opposite signs sooner, and the Critical day will be in 6. and 13. and being at the lowest, the critical account will be out of the latitude of 7. nor happen before the 8. or ninth day, which are considerations not to be neglected in the compute of decretory days, and manifestly declare that other numbers must have a respect here in as well as 7. and fourteen.  
Lastly, some things to this intent are deduced from holy Scripture; thus is the year of Jubilee introduced to magnify this number, as being a year made out of 7. times 7. wherein notwithstanding there may be a misapprehension; for this ariseth not from 7. times 7. that is, 49. but was observed the fiftieth year, as is expressed, Levit. 25. And you shall hollow the fiftieth year, a Jubilee shall that fiftieth year be unto you; answerable whereto is the exposition of the Jews themselves, as is delivered by Ben-maimon, that is, the year of Jubilee cometh not into the account of the years of 7. but the forty ninth is the Release, and the fiftieth the year of Jubilee. Thus is it also esteemed no small advancement unto this number, that the Genealogy of our Saviour is summed up by 14. that is, this number doubled, according as is expressed, Mat. 1. So all the generations from Abraham to David are fourteen generations, and from David unto the carrying away into Babylon, are fourteen generations, and from the carrying away into Babylon unto Christ, are fourteen generations, which nevertheless must not be strictly understood as numeral relations require; for from David unto Jeconiah are accounted by Matthew but 14. generations, whereas according to the exact account in the history of Kings, there were at least 17. and 3. in this account, that is, Ahazias, Joas, and Amazias are left out: for so it is delivered by the Evangelist; And Joram begat Ozias, whereas in the Regal genealogy there are 3. successions between, for Ozias or Uzziah, was the son of Amazias, Amazias of Joas, Joas of Azariah, and Azariah of Joram, so that in strict account Joram was the Abavus or grandfather twice removed, and not the father of Ozias, and these omitted descents made a very considerable measure of time, in the Royal chronology of Judah; for though Azariah reigned but one year, yet Joas reigned forty, and Amazias no less than nine and twenty: However therefore these were delivered by the Evangelist, and carry no doubt an incontroulable conformity unto the intention of his delivery, yet are they not appliable unto precise numerality, nor strictly to be drawn unto the rigid test of numbers.  
Lastly, though many things have been delivered by Authors concerning number, and they transferred unto the advantage of their nature, yet are they oftimes otherwise to be understood, then as they are vulgarly received in active and causal considerations; they being many times delivered Hieroglyphically metaphorically, illustratively, and not with reference unto action, or causality. True it is, that God made all things in number, weight, and measure, yet nothing by them or through the efficacy of either; Indeed our days, actions, and motions being measured by time (which is but motion measured) what ever is observable in any, falls under the account of some number; which notwithstanding cannot be denominated the cause of those events; and so do we injustly assign the power of Action even unto Time itself, nor do they speak properly who say that Time consumeth all things; for Time is not effective, nor are bodies destroyed by it, but from the action and passion of their Elements in it, whose account it only affordeth, and measuring out their motion, informs us in their periods and terms of their duration, rather than effecteth, or physically produceth the same.  
A second consideration which promoteth this opinion, are confirmations drawn from Writers, who have made observations or set down favourable reasons for this climacteriall year; so have Henricus Ranzovius, Baptista Codr●nchus, and Levinus Lemnius much confirmed the same; but above all, that memorable Letter of Augustus sent unto his Nephew Caius, wherein he encourageth him to celebrate his nativity, for he had now escaped 63. the great Climacterical and dangerous year unto man; which notwithstanding rightly prepended, it can be no singularity to question it, nor any new Paradox to deny it.  
For fi●st it is implicitly, and upon consequence denied by Aristotle in his Politics, in that discourse against Plato, who measured the vicissitude and mutation of States, by a periodical fatality of number: Ptolemy that famous Mathematician plainly saith, he will not deliver his doctrines by p●rts and numbers which are ineffectual, and have not the nature of causes; now by these numbers saith Rhodiginus and Mirandula, he implieth Climacterical years, that is, septenaries, and novenaries set down by the bare observation of numbers: Censorious an Author of great authority, and sufficient antiquity, speaks yet more amply in his book De die Natali, wherein expressly treating of Climacterical days, he thus delivereth himself: Some maintain that 7. times 7. that is, 49. is most dangerous of any other, and this is the most general opinion, others unto 7. times 7. add 9 times 9 that is, the year of 81. both which consisting of square and quadrate numbers, were thought by Plato and others to be of great consideration; as for this year of 63. or 7. times 9 though some esteem it of most danger, yet do I conceive it less dangerous than the other; for though it containeth both numbers above named, that is, 7. and 9 yet neither of them square or quadrate, and as it is different from them both, so is it not potent in either: Nor is this year remarkable in the death of many famous men. I find indeed that Aristotle died this year, but he by the vigour of his mind, a long time sustained a natural infirmity of stomach, that it was a greater wonder he attained unto 63. then that he lived no longer: The Psalm of Moses hath mentioned a year of danger differing from all these: and that is ten times 7. or seventy; for so it is said, The days of Man are threescore and ten; and the very same is affirmed by Solon, as Herodotus relates in a speech of his unto C●aesus, Ego annis septuaginta humanae vitae modum definio: and surely that year most be of greatest danger, which is the Period of all the rest, and ●ewest safely pass thorough that, which is set as a bound for few or none to pass; and therefore the consent of elder times, settling their conceits upon Climacters, not only differing from this of ours, but an another, though several nations and ages do ●ancy unto themselves different years of danger, yet every one expects the same event, and constant verity in either.  
Again, though Varro divided the days of man into five portions, Hypocrates into 7. and Solon into ten; yet probably their divisions were to be received with latitude, and their considerations not strictly to be confined unto their last unities: So when Varro extendeth P●eritia unto 15. Adolescentia unto 30. juventus unto 35. there is a large latitude between the terms or Periods of compute, and the verity holds good in the accidents of any years between them: So when Hypocrates divideth our life into 7. degrees or stages, and maketh the end of the first 7. of the second 14. of the third 28. of the fourth 35. of the fifth 47. of the sixth 56. and of the seventh, the last year when ever it happeneth; herein we may observe he maketh not his divisions precisely by 7. and 9 and omits the great Climacterical; beside there is between every one at least the latitude of 7. years, in which space or interval, that is either in the third or fourth year, what ever falleth out is equally verified of the whole degree, as though it had happened in the seventh. Solon divided it into ten Septenaries, because in every one thereof, a man received some sensible mutation, in the first is Dedentition or falling of teeth: in the second Pubescence, in the third the beard groweth, in the fourth strength prevails, in the fifth maturity for issue; in the sixth Moderation of appetite, in the seventh, Prudence, etc. Now herein there is a tolerable latitude, and though the division proceed by 7 yet is not the total verity to be restrained unto the last year, nor constantly to be expected the beard should be complete at 21. or wisdom acquired just in 49. and thus also though 7. times 9 contain one of those septenaries, and doth also happen in our declining years, yet might the events thereof be imputed unto the whole septenary; and be more reasonably entertained with some latitude, then strictly reduced unto the last number, or all the accidents from 56. imputed unto 63.  
Thirdly, although this opinion many seem confirmed by observation, and men may say it hath been so observed, yet we speak also upon experience, and do believe that men from observation will collect no satisfaction: that other years may be taken against it, especially if they have the advantage to precede it; as sixty again 63. and 63. again 66. for fewer attain to the latter than the former; and so surely in the first septenary do most die, and probably also in the very f●●st year, for all that ever lived were in the account of that year; beside the infirmities that attend it are so many, and the body that receives them so confirmed, we scarce count any alive that is not passed it.  
Franciscus Paduanius in his work De catena temporis, discoursing of the great Climacterical, attempts a numeration of eminent men, who died in that year; but in so small a number, as not sufficient to make a considerable Induction; he mentioneth but four, Diogenes Cynicus, Dionysius Heracleoticus, Xenocrates Platonicus, and Plato: as for Dionysius, as Censorinus witnesseth, he famished himself in the 82. year of his life; Xenocrates by the testimony of Laertius fell into a cauldron, and died the same year; and Diogenes the Cynic by the same testimony lived almost unto ninety: The date of Plato's death is not exactly agreed on, but all dissent from this which he determineth; Neanthes in Laertius extendeth his days unto 84. Suidas unto 82. but Hermippus defineth his death in 81. and this account seemeth most exact; for if, as he delivereth, Plato was borne in the 88 olympiad, and died in the first year of the 108. the account will not surpass the year of 81. and so in his death he verified the opinion of his life, and of the life of man, whose Period, as Censorinus recordeth, he placed in the Quadrate of 9 or 9 times 9 that is, 81. and therefore as Seneca delivereth, the Magicians at Athens did sacrifice unto him, as declaring in his death somewhat above humanity, because he died in the day of his nativity, and without deduction justly accomplished the year of eighty one. Bodine I confess delivers a larger list of men that died in this year, whose words in his method o● History are these, Moriuntur innumerabiles anno sexagesimotertio, Aristoteles, Chrysippus, Bocatius, Bernardus, Erasmus, Lutherus, Melancthon, Silvius, Alexander, Jacobus Sturmius, Nicolaus Cusanus, Thomas Linacer, codem anno Cicero caesus est: wherein beside that it were no difficult point to make a larger Catalogue of memorable persons that died in other years, we cannot but doubt the verity of his Induction: as for Silvius and Alexander, which of that name he meaneth I know not; but for Chrysippus by the testimony of Laertius, he died in the 73. year, Bocatius in the 62. Linacer the 64. and Erasmus exceeded 7●. as Paulus Jovius hath delivered in his Elegy of learned men; and as for Cicero, as Plutarch in his life affirmeth, he was slain in the year of 64. and therefore sure the question is hard set, and we have no easy reason to doubt, when great and entire Authors shall introduce injustifiable examples, and authorise their assertions by what is not authentical.  
Fourthly, they which proceed upon strict numerations, and will by such regular and determined ways measure out the lives of men, and periodically define the alterations of their tempers; conceive a regularity in mutations, with an equality in constitutions, and forget that variety which Physicians therein discover: For seeing we affirm that women do naturally grow old before men, that the choleric fall short in longaevitie of the sanguine, that there is senium ante senectutem, and many grow old before they arrive at age; we cannot ●o reasonably affix unto them all one common point of danger, but should rather assign a respective fatality unto each: which is concordant unto the doctrine of the numerists, and such as maintain this opinion: for they affirm that one number respecteth men, another women, as Bodin explaining that of Seneca, Septimus quisque annus aetati signum imprimit, subjoins▪ hoc de maribus dictum oportuit, hoc primum intueri licet, perfectum numerum, id est saextum faeminas, septenarium mores immutare.  
Fiftly, since we esteem this opinion to have some ground in nature, and that nine times seven revolutions of the Sun, imprints a dangerous Character on such as arrive unto it; it will leave some doubt behind, in what subjection hereunto were the lives of our forefathers presently after the flood, and more especially before it, who attaining unto 8. or 900. years, had not their Climacters computable by digits, or as we do account them; for the great Climacterical was passed unto them before they begat children, or gave any Testimony of their virility; for we read not that any begat children before the age of sixty five, and this may also afford a hint to inquire, what are the Climacters of other animated creatures, whereof the lives of some attain not so far as this of ours, and that of others extends a considerable space beyond.  
Lastly, the imperfect accounts that men have kept of time, and the difference thereof both in the same and divers common wealths, will much distract the certainty of this assertion; for though there were a fatality in this year, yet divers were, and others might be out in their account, aberring several ways from the true and just compute, and calling that one year, which perhaps might be another.  
For first they might be out in the commencement or beginning of their account, for every man is many month's elder than he computeth; for although we begin the same from our nativity, and conceive that no arbitrary, but natural term of compute, yet for the duration of life, or existence, we participate in the womb the usual distinctions of time, and are not to be exempted from the account of age and life, where we are subject to diseases, and often suffer death; and therefore Pythagoras, Hypocrates, Diocles, Avicenna and others, have set upon us, numeral relations and temporal considerations in the womb; not only affirming the birth of the seventh month to be vital, that of the eighth mortal, but the progression thereto to be measured by rule, and to hold a proportion unto motion and formation; as what receiveth motion in the seventh, is perfected in the Triplicities; that is the time of conformation unto motion is double, and that from motion unto the birth, treble; So what is form the 35. day is moved the seaventy, and borne the 210. day; and therefore if any invisible causality there be, that after so many years doth evidence itself at 63. it will be questionable whether its activity only set out at our nativity, and begin not rather in the womb, wherein we place the like considerations, which doth not only entangle this assertion, but hath already embroiled the endeavours of Astrology in the erection of Schemes, and the judgement of death, or diseases; for being not incontroulably determined, at what time to beging, whether at conception, animation, or exclusion, (it being indifferent unto the influence of heaven to begin at either) they have invented another way, that is, to begin ab H●ra quaestionis, as Haly, Messahallach, Ganivetus, and Guido Bonatus have delivered.  
Again, in regard of the measure of time by months and years, there will ●e no small difficulty, and if we shall strictly consider it, many have been and still may be mistaken; for neither the motion of the Moon, whereby months are computed, nor of the Sun whereby years are accounted consisteth of whole numbers, but admits of fractions, and broken parts, as we have declared of the Moon. That of the Sun consisteth of 365. days, and almost 6 hours, that is wanting eleven minutes; which 6 hours omitted, or not taken notice of, will in process of time largely deprave the compute; and this is the occasion of the Bissextile of leapyeare, which was not observed in all times, nor punctually in all Commonwealths; so that in 63. years there may be lost almost 18. days, omitting the intercalation of one day every fourth year, allowed for this quadrant, or 6 hours' supernumerary: and though the same were observed, yet to speak strictly a man may be somewhat out in the account of his age at 63. for although every fourth year we insert one day, and so fetch up the quadrant, yet those eleven minutes whereby the year comes short of perfect 6 hours, will in the circuit of those years arise unto certain hours, and in a larger progression of time unto certain days, whereof at present we find experience in the Calendar we observe; for the Julian year of 365. days being eleven minutes larger than the annual revolution of the Sun, there will arise an anticipation in the Aequinoxes, and as Junctinus computeth in every 136. year they will anticipate almost one day; and therefore those ancient men and Nestor's of old times, which yearly observed their nativities, might be mistaken in the day; nor that to be construed without a grain of Salt, which is delivered by Moses in the Book of Exodus, At the end of four hundred years, even the self same day, all the host of Israel went out of the land of Egypt; for in that space of time the Equinoxes had anticipated, and the eleven minutes had amounted far above a day; and this compute rightly considered will fall fouler on them who cast up the lives of Kingdoms, and sum up their duration by particular numbers as Plato first began, and some have endeavoured since by perfect and spherical numbers by the square and cube of 7 and 9 and 12, the great number of Plato: wherein indeed Bodine hath attempted a particular enumeration, whereby notwithstanding beside the mistakes committible in the solary compute of years, the difference of Chronologie disturbs the satisfaction and quiet of his computes, some adding, others detracting, and few punctually according in any one year, whereby indeed such accounts should be made up, for the variation in one unity destroys the total illation.  
Thirdly, the compute may be unjust not only in a strict acception, or few days or hours, but in the latitude also of some years, and this may happen from the different compute of years in divers Nations, and even such as did maintain the most probable way of account, their year being not only different from one another, but the civil and common account disagreeing much from the natural year, whereon the consideration is founded: Thus from the testimony of Herodotus, Censorinus and others, the Greeks observed the Lunary year, that is, twelve revolutions of the Moon 354. days, but the Egyptians, and many others adhered unto the Solary account, that is, 365. days, that is eleven days longer; now hereby the account of the one would very much exceed the other: A man in the one would account himself 63. when one in the other would think himself but 61. and so although their nativities were under the same hour, yet did they at different years believe the verity of that which both esteemed affixed and certain unto one: The like mistake there is in a tradition of our days; men conceiving a peculiar danger in the beginning days of May, which are set out as a fatal period unto consumptions and cronical diseases; wherein notwithstanding w● compute by Calendars, not only different from our ancestors, but one another, the compute of the one anticipating that of the other; so that while we are in April, others begin May, and the danger is passed unto one, while it beginneth with another.  
Fourthly, men were not only out in the number of some days, the latitude of a few years, but might be wide by whole Olympiades' and divers Decades of years; for as Censorinus relateth, the ancient Arcadians observed a year of three months, the Carians of six, the Iberians of four; and as Diodorus and Xenophon, de Aequivocis allegeth, the ancient Egyptians have used a year of three, two, and one month, so that the Climacterical was not only different unto those Nations, but unreasonably distant from ours; for 63. will pass in their account, before they arrive so high as ten in ours.  
Nor if we survey the account of Rome itself, may we doubt they were mistaken, and if they feared climacterical years might err in their numeration; for the civil year whereof the people took notice, did sometime come short, and sometimes exceed the natural; for as it appears by Varro, Suetonius, and Censorinus, their year consisted first of ten months which comprehended by 304. days, that is 61. less than ours containeth; after by Numa or Tarquin from a superstitious conceit of impariety were added 51. days, which made 355. one day more than twelve revolutions of the Moon; and thus a long time it continued, the civil compute exceeding the natural; the correction whereof, and the due ordering of the leap-yeare was referred unto the Pontifices, who either upon favour or malice, that some might continue their offices a longer or shorter time, or from the magnitude of the year that men might be advantaged or endamaged in their contracts, by arbitrary intercalations they depraved the whole account; of this abuse Cicero accused Verres, which at last proceeded so far that when Julius Caesar came unto that office before the redress hereof he was fain to insert two intercalary months unto November and December, when he had already inserted 23. days unto February; so that that year consisted of 445. days; a quarter of a year longer than that we observe, and though at the last the year was reform, yet in the mean time they might be out, wherein notwithstanding they summed up Climacterical observations.  
Lastly, one way more there may be of mistake, and that not unusual among us, grounded upon a double compute of the year; the one beginning from the 25. of March, the other from the day of our birth unto the same again, which is the natural account: Now hereupon many men do frequently miscast their days; for in their age they diduce the account not from the day of their birth, but the year of our Lord, wherein they were borne; so a man that was borne in January, 1582. if he live to fall sick in the latter end of March, 2645. will sum up his age, and say I am now 63. and in my Climacterical and dangerous year, for I was borne in the year 1582. and now it is 1645. whereas indeed he wanteth many months of that year, considering the true and natural account unto his birth, and accounteth two months for a year: and though the length of time and accumulation of years do render the mistake insensible, yet is it all one, as if one borne in January 1644. should be accounted a year old the 25. of March, 1645.  
All which prepended, it may be easily perceived with what insecurity of truth we adhere unto this opinion, ascribing not only effects depending on the natural period of time unto arbitrary calculations, and such as vary at pleasure, but confirming our tenants by the uncertain account of others and ourselves; there being no positive or indisputeable ground where to begin our compute, that if there were, men might and have been several ways mistaken, the best in some latitude, others in greater, according to the different compute of divers states, the short and irreconcilable years of some, the exceeding error in the natural frame of others, and the lapses and false deductions of ordinary accountants in most.   

CHAP. XIII.  
Of the Canicular or Dog-days.  
Whereof to speak distinctly: among the Southern Constellations two there are which bear the name of the Dog; the one in 16. degrees of latitude, containing on the left thigh a Star of the first magnitude, usually called protion or Ant●canis, because say some it riseth before the other; which if truly understood, must be restrained unto those habitations, who have elevation of pole above thirty two degrees; 
jam Procyon fuerit & vesani Leonis.  mention thereof there is in Horace, who seems to mistake or confound the one with the other; and after him in Galen, who is willing the remarkablest star of the other should be called by this name, because it is the first that ariseth in the constellation; which notwithstanding, to speak strictly, it is not, unless we except one of the third magnitude in the right paw in his own and our elevation, and two more on his head in and beyond the degree of sixty; it is also called Canis min●r, though not canicula, by which diminutive is meant the greater Dog-star: A second and more considerable one there is, and neighbour unto the other in 40. degrees of Latitude, containing 18. stars, whereof that in his mouth of the first magnitude the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latins Canis major, and we emphatically the Dogstar.  
Now from the rising of this star not cosmically, that is with the Sun, but Heliacally, that is, its emersion from the rays of the Sun, the Ancients computed their canicular days; concerning which there generally passeth an opinion, that during those days, all medication or use of Physic is to be declined, and the cure committed unto Nature, and therefore as though there were any feriation in nature or justitiums imaginable in professions, whose subject is natural, and under no intermissive, but constant way of mutation; this season is commonly termed the Physician's vacation, and stands so received by most men: which conceit however general, is not only erroneous, but unnatural, and subsisting upon foundations either false, uncertain, mistaken, or misapplied, deserves not of mankind that indubitable assent it findeth.  
For first, which seems to be the ground of this assertion, and not to be drawn into question, that is, the magnified quality of this Star conceived to cause or intend the heat of this season, whereby these days become more observable than the rest, we find that wiser Antiquity was not of this opinion, which seven hundred years ago was as a vulgar error rejected by Geminus, a learned Mathematician in his Elements of Astronomy; wherein he plainly affirmeth, that common opinion made that a cause, which was at first observed but as a sign. The rising & setting both of this Star & others being observed by the Ancients, to denote & testify certain points of mutation, rather than conceived to induce or effect the same; For our forefathers, saith he, observing the course of the Sun, and marking certain mutations to happen in his progress through particular parts of the Zodiac, they registered and set them down in their Parapegmes, that is, certain Astronomical Canons, as Rhodiginus out of Vitruvius interprets it; and being not able to design these times by days, months, or years, (the compute thereof, and the beginning of the year being different, according unto different Nations) they thought best to settle a general account unto all, and to determine these alterations by some known and invariable signs; and such did they conceive the rising and setting of the fixed Stars; not ascribing thereto any part of causality, but notice and signification; and thus much seems employed in that expression of Homer, when speakeing of the Dog-star, he concludeth— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Malum autem signum est; the same as Petavius observeth, is employed in the word of P●olomy, and the Ancients, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, of the signification of star●es. The term of Scripture also favours it, as that of Isaiah, Nolite timere à signis coeli, and that in Genesis, Vt sint in signa & tempora: Let there be lights in the firmament, and let them be for signs and for seasons.  
But if all were silent, Galen hath explained this point unto the life, who expounding the reason why Hypocrates declared the affections of the year by the rising and setting of stars, it was saith he, because he would proceed on signs and principles best known unto all Nations; and upon his words, in the first of the epidemics, In Thaso Autumno circa Equinoxium & subvirgilias pluviae erant multae, he thus enlargeth: I● (saith he) the same compute of times and months were observed by all Nations, Hypocrates had never made any mention either of Arcturus, Pleiades, or the Dog-star, but would have plainly said, In Macedonia, in the month Dion, thus or thus was the air disposed; but for as much as the month Dion is only known unto the Macedonians, but obscure unto the Athenians, and other Nations, he found more general distinctions of time, and instead of naming months, would usually say, at the Aequinox, the rising of the Pleyades, or the Dog-star: And by this way did the Ancients divide the seasons of the year, the Autumn, Winter, Spring, and Summer, by the rising of the Pleyades, denoting the beginning of Summer, and by that of the Dog-star, the declination thereof; by this way Aristotle through all his books of Animals, distinguisheth their times of generation Latitancy, migration, sanity and venation; and this were an allowable and general way of compute, and still to be retained, were the site of the stars as inalterable, and their ascents as invariable as primitive Astronomy conceived them: And therefore though Aristotle frequently mentioneth this star, and particularly affirmeth that fishes in the Bosphorus are best to be catched from the arise of the Dogstar, must we conceive the same a mere effect thereof? Nor though Scaliger from hence be willing to infer the efficacy of this star, are we induced hereto; except because the same Philosopher affirmeth; that Tunny is fat about the rising of the Pleyades, and departs upon Arcturus, or that most infects are latent, from the setting of the 7. stars; except, I say, he give us also leave to infer that these particular effects and alterations proceed from those stars, which were indeed but designations of such quarters and portions of the year, wherein the same were observed: Now what Pliny affirmeth of the Orix, that it seemeth to adore this star, and taketh notice thereof by voice and sternutation, until we be better assured of its verity, we shall not salve the sympathy.  
Secondly, what slender opinion the Ancients held of the efficacy of this star is declarable from their compute; for as Geminus affirmeth, and Petavius his learned Comment proveth, they began their account from its heliacal emersion, and not its cosmical ascent; The cosmical ascension of a star we term that, when it ariseth together with the Sun, or the same degree of the Ecliptic wherein the Sun abideth; and that the ●eliacall, when a star which before for the vicinity of the Sun was not visible, being further removed beginneth to appear: for the annual motion of the Snn from West to East being far swifter than that of the fixed stars, he must of necessity leave them on the East whilst he hasteneth forward, and obscureth others to the West: and so the Moon who performs its motion swifter than the Sun, (as may be observed in their Conjunctions and E●●ipses) gets Eastward out of his rays, and appears when the Sun is set; if therefore the Dog-star had this effectual heat which is ascribed unto it, it would afford best evidence thereof, and the season would be most ●ervent, when it ariseth in the probablest place of its activity, that is, the cosmical ascent, for therein it ariseth with the Sun, and is included in the same irradiation: but the time observed by the Ancients was long after this ascent, and in the heliacal emersion, when it becomes at greatest distance from the Sun, neither rising with it nor near it; and therefore, had they conceived any more than a bare signality in this Star, or ascribed the heat of the season thereunto, they would not have computed from its heliacal ascent which was of inferior efficacy, nor imputed the vehemency of heat unto those points wherein it was more remiss, and where with less probability they might make out its action.  
Thirdly, although we derive the authority of these days from observations of the Ancients, yet are our computes very different, and such as confirm not each other, for whereas they observed it Heliacally, we observe it Cosmically; for before it ariseth Heliacally unto our la●itude, the Summer is even at an end: Again, we compute not only from different ascents, but also from divers stars; they from the greater Dog-star▪ we from the lesser; they from Orio●s, we from Shafalus hi● dog; they from S●irius, we from protion; for the beginning of the Dog-days with us is set down the 19 of July, at which time the lesser Dog-star ariseth with the Sun, whereas the star of the greater D●g ascendeth not until about the 31. of July, in the 18. degree of Leo; and the joint compute by both is only justifiable in the latitude of 30. degrees where both these stars arise together. So that their observations confirm not ours, nor ours theirs, but rather confute each other, computing from different foundations, and translating at pleasure the effects and power of one star unto another.  
Fourthly, (which is the Argument of Gem●●us) were there any such effectual heat in this star, yet could it but weakly evidence the same in Summer, it being about 40. degrees distant from the Sun, and should rather manifest its warming power in the winter, when it remains conjoined with the Sun in its Hybernall conversion; for about the 29. of October, and in the 16. of Sco●pius, and so again in January the Sun performs his revolution in the same parallel with the Dogge-starre; Again, if we should impute the heat of this season, unto the cooperation of any stars with the Sun, it seems more favourable for our times, to ascribe the same unto the constellation of Leo; where besides that the Sun is in his proper house, it is conjoined with many stars, whereof two of the first magnitude, and in the 8th of August is corporally conjoined with Basiliscus, a star of eminent name in Astrology, and seated in the very Ecliptic.  
Fifthly, if all were granted, that observation and reason were also for it, and were it an undeniable truth that an effectual se●vour proceeded from this star; yet would not the same determine the opinion now in question, it necessarily suffering such restrictions as take of general illations; for first in regard of different latitudes unto some, the ca●icular days are in the winter, as unto such as have no latitude, but live in a right Sphere that is under the Equinoctial line; for unto them it ariseth with the Sun about the Tropic of Cancer, which seas●● unto them is winter, and the Sun remotest from them: nor ●ath the same position in the summer, that is, in the Equinoctial points any advantage from it; for in the one point the Sun is at the Meridian, before the Dogge-starre ariseth, in the other the star is at the Meridian before the Sun ascendeth.  
Some latitudes have no canicular days at all; as namely all those which have more than 73. degrees of northern Elevation, as the territory of Nova Zembla, part of Greenland and Tartary; for unto that habitation the Dogge-starre is invisible, and appeareth not above the Horizon.  
Unto such Latitudes as it ariseth, it carrieth a various and a very different respect; unto some it ascendeth when Summer is over, whether we compute Heliacally or Cosmically; for though unto Alexandria it ariseth in Cancer, it ariseth not unto Biarmia Cosmically before it be in Virgo, and Heliacally about the Autumnal aequinox; even unto the Latitude of 52. the efficacy thereof is not much considerable, whether we consider its ascent, Meridian altitude, or abode above the Horizon; for it ariseth very late in the year, about the eighteenth of Leo, that is, the 31. of july; Of Meridian Altitude it hath but 23. degrees, so that it plays but obliquely upon us, and as the Sun doth about the 23. of January, and lastly his abode above the Horizon is not great; for in the eighteenth of Leo, the 31. of july, although they arise together, yet doth it set above 5. hours before the Sun, that is, before two of the clock, after which time we are more sensible of heat, than all the day before.  
Scondly, in regard of the variation of the longitude of the stars, we are to consider (what the Ancients observed not) that the site of the fixed stars is alterable, and that since elder times they have suffered a large and considerable variation of their longitudes; the longitude of a star to speak plainly, is its distance from the fi●st point of numeration toward the East, which first point unto the Ancients was the vernal aequinox▪ Now by reason of their motion from West to E●st, they have very much varied from this point: The first star of Aries in the time of Meton the Athenian was placed in the very intersection, which is now elongated and removed Eastward 28. degrees; insomuch that now the sign of Aries possesseth the place of Taurus, and Taurus that of Gem●●i; which variation of longitude must very much distract the opinion of the Dogge-starre, not only in our days, but in times be●ore and after; for since the world began it hath arisen in Taurus, and before it end may have its ascent in Virgo; so that we must place the canicular days, that is the hottest time of the year in the spring in the first Age, and in the Autumn in the ages to come.  
Thirdly, the stars have not only varied their longitudes, whereby their ascents have altered; but have also changed their declinations, whereby their rising at all, that is, their appearing hath varied. The longitude of a star we call its shortest distance from the Aequator. Now though the poles of the world and the Aequator be immovable, yet because the stars in their proper motions, from West to East do move upon the poles of the Ecliptic distant 23. degrees and an half 〈…〉 poles of the Aequator, and describe circles parallel not unto the Aequator, but the Ecliptic, they must be therefore sometimes nearer, sometimes removed further from the Aequator: All stars that have their distance from ●he Ecliptic Northward not more than 23. degrees a●d an half, which is the greatest distance of the Ecliptic from the Aequator, may in progression of time have declination Southward, and move beyond the Aequator: but if any star hath just this distance of 23. and an half, as hath Cappella on the back of E●icthonius, it may hereafter move under the Equinoctial, and the same will happen respectively unto stars which have declination Southward: and therefore many stars may be visible in our Hemisphere, which are not so at present, and many which are at present, shall take leave of our Horizon, and appear unto Southern habitations; and therefore the time may come that the Dogge-starre may not be visible in our Horizon, and the time hath been, when it hath not showed itself unto our neighbour latitudes; so that canicular days there have been none nor shall be, yet certainly in all times some season of the year more notable hot then other.  
Lastly, we multiply causes in vain, for the reason hereof we need not have recourse unto any star but the Sun and the continuity of its action: For the Sun ascending into the Northern signs, begetteth first a temperate heat in the air, which by his approach unto the solstice he intendeth, and by continuation increaseth the same even upon declination; for running over the same degrees again, that is in Leo, which he hath done in Taurus, in July which he did in May, he augmenteth the heat in the later which he began in the first, and easily intendeth the same by continuation which was well promoted before: So is it observed that they which dwell between the Tropics and the Aequator, have their second summer hotter and more maturative of fruits than the former: so we observe in the day (which is a short year) the greatest heat about two in the afternoon, when the Sun is passed the Meridian (which is his diurnal Solstice) and the same is evident from the Thermometer or observations of the weatherglass; so are the colds of the night sharper in the summer about two or three after midnight, and the frosts in winter stronger about those hours: so likewise in the year we observe the cold to augment, when the days begin to increase, though the Sun be then ascensive, and returning from the winter Tropic, and therefore if we rest not in this reason for the heat in the declining part of summer, we must discover freezing stars that may resolve the latter colds of winter, which who ever desires to invent, let him study the stars of Andromeda, or the nearer constellation of Pegasus, which are about that time ascendent.  
It cannot therefore unto reasonable constructions seem strange, or savour of singularity that we have examined this point, since the same hath been already denied by some, since the authority and observations of the Ancients rightly understood do not confirm it, since our present computes are different from those of the Ancients, whereon notwithstanding they depend; since there is reason against it, and if all were granted, yet must it be maintained with manifold restraints, far otherwise then is received; and lastly since from plain and natural principles, the doubt may be fairly salved, and not clapped up from petitionary foundations and principles unestablished.  
But that which chiefly promoted the consideration of these days, and medically advanced the same, was the doctrine of Hypocrates a Physician of such repute, that he received a testimony from a Christian, that might have been given unto Christ: 
Qui 〈◊〉 fallere potest nec falli.  The first in his book the Ae●e, Aquis, & locis, Syd●rum ortus. etc. That is, we are to observe the rising of Stars, especially the Dogge-starre, Arcturus, and the setting of the Pleyades or seven Stars; from whence notwithstanding we cannot in general infer the efficacy of these Stars, or coefficacie particular in medications: probably expressing no more hereby then if he should have plainly said, especial notice we are to take of the hottest time in Summer, of the beginning of Autumn and winter, for by the rising and setting of those stars were these times and seasons defined; and therefore subjoins this reason, Quoniam his temporibus morbi finiuntur, because at these times diseases have their ends, as Physicians well know, and he else where affirmeth, that seasons determine diseases, beginning in their contraries, as the spring the diseases of Autumn, and the summer those of winter; now (what is very remarkable) whereas in the same place he adviseth to observe the times of notable mutations, as the Aequinoxes, and the Solstices, and to decline Medication ten days before and after, how precisely soever canicular cautions be considered, this is not observed by Physicians, nor taken notice of by the people. And indeed should we blindly obey the restraints both of Physicians and Astrologers, we should contract the liberty of our prescriptions, and confine the utility of Physic unto a very few days; for observing the Dog-days, and as is expressed some days before, and likewise ten days before, and after the Equinoctial and Solsticiall points, by this observation alone are exempted above an hundred days; whereunto if we add the two Egyptian days in every month, the interlunary and pleniluary exemptions, the Eclipses of Sun and Moon, conjunctions and oppositions Planeticall, the houses of Planets, and the site of the Luminaries under the signs, (wherein some would induce a restraint of Purgation or Phlebotomy) there would arise above an hundred more; so that of the whole year the use of Physic would not be secure much above a quarter; now as we do not strictly observe these days, so need we not the other, and although consideration be made hereof, yet might we preserve the nearer Indications, before those which are drawn from the time of the year, or other celestial relation.  
The second Testimony is taken out of the last piece of his Age, and after the experience (as some think) of no less than an hundred years, and that is his book of Aphorisms, or short and definitive determinations in Physic; the Aphorism alleged is this, sub Cane & ante Canem difficiles sunt purgationes; sub Cane & Anticane, say some, including both the Dogstarres, but that cannot consist with the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nor had that Criticism been ever omitted by Galen; now how true this sentence was in the mouth of Hypocrates, and with what restraint it must be understood, will readily appear from the difference between us in circumstantial relations.  
And first, concerning his time and Chronologie, he lived in the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus about the 82. olympiad, 450. years before Christ, and from our times above two thousand. Now since that time (as we have already declared) the Stars have varied their longitudes, and having made large progressions from West to E●st, the time of the Dogstars' ascent must also very much alter; for it ariseth later now in the year, than it formerly did in the same latitude, and far later unto us who have a greater elevation; for in the days of Hypocrates this Star ascended in Cancer which now ariseth in Leo, and will in progression of time arise in Virgo; and therefore in regard of the time wherein he lived, the Aphorism was more considerable in his days then it is to us, or unto his country in ours.  
The place of his nativity was Coos, an Island in the Myrtoan Sea, not far from Rhodes, described in Maps by the name of Lango, and called by the Turks who are masters thereof Stancora, according unto Ptolemy of Northern latitude 36. degrees; that he lived and writ in these parts, is not improbably collected from the Epistles that passed betwixt him and Artaxe●xes, as also between the Citizens of Abdera, and Coos, in the behalf of Democritus; which place being seated from our latitude of 52, 16 degrees Southward, there will arise a different consideration, and we may much deceive ourselves if we conform the ascent of Stars in one place unto another, or conceive they arise the same day of the month in Coos and in England; for as Petavius computes in the first Julian year, at Alexandria of la●itude 31. the Star arose cosmically in the twelfe degree of Cancer, Heliacally the 26. by the compute of Geminus about this time at Rhodes of latitude 37. it ascended cosmically the 16 of Cancer, Heliacally the first of Leo; and about that time at Rome of latitude 42. cosmically the 22. of Cancer and Heliacally the first of Leo, for unto places of greater latitude it ariseth ever later, so that in some latitudes the cosmical ascent happeneth not before the twentieth degree of Virgo, ten days before the Autumnal Aequinox, and if they compute Heliacally after it in Libra.  
Again, should we allow all, and only compute unto the latitude of Coos, yet would it not impose a total omission of Physic; for if in the hottest season of that clime, all Physic were to be declined, then surely in many other, none were to be used at any time whatsoever; for unto many parts, not only in the Spring and Autumn, but also in the Winter the Sun is nearer, then unto the clime of Coos in the Summer.  
The third consideration concerneth purging medicines, which are at present far different from those employed in this Aphorism, and such as were commonly used by Hypocrates; for three degrees we make of purgative medicines: The first thereof is very benign, nor far removed from the nature of Aliment, into which upon defect of working, it is oft times converted, and in this form do we account Manna, Cassia, tamarinds and many more, whereof we find no mention in Hypocrates: the second is also gentle, having a familiarity with some humour, into which it is but converted if it fail of its operation; of this sort are Aloe, Rhabarbe, Senna, etc. whereof also few or none were known unto Hypocrates: The third is of a violent and venomous quality, which frustrate of its action, assumes as it were the nature of poison, such as are Scammoneum, Colocynthis, Elaterium, Euphorbium, Tithymallus, Laureola, Peplum, etc. of this sort it is manifest Hypocrates made use, even in Fevers, Pleurisies and Quinsies; and that composition is very remarkable which is ascribed unto Diogenes in Aeius, that is of Pepper, Sal Armoniac, Euphorbium, of each an ounce, the Dosis whereof four scruples and an half, which whosoever should take, would find in his bowels more than a canicular heat though in the depth the Winter; many of the like nature may be observed in Aetius Tetrab. 1. Serm. 3. or in the book De Dinamidiis, ascribed unto Galen, which is the same verbatim with the other.  
Now in regard of the second, and especially the first degree of Purgatives, the Aphorism is not of force, but we may safely use ●hem, they being benign and of innoxious qualities; and therefore Lucas Gauricus, who hath endeavoured with many testimonies to advance this consideration, at length concedeth that lenitive Physic may be used, especially when the Moon is well affected in Cancer or in the watery signs; but in regard of the third degree the Aphorism is considerable; purgations may be dangerous, and a memorable example there is in the medical Epistles of Crucius, of a Roman Prince that died upon an ounce of Diaphaenicon, taken in this season; from the use whereof we refrain not only in hot seasons, but warily exhibit it at all times in hot diseases, which when necessity requires we can perform more safely than the Ancients, as having better ways of preparation and correction; that is, not only by addition of other bodies, but separation of noxious parts from their own.  
But beside these differences between Hypocrates and us, the Physicians of these times and those of Antiquity, the condition of the dis●ase, and the intention of the Physician, holds a main consideration in what time and place soever: for Physic is either curative or preventive; Preventive we call that which by purging noxious humours, and the causes of diseases preventeth sickness in the healthy, or the recourse thereof in the valetudinary; and this is of common use both at the Spring and Fall, and we commend not the same at this season: Therapeuticke or curative Physic, we term that which restoreth the Patient unto sanity, and taketh away diseases actually affecting; now of diseases some are cronical and of long duration, as quartane Agues, Scurvy, etc. wherein because they admit of delay we defer the cure to more advantageous seasons: others we term acute, that is of short duration and danger, as Fevers, Pleurifies, etc. in which, because delay is dangerous, and they arise unto their state before the Dog-days determine, we apply present remedies according unto Indications, respecting rather the acuteness of the disease, and precipitancy of occasion, than the rising or setting of Stars, the effects of the one being disputable, of the other assured and inevitable.  
And although Astrology may here put in, and plead the secret influence of this Star; yet Gal●n I perceive in his Comment, makes no such consideration, confirming the truth of the Aphorism from the heat of the year, and the operation of Medicines exhibited, in regard that bodies being heated by the Summer, cannot so well endure the acrimony of purging Medicines, and because upon purgations contrary motions ensue, the heat of the Air attracting the humours outward, and the action of the Medicine retracting the same inward: but these are readily salved in the distinctions before alleged, and particularly in the constitution of our climate and divers others, wherein the Air makes no such exhaustion of spirits; and in the benignity of our Medicines, whereof some in their own natures, others well prepared, agitate not the humours, or make a sensible perturbation.  
Nor do we hereby reject or condemn a sober and regulated Astrology; we hold there is more truth therein then in Astrologers, in some more than many allow, yet in none so much as some pretend; we deny not the influence of the Stars, but often suspect the due application thereof; for though we should affirm that all things were in all things, that heaven were but earth celestified, and earth but heaven terrestrified, or that each part above had an influence upon its divided affinity below; yet how to single out these relations, and duly to apply their actions is a work oft times to be effected by some revelation, and Cabala from above, rather than any Philosophy, or speculation here below; what power soever they have upon our bodies, it is not requisite they should destroy our reasons, that is, to make us rely on the strength of Nature, when she is least able to relieve us, and when we conceive the heaven against us, to refuse the assistance of the earth created for us; this were to suffer from the mouth of the Dog above, what others do from the teeth of Dogs below; 
Upon the biting of a mad dog there ensues an hydrophobia or fear of water▪  that is, to be afraid of their proper remedy, and refuse to approach any water, though that hath often proved a cure unto their disease. There is in wise men a power beyond the stars; and Ptolemy encourageth us, that by foreknowledge, we may evade their actions; for, being but universal causes, they are determined by particular agents, which being inclined not constrained, contain within themselves the casting act, and a power to command the conclusion.  
Lastly, if all be conceded, and were there in this Aphorism an unrestrained truth, yet were it not reasonable to infer from a caution a non-usance or abolition, from a thing to be used with discretion, not to be used at all; because the Apostle bids us beware of Philosophy, heads of extremity will have none at all; an usual fallacy in vulgar and less distinctive brains, who having once overshot the mean, run violently on, and find no rest but in the extremes.  
And hereon we have the longer insisted, because the error is material, and concerns oftimes the life of man: an error to be taken notice of by State, and provided against by Princes, who are of the opinion of Solomon, that their riches consist in the multitude of their Subjects: an error worse than some reputed Heresies, and of greater danger to the body, than they unto the soul▪ which whosoever is able to reclaim, he shall save more in one Summer, than Themison destroyed in any Autumn; he shall introduce a new way of cure, preserving by Theory, as well as practice, and men not only from death, but from destroying themselves.    

THE FIFTH BOOK.  
Of many things questionable as they are commonly described in Pictures.  

CHAP. I.  
Of the picture of the Pelecan.  
ANd first in every place we meet with the picture of the Pelecan, opening her breast with her bill, and feeding her young ones with the blood distilling from her: Thus is it set forth not only in common signs, but in the Crest and Scucheon of many Noble families, hath been asserted by many holy Writers, and was an Hieroglyphic of pieti● and pity among the Egyptians, on which consideration, they spared them at their tables.  
Notwithstanding upon enquiry we find no mention hereof in Ancient Zoographers, and such as have particularly discoursed upon Animals, as Aristotle, Aelian, Pliny, Solinus and many more, who seldom forget proprieties of such a nature, and have been very punctual in less considerable Records: Some ground hereof I confess we may allow, nor need we deny a remarkable affection in Pelecans toward their young; for Aelian discoursing of Storks, and their affection toward their brood whom they instruct to fly, and unto whom they redeliver up the provision of their bellies, concludeth at last, that Herons and Pelecans do the like.  
As for the testimonies of ancient Fathers, and Ecclesiastical writers, we may more safely conceive therein some Emblematical than any real Story: so doth Eucherius confess it to be the Emblem of Christ; and we are unwilling literally to receive that account of Jerome, that perceiving her young ones destroyed by Serpents, she openeth her side with her bill, by the blood whereof they revive and return unto life again; by which relation they might indeed illustrate the destruction of man by the old Serpent, and his restorement by the blood of Christ; and in this sense we shall not dispute the like relations of Austin, Isidore, Albertus, and many more, and under an Emblematical intention, we accept it in coat armour.  
As for the Hieroglyphic of the Egyptians, they erected the same upon another Story, that is, from earnestly protecting her young, when her nest was set on fire; for as for letting out her blood, it was not the assertion of the Egyptians, but seems translated unto the Pelecan from the Vulture, as Pierius hath most plainly delivered Sed quod Pelicanum (●t etiam aliis plerisque persu●sum est) rostro pectus dissecantem pingunt, ita ut suo sanguine filios alat, ab Aegyptiorum historiâ valde alienum est, illi enim vulturem tantum id facere tradiderunt.  
And lastly, as concerning the picture, if naturally examined, and not Hieroglyphically conceived, it containeth many improprieties, disagreeing almost in all things from the true and proper description: for fi●st, whereas it is commonly set forth green or yellow, in its proper colour, it is inclining to white, excepting the extremities or tops of the wing feathers, which are black: It is described in the bigness of a Hen, whereas it approacheth and sometimes exceedeth the magnitude of a Swan; it is commonly painted with a short bill, whereas that of the Pelecan attaineth sometimes the length of two spans. The bill is made acute or pointed at the end; whereas indeed it is flat and broad, and somewhat inverted at the extreme. It is described like fissipedes, or birds which have their feet or claws divided; whereas it is palmipedous, or fin-footed like Swans and Geese, according to the Method of nature, in latirostrous or flat bild birds, which being generally swimmers, the organ is wisely contrived unto the action, and they are framed with fins or oars upon their feet; and therefore they neither light, nor build on trees, if we except Cormorants, who make their nests like Herons. Lastly, there is one part omitted more remarkable than any other, and that is the chowle or crop adhering unto the lower side of the bill, and so descending by the throat; a bag or satchel very observable, and of capacity almost beyond credit; which notwithstanding, this animal could not want; for therein (as Aristotle, Aelian, and Bellonius since averreth) it receiveth Oysters, Cochles, Sckollops, and other testaceous animals, which being not able to break, it retains them until they open, and vomiting them up, takes out the meat contained. This is that part preserved for a rarity, and wherein (as Sanctius delivers) in one dissected, a Negro child was found.   

CHAP. II.  
Of the picture of Dolphins.  
THat Dolphins are crooked, is not only affirmed by the hand of the Painter, but commonly conceived their natural and proper figure; which is not only the opinion of our times, but seems the belief of elder times before us: for beside the expressions of Ovid and Pliny, their Pourtraicts in some ancient Coins are framed in this figure, as will appear in some thereof in Gesner, others in Goltsius, and Laevinus Hulsius in his description of Coins, from Julius Caesar unto Rhodulphus the second.  
Notwithstanding, to speak strictly in their natural figure they are strait, nor have they their spin connexed, or more considerably embowed, than Sharks, Porpoises, Whales, and other Cetaceous animals, as Scaliger plainly affirmeth; Corpus habet non magis curvum quam reliqui pisces; as ocular enquiry informeth, and as unto such as have not had the opportunity to behold them, their proper pourtraicts will discover in Rondeletius, Gesner, and Aldrovandus, and as indeed is deducible from pictures themselves; for though they be drawn repandous, or connexedly crooked in one piece, yet the Dolphin that carrieth Arion is concavously inverted, and hath its spin depressed in another.  
And therefore what is delivered of their incurvitie, must either be taken Emphatically, that is not really but in appearance; which happeneth, when they leap above water, and suddenly shoot down again; which is a fallacy in vision, whereby strait bodies in a sudden motion protruded obliquely downward, appear unto the eye crooked, and this is the construction of Bellonius: or if it be taken really, it must not universally and perpetually, that is, not when they swim and remain in their proper figures, but only when they leap, or impetuously whirl their bodies any way, and this is the opinion of Gesnerus. Or lastly, it must be taken neither really, nor Emphatically, but only Emblematically; for being the Hyeroglyphick of celerity, and swifter than other animals, men best expressed their velocity by incurvity, and under some figure of a bow, and in this sense probably do Heralds also receive it, when from a Dolphin extended, they distinguish a Dolphin embowed.  
And thus also must that picture be taken of a Dolphin clasping an Anchor; that is not really, as is by most conceived out of affection unto man▪ conveying the Anchor unto the ground, but Emblematically, according as Pierius hath expressed it, The swiftest animal conjoined with that heavy body, implying that common moral, Festina lente, and that celerity should always be contempered with cunctation.   

CHAP. III.  
Of the Picture of a Grasshopper.  
THere is also among us a common description and picture of a Grasshopper, as may be observed in the pictures of Emblematists in the coats of several families, and as the word Cicada is usually translated in Dictionaries; wherein to speak strictly, if by this word Grasshopper, we understand that animal which is implied by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the Greeks, and by Cicada with the Latins, we may with safety affirm the Picture is widely mistaken, and that for aught enquiry can inform, there is no such insect in England, which how paradoxical soever, upon a strict enquiry, will prove undeniable truth.  
For first, that animal the French term Santerelle, we a Grasshopper, and which under this name is commonly described by us, is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the greeks, by the Latines Locusta, and by ourselves in proper speech a Locust; as in the diet of John Baptist, and in our Translation, Prov. 30. The Locusts have no King, yet go they forth all of them by bands. Again, between the Cicada and that we call a Grasshopper, the differences are very many, as may be observed in themselves, or their descriptions in Mathiolus, Aldrovandus, and Muffetus: for first, they are differently cucullated or capuched upon the head and back, and in the Cicada the eyes are more prominent; the Locusts have Antenuae or long horns before, with a long falcation or forcipated tail behind, and being ordained for saltation, their hinder legs do far exceed the other. The Locust or our Grasshopper hath teeth, the Cicada none at all, nor any mouth according unto Aristotle, the Cicada is most upon trees; and lastly, the note or fritiniancy thereof is far more shrill than that of the Locust, and its life so short in Summer, that for provision it needs not recourse unto the providence of the Pismire in Winter.  
And therefore where the Cicada must be understod, the pictures of Heralds and Emblematists are not exact, nor is it sa●e to adhere unto the interpretation of Dictionaries, and we must with candour make out our own Translations: for in the plague of Egypt, Exodus 10. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is translated a Locust, but in the same sense and subject, Wisdom 16. it is translated a Grasshopper, For them the bitings of Grasshoppers and ●lyes killed: whereas we have deciared before the Cicada hath no teeth, but is conceived to live upon dew, and the possibility of its subsistence is disputed by Licetus. Hereof I perceive Muffetus hath taken notice, and dissenteth from Langius and Lycostenes, while they deliver, the cicadas destroyed the fruits in Germany, where indeed that insect is not found; and therefore concludeth, Tam ipsos quam alios deceptos fuisse autumo, dum locustas cicadas esse vulgari err●re crederent.  
And hereby there may be some mistake in the due dispensation of medicines desumed from this animal, particularly of Dia●●ttigon commended by Aetius in the affections of the kidneys: It must be likewise understood with some restriction what hath been affirmed by Isidore, which is yet delivered by many, that Cicades are bred out of Cuckoo spittle, or Woodseare; that is, that spumous frothy dew or exudation or both, found upon Plants, especially about the joints of Lavender and Rosemary, and observable with us about the latter end of May; for here the true cicada is not bred, but certain it is, that out of this, some kind of locust doth proceed; for herein may be discovered a little insect of a festucine or pale green, resembling in all parts a Locust, or what we call a Grasshopper.  
Lastly, the word itself is improper, and the term of Grasshopper not appliable unto the Cicada; for therein the organs of motion are not contrived for saltation, nor are the hinder legs of such extension, as is observable in salient animals, and such as move by leaping; whereto the Locust is very well conformed; for therein the legs behind are longer than all the body, and make at the second joint acute angles, at a considerable advancement above their backs.  
The mistake therefore with us might have its original from a defect in our language; for having not the insect with us, we have not fallen upon its proper name, and so make use of a term common unto it and the Locust, whereas other countries have proper expressions for it; so the Italian calls it cicada, the Spaniard cigarra, and the French cigale; all which appellations conform unto the original, and properly express this animal.   

CHAP. IU.  
Of the picture of the Serpent tempting Eve.  
IN the picture of Paradise, and delusion of our first Parents, the Serpent is often described with humane visage, and not unlike unto Cadmus, or his wife, in the act of their Metamorphosis, which is not merely a pictoriall contrivance or invention of the Painter, but an ancient tradition and conceived reality, as it stands delivered by Beda and Authors of some Antiquity; that is, that Satan appeared not unto Eve in the naked form of a Serpent, but with a Virgin's head, that thereby he might become more acceptable, and his temptation find the easier entertain; which nevertheless is a conceit not to be admitted, and the plain and received figure, is with better reason embraced.  
For first, as Pierius observeth from Barcephas, the assumption of humane shape, had proved a disadvantage unto Satan; affording not only a suspicious amazement in Eve, before the fact, in beholding a third humanity beside herself and Adam; but leaving some excuse unto the woman, which afterward the man took up with lesser reason; that is, to have been deceived by another like herself.  
Again, there was no inconvenience in the shape assumed, or any considerable impediment that might disturb that performance in the common form of a Serpent: for whereas it is conceived the woman must needs be afraid thereof, and rather fly then approach it, it was not agreeable unto the condition of Paradise and state of innocence therein; if in that place as most determine, no creature was hurtful or terrible unto man, and those destructive effects they now discover succeeded the curse, and came in with them is chief of thorns and briers; and therefore Eugubinus (who affirmeth this Serpent was a Basilisk) incurreth no absurdity, nor need we infer that Eve should be destroyed immediately upon that Vision; for noxious animals could offend them no more in the Garden, than Noah in the Ark: as they peaceably received their names, so they friendly possessed their natures: and were their conditions destructive unto each other, they were not so unto man, whose constitutions were antidotes, and needed not fear poisons, who had not incurred mortality. And if (as most conceive) there were but two created of every kind, they could not at that time destroy either man or themselves; for this had frustrated the command of multiplication, destroyed a species, and imperfected the Creation: and therefore also if Cain were the first man borne, with him entered not only the act, but the first power of murder; for before that time neither could the Serpent nor Adam destroy Eve, nor Adam and Eve each other, for that had overthrown the intention of the world, and put its Creator to act the sixth day over again.  
Moreover, whereas in regard of speech, and vocal conference with Eve, it may be thought he would rather assume an humane shape and organs, than the improper form of a Serpent, it implies no material impediment; nor need we to wonder how he contrived a voice out of the mouth of a Serpent, who hath done the like out of the belly of a Pythonissa, and the trunk of an Oak, as he did for many years at Dodona.  
Lastly, whereas it might be conceived that an humane shape was fitter for this enterprise, it being more than probable she would be amazed to hear a Serpent speak; some conceive she might not yet be certain that only man was privileged with speech, and being in the novity of the Creation, and inexperience of all things, might not be affrighted to hear a Serpent speak: Beside she might be ignorant of their natures who was not versed in their names, as being not present at the general survey of Animals, when Adam assigned unto every one a name concordant unto its nature; nor is this only my opinion, but the determination of Lombard and Tostatus, and also the reply of cyril unto the objection of Julian, who compared this story unto the fables of the greeks.   

CHAP. V.  
Of the Picture of Adam and Eve with Navells.  
ANother mistake there may be in the picture of our first Parents, who after the manner of their posterity are both delineated with a Navel: and this is observable not only in ordinary and stained pieces, but in the Authentic draughts of Urbino, Angelo, and others; which notwithstanding cannot be allowed, except we impute that unto the first cause, which we impose not on the second, or what we deny unto nature, we impute unto Naturity itself, that is, that in the first and most accomplished piece, the Creator affected superfluities, or ordained parts without all use or office.  
For the use of the Navel is to continue the infant unto the Mother, and by the vessels thereof to convey its aliment and sustentation: the vessels whereof it consisteth, are the umbilical vein, which is a branch of the Porta, and implanted in the liver of the Infant; two Arteries likewise arising from the iliacal branches, by which the Infant receiveth the purer portion of blood and spirits from the mother; and lastly, the Urachos or ligamental passage derived from the bottom of the bladder, whereby it dischargeth the waterish and urinary part of its aliment: now upon the birth when the Infant forsaketh the womb although it dilacerate, and break the involving membranes, yet do these vessels hold, and by the mediation thereof the Infant is connected unto the womb not only before, but a while also after the birth: these therefore the midwife cutteth off, contriving them into a knot close unto the body of the Infant, from whence ensueth that tortuosity or complicated nodosity we usually call the Navel, occasioned by the colligation of vessels before mentioned: now the Navel or vessels whereof it is constituted, being a part precedent, and not subservient unto generation, nativity, or parturition, it cannot be well imagined at the creation or extraordinary formation of Adam, who immediately issued from the Artifice of God; nor also that of Eve, who was not solemnly begotten, but suddenly framed, and anomalously proceeded from Adam.  
And if we be led into conclusions that Adam had also this part, because we behold the same in ourselves, the inference is not reasonable; for if we conceive the way of his formation, or of the first animals did carry in all points a strict conformity unto succeeding productions, we might fall into imaginations that Adam was made without teeth, or that he ran through those notable alterations in the vessels of the heart, which the Infant suffers after birth: we need not dispute whether the egg or bird were first, and might conceive that dogs were created blind, because we observe they are littered so with us; which to affirm, is to confound, at least to regulate creation unto generation, the first acts of God, unto the second of Nature, which were determined in that general indulgence, Increase and multiply, produce or propagate each other; that is, not answerably in all points, but in a prolonged method according to seminal progression: for the formation of things at ●i●st was different from their generation after; and although it had no thing to precede, it was aptly contrived for that which should succeed it: and therefore though Adam were framed without this part, as having no other womb then that of his proper principles, yet was not his posterity without the same: for the seminalty of his fabric contained the power thereof, and was endued with the science of those parts whose predestinations upon succession it did accomplish.  
All the Navel therefore and conjunctive part we can suppose in Adam, was his dependency on his Maker, and the connexion he must needs have unto heaven, who was the Son of God, for holding no dependence on any preceding efficient but God, in the act of his production there may be conceived some connexion, and Adam to have been in a momentall Navel with his Maker: and although from his carnality and corporal existence the conjunction seemeth no nearer than of causality and effect, yet in his immortal and diviner part he seemed to hold a nearer coherence, and an umbilicality even with God himself: and so indeed although the propriety of this part be found but in some animals, and many species there are which have no navel at all▪ yet is there one link and common connexion, one general ligament, and necessary obligation of all whatever unto God; whereby although they act themselves at distance, and seem to be at loose, yet do they hold a conti●●ity with their Maker; which catenation or conserving union when ever his pleasure shall divide, let go, or separate, they shall fall from their existence, essence, and operations; in brief, they must retire unto their primitive nothing, and shrink into their Chaos again.   

CHAP. VI  
Of the Pictures of Eastern Nations, and the jews at their feasts, especially 〈◊〉 Saviour at the Passeover.  
COncerning the pictures of the Jews, and Eastern Nations at their feasts, concerning the gesture of our Saviour at the Passeover, who is usually described sitting upon a stool or bench at a square table, in the midst of the twelve, many make great doubt; and though they concede a table jesture will hardly allow this usual way of Session.  
Wherein restraining no man's enquiry, it will appear that accubation, or lying down at meals was a gesture used by very many nations. That the Parthians used it, is evident from Athenaeus, who delivereth out of Possidonius, that their King lay down at meals, on an higher bed than others. That Cleopatra thus entertained Anthony, the same Author manifesteth when he saith, she prepared twelve Tricliniums. That it was in use among the Greeks, the word T●iclinium implieth, and the same is also declareable from many places in the Symposiacks of Plutarch. That it was not out of fashion in the days of Aristotle, he declareth in his Politics, when among the Institutionary rules of youth, he adviseth they might not be permitted to hear iambics and Tragedies before they were admitted unto discumbency or lying along with others at their meals. That the Romans used this gesture at repast, beside many more is evident from Lipsius, Mercurialis, Salmasius, and Ciaconius who have expressly and distinctly treated hereof.  
Now of their accumbing places, the one was called Stibadion and Sigma, carrying the figure of an half Moon●, and of an uncertain capacity, whereafter it received the name of Hexaclinon, Octoclinon, according unto that of Martial, 
Accipe Lunata scriptum testudine Sigma  
Octo capit, veniat quis quis amicus ●rit.  Here at the left wing was the principal place, and the most honourable person, if he were not master of the feast possessed that room. The other was termed Triclinium, that is, Three beds encompassing a table, as may be seen in the figures thereof, and particularly in the Rhamnusian Triclinium, set down by Mercurialis. The customary use hereof was probably deduced from the frequent use of bathing, after which they commonly retired to bed, and refected themselves with repast; and so that custom by degrees changed their cubiculary beds into discubitory, and introduced a fashion to go from the baths unto these.  
As for their gesture or position, the men lay down leaning on their left elbow, their back being advanced by some pillow or soft substance; the second lay so with his back towards the first, that his head attained about his bosom; and the rest in the same order: For women, they sat sometimes distinctly with their sex, sometime promiscuously with men, according to affection or favour, as is delivered by Juvenal— Gremio jacuit nova nupta mariti— and by Suetonius of Caligula, that at his feasts he placed his sisters, with whom he had been incontinent, successively in order below him.  
Again, as their beds were three, so the guests did not usually exceed that number in every one, according to the ancient Laws, and proverbial observations to begin with the Graces, and make up their feasts with the Muses: and therefore it was remarkable in the Emperor Lucius Verus, that he lay down with twelve: which was, saith Julius Capitolinus, praeter exempla majorum, not according to the custom of his Predecessors, except it were at public and nuptial suppers.  
At this feast there were but seven; the middle places of the highest and middle bed being vacant, and hereat was Sertorius the General and principal guest slain; and so may we make out what is delivered by Plutark in his life, that lying on his back, and raising himself up, Perpenna cast himself upon his stomach; which he might very well do being master of the feast, and lying next unto him, and thus also from this Tricliniarie disposure, we may illustrate that obscure expression of Seneca; That the Northwind was in the middle, the North-East on the higher side, and the North-West on the lower; for as appeareth in the circle of the winds, the North-East will answer the bed ofAntonius, and the North-West that of Perpenna.  
That the custom of feasting upon beds was in use among the Hebrews, many diduce from the 23. of Ezekiel. Thou sattest upon a stately bed, and a table prepared before it. The custom of Discalceation or putting off their shoes at meals, is conceived by some to confirm the same; as by that means keeping their beds clean, and therefore they had a peculiar charge to eat the Passeover with their shoes on, which Injunction were needless, if they used not to put them off.  
That this discumbency at meals was in use in the days of our Saviour is conceived propable from several speeches of his expressed in that phrase, even unto common Auditors, as Luke the 14. Cum Invitatus fueris ad nuptias non discumbas in primo loco, and besides many more, Matthew the 23. when reprehending the Scribes and Pharisees, he saith, Amant protoclisias id est primos recubitus in caenis, & Protocathedrias sive primas cathedras in Synagogis: wherein the terms are very distinct, and by an Antithesis do plainly distinguish the posture of sitting, from this of lying on beds.  
That they used this gesture at the Passeover, is more than probable from the testimony of jewish writers, and particularly of Ben-maimon recorded by Scaliger de emendatione temporum: After the second cup according to the Institution, Exod. 12. The son asketh, what meaneth this service? Then he that maketh the declaration saith, How different is this night from all other nights? for all other nights we wash but once, but this night twice; all other we eat leavened or unleavened bread, but this only leavened; all other we eat flesh roasted, boiled, or baked, but this only roasted; all other nights we eat together lying or sitting, but this only lying along; and this posture they used as a token of rest and security which they enjoyed far different from that, at the eating of the Passeover in Egypt.  
That this gesture was used when our Saviour eat the Passeover, is not conceived improbable from the words whereby the Evangelists express the same, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which terms do properly signify this gesture in Aristotle, Athenaeus, Euripides, Sophocles, and all humane Authors; and the like we meet with in the paraphrastical expression of Nonnus.  
And thus may it properly be made out; what is delivered John 13. Erat recumbens unu● ex Discipulis ejus in sinu jesu quem diligebat; Now there was leaning on Jesus bosom one of his Disciples whom Jesus loved; which gesture will not so well agree unto the position of sitting, but is natural, and cannot be avoided in the Laws of accubation; and the very same expression is to be found in Pliny, concerning the Emperor Nerva and Veiento whom he favoured, Caenabat Nerva cum paucis, Veiento recumbeb at propius atque etiam in sinu; and from this custom arose the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, a near and bosom friend: and therefore Causabon justly rejecteth Theophylact, who not considering the ancient manner of decumbency, imputed this gesture of the beloved Disciple unto Rusticity, or an act of incivility; And thus also have some conceived; it may be more plainly made out what is delivered of Mary Magdalen, Luke 7. That the stood at Christ's feet behind him weeping, and began to wash his feet with tears, and did wipe them with the hairs of her head; which actions, if our Saviour sat, she could not perform standing, and had rather stood behind his back, then at his feet; and thus it cannot be reconciled what is observable in many pieces, and even of Raphaell U●bin, wherein Mary Magdalen is pictured before our Saviour, washing his feet on her knees, which will not consist with the strict description and letter of the Text.  
Now whereas this position may seem to be discountenanced by our Translation, which usually renders it sitting, it cannot have that illation; for the French and Italian translations expressing neither position of session or recubation, do only say that he placed himself at the table, and when ours expresseth the same by sitting, it is in relation unto our custom, time, and apprehension; and the like upon occasion is not unusual in our translation; so when it is said Luke 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Vulgar renders it, Cum plicasset librum, ours translateth it, he shut or closed the book, which is an expression proper unto the paginall books of our times, but not so agreeable unto volumes or rolling books in use among the Jews, not only in elder times, but even unto this day. So when it is said, the Samaritan delivered unto the host two pence for the provision of the Levite; and when our Saviour agreed with the Labourers for a penny a day, in strict translation it should be seven pence half penny, and is not to be conceived our common penny, the sixtieth part of an ounce; for the word in the Original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin, Denarius, and with the Romans did value the eight part of an ounce, which after five shillings the ounce amounteth unto seven pence half penny of our money.  
Lastly, whereas it might be conceived that they eat the Passeover standing rather then sitting, or lying down, according to the Institution, Exod. 12. Thus shall you eat with your loins girded, your shoes on your feet, and your staff in your hand; the Jews themselves reply, this was not required of succeeding generations, and was not observed, but in the Passeover of Egypt, and so also many other injunctions were afterward omitted, as the taking up of the Paschall Lamb, from the tenth day, the eating of it in their houses dispersed, the striking of the blood on the door posts, and the eating thereof in haste; solemnities and Ceremonies primitively enjoined, afterward omitted, as was also this of station, for the occasion ceasing, and being in security, they applied themselves unto gestures in use among them.   

CHAP. VII.  
Of the picture of our Saviour with long hair.  
ANother picture there is of our Saviour described with long hair, according to the custom of the Jews, and his description sent by Lentulus unto the Senate; wherein indeed the hand of the Painter is not accusable, but the judgement of the common Spectator, conceaving he observed this fashion of his hair, because he was a Nazarite, and confounding a Nazarite by vow, with those by birth or education.  
The Nazarite by vow is declared Numb. 6. and was to refrain three things, drinking of Wine, cutting the hair, and approaching unto the dead, and such a one was Samson: Now that our Saviour was a Nazarite after this kind, we have no reason to determine, for he drank wine, and was therefore called by the Pharisees 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Wine bibber; he approached also the dead, as when he raised from death Lazarus, and the daughter of Jairus.  
The other Nazarite was a Topical appellation, and appliable unto such as were borne in Nazareth, a City of Galilee, and in the Tribe of Napthali; neither if strictly taken, was our Saviour in this sense a Nazarite; for he was borne in Bethleem in the Tribe of Judah; but might receive that name, because he abode in that City, and was not only conceived therein, but there also passed the silent part of his life, after his return from Egypt, as is delivered by Matthew, And he came and dwelled in a City called Nazareth, that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the Prophet, he shall be called a Nazarene; both which kinds of Nazarites, as they are distinguishable by Zain, and Tsade in the Hebrew, so in the Greek, by Alpha and Omega; for as Jansenius observeth, where the votary Nazarite is mentioned, it is writ●en 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Levit. 6. and Lamentations the fourth, where it is spoken of our Saviour, we read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in Matthew, Luke, and John, only Mark who writ his Gospel at Rome did Latinize and wrote it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Of the picture of Abraham sacrifi●in Isaac.  
IN the picture of the Immolation of Isaac, or Abraham sacrificing his son, Isaac is described as a little boy, which notwithstanding is not consentaneous unto the authority of Expositors, or the circumstance of the Text; for therein it is delivered that Isaac carried on his back the wood for the sacrifice, which being an holocaust or burnt offering to be consumed unto ashes, we cannot well conceive the wood a burden for a boy, but such a one unto Isaac, as that which it typified was unto Christ, that is, the wood or cross whereon he suffered, which was too heavy a load for his shoulders, and was fain to be relieved therein by Simon of Cyrene.  
Again, he was so far from a boy, that he was a man grown, and at his full stature, if we believe Josephus, who placeth him in the last of Adolescency, and makes him twenty five years old; and whereas in the vulgar Translation he is termed puer, it must not be strictly apprehended, (for that age properly endeth in puberty, and extendeth but unto fourteen) but respectively unto Abraham, who was at that time above sixscore: And therefore also herein he was not unlike unto him who was after led dumb unto the slaughter, and commanded by others, who had legions at command, that is in meekness and humble submission; for had he resisted, it had not been in the power of his aged parent to have enforced; and many at his years, have performed such acts, as few besides at any: David was too strong for a Lion and a Bear, Pompey had deserved the name of Great, Alexander of the same cognomination was Generalissimo of Greece, and Hannibal but one year after succeeded Asdrubal in that memorable War against the Romans.   

CHAP. IX.  
Of the Picture of Moses with Horns.  
IN many pieces, and some of ancient Bibles, Moses is described with Horns; whereof the ground was surely the Hebrew text, in the History of Moses, when he descended from the mount; for therein the original word being aequivocal, and signifying horned as well as shining, the Vulgar Translation hath retained the former; Qui videbant faciem egredientis Mosis esse cornutam. But the word in the Septuagint is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is his face was glorified, and this passage of the Old Testament is well explained by another of the New, that is Corinth. 3. wherein it is delivered that they could not steadfastly behold the face of Moses, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, for the glory of his face. And surely the exposition of one Text is best performed by another, men vainly interposing their constructions, where the Scripture decideth the controversy; and therefore some have seemed too active in their expositions, who in the story of Rahab the harlot, have given notice that the word also signifieth an Hostess; for in the Epistle to the Hebrews, she is plainly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies not an Hostess, but a pecuniary and prostituting Harlot, a term applied unto Lais by the Greeks, and distinguished from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or amlca, as may appear in the thirteenth of Athenaeus.  
And therefore more allowable is the Translation of Tremellius, then that of the Vulgar, Quod splendida facta esset cubis faciei ejus; or rather as Estius hath interpreted it, facies ejus erat radiosa, his face was radiant, and dispersing beams like many horns and cones about his head; which is also consonant unto the original signification, and yet observed in the pieces of our Saviour, and the Virgin Mary, who are commonly drawn with scintillations, or radiant Halo's about their head; which after the French expression are usually termed, the Glory.  
Now if besides this occasional mistake, any man shall contend a propriety in this picture, and that no injury is done unto Truth by this description, because an horn is the hieroglyphic of authority, power & dignity, and in this Metaphor is often used in Scripture, the piece I confess in this acception is harmless and agreeable unto Moses. But if from the common mistake, or any solary consideration we persist in this description, we vilify the mystery of the irradiation, and authorize a dangerous piece conformable unto that of Jupiter Hammon, which was the Sun, and therefore described with horns; as is delivered by Macrobius; Hammonem quem Deum solem occidentem Lybies existimant, arietinis cornibus ●ingunt, quibus id animal valet sicut radiis Sol▪ we herein also imitate the picture of Pan, and Pagan emblem of Nature; and if (as Macrobius and very good Authors concede) Bacchus (who is also described with horns) be the same Deity with the Sun, and if (as Vossius well contendeth) Moses and Bacchus were the same person, their descriptions must be relative, or the Tauricornous picture of the one, perhaps the same with the other.   

CHAP. X.  
Of the Scucheons of the Tribes of Israel.  
WE will not pass over the Scucheons of the tribes of Israel, as they are usually described in the Maps of Canaan and several other pieces; generally conceived to be the proper coats, and distinctive badges of their several tribes. So Reuben is conceived to bear three Bars wave, Judah a Lion Rampant, Dan a Serpent nowed, Simeon a Sword inpale the point erected, etc. the ground whereof is the last Benediction of Jacob, wherein he respectively draweth comparisons from things here represented.  
Now herein although we allow a considerable measure of truth, 
Gen. 49.  yet whether as they are usually described, these were the proper cognisances, and coat arms of the Tribes, whether in this manner applied, and upon the grounds presumed, material doubts remain.  
For first, they are not strictly made out, from the Prophetical blessing of Jacob; for Simeon and Levi have distinct coats, that is a Sword, and the two tables, yet are they by Jacob included in one Prophecy, Simeon and Levi are brethren, Instruments of cruelties are in their habitations. So Joseph beareth an Ox, whereof notwithstanding there is no mention in this Prophecy; for therein it is said Joseph is a fruitful bough, even a fruitful bough by a well; by which repetition are intimated the two Tribes descending from him Ephraim and Manasses; whereof notwithstanding Ephraim beareth an Ox: True it is, that many years after in the benediction of Moses, it is said of Joseph, His glory is like the firstlings of his Bullock; 
Deut. 33.  and so we may concede, what Vossius learnedly declareth, that the Egyptians represented Joseph in the symbol of an Ox, for thereby was best employed the dream of Pharaoh, which he interpreted, the benesit by Agriculture, and provident provision of corn which he performed, and therefore did Serapis bear a bushel upon his head.  
Again, if we take these two benedictions together, the resemblances are not appropriate, and Moses therein conforms not unto Jacob; for that which in the Prophecy of Jacob is appropriated unto one, is in the blessing of Moses made common unto others: So whereas Judah is compared unto a Lion by Jacob, Judah is a Lion's whelp; the same is applied unto Dan by Moses, Dan is a Lion's whelp, he shall leap from Bashan: and also unto Gad, he dwelleth as a Lion, and teareth the arm with the Crown of the head.  
Thirdly, if a Lion were the proper coat of Judah, yet were it not probably a Lion Rampant, as it is commonly described, but rather couchant or dormant, as some Heralds and Rabins do determine, according to the letter of the Text, Recumbens dormisti ut Leo, He couched as a Lion, and as a young Lion, who shall rouse him?  
Lastly, when it is said, Every man of the children of Israel shall pitch by his own standard with the Ensign of their father's house; 
Numb. 2.  upon enquiry what these standards and ensigns were there is no small incertainty, and men conform not unto the Prophecy of Jacob. Christian Expositors are fain herein to rely upon the Rabbins, who notwithstanding are various in their traditions, and confirm not these common descriptions; for as for inferior Ensigns either of particular bands or houses they determine nothing at all, and of the four principle or Legionary standards, that is of Judah, Reuben, Ephraim, and Dan, (under every one whereof marched three tribes) they explain them very variously. Jonathan who compiled the Thargum, conceives the colours of these banners to answer the precious stones in the breastplate, and upon which the names of the Tribes were engraven. So the standard for the camp of Judah, was of three colours according unto the stones, Chalcedony, Saphir, and Sardonix; and therein were expressed the names of the three tribes, Judah, Isachar, and Zabulon, and in the midst thereof was witten, 
Numb. 10.  Rise up Lord, and let thy enemies be scattered, and let them that hate thee fly before thee; in it was also the portrait of a Lion: The standard of Reuben was also of three colours, Sardine, Topaz, and Amethyst, therein were expressed the names of Reuben, 
Deut. 6.  Simeon, and Gad, in the midst was written, Hear, O Israel, The Lord our God, the Lord is one: Therein was also the portraiture of a Hart. But Abenezra and others beside the colours of the field, do set down other charges, in Rubens the form of a man or mandrake, in that of Judah a Lion, in Ephraim's an Ox, in Dan's the figure of an Eagle.  
And thus indeed the four figures in the banners of the principal squadrons of Israel are answerable unto the Cherubins in the vision of Ezechiel, every one carrying the form of all these: 
Ezek. 1.  As for the likeness of their faces, they four had the likeness of the face of a Man, they four had also the face of an Eagle, and the face of a Lion on the right side, and they four had the face of an Ox on the left side, they four had also the face of an Eagle; and conformable hereunto the pictures of the Evangelists (whose Gospels are the Christian banners) are set forth with the addition of a Man or Angel, an Ox, a Lion, and an Eagle; and these symbolically represent the office of Angels, and Ministers of God's will; in whom is required understanding as in a Man, courage and vivacity as in the Lion, service and ministerial officiousness, as in the Ox, expedition or celerity of execution, as in the Eagle.  
From hence therefore we may observe that these descriptions the most authentic of any, are neither agreeable unto one another, nor unto the Scuchions in question; for though they agree in Ephraim and Judah, that is the Ox and the Lion, yet do they differ in those of Dan, and Reuben, as far as an Eagle is different from a Serpent, and the figure of a Man, Hart, or Mandrake, from three Bars wave, wherein notwithstanding we rather declare the incertainty of Arms in this particular, than any way question their antiquity; for hereof more ancient examples there are, than the Scucheons of the Tribes, if Osiris, Mizraim or Jupiter the Just, were the son of Cham; for of his two sons, as Diodorus delivereth, the one for his Device gave a Dog, the other a Wolf; and beside the shield of Achilles, and many ancient Greeks, if we receive the conjecture of Vossius, that the Crow upon Corvinus his head, was but the figure of that Animal upon his helmet, it is an example of Antiquity among the Romans.   

CHAP. XI.  
Of the Pictures of the Sibylls.  
THe Pictures of the Sibylls are very common, and for their Prophecies of Christ in high esteem with Christians; described commonly with youthful faces, and in a defined number; common pieces making twelve, and many precisely ten, observing therein the account of learned Varro; that is, Sibylla Delphica, Erythraea, Samia, Cumana, Cumaea, or Cimmeria, Hellespontiaca, Lybica, Phrygia, Tiburtina, Persica. In which enumeration I perceive learned men are not satisfied, and many conclude an irreconcilable incertainty; some making more, others fewer, and not this certain number; for Suidas though he affirm that in divers ages there were ten▪ yet the same denomination he affordeth unto more; Boy●ardus in his Tract of Divination hath set forth the Icons of these Ten, yet addeth two others, Epirotica, and Aegyptia; and some affirm that Prophesying women were generally named Sibylls.  
Others make them fewer: Martianus Capella two, Pliny and Solinus three, Aelian four, and Salmasius in effect but seven, for discoursing hereof in his Plinian Exercitations, he thus determine●h; Ridere licet hodiernos Pictores, qui tabulas proponunt Cumana, Cumeae, & Erythraeae, qu●si trium diversarum Sibyllarum; cum una eademque fuerit Cumana, Cumaea, & Erythraea, ex plurium & doctissimorum Authorum sententia: Boysardus gives us leave to opinion there was no more than one; for so doth he conclude, In tantâ Scriptorum varictate liberum relinquim●s Lectori cred●re, an una & eadem in diversis regionibus peregrinata, cognomen sortita sit ab iis locis ubi or acula reddidiss● comperitur, an plures extiterint: And therefore not discovering a resolution of their number from the pens of the best Writers, we have no reason to determine the same from the hand and pencil of Painters.  
As touching their age, that they are generally described as young women, History will not allow; for the Sibyl whereof Virgil speaketh is termed by him longava sacerdos, and Servius in his Comment amplifieth the same. The other that sold the books unto Tarquin, and whose History is plainer than any, by Livy and Gellius is termed Anus, 
Anus, quasi A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sine ment  that is properly no woman of ordinary age, but full of years, and in the days of doteage, according to the Etymology of Festus, and consonant unto the History; wherein it is said, that Tarquin thought she doted with old age; which duly prepended, the Licentia pictoria is very large, and with the same reason they may delineate old Nestor like Adonis, Hecuba with Helen's face, and Time with Absalon's head.   

CHAP. XII.  
Of the Picture describing the death of Cleopatra.  
THe Picture concerning the death of Cleopatra with two Asps or venomous Serpents unto her arms, or breasts, or both, requires consideration: for therein (beside that this variety is not excusable) the thing itself is questionable; nor is it indisputably certain what manner of death she died. Plutarch in the life of Antony plainly delivereth, that no man knew the manner of her death; for some affirmed she perished by poison, which she always carried in a little bollow comb, and wore it in her hair; beside there were never any Asps discovered in the place of her death, although two of her maids perished also with her, only it was said two small and almost insensible pricks were sound upon her arm; which was all the ground that Caesar had to presume the manner of her death. Galen who was contemporary unto Plutarch, delivereth two ways of her death: that is, that she killed herself by the bite of an Asp, or bit an hole in her arm, and poured poison therein. Strabo that lived before them both, hath also two opinions, that she died by the bite of an Asp, or else a poisonous ointment.  
We might question the length of the Asps which are sometimes described exceeding short, whereas the Chersaea or land Asp which most conceive she used, is above four cubits long: their number is not unquestionable; for whereas there are generally two described, Augustus (as Plutarch relateth) did carry in his triumph the Image of Cleopatra but with one Asp unto her arm: as for the two pricks, or little spots in her arm, they rather infer the sex, than plurality: for like the viper, the female Asp hath four, but the male two teeth, whereby it left this impression, or double puncture behind it.  
And lastly, we might question the place; for some apply them unto her breast, which notwithstanding will not consist with the history, and Petrus Victorius hath well observed the same: but herein the mistake was easy, it being the custom in capital malefactors to apply them unto the breast, as the Author De Theriaca ad Pisonem, an eyewitness hereof in Alexandria, where Cleopatra died, determineth: I beheld saith he, in Alexandria, how suddenly these Serpents bereave a man of life; for when any one is condemned to this kind of death, if they intent to use him favourably, that is, to dispatch him suddenly, they fasten an Asp unto his breast, and bidding him walk about, he presently perisheth thereby.   

CHAP. XIII.  
Of the Pictures of the nine Worthies.  
THe pictures of the nine Worthies are not unquestionable, and to critical spectators may seem to contain sundry improprieties: Some will inquire why Alexander the Great is described upon an Elephant? for indeed, we do not find he used that animal in his Armies, much less in his own person; but his horse is famous in history, and its name alive to this day: Beside, he fought but one remarkable battle, wherein there were any Elephants, and that was with Porus King of India; In which notwithstanding, as Curtius, Arrianus, and Plutarch report, he was on horseback himself; and if because he fought against Elephants, he is with propriety set upon their backs, with no less or greater reason is the same description agreeable unto Judas Maccabeus, as may be observed from the history of the Maccabees; and also unto Julius Caesar, whose triumph was honoured with captive Elephants, as may be observed in the order thereof, set forth by jacobus Laurus: and if also we should admit this description upon an Elephant, yet were not the manner thereof unquestionable, that is, in his ruling the beast alone; for, beside the champion upon their back, there was also a guide or Ruler, which sat more forward to command or guide the beast: Thus did King Porus ride when he was overthrown by Alexander; and thus are also the towered Elephants described, Maccab. 2. 6. Upon the beasts there were strong towers of wood which covered every one of them, and were girt fast unto them by devices; there were also upon every one of them thirty two strong men, beside the Indian that ruled them.  
Others will demand, not only why Alexander upon an Elephant, but Hector upon an Horse? whereas his manner of fight, or presenting himself in battle, was in a Chariot, as did the other noble Trojans, who as Pliny affirmeth were the first inventors thereof; the same way of fight is testified by Diodorus, and thus delivered by Sir Walter Raleigh. Of the vulgar little reckoning was made, for they fought all on foot, slightly armed, and commonly followed the success of their Captains, who road not upon horses, but in Chariots drawn by two or three horses; and this was also the ancient way of fight among the Britain's, as is delivered by Diodorus, Caesar, and Tacitus; and there want not some who have taken advantage hereof, and made it one argument of their orginal from Troy.  
Lastly, by any man versed in Antiquity, the question can hardly be avoided, why the horses of these Worthies, especially of Caesar, are described with the furniture of great saddles, and styrrops; for saddles largely taken, though some defence there may be, yet that they had not the use of stirrups, seemeth out of doubt; as Pancirollus hath observed, as Polydore Virgil and Petrus Victorius have confirmed, expressly discoursing hereon; as is observable from Pliny, and cannot escape our eyes in the ancient monuments, medals and Triumphant arches of the Romans. Nor is there any genuine or classic word in Latin to express them; for staphia or stapes is not to be found in Authors of Antiquity; and whereas the name might promise some Antiquity, because among the three small bones in the Auditory Organ, by Physicians termed Incus Malleus, and stapes, one thereof from some resemblance doth bear this name; these bones were not observed, much less named by Hypocrates, Galen or any ancient Physician; but as Laurentius observeth concerning the invention of the stapes or stirrup bone, there is some contention between Columbus and Ingrassias, the one of Sicilia, the other of Cremona, and both within the compass of this Century.  
The same is also deduceable from very approved Author●: Polybius speaking of the way which Hannibal marched into Italy, useth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is saith Petrus Victorius, it was stored with devices for men to get upon their horses, which ascents were termed Be●mata; and in the life of Caius Gracchus, Plutarch expresseth as much; for endeavouring to ingratiate himself with the people, besides the placing of stones at every miles end, he made at nearer distances certain elevated places, and Scalary ascents, that by the help thereof they might with better ease ascend or mount their horses. Now if we demand how Cavaliers then destitute of stirrups did usually mount their horses, Vegetius resolves us, that they used to vault or leap up, and therefore they had wooden horses in their houses and abroad, that thereby young men might enable themselves in this action, wherein by instruction and practice they grew so perfect, that they could vault up on the right or left, and that with their sword in hand, according to that of Virgil— 
Poscit equos, atque arma simul saltuque superbus  
Emicat.  And again: 
Infraenant alii currus & corpor a saltu  
Injic●unt in eqwos. — And so Julius Pollux adviseth to teach horses to incline, dimit, and bow down their bodies, that their riders may with better ●ase ascend them; and thus may it more causally be made out, what Hypocrates affirmeth of the Scythians, that using continual riding, they were generally molested with the Sciatica or hippegowte; or what Suetonius delivereth of Germanicus, that he had slender legs, but increased them by riding after meals; that is, the humours descending upon their pendulosity, they having no support or suppedaneous stability.  
Now if any shall say that these are petty errors and minor lapses not considerably injurious unto truth, yet is it neither reasonable nor safe to contemn inferior falsities; but rather as between falsehood and truth, there is no medium, so should they be maintained in their distances, nor the insinuation of the one, approach the sincerity of the other.   

CHAP. XIV.  
Of the Picture of jehptha sacrificing his daughter.  
THe hand of the Painter confidently seateth forth the picture of Jephthah in the posture of Abraham, sacrificing his only daughter; Thus indeed is it commonly received, and hath had the attest of many worthy Writers; notwithstanding upon enquiry we find the matter doubtful, and many upon probable grounds to have been of another opinion; conceaving in this oblation not a natural but a Civil kind of death, and a separation only unto the Lord; for that he pursued not his vow unto a literal oblation, there want not arguments both from the Text and reason.  
For first, it is evident that she deplored her virginity, and not her death; Let me go up and down the mountains, and bewail my virginity, I and my fellows.  
Secondly, when it is said, that Jephthah did unto her according unto his vow, it is immediately subjoined, Et non cognovit virum▪ and she knew no man, which as immediate in words, was probably most near in sense unto the vow.  
Thirdly, it is said in the Text, that the daughters of Israel went yearly to talk with the daughter of J●phthah four days in the year, which had she been sacrificed, they could not have done; For whereas the word is sometime translated to lament, yet doth it also signify to talk or have conference with one, and by Tremellius who was well able to judge of the Original, it is in this sense translated: Ibant filii Israelitarum ad confabulandum cum filia jephthaci, quatuor diebus quotannis: And so it is also set down in the marginal notes of our Translation: And from this annual concourse of the daughters of Israel, it is not improbable in future Ages, the daughter of Jephthah came to be worshipped as a Deity, and had by the Samaritans an annual festivity observed unto her honour, as Epiphanius hath left recorded in the heresy of the Melchidecians.  
It is also repugnant unto reason, for the offering of mankind was against the Law of God, who so abhorred humane sacrifice, that he admitted not the oblation of unclean beasts, and confined his altars but unto five kinds of Animals; that is, the Ox, the Goat, the Sheep, the Pigeon and its kinds: in the cleansing of the leper, there is I confess, mention made of the Sparrow, but great dispute may be made whether it be properly rendered, and therefore the Scripture with indignation, oft times makes mention of humane sacrifice among the Gentiles, whose oblations scarce made scruple of any Animal, sacrificing not only man, but I jorses, Lions, Aegle; and though they come not into holoca●sts, yet do we read the Syrians did make oblations of fishes unto the goddess Derceto; It being therefore a sacrifice so abominable unto God, although he had pursued it, it is not probable the Priests and wisdom of Israel would have permitted it, and that not only in regard of the subject or sacrifice itself, but also the sacrificator, which the picture makes to be Jepthah, who was neither Priest, nor capable of that office; for he was a Gileadite, and as the text affirmeth, the son also of an harlot; And how hardly the Priesthood would endure encroachment upon their function, a notable example there is in the Story of Ozias.  
Secondly, the offering up of his daughter was not only unlawful, and entrenched upon his religion, but had been a course and progress that had much condemned his discretion, that is, to have punished himself in the strictest observance of his Vow, when as the Law of God had allowed an evasion; that is, by way of commutation or redemption, according as is determined, Levi. 27. whereby if she were between the age of five and twenty, she was to be estimated but at ten shekels, and if between twenty and sixty, not above thirty; a sum that could never discourage an indulgent Parent, it being but the value of a servant slain, and the inconsiderable Salary of Judas, and will make no greater noise than three pound fifteen shillings with us; and therefore their conceit is not to be exploded, who say that from the Story of Jepthah sacrificing his own daughter, might spring the fable of Agam●mnon, delivering unto sacrifice his daughter Iphigenia, who was also contemporary unto J●pthah; wherein to answer the ground that hinted it, Iphigenia was not sacrificed herself, but redeemed with an Hart, which Diana accepted for her.  
Now the ground at least which much promoted the opinion, might be the dubious words of the text, which contain the sense of his vow; most men adhering unto their common and obvious acception. Whatsoever shall come forth of the doors of my house shall surely be the Lords, and I will offer it up for a burnt offering. Now whereas it is said, Erit jehova, & offeram illud holocaustum, The word signifying both & and aut, it may be taken disjunctively, aut offeram, that is, it shall either be the Lords by separation, or else, an holocaust by common oblation, even as our marginal translation advertiseth; and as Tremellius rendereth it, Erit inquam jehovae, aut offer am illud holocaustum: and for the vulgar translation, it useth often & where aut must be presumed, as Exod. 21. Si quis percusserit patrem & matrem, that is not both, but either. There being therefore two ways to dispose of her, either to separate her unto the Lord, or offer her as a sacrifice, it is of no necessity the latter should be necessary; and surely less derogatory unto the sacred text, and history of the people of God, must be the former.   

CHAP. XV.  
Of the picture of john the Baptist.  
THe picture of John the Baptist, in a Camels skin is very questionable, and many I perceive have condemned it; the ground or occasion of this description are the words of the holy Scripture, especially of Matthew and Mark, for Luke and John are silent herein; by them it is delivered, his garment was of Camels hair, and had a leathern girdle about his loins. Now here it seems the Camel's hair is taken by Painters for the skin or pelt with the hair upon it: But this exposition will not so well consist with the strict acception of the words; for Mark 1. It is said, he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Matthew 3, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, as the vulgar translation, that of Beza, that of Sixtus Quintus, and Clement the eight hath rendered it, vestimentum habebat e pilis camelinis; which is as ours translateth it, a garment of Camels hair; that is made of some texture of that hair, a course garment, a cilicious or sackcloth habit; suitable to the austerity of his life, and the severity of his doctrine, Repentance, and the place thereof the wilderness, his food and diet locusts and wild honey; agreeable unto the example of Elias, who Kings 1. 8. is said to vir pilosus, that is as Junius and Tremellius interpret, Veste villoso cinctus; answerable unto the habit of the ancient Prophets, according to that of Zachary 13. In that day the Prophets shall be ashamed, neither shall they wear a rough garment to deceive, and suitable to the Cilicious and hairy Vestes of the strictest Orders of Friars, who derive the Institution of their Monastic life from the example of John and Elias.  
As for the wearing of skins, where that is properly intended, the expression of the Scripture is plain, so is it called Heb. 11. they wandered about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is in Goats skins; and so it is said of our first Parents, Gen. 3. that God made them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vestes pelliceas, or coats of skins; which though a natural habit unto all, before the invention of Texture, was something more unto Adam, who had newly learned to die; for unto him a garment from the dead, was but a Dictate of death, and an habit of mortality.  
Now if any man will say this habit of john, was neither of Camels skin, nor any course texture of its hair, but rather some finer weave of Camelot, Grograine or the like, in as much as these stuffs are supposed to be made of the hair of that Animal, or because that Aelian affirmeth, that Camels hair of P●●●ia, is as fine as Milesians wool, wherewith the great ones of that place were clothed; they have discovered an habit, not only unsuitable unto his leathern cincture, and the coursnes of his life, but not consistent with the words of our Saviour, when reasoning with the people concerning John, he saith, What went you out into the wilderness to see, a man clothed in soft raiment? Behold they that wear soft raiment are in kings houses.   

CHAP. XVI.  
Of the picture of S. Christopher.  
THe picture of St. Christopher, that is a man of a Giant like stature, bearing upon his shoulders our Saviour Christ, and with a staff in his hand, wading thorough the water, is known unto children, common over all Europe, not only as a sign unto houses, but is described in many Churches, and stands Colossus like in the entrance of Nostre Dame in Paris.  
Now from hence, common eyes conceive an history suitable unto this description, that he carried our Saviour in his Minority over some river or water, which notwithstanding we cannot at all make out; for we read not thus much in any good Author, nor of any remarkable Christopher, before the reign of Decius, who lived 250. years after Christ; this man indeed according unto History suffered as a Martyr in the second year of that Emperor, and in the Roman Calendar takes up the 21. of july.  
The ground that begat or promo●ed this opinion was, first the fabulous adjections of succeeding ages, unto the veritable acts of this Martyr, who in the most probable accounts was remarkable for his staff, and a man of a goodly stature.  
The second was a mistake or misapprehension of the picture; most men conceiving that an History which was contrived at first but as an Emblem or Symbolical fancy, as from the Annotations of Baronius upon the Roman Martyrology, Lipellous in the life of St Christopher hath observed in these words; Acta S. Christophori à multis depravata inveniuntur; quod quidem non al●unde originem sumpsisse certum est, quam quod Symbolicas figure as imperiti ad veritatem successu temporis transtulerint itaque cuncta illa de Sancto Christopher pingi consueta, Sym bola potius quam historiae alicujus existimandum est, esse expressam imaginem: Now what Emblem this was, or what its signification conjectures are many; Pierius hath set down one, that is, of the Disciple of Christ; for he that will carry Christ upon his shoulders, must rely upon the staff of his direction, whereon if he firmeth himself, he may be able to overcome the billows of resistance, and in the virtue of this staff like that of Jacob pass over the waters of Jordan: or otherwise thus; He that will submit his shoulders unto Christ, shall by the concurrence of his power increase into the strength of a Giant, and being supported by the staff of his holy Spirit, shall not be overwhelmed by the waves of the world, but wade through all resistance.   

CHAP. XVII.  
Of the Picture of S. George.  
THe Picture of St. George killing the Dragon, and, as most ancient draughts do run, with the daughter of a King standing by, is famous amongst Christians; and upon this description dependeth a solemn story, how by this atchieveme he redeemed a King's daughter, which is more especially believed by the English, whose Protector he is, and in which form and history, according to his description in the English College at Rome, he is set forth in the Icons or Cuts of Martyrs by Cevallerius. Now of what authority soever this piece be among us, it is I perceive received with different beliefs: for some men believe the person and the story; some the person, but not the story, and others deny both.  
That such a person there was, we shall not contend: the indistinction of many in the community of name, or the application of the act of one unto another, have made some doubt there was no such man at all; For of this name we meet with more than one in history, and no less than two of Cappadocia, the one an Arrian, who was slain by the Alexandrians in the time of Julian, the other a valiant Soldier and Christian Martyr, beheaded in the reign of Dioclesian: And this is the George conceived in this picture, who hath his day in the Roman Calendar, on whom so many fables are delivered, whose story is set forth by Metaphrastes, and his miracles by Turonensis.  
As for the story depending hereon, we cannot make out the verity thereof, and conceive the literal acception a mere mistake of the symbolical exppession; apprehending that a veritable history, which was but an emblem or piece of Christian posy. And this Emblematical construction hath been received by men who are not forward to extenuate the acts of their Saints, as from Baronius, Lipellous the Carthusian hath delivered in the life of St. George, Picturam illam St. Georgii quâ effingitur eques armatus, qui hastae cuspide hostem interficit juxta quam etiam virgo posita, manus supplices tendens, ejus explorat auxilium, Symboli potius quam historiae alic●jus censenda expressa Imago, consuevit quidem ●t equestris militiae miles equestri imagine referri.  
Now in the picture of this S●. and Soldier was employed the Christian Soldier and true Champion of Christ; A horseman armed Cap a pe, intimating the Panoplia or complete armour of a Christian, combating with the Dragon, that is, with the Devil, in defence of the King's daughter, that is the Church of God; and therefore although the history be not made out, it doth not disparage the Knights and noble order of St. George, whose cognisance is honourable in the emblem of the Soldier of Christ, and is a worthy memorial to conform unto its mystery; nor, were there no such person at all, had they more reason to be ashamed, than the noble order of Burgundy, and Knights of the golden Fleece, whose badge is a confessed fable.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
Of the Picture of Jerome.  
THe Picture of Jerome usually described at his study, with a Clock hanging by him is not to be omitted; for though the meaning be allowable, and probable it is that industrious Father did not let slip his time without account, yet must not perhaps that Clock be set down to have been his measure thereof: For Clocks are Automatous organs, and such whereby we now distinguish of time, have found no mention in any ancient Writers, but are of late invention, as Pancirollus observeth, and Polydore Virgil discoursing of new inventions whereof the authors are not known makes instance in Clocks and Guns: now Jerome is no late Writer, but one of the ancient Fathers, and lived in the fourth Century, in the reign of Theodosius the first.  
It is not to be denied that before the days of Jerome there were Horologies, and several accounts of time; for they measured the hours not only by drops of water in glasses called Clepsydrae, but also by sand in glasses called Clepsammia; there were also from great antiquity, Sciotericall or Sun dials, by the shadow of a stile or gnomon denoting the hours of the day: an invention ascribed unto Anaximenes by Pliny; hereof a very memorable one there was in Campus Martius from an obelisk erected, & golden figures placed horizontally about it, which was brought out of Egypt by Augustus, and described by Jacobus Laurus. And another of great antiquity we meet with in the story of Ezechias; for so it is delivered Kings 2. 20. That the Lord brought the shadow backward ten degrees by which it had gone down in the Dial of Ahaz; that is, say some, ten degrees, not lines, for the hours were denoted by certain divisions or steps in the Dial, which others distinguished by lines according to that of Persius— 
Stertimus indomit●m quod despumare Falernum  
Sufficiat quintâ dum linea tangitur umbrâ. — That is, the line next the Meridian, or within an hour of noon.  
Of latter years there succeeded new inventions, and horologies composed by Trochilick or the artifice of wheels, whereof some are kept in motion by weight, others perform without it: now as one age instructs another, and time that brings all things to ruin perfects also every thing, so are these indeed of more general and ready use then any that went before them: by the water-glasses the account was not regular; for from attenuation and condensation, whereby that Element is altered, the hours were shorter in hot weather then in cold, and in Summer then in Winter; as for Sciotericall dials, whether of the Sun or Moon, they are only of use in the actual radiation of those Luminaries, and are of little advantage unto those inhabitants, which for many months enjoy not the lustre of the Sun.  
It is I confess no easy wonder how the horometry of Antiquity discovered not this Artifice, how Architas that contrived the moving Dove, or rather the Helicoscopie of Archimedes, fell not upon this way; surely as in many things, so in this particular, the present age hath far surpassed Antiquity, whose ingenuity hath been so bold not only to proceed, below the account of minutes, but to attempt perpetual motions, and engines whose revolutions (could their substance answer the d●signe) might outlast the exemplary mobility, and out measure time itself; for such a one is that mentioned by John Dee, whose words are these in his learned Presace unto Euclid: By wheels strange works and incredible are done: A wondrous example was seen in my time in a certain Ia●trument, which by the Inventor and Artificer was sold for twenty talents of Gold; and then by chance had received some injury, and one Janellus of Cremona did mend the same, and presented it unto the Emperor Charles the si●t. Jeronymus Cardanus, can be my witness, that therein was one wheel that moved in such a rate, that in seven thousand years only his own period should be finished; a thing almost incredible, but how far I keep within my bounds, many men yet alive can tell.   

CHAP. XIX.  
Of the Pictures of Mermaids, Unicorns, and some others.  
FEw eyes have escaped the Picture of the Mermaids; that is, according to Horace his Monster, with woman's head above, and fishy extremity below: and this is conceived to answer the shape of the ancient Sirens that attempted upon Ullysses, which notwithstanding were of another description, containing no fishie composure, but made up of Man and Bird; the humane mediety variously placed not only above but below, according unto Aelian, Suidas, Servius, Boccatius, and Aldrovandus, who hath referred their description unto the story of fabulous birds, according to the description of Ovid, and the account thereof in Hyginus, that they were the daughters of Melpomene, and metamorphosed into the shape of man and bird by Ceres.  
And therefore these pieces so common among us, do rather derive their original, or are indeed the very descriptions of Dagon, which was made with humane figure above, and fishy shape below; whose stump, 
1 Sam. 5.  or as Tremellius and our margin renders it, whose fishie part only remained, when the hands and upper part fell before the Ark. Of the shape of Atergates, or Derceto with the Phaeniceans; in whose fishie and feminine mixture, as some conceive, were employed the Moon and the Sea, or the Deity of the waters; and therefore, in their sacrifices they made oblations of fishes: from whence were probably occasioned the pictures of Nereids and Tritons among the Grecians, and such as we read in Macrobius, to have been placed on the top of the temple of Saturn.  
We are unwilling to question the Royal supporters of England, that is, the approved descriptions of the Lion and the Unicorn; although, if in the Lion the position of the pizzle be proper, and that the natural situation; it will be hard to make out their retrocopulation, or their coupling and pissing backward, according to the determination of Aristotle; All that urine backward do copulate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, clunatim, or ave●sly, as Lions, Hares, Lynxes.  
As for the Unicorn, if it have the head of a Deer, and the tail of a Boar, as Vartomannus describeth it, how agreeable it is in this picture every eye may discern: if it be made bisulcous or cloven footed, it agreeth unto the description of Vartomannus, but scarce of any other; and Aristotle supposeth that such as divide the hoof do double the horn; they being both of the same nature, and admitting division together. And lastly, if the horn have this situation, and be so forwardly affixed, as is described, it will not be easily conceived, how it can seed from the ground, and therefore we observe that Nature in other cornigerous animals, hath placed the horns higher and reclining, as in Bucks; in some inverted upwards, as in the Rhinoceros, the Indian Ass, and the Unicornous Beetles; and thus have some affirmed it is seated in this animal.  
We cannot but observe that in the picture of Jonah and others, Whales are described with two prominent spouts on their heads; whereas indeed they have but one in the forehead, and terminating over the windepide. Nor can we overlook the picture of Elephants with Castles on their backs, made in the form of land Castles, or stationary fortifications, and answerable unto the Arms of Castille, or Sir John Old Castle; whereas the towers they bore were made of wood, and girt unto their bodies, as is delivered in the books of Maccabees, and as they were appointed in the Army of Antiochus.  
We will not dispute the pictures of Telary Spiders, and their position in the web, which is commonly made lateral, and regarding the Horizon; although, if it be observed, we shall commonly find it downward, and their heads respecting the Centre: We will not controvert the picture of the seven Stars, although if thereby be meant the Pleyades, or subconstellation upon the back of Taurus, with what congruity they are described, either in site or magnitude, in a clear night an ordinary eye may discover, from July unto April. We will not question the tongues of Adders and Vipers, described like an Anchor, nor the picture of the Flower de Luce, though how far they agree unto their natural draughts, let every Spectator determine.  
Many more there are whereof our pen shall take no notice, nor shall we urge their enquiry; we shall not enlarge with what incongruity, and how dissenting from the pieces of Antiquity, the pictures of their gods and goddesses are described, and how hereby their symbolical sense is lost, although herein it were not hard, to be informed from Phornutus, Fulgentius, and Albricus. Whether Hercules be more properly described strangling then tearing the Lion, as Victorius hath disputed, nor how the characters and figures of the Signs and Planets be now perverted, as Salmasius hath learnedly declared: We will dispense with Bears with long tails, such as are described in the figures of heaven; We shall tolerate flying Horses, black Swans, Hydrae's, Centaurs, Harpies, and Satyrs; for these are monstrosities, rarities, or else Poetical fancies, whose shadowed moralities require their substantial falsities: wherein indeed we must not deny a liberty, nor is the hand of the Painter more restrainable than the pen of the Poet; but where the real works of Nature, or veritable acts of story are to be described, digressions are aberrations; and Art being but the Imitator or secondary representor, it must not vary from the verity of the example, or describe things otherwise then they truly are or have been: for hereby introducing false Ideas of things, it perverts and deforms the face and symmetry of truth.   

CHAP. XX.  
Of the hieroglyphical pictures of the Egyptians.  
CErtainly of all men that suffered from the confusion of Babel, the Egyptians found the best evasion; for, though words were confounded, they invented a language of things, and spoke unto each other by common notions in Nature, whereby they discoursed in silence, and were intuitively understood from the theory of their Expresses: for, they assumed the shapes of animals common unto all eyes, and by their conjunctions and compositions were able to communicate their conceptions unto any that coapprehended the Syntaxis of their natures. This do many conceive to have been the primitive way of writing, and of greater Antiquity than letters; and this indeed might Adam well have spoken, who understanding the nature of things, had the advantage of natural expressions, which the Egyptians but taking upon trust upon their own or common opinion, from conceded mistakes they authentically promoted errors, describing in their Hieroglyphics creatures of their own invention; or from known and conceded animals, erecting significations not inferrible from their natures.  
And first, although there were more things in Nature then words which did express them, yet even in these mute and silent discourses, to express complexed significations, they took a liberty to compound and piece together creatures of allowable forms unto mixtures inexistent; and thus began the descriptions of Griphins, Basilisks, Phoenix, and many more; which Emblematists and Heralds have entertained with significations answering their institutions; Hieroglyphically adding Martegres, Wivernes, Lion fishes, with divers others; pieces of good and allowable invention unto the prudent Spectator, but are looked on by vulgar eyes as literal truths, or absurd impossibilities; whereas, indeed they are commendable inventions, and of laudable significations.  
Again, beside these pieces fictitiously set down, and having no copy in Nature, they had many unquestionably drawn of inconsequent signification, nor naturally verfying their intention. We shall instance but in few, as they stand recorded by Orus: The male sex they expressed by a Vulture, because of Vultures all are females, and impregnated by the wind, which authentically transmitted hath passed many pens, and became the assertion of Aelian, Ambrose, Basil, Isidore, Tzetzes, Philes, and others; wherein notwithstanding what injury is offered unto the Creation in this confinement of sex, and what disturbance unto Philosophy in the concession of windy conceptions, we shall not here declare: By two drams they thought it sufficient to signify an heart, because the heart at one year weigheth two drams, that is, a quarter of an ounce, and unto fifty years annually increaseth the weight of one dram, after which in the same proportion it yearly decreaseth; so that the life of a man doth not naturally extdend above an hundred, and this was not only a populary conceit, but consentaneous unto their Physical principles, Heurnius hath accounted it, in his Philosophica Barbarica.  
A woman that hath but one child, they express by a Lioness; for that conceaveth but once: fecundity they set forth by a Goat, because but seven days old, it beginneth to use coition: the abortion of a woman they describe by an horse kicking a wolf; because a Mare will cast her foal if she tread in the tract of that animal. Deformity they signify by a Bear, and an unstable man by an Hyaena, because that animal yearly exchangeth his sex: A woman delivered of a female child, they imply by a Bull looking over his left shoulder, because if in coition a Bull part from a Cow on that side, the Calf will prove a female.  
All which with many more, how far they consent with truth, we shall not disparage our Reader to dispute; and though some way allowable unto wiser conceits, who could distinctly receive their significations; yet carrying the majesty of Hieroglyphics, and so transmitted by Authors, they crept into a belief with many, and favourable doubt with most: And thus, I fear, it hath fared with the hieroglyphical symbols of Scripture, which excellently intended in the species of things sacrificed, in the prohibited meats, in the dreams of Pharaoh, Joseph, and ma●y other passages, are oft times wracked beyond their symbolizations, and enlarged into constructions disparaging their true intentions.   

CHAP. XXI.  
Compendiously of many questionable customs, opinions, pictures, practices, and popular observations.  
1. IF an Hare cross the high way there are few above threescore that are not perplexed thereat, which notwithstanding is but an Auguriall terror, according to that received expression, Inauspicatum datiter oblatus Lepus, and the ground of the conceit was probably no greater than this, that a fearful animal passing by us portended unto us some thing to be feared; as upon the like consideration the meeting of a Fox presaged some future imposture, which was a superstitious observation prohibited unto the Jews, as is expressed in the Idolatry of Maimonides, and is referred unto the sin of an observer of Fortunes, or that abuseth events unto good or bad signs, forbidden by the Law of Moses, 
Deut 18.  which notwithstanding sometimes succeeding, according to fears or desires, have left impressions and timorous expectations in credulous minds for ever.  
2. That Owls and Ravens are ominous appearers, and presignifying unlucky events, as Christians yet conceit, was also an Auguriall conception. Because many Ravens were seen when Alexander entered Babylon, they were thought to preominate his death; and because an Owl appeared before the battle, it presaged the ruin of Crassus, which though decrepit superstitions, and such as had their nativity in times beyond all history, are fresh in the observation of many heads, and by the credulous and feminine party still in some Majesty among us. And therefore the Emblem of Superstition was well set out by Ripa, in the picture of an Owl, an Hare, and an old woman; and it no way confirmeth the Auguriall consideration, that an Owl is a forbidden food in the Law of Moses; or that Jerusalem was threatened by the Raven and the Owl, in that expression of Esay 34. That it should be a court for Owls, that the Cormorant and the B●terne should possess it, and the Owl and the Raven dwell in it; ●or thereby was only employed their ensuing desolation, as is expounded in the words succeeding, he shall draw upon it the line of confusion, and the stones of emptiness.  
3. The falling of Salt is an authentic presagement of ill lurk, nor can every temper contemn it, from whence notwithstanding nothing can be naturally feared: nor was the same a general prognosticke of future evil among the ancients, but a particular omination concerning the breach of friendship: for salt as incorruptible, was the Symbol of friendship, and before the other service was offered unto their guests; which if it casually fell was accounted ominous, and their amity of no duration.  
4. To break the eggshell after the meat is out, we are taught in our childhood, and practise it all our lives, which nevertheless is but a superstitious relict according to the judgement of Plini●; Huc pertinet ov●rum, ut exorbuerit quisque calices protinus frangi, aut cosdem choclearibus perforari, and the intent hereof was to prevent witchcraft; for lest witches should draw or prick their names therein, and veneficiously mischief their persons, they broke the shell, as Dalecampius hath observed.  
5. The true lover's knot is very much magnified and still retained in presents of love among us, which though in all points it doth not make out, had perhaps its original from Nodus Herculanus, or that which was called Hercules his knot, resembling the Snaky complication in the caduceus or rod of Hermes; and in which form the Zone or woollen girdle of the Bride was fastened, as Turnebus observeth in his Adversaria.  
6. When our cheek burneth or ●are tingleth, we usually say that some body is talking of us; which is an ancient conceit, and ranked among superstitious opinions by Plini●. Absentes tinnitu aurium 〈◊〉 sermons de se receptum est, according to that Distich noted by Dalecampius. 
Garrula quid totis resona● mihi noctibus auris?  
Nescio quem dicis nunc meminisse mei:  which is a conceit hardly to be made out without the concession of a signifying Genius, or universal Mercury, conducting sounds unto their distant subjects, and teaching us to hear by touch.  
7. When we desire to confine our words we commonly say they are spoken under the Rose; which expression is commendable, if the Rose from any natural property may be the Symbol of silence, as Nazianzen seems to imply in these translated verses. 
Vtque latet Rosa Verna suo put a'mine clausa,  
Sic os vincla ferat, validisque arct●tur habenis,  
Indicatque sui● prolixa silentia labris,  and is also tolerable, if by desiring a secrecy to words spoke under the Rose, we only mean in society and compotation, from the ancient custom in Symposiacke meetings, to wear chapletts of Roses about their heads; and so we condemn not the German custom, which over the Table describeth a Rose in the ceiling; but more considerable it is, if the original were such as Lemnius and others have recorded; that the Rose was the flower of Venus, which Cupid consecrated unto Harpocrates the God of silence, and was therefore an Emblem thereof to conceal the pranks of Venery, as is declared in this Tetrasticke— 
Est Rosa flos veneris, cujus quo facta laterent  
Harpocrati matris, dona dicavit Amor;  
Ind Rosam mensis hospes suspendit Amicis,  
Convivae ut sub eâ dicta tacenda sciant.   
8. That smoke doth follow the fairest is an usual saying with us, and in many parts of Europe, whereof although there seem no natural ground, yet is it the continuation of a very ancient opinion, as Petrus Victorius and Causabon have observed from a passage in Athenaeus, wherein a Parasite thus describeth himself. 
To every table first I come,  
Whence Porridge I am called by some:  
A Capaneus at stairs I am,  
To enter any room a Ram;  
Like whips and thongs to all I ply,  
Like smoke unto the fair I fly.   
9 To set cross legged, or with our fingers pectinated or shut together is accounted bad, and friends will persuade us from it. The same conceit religiously possessed the Ancients, as is observable from Pliny. Poplites alternis genibus imponere nefas olim; and also from Athenae●s, that it was an old venesicious practice, and juno is made in this postu●● to hinder the delivery of Alcmaena; and therefore, as Pierius observeth, in the Medal of Julia Pia the right hand of Venus, was made extended with the inscription of Venus Genetrix; for the complication or pectination of the fingers was an Hieroglyphic of impediment, as in that place he declareth.  
10. The set and statary times of pairing of nails, and cutting of hair is thought by many a point of consideration, which is perhaps but the continuation of an ancient superstition: for piaculous it was unto the Romans to pair their nails upon the nundinae observed every ninth day; and was also feared by others in certain days of the week, according to that of Ausonius, Ungues Mercurio, Barbam Jove, Cypride crines; and was one part of the wickedness that filled up the measure of Manasses, when 'tis delivered he observed times, Chron. 2. 23.  
11. A common fashion it is to nourish hair upon the molls of the face, which is the perpetuation of a very ancient custom, and though innocently practised among us, may have a superstitious original, according to that of Pliny; Naevos in fancy tondere rel●giosum habent nunc multi; from the like might proceed the fears of polling Elvelockes or complicated hairs of the head, and also of locks longer than the other hair, they being votary at first, and dedicated upon occasion, preserved with great care, and accordingly esteemed by others, as appears by that of Apuleius; Adjuro per dulcem capilli tui nodulum.  
12. A custom there is in most parts of Europe to adorn Aqueducts, spouts and Cisterns with Lion's heads; which though no illaudable ornament is an Egyptian continuation, who practised the same under a symbolical illation; for because the Sun being in Leo, the flood of Nilus was at the full, and water became conveyed into every part, they made the spouts of their Aqueducts through the head of a Lion: and upon some celestial respects it is not improbable the great Mogul or Indian King doth bear for his Arms a Lion and the Sun.  
13. Many conceive there is somewhat amiss, and that as we usually say, they are unblessed until they put on their girdle: wherein (although most know not what they say) there are involved unknown considerations; for by a girdle or cincture are symbolically implied Truth, Resolution and Readiness unto Action, which are parts and virtues required in the service of God: according whereto we find that the Israelites eat the Paschall Lamb with their loins girded, and the Almighty challenging Job, bids him gird up his loins like a man; so runneth the expression of Peter, Gird up the loins of your minds, be sober and hope to the end; so the high P●iest was girt with the girdle of fine linen; so is it part of the holy habit to have our loins girt about with truth; and so is it also said concerning our Saviour, Righteousness shall be the girdle of his loins, and faithfulness the girdle of his reins. 
Esay 1●.   
Moreover by the girdle the heart and parts which God requires are divided from the inferior and epithumeticall organs; implying thereby a memento unto purification and cleanness of heart, which is commonly defiled from the concupiscence and affection of those parts; and therefore unto this day the Jews do bless themselves when they put on their zone or cincture: and thus may we make out the doctrine of Pythagoras, to offer sacrifice with our feet naked, that is, that our inferior parts and farthest removed from Reason might be free, and of no imdiment unto us. Thus Achilles though dipped in Styx, yet having his heel untouched by that water, although he were fortified elsewhere, he was slain in that part, and as only vulnerable in the inferior and brutal part of Man: This is that part of Eve and her posterity the devil still do●h bruise; that is, that part of the soul which adhereth unto earth, and walks in the paths thereof; and in this secondary and symbolical sense it may be also understood, when the Priests in the Law washed their feet before the sacrifice; when our Saviour washed the feet of his Disciples, and said unto Peter, if I wash not thy feet thou hast no part in me; and thus is it symbolically explainable and implieth purification and cleanness, when in the burnt offerings the Priest is commanded to wash the inwards and legs thereof in water, and in the peace and sin-offerings, to burn the two kidneys, the fat which is about the ●lancks, and as we translate it the Caul above the Liver. But whether the Jews when they blessed themselves, 
Jer. 13.  had any eye unto the words of Jeremy, wherein God makes them his Girdle; or had therein any reference unto the girdle, which the Prophet was commanded to hide in the hole of the rock of Euphrates, and which was the type of their captivity, we leave unto higher conjecture.  
14. The picture of the Creator, or God the Father in the shape of an old Man, is a dangerous piece, and in this fecundity of sects may revive the Anthropomorphites, which although maintained from the expression of Daniel, I beheld where the Ancient of days did sit, whose hair of his head was like the pure wool; yet may it be also derivative from the hieroglyphical description of the Egyptians▪ who to express their E●eph, or Creator of the world, described an old man in a blue mantle, with an egg in his mouth, which was the emblem of the world. Surely those heathens, that notwithstanding their exemplary advantage in heaven, would endure no pictures of Sun or Moon, as being visible unto all the world, and needing no representation, do evidently accuse the practice of those pencils, that will describe invisibles. And he that challenged the boldest hand unto the picture of an Echo, must laugh at this attempt not only in the description of invisibility, but circumscription of Ubiquity, and fetching under lines incomprehensible circularity.  
The pictures of the Egyptians were more tolerable, and in their sacred letters more veniably expressed the apprehension of Divinity; for though they employed the same by an eye upon a Sceptre, by an Eagles head, a crocodile and the like; yet did these manual descriptions pretend no corporal representations, nor could the people misconceive the same unto real correspondencies. So though the Cherub carried some apprehension of Divinity, yet was it not conceived to be the shape thereof: and so perhaps because it is metaphorically predicated of God, that he is a consuming fire, he may be harmlessly described by a flaming representation: yet if, as some will have it, all mediocrity of folly is foolish, and because an unrequitable evil may ensue an indifferent convenience must be omitted; we shall not urge such representments, we could spare the holy Lamb for the picture of our Saviour, a●d the Dove or fiery Tongues to represent the holy Ghost.  
15. The Sun and Moon are usually described with humane faces; whether herein there be not a Pagan imitation, 
Or quarrelsome with pictures.  and those visages at first employed Apollo and Diana we make some doubt; and we find the statue of the Sun was framed with rays about the head, which were the indiciduous and unshaven locks of Apollo. We should be too Iconomicall to question the pictures of the winds, as commonly drawn in humane heads, and with their cheeks distended, which notwithstanding we find condemned by Minutius, as answering poetical fancies, and the gentile description of Aeolus Boreus, and the feigned Deities of winds.  
16. We shall not, I hope, disparage the Resurrection of our Redeemer, if we say the Sun doth not dance on E●ster day. And though we would willingly assent unto any sympathicall exultation, yet cannot conceive therein any more than a Tropical expression; whether any such motion there were in that day wherein Christ arised, Scripture hath not revealed, which hath been punctual in other records concerning solary miracles: and the Areopagite that was amazed at the Eclipse, took no notice of this, and if metaphorical expression● go so far, we may be bold to affirm, not only that one Sun danced, but two arose that day: That light appeared at his nativity, and darkness at his death, and yet a light at both; for even that darkness was a light unto the Gentiles, illuminated by that obscurity. That 'twas the first time the Sun set about the Horizon, that although there were darkness above the earth there was light beneath it, nor dare we say that hell was dark if he were in it.  
17. Great conceits are raised of the involution or membranous covering, commonly called the silly how, that sometimes is found about the heads of children upon their birth, and is therefore preserved with great care, not only as medical in diseases, but effectual in success, concerning the Infant and others, which is surely no more than a continued superstition; for hereof we read in the life of Antoninus delivered by Spartianus, that children are borne sometimes with this natural cap, which Midwives were wont to sell unto credulous Lawyers, who had an opinion it advantaged their promotion.  
But to speak strictly the effect is natural, and thus to be conceived, the Infant hath three ●eguments, or membranous ●ilmes which cover it in the womb, that is, the Corion, Amnio●, and Allantois; the Corion is the outward membrane wherein are implanted the veins, Arteries and umbilical vessels, whereby its nourishment is conveyed: the Allantois a thin coat seated under the Corion, wherein are received the watery separations conveyed by the urachus, that the acrimony thereof should not offend the skin. The Amnios' is a general investment, containing the sudorous or thin serosity perspirable through the skin. Now about the time when the Infant breaketh these coultings, it sometime carrieth with it about the head a part of the Amnios or nearest coat; which saith Spiegelius, either proceedeth from the toughness of the membrane or weakness of the Infant that cannot get clear thereof: & therefore herein significations are natural and concluding upon the Infant, but not to be extended unto magical signalities or any other pers●.  
18. That 'tis good to be drunk once a month, is a common flattery of sensuality, supporting itself upon physic, and the healthful effects of inebriation. This indeed seems plainly affirmed by Avicenna, a Physician of great Authority, and whose religion prohibiting Wine could less extenuate ebriety. But Averro a man of his own faith was of another belief, restraining his ebriety unto hilarity, and in effect making no more thereof, then Seneca commendeth, and was allowable in Cato; that is, a sober incalescence and regulated aestuation from wine, or what may be conceived between Joseph and his brethren, when the Text expresseth they were merry, or drank largely; and whereby indeed the commodities set down by Avicenna, that is, alleviation of spirits, resolution of superfluities, provocation of sweat and urine may also ensue. But as for dementation, sopition of reason, and the diviner particle from drink, though American religion approve, and Pagan piety of old hath practised, even at their sacrifices; Christian morality and the Doctrine of Christ will not allow. And surely that religion which excuseth the fact of Noah, in the aged surprisal of six hundred years, and unexpected inebriation from the unknown effects of wine, will neither acquit ebriosity nor ebriety, in their known, and intended perversions.  
And indeed, although sometimes effects succeed which may relieve the body, yet if they carry mischief or peril unto the soul, we are therein restraineable by Divinity, which circumscribeth Physic, and circumstantially determines the use thereof. From natural considerations, Physic commendeth the use of venery; and happily, incest, adultery, or stupration may prove as physically advantageous, as conjugal copulation; which notwithstanding must not be drawn into practice. And truly effects, consequents, or events which we commend, arise oft times from ways which all condemn. Thus from the fact of Lot, we derive the generation of Ruth, and blessed Nativity of our Saviour; which notwithstanding did not extenuate the incestuous ebriety of the generator. And if, asit is commonly urged, we think to extenuate ebriety from the benefit of vomit oft succeeding; Egyptian sobriety will condemn us, who purgeth both ways twice a month, without this perturbation: and we foolishly contemn the liberal hand of God, and ample field of medicines which soberly produce that action.  
19 A conceit there is that the Devil commonly appeareth with a cloven hoof, wherein although it seem excessively ridiculous there may be somewhat of truth; and the ground thereof at first might be his frequent appearing in the shape of a Goat, which answers that description. This was the opinion of ancient Christians concerning the apparitions of Panites, Fauns and Satyrs, and in this form we read of one that appeared unto Antony in the wilderness. The same is also confirmed from expositions of holy Scripture; for whereas it is said, Thou shalt not offer unto Devils, the Original word is Seghnirim, that is, 
Leu. 17.  rough and hairy Goats, because in that shape the Devil most often appeared, as is expounded by the Rabbins, as Tremellius hath also explained; and as the word Ascimah, the god of Emath is by some conceived; nor did he only assume this shape in elder times, but commonly in later days, especially in the place of his worship. If there be any truth in the confession of Witches, and as in many stories it stands confirmed by Bodinus; and therefore a Goat is not improperly made the Hieroglyphic of the Devil, as Pierius hath expressed it; so might it be the Emblem of sin, as it was in the sin offering; and so likewise of wicked and sinful men, according to the expression of Scripture in the method of the last distribution, when our Saviour shall separate the Sheep from the Goats, that is, the sons of the Lamb from the children of the Devil.  
20. A strange kind of exploration and peculiar way of Rhabdomancy is that which is used in Mineral discoveries, that is, with a forked hazel, commonly called Moses his rod, which freely held forth, will stir and play if any mine be under it: and though many there are who have attempted to make it good, yet until better information, we are of opinion with Agricola, that in itself it is a fruitless exploration, strongly scenting of Pagan derivation, and the virgula Divina, proverbially magnified of old; the ground whereof were the Magical rods in Poets; that of Pollas in Homer, that of Mercury that charmed Argus, and that of Circe which transformed the followers of Ulysses; too boldly usurping the name of Moses rod; from which notwithstanding, and that of Aaron were probably occasioned the fables of all the rest; for that of Moses must needs be famous unto the Egyptians, and that of Aaron unto many other nations, as being preserved in the Ark, until the destruction of the Temple built by Solomon.  
21. A practice there is among us to determine doubtful matters, by the opening of a book, and letting fall a staff; which notwithstanding are ancient fragments of Pagan divination; the first an imitation of sorts Homericae, or Virgilianae, drawing determinations from verses casually occurring. The same was practised by Severus, who entertained ominous hopes of the Empire, from that verse in Virgil, Tu regere imperio populos Roman memento; and Gordianus who reigned but few days was discouraged by another, that is, Ostendunt terris hunc tantum fata nec ultra esse sinunt. Nor was this only performed in Heathen Authors, but upon the sacred text of Scripture, as Gregorius Turonensis hath le●t some account, and as the practice of the Emperor Heraclius, before his Expedition into Asia minor, is delivered by Cedrenus.  
As for the Divination or decision from the staff it is an Auguriall relic, 
Hosea 4.  and the practice thereof is accused by God himself; My people ask counsel of their stocks, and their staff declareth unto them. And of this kind of Rhabdomancy was that practised by Nabuchadonosor in that Caldean miscellany, 
Ezek. 24.  delivered by Ez●kiel, The King of Babylon stood at the parting of the way, at the head of the two ways to use divination, he made his arrow's b●ight, he consulted with Images, he looked in the Liver; at the right hand were the divinations for Jerusalem, that is, as Estius expoundeth it the left way leading unto Rhabbah the chief city of the Ammonites, and the right unto Jerusalem, he consulted Idols and entrails, he threw up a bundle of Arrows, to see which way they would light, and falling on the right hand he marched towards Jerusalem. A like way of Belomancy or Divination by Arrows hath been in request with Scythians, Alanes, Germans, with the Africans and Turks of Algiers; but of another nature was that which was practised by El●sha, when by an Arrow shot from an Eastern window, he presignified the destruction of S●ria; or when according unto the three strokes of Joash, with an arrow upon the ground, he foretold the number of his victories; for thereby the Spirit of God particulared the same, and determined the strokes of the King unto three, which the hopes of the Prophet expected in twice that number.  
We are unwilling to enlarge concerning many other, only referring unto Christian considerations, what natural effects can reasonably be expected, when to prevent the Ephialtes or night More we hang up an hallow stone in our stables; when for amulets against Agues we use the chips of Gallows and places of Execution. When for warts we rub our hands before the Moon, or commit any maculated part unto the touch of the dead. Swarms hereof our learned Selden and critical Philologers might illustrate, whose abler performances our adventures do but solicit, mean while we hope they will plausibly receive our attempts, or candidely correct our misconjectures.    

THE six BOOK.  
Of sundry common opinions Cosmographical and Historical. The first Discourse comprehended in several all Chapters.  

CHAP. I.  
Concerning the beginning of the World, that the time thereof is not precisely to be known, ●s men generally suppose: Of men's inquiries in what season or point of the Zodiac it began. That as they are generally made they are in vain, and as particularly applied uncertain. Of the division of the seasons and four quarters of the year, according to Astronomers and Physicians. That th● common compute of the Ancients, and which is yet retained by most, is unreasonable and erroneous. Of some divinations and ridiculous diductions from one part of the year to another. And of the providence and wisdom of God in the site and motion of the Sun.  
COncerning the World and its temporal circumscriptions, who ever shall strictly examine both extremes, shall easily perceive there is not only obscurity in its end but its beginning; that as its period is inscrutable, so is its nativity indeterminable: That as it is presumption to inquire after the one, so is there no rest or satisfactory decision in the other. And hereunto we shall more readily assent, if we examine the informations, and take a view of the several difficulties in this point; which we shall easily do, if we consider the different conceits of men, and duly perpend the imperfections of their discoveries.  
And first, the Heathens or histories of the Gentiles afford us slender satisfaction, nor can they relate any story, or affix a probable point to its beginning: For some thereof (and those of the wisest amongst them) are so far from determining its beginning, that they opinion and maintain it never had any at all; as the doctrine of Epicurus implieth, and more positively Aristotle in his books de Caelo declareth, endeavouring to confirm it with arguments of reason, and those appearingly demonstrative; wherein to speak indifferently, his labours are rational, and uncontrollable upon the grounds assumed, that is of Physical generation, and a primary or first matter, beyond which no other hand was apprehended: But herein we remain sufficiently satisfied from Moses, and the doctrine delivered of the Creation, that is a production of all things out of nothing, a formation not only of matter, but of form, and a meteriation even of matter itself.  
Others are so far from defining the original of the world or of mankind, that they have held opinions not only repugnant unto Chronology but Philosophy; that is, that they had their beginning in the soil where they inh●bit●d, assuming or receiving appellations conformable unto such conceits: So did the Athenians term themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Aborigines, and in testimony thereof did wear a golden insect on their heads; the very same name is also given unto the Inlanders or Midland inhabitants of this Island by Caesar. But this is a conceit answerable unto the generation of the Giants, not admittable in Philosophy, much less in Divinity, which distinctly informeth we are all the seed of Adam, that the whole world perished unto eight persons before the ●lood, and was after peopled by the Colonies of the sons of Noah; there was therefore never any Autochthon, or man arising from the earth but Adam, for the woman being form out of the rib, was once removed from earth, and framed from that element under incarnation. And so although her production were not by copulation, yet was it in a manner seminal: For if in every part from whence the seed doth flow, there be contained the Idea of the whole, there was a seminality and contracted Adam in the rib, which by the information of a soul, was individuated into Eve. And therefore this conceit applied unto the orginal of man, and the beginning of the world, is more justly appropriable unto its end; for then indeed men shall rise out of the earth, the graves shall shoot up their concealed seeds, and in that great Autumn men shall spring up, and awake from their Chaos again.  
Others have been so blind in deducing the original of things, or delivering their own beginnings, that when it hath fallen into controversy they have not recurred unto Chronologie or the records of time, but betaken themselves unto probabilities, and the conjecturalities of Philosophy. Thus when the two ancient Nations, that is, Aegyprians and Scythians contended for antiquity, the Egyptians (as Diodorus and Justine relate) pleaded their antiquity from the fertility of their soil, inferring that men there first inhabited, where they were with most facility sustained, and such a land did they conceive was Egypt.  
The Scythians although a cold and heavier Nation urged more acutely, deducing their arguments from the two active elements and principles of all things Fire and Water; for if of all things there was first an union, and that afterward fire overruled the rest, surely that part of earth which was coldest would first get free, and afford a place of habitation: But if all the earth were first involved in water, those parts would surely fi●st appear, which were most high, and of most elevated situation, and such was 〈◊〉: These reasons carried indeed the antiquity from the Egyptians, but confirmed it not in the Scythians; for as Herodotus relateth from Pargitants their first King unto Darius, they accounted but two thousa●● years.  
As for the Egyptians they inundated another way of trial, for as the same Author relateth, Psamnitichus their King attempted this decision by a new & unknown experiment, bringing up two Infants with goats, and where they never heard the voice of man; concluding that to be the ancientest Nation, whose language they should first deliver; but herein he forgot that speech was by instruction not instinct, by imitation, nor by nature; that men do speak in some kind but like Parrots, and as they are instructed, that is in simple terms and words, expressing the open notions of things, which the second act of reason compoundeth into propositions, and the last into syllogisms & forms of ratiocination. And howsoever the account of Man●th the Egyptian Priest run very high, and it be evident that Miz●aim peopled that Country, whose name with the Hebrews it beareth unto this day; and there be many things of great antiquity related in holy Scripture, yet was their exact account not very ancient; for P●olomy their Countryman beginneth his Astronomical compute no higher than Nabonasser, who is conceived by some the same with Salmanasser: As for the argument deduced from the ●●rtility of the soil, duly enquired, it rather overthroweth than promoteth their antiquity; for that Country whose fertility, they so advance, was in elde● and ancient times no firm or open la●d, but some vast lake or part o● the Sea, and bec●me gained ground by the mud and limous matter brought down by the river Nilus, which settled by degrees into a firm land; according as is expressed by Strabo, and more at large by Herodotus in his Euterpe, both from the Egyptian tradition and probable inducements from reason, called therefore fluvii donum, an accession of the earth or tract of land acquired by the river.  
Lastly, some indeed there are, who have kept records of time, and that of a considerable duration, yet do the exactest thereof afford no satisfaction concerning the beginning of the world, or any way point out the time of its creation. The most authentic records and best approved antiquity are those of the Chaldeans; yet in the time of Alexander the Great, they attained not so high as the ●loud: For as Simplicius relateth, Aristotle required of Calisthenes who accompanied that Worthy in his expedition, that at his arrive at Babylon, he would inquire of the antiquity of their Records, and those upon compute he found to amount unto 1903. years, which account notwithstanding ariseth no higher than 95. years after the flood. The Arcadians I confess, were esteemed of great Antiquity, and it was usually said they were before the Moon, according unto that of Seneca, Sydus post veteres Arcades editum; and that of Ovid, Lunâ gens prior illa fuit: But this as Censorinus observeth, must not be taken grossly, as though they were existent before that Luminary, but were so esteemed because they observed a set course of year, before the Greeks conformed their year unto the course and motion of the Moon.  
Thus the heathens affording no satisfaction herein, they are most likely to manifest this truth who have been acquainted with holy Scripture, and the sacred Chronologie delivered by Moses, who distinctly sets down this account, computing by certain intervals, by memorable Ara's, Epoche's, or terms of time: A● from the creation unto the flood, from thence unto Abraham, from Abraham unto the departure from Egypt, etc. Now in this number have only been Samaritans, Jews, and Christians: for the Jews they agree not in their accounts, as Bodine in his method of history hath observed out of Baal Seder, Rabbi Nassom, Gersom, and others, in whose compute the age of the world is not yet 5400. years; and the same is more evidently observable from two most learned Jews, Philo and Josephus, who very much differ in the accounts of time, and variously sum up these intervals assented unto by all. Thus Philo from the departure out of Egypt unto the building of the Temple accounts but 920. years, but Josephus sets down 1062. Philo from the building of the Temple to its destruction 440, Josephus 470, Philo from the creation to the destruction of the Temple 3373; but Josephus 3513, Philo from the deluge to the destruction of the Temple 1718, but Josephus 1913, in which computes there are manifest disparities, and such as much divide the concordance and harmony of times.  
But for the Samaritans, their account is different from these or any others; for they account from the Creation to the Deluge, but 1302 years, which cometh to pass upon the different accounted of the ages of the Patriarches set down when they begat children. For whereas the Hebrew, Greek and Latin texts account Jared 162 when he begat Enoch, they account but 62, and so in others. Now the Samaritans were no incompetent judges of times and the Chronologie thereof▪ for they embraced the five books of Moses, and, it seemeth, preserved the Text with far more integrity than the Jews; who as Tertullian, chrysostom, and others observe did several ways corrupt the same especially in passages concerning the prophecies of Christ, so that as Jerome professeth, in his translation he was fain sometime to relieve himself by the Samaritan Pentateuch, as amongst others in that Text, Deuteronomy 27, Maledictus omnis qui non permans●rit in omnibus quae scripta sunt in libro Legis. From hence St. Paul, Gal. 3. inferreth there is no justification by the Law, and urgeth the Text according to the Septuagint. Now the Jews to afford a latitude unto themselves in their copies expunged the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Syncategorematicall term omnis, wherein lieth the strength of the Law, and of the Apostles argument; but the Samaritan Bible retained it right, and answerable unto what the Apostle had urged.  
As for Christians from whom we should expect the exactest and most concurring account, there is also in them a manifest disagreement, and such as is not easily reconciled. For first, the Latins accord not in their account; for to omit the calculation of the Ancients, of Austin, Bede, and others, the Chronology of the Moderns doth manifestly descent; for Josephus Scaliger, whom Helvicus seems to follow, accounts the Creation in 765. of the Julian period; and from thence unto the nativity of our Saviour alloweth 3947. years; But Dionysius Petavius a learned Chronologer dissenteth from this compute almost 40. years, placing the Creation in the 730. of the Julian period, and from thence unto the Incarnation accounteth 3983. years.  
For the Greeks, their accounts are more anomalous; for if we recurre unto ancient computes, we shall find that Clemens Alexandrinus an ancient Father and preceptor unto Origen, accounted from the Creation unto our Saviour, 5664. years; for in the first of his Stromaticks, he collecteth the time from Adam unto the death of Commodus to be 5858. years; now the death of Commodus he placeth in the year after Christ 194. which number deducted from the former there remaineth 5664. Theophilus' Bishop of Antioch accounteth unto the nativity of Christ 5515. deduceable from the like way of compute, for in his first book ad Antolycum, he accounteth from Adam unto Aurelius Verus 5695. years; now that Emperor died in the year of our Lord 180. which deducted from the former sum there remaineth 5515. Julius Africanus an ancient Chronologer, accounteth somewhat less, that is, 5500. Eusebius Orosius and others descent not much from this, but all exceed five thousand.  
The latter compute of the Greeks, as Petavius observeth, hath been reduced unto two or three accounts. The first accou●t unto our Saviour 5501. and this hath been observed by Nicephorus, Theophanes, and Maximus; the other accounts 5509. And this of all at present is most generally received by the Church of Constantinople, observed also by the Moscovite, as I have seen in the date of the Emperor's letters, wherein this year of ours 1645. is from the year of the world 7154. which doth exactly agree unto this last account 5509. for if unto that sum be added 1645. the product will be 7154. by this Chronology are many Greek Authors to be understood; and thus is Martinus Crusius to be made out, when in his Turcograecian history he delivers, the City of Constantinople was taken by the Turks in the year 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, 6961. and thus unto these Chronologists, the Prophecy of Elias the Rabbin, so much in request with the Jews, and in some credit also with Christians, that the world should last but six thousand years, unto these, I say, it hath bee●e long and out of memory disprov●l for the ●a●●aticall and 7000. year wherein the world should 〈…〉 on the seventh day) unto them is long ago 〈◊〉, they are proceeding in the eight thousand year, and numbers 〈…〉 days which men have made the types and shadows of 〈…〉 certainly what Marcus Leo the Jew conceaveth of the end of the heav●ns, exceedeth the account of all that ever shall be; for though 〈◊〉 con●eaveth the Elemental 〈◊〉 shall end in the seventh or 〈◊〉 millenary, yet cannot he opinion the heavens and more durable part of the Creation shall perish befor● seen times seven, or 49. th●t is, the Quadrant of the other seven, and perfect Jubilee of thousands.  
And thus may we observe the difference and wide dissent of men's 〈…〉, ●nd there by the great incertainty in this establishment. The 〈…〉 only dissenting from the Samaritans, the Latins from 〈…〉 every one from another; insomuch that all can be in ●he right it is impossible; that any one is so, not with assurance determinable; and therefore as Petavius confesseth, to effect the same exactly without inspiration it is impossible, and beyond the 〈…〉 but God himself: And therefore also what satisfaction 〈…〉 obtained from those violent disputes, and eager enqui●ers in what day of the month the world began, either of March or October, 〈…〉 what face or position of the Moon, whether at the prime 〈…〉, let our second and serious considerations 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 the reason and ground of this dissent, is the ●●happy 〈…〉 the Greek and ●ebrew editions of the Bible, for unto these two Languages have all Translations conformed; the holy Scripture being first delivered in Hebrew, and first translated into Greek. For the Hebrew, it is incontrovertibly the primitive and surest text to rely on, and to preserve the same entire and uncorrupt, there hath been used the most apparent caution humanity could invent; For as R. Ben. Maimon hath declared, if in the copying thereof one letter were written twice, or if one letter but touched another, that copy was not admitted into their Synagogues, but only allowable to be read in Schools, and private families; neither were they careful only in the exact number of their sections of the Law, but had also the curiosity to 〈◊〉 every word, and affixed the account unto their several books: Notwithstanding all which, divers corruptions ensued, and several depravations slipped in, arising from many and manifest grounds, as hath been exactly noted by Morinus in his preface unto the Septuagint.  
As for the Septuagint, it is the first and most ancient Translation recorded, and of greater Antiquity than is the Chaldie version, occasioned by the request of P●olo●eus Philadelphus' King of A●gypt, for the richest ornament of his memorable Library; unto whom the high Priest addressed six Jews out of every Tribe, which amounteth unto 72. and by these was effected that Translation we usually term the Septuagint, or Translation of seventy; which name however it obtain from the number of their persons, yet in respect of one common Spirit, it was the Translation but as it were of one man. For, as the story relateth, although they were set apart and severed from each other, yet were their Translations found to agree in every point, according as is related by Philo and Josephus, although we find not the same in Aristeus, who hath expressly treated thereof.  
This Translation in ancient times was of great authority: By this many of the Heathens received some notions of the Creation and the mighty works of God; This in express terms is often followed by the Evangelists, by the Apostles, and by our Saviour himself in the quotations of the Old Testament. This for many years was used by the Jews themselves, that is, such as did Hellenize and dispersedly dwelled out of Palestine with the Greeks; And this also the succeeding Christians and ancient Fathers observed, although there succeeded other Greek versions, that is, of Aquila, Theodosius and Symmachus; for the Latin translation of Jerome, called now the Vulgar, was about 800. years after, although we shall not deny there was a Latin translation before, called the Italic version, and Austin forbade that of Jerom to be used in his Diocese.  
Whatsoever Interpretations there have been since, have been especially effected with reference unto these, that is, the Greek and Hebrew text; the Translators sometimes following the one, sometimes adhering unto the other, according as they found them consonant unto truth, or most correspondent unto the rules of faith. Now however it cometh to pass these two are very different in the enumeration of Genealogies, and particular accounts of time; for in the second interval, that is between the flood and Abraham, there is by the Septuagint introduced one Cainan to be the son of Arphaxad and father of Salah; whereas in the Hebrew there is no mention of such a person, but Arphaxad is set down to be the father of Salah. But in the first interval, that is, from the Creation unto the flood, their disagreement is more considerable, for therein the Greek exceedeth the Hebrew, and common account almost 600. years; and 'tis indeed a thing not very strange, to be at the difference of a third part, in so large and collective an account, if we consider how differently they are set forth in minor and less mistakeable numbers. So in the Prophecy of Jonah, both in the Hebrew and Latin text, it is said, Yet forty days and Ninivy shall be overthrown: But the Septuagint saith plainly, and that in letters at length, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, yet three days and Ninivy shall be destroyed; which is a difference not newly crept in, but an observation very ancient, discussed by Austin, and Theodoret, and was conceived an error committed by the Scribe. Men therefore have raised different computes of time, according as they have followed these different texts, and so have left the history of times far more perplexed than Chronology hath reduced.  
Again, however the texts were plain, and might in their numerations agree, yet were there no small difficulty to set down a determinable Chronology, or establish from hence any sixed point of time; for the doubts concerning the time of the Judges are inexplicable, that of the Reigns and succession of Kings is as perplexed, it being uncertain whether the years both of their lives and reigns aught to be taken as complete, or in their beginning and but currant accounts. And thus also it is not unreasonable to make some doubt whether in the first Ages, and long lives of our fathers, Moses doth not sometime account by full and round numbers, whereas strictly taken they might be some few years above or under; As in the age of Noah, it is delivered to be just ●ive hundred when he begat Sem, whereas perhaps he might be somewhat above or below that ●ound and complete number, for the same way of speech is usual in divers other expressions: Thus do we say the Septuagint, and using the full and articulate number, do write the Translation of Seventy, whereas we have shown before, the precise number was seventy two; so is it said that Christ was three days in the grave, according to that of Matthew, as Ionas was three days and three nights in the Whale's belly, so shall the Son of man be three days and three nights in the heart of the earth: which notwithstanding must be taken Synechdochically, or by understanding a part for an whole day; for he remained but two nights in the grave, for he was buried in the afternoon of the first day, and arose very early in the morning on the third; that is, he was interred in the Eve of the Sabbath, and arose the morning after it.  
Moreover, although the number of years be determined and rightly understood, there be without doubt a certain truth herein, yet the text speaking obscurely or dubiously, there is oft times no slender difficulty at what point to begin or terminate the account. So when it is said, Exod. 12. the sojourning of the children of Israel who dwelled in Egypt was 430. years, it cannot be taken strictly, and from their first arrival into Egypt, for their habitation in that land was far less; but the account must begin from the covenant of God with Abhraham, and must also comprehend their sojourn in the land of Canaan, according as is expressed, Gal. 3. The Covenant that was confirmed before of God in Christ, the Law which was 430. years after cannot disannul. Thus hath it also happened in the account of the 70. years of their captivity, according to that of Jeremy, chap. 20. This whole land shall be a desolation, and these nations shall serve the King of Babylon 70. years; now where to begin, or end this compute ariseth no small difficulty: for there were three remarkable captivities, and deportations of the Jews; the first was in the third or fourth year of Joachim, and first of Nabuchodonozer, when Daniel was carried away; the second in the reign of Jeconiah, and the eighth year of the same King; the third and most deploreable in the reign of Zedechias, and in the nineteenth year of Nabuchodonozer, whereat both the Temple and City were burned. Now such is the different conceit of these times, that men have computed from all; but the probablest account and most concordant▪ unto the intention of Jeremy, is from the first of Nabuchodonozer unto the first of King Cyrus over Babylon; although the Prophet Zachary, chap. 1. 12. accounteth from the last. O Lord of hosts, How long! Wilt thou not have mercy on Jerusalem, against which thou hast had indignation these threescore and ten years? for he maketh this expostulation in the second year of Darius Histaspes, wherein he prophesied, which is about eighteen years in account after the other.  
Thus also although there be a certain truth therein, yet is there no easy doubt concerning the seventy weeks, or seventy times seven years of Daniel; whether they have reference unto the nativity or passion of our Saviour, and especially from whence, or what point of time they are to be computed; for thus is it delivered by the angel Gabriel: Seventy weeks are determined upon thy people; and again in the following verse: Know therefore and understand, that from the going forth of the Commandment to restore and to build Jerusalem unto the Messias the Prince, shall be seven weeks, and threescore and two weeks, the street shall be built again, and the wall even in troublesome times; and after threescore and two weeks shall Messiah be cut off; Now the going out of the Commandment to build the City, being the point from whence to compute, there is no slender controversy when to begin; for there are no less than four several Edicts to this effect; the one in the first year of Cyrus, the other in the second of Da●ius, the third and fourth in the seventh, and in the twentieth of Artaxerxes Longimanus; although as Petavius accounteth it best, acordeth unto the twenty year of Artaxerxes, from whence Nehemiah deriveth his Commission: Now that computes are made incertainely with reference unto Christ, it is no wonder, since I perceive the time of his Nativity is in controversy, and no less his age at his Passion: For Clemens and Tertullian conceive he suffered at thirty, but Irenaeus a Father nearer his time, is further off in his account, that is, between forty and fifty.  
Longomontanus a late Astronomer, endeavours to discover this secret from Astronomical grounds, that is, the Apogeum of the Sun, conceiving the Excentricity invariable, and the Apogeum yearly to move one scruple, two seconds, fifty thirds, etc. Wherefore if in the time of Hipparchus, that is, in the year of the Julian period 4557. it was in the fifth degree of Gemini, and in the days of Tycho Brahe, that is, in the year of our Lord 1588. or of the world 5554. the same was removed unto the fifth degree of Cancer; by the proportion of its motion, it was at the creation first in the beginning of Aries, and the Perigeum or nearest point in Libra. But this conceit how ingenious or subtle soever is not of satisfaction; it being not determinable, or yet agreed in what time precisely the Apogeum absolveth one degree, as Pe●avius hath also delivered in his fourth de Doctrina temporum.  
Lastly, however these or other difficulties intervene, and that we cannot satisfy ourselves in the exact compute of time, yet may we notwithstanding sit down with the common and usual account; nor are these differences derogatory unto the Advent or Passion of Christ, unto which indeed they all do seem to point; for the Prophecies concerning our Saviour, were indefinitely delivered before that of Daniel; for so was that pronounced unto Eve in Paradise, that after of Balaam, those of Isaiah and the Prophets, and that memorable one of Jacob, the Sceptre shall not depart from Israel until Shilo come; which time notwithstanding it did not define at all. In what year therefore soever, either from the destruction of the Temple, from the re-edifying thereof, from the Flood, or from the Creation he appeared, certain it is, that in the fullness of time he came. When he therefore came is not so considerable, as that he is come; in the one there is consolation, in the other no satisfaction; The greater Quere is, when he will come again, and yet indeed it is no Quere at all; for that is never to be known, and therefore vainly enquired; 'tis a professed and authentic obscurity, unknown to all but to the omniscience of the Almighty. Certainly the ends of all things are wrapped up in the hands of God, he that undertakes the knowledge thereof forgets his own beginning, and disclaims his principles of earth; No man knows the end of the world, nor assuredly of any thing in it: God sees it because unto his Eternity it is present, he knoweth the ends of us, but not of himself, and because he knows not this, he knoweth all things, and his knowledge is endless, even in the object of himself.   

CHAP. II.  
Of men's Inquiries in what season or point of the Zodiac it began, that as they are generally made they are in vain, and as particularly uncertain.  
COncerning the Seasons, that is, the quarters of the year, some are ready to inquire, others to determine, in what season, whether in the Autumn, Spring, Winter or Summer the world had its beginning. Wherein we cannot but affirm, that as the question is generally, and in respect of the whole earth proposed, it is most vainly, and with a manifest injury unto reason in any particular determined, because when ever the world had its beginning it was created in all these four. For, as we have else where delivered, whatsoever sign the Sun possesseth (whose recess or vicinity de●ineth the quarters of the year) those four seasons were all actually existent, it being the nature of that Luminary to distinguish the several seasons of the year, all which it maketh at one time in the whole earth, and successively in any part thereof. Thus if we suppose the Sun created in Libra, in which sign unto some it maketh Autumn, at the same time it had been winter unto the Northern-pole; for unto them at that time the Sun beginneth to be invisible, and to show itself again unto the pole of the South, unto the position of a right Sphere, or directly under the Aequator, it had been Summer; for unto that situation the Sun is at that time vertical: unto the latitude of Capricorn, or the Winter Solstice it had been spring; for unto that position it had been in a middle point, and that of ascent, or approximation; but unto the latitude of Cancer or the Summer Solstice it had been Autumn; for than had it it been placed in a middle point, and that of descent, or elongation.  
And if we shall take it literally what Moses described popularly, this was also the constitution of the first day: for when it was evening unto one longitude, it was morning unto another; when night unto one, day unto another; and therefore that question whether our Saviour shall come again in the twilight, as is conceived he arose, or whether he shall come upon us in the night, according to the comparison of a thief, or the jewish tradition, that he will come about the time of their departure our of Egypt, when they eat the Passeover, and the Angel passed by the doors of their houses; this Quere I say needeth not further dispute, for if the earth be almost every where inhabited, and his coming (as Divinity affirmeth) must needs be unto all, then must the time of his appearance be both in the day and night: For if unto Jerusalem, or what part of the world soever he shall appear in the night, at ●he same time unto the Antipodes it must be day, if twilight unto them, broad day unto the Indians; if noon unto them, yet night unto the Americans; and so with variety according unto various habitations, or different positions of the Sphere, as will be easily conceived by those who understand the affections of different habitations, and the conditions of Antaeci, Perieci, and Antipodes; and so although he appear in the night, yet may the day of Judgement or Doomsday well retain that name; for that implieth one revolution of the Sun, which maketh the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, the day and night, and that one natural day: and yet to speak strictly, if (as the Apostle affirmeth) we shall be changed in the twinkling of an eye, (and as the Schools determine) the destruction of the world shall not be successive but in an instant, we cannot properly apply thereto the usual distinctions of time, calling that twelve hours, which admits not the parts thereof, or use at all the name of time, when indeed the nature thereof shall perish.  
But if the enquiry be made unto a particular place, and the question determined unto some certain Meridian; as namely, unto Mesopotamia, wherein the seat of Paradise is presumed, the Quaery becomes more seasonable, and is indeed in nature also determinable; yet positively to define that season, there is I conceive no slender difficulty; for some contend that it began in the Spring, as beside Eusebius, Ambrose, Bede, and Theodoret, some few years past Henrico Philippi in his Chronologie of the Scripture: Others are altogether for Autumn; and from hence do our Chronologers commence their compute, as may be observed in Helvicus, Jos. Scaliger, Calvisius and Petavius.   

CHAP. III.  
Of the Divisions of the seasons and four quarters of the year, according unto Astronomers and Physicians, that the common compute of the Ancients, and which is still retained by some is very questionable.  
AS for the divisions of the year, and the quartering out this remarkable standard of time, there have passed especially two distinctions; the first in frequent use with Astronomers, according to the cardinal intersections of the Zodiac, that is the two Aequinoctials and both the Solsticial points; defining that time to be the spring of the year, wherein the Sun doth pass from the Aequinox of Aries unto the Solstice of Cancer; the time between the Solstice and the Aequin●x of Libra, Summer; from thence unto the Solstice of Capric●●●, Autumn; and from thence unto the Aequinox of Aries again Wint●●. Now this division although it be regular and equal, is not universal; for it includeth not those latitudes, which have the seasons of the year double; as have the Inhabitants under the Aequator, or else between the Tropics; for unto them the Sun is vertical twice a year, making two distinct Summers in the different points of verticallity. So unto those which live under the Aequator, when the Sun is in the Aequinox it is Summer, in which points it maketh Spring or Autumn unto us; and unto them it is also Winter when the Sun is in either Tropic; whereas unto us it maketh always Summer in the one: And the like will happen unto those habitations, which are between the Tropics, and the Aequator.  
A second and more sensible division there is observed by Hypocrates, and most of the ancient greeks, according to the rising and setting of divers stars, dividing the year, and establishing the account of seasons from usual alterations, and sensible mutations in the air, discovered upon the rising and setting of those stars; accounting the Spring from the Aequinoxiall point of Aries, from the rising of the Pleyades, or the several stars on the back of Taurus, the Summer, from the rising of Arcturus, a star between the thighs of Boötes, Autumn, and from the setting of the Pleyades, Winter: of these divisions because they were unequal they were fain to subdivide the two larger portions, that is of the Summer and Winter quarters; the first part of the Summer they named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the second unto the arising of the Dog-star, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from thence untothe setting of Arcturus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Winter they divided also into three parts, the sirst pare, or that of seed time they named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the middle or proper Winter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the last which was their planting or grazing time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; this way of division was in former ages received, is very often mentioned in Poets, translated from one Nation to another, from the Greeks unto the Latins, as is received by good Authors, and delivered by Physicians, even unto our times.  
Now of these two, although the first in some latitude may be retained, yet is not the other in any to be admitted: For in regard of time (as we declare in the Chap. of canicular days) the stars do vary their longitudes, and consequently the times of their ascension and dissension; That star which is the term of numeration or point, from whence we commence the account, altering his site and longitude in process of time, and removing from West to East, almost one degree in the space of 72 years; so that the same star, since the age of Hypocrates who used this account, is removed in consequentia about 27 degrees; which difference of their longitudes, doth much diversify the times of their ascents, and rendereth the account unstable which shall proceed thereby.  
Again, in regard of different latitudes, this cannot be a settled rule or reasonably applied unto many Nations; for whereas the setting of the Pleyades or seven stars is designed the term of Autumn, and the beginning of Winter; unto some latitudes these stars do never set, as unto all beyond 67 degrees; and if in several and far distant latitudes we observe the same star as a common term of account unto both, we shall fall upon an unexpected, but an unsufferable absurdity; and by the same account it will be Summer unto us in the North, before it be so unto those, which unto us are Southward, and many degrees approaching nearer the Sun. For if we consult the doctrine of the sphere, and observe the ascension of the Pleyades, which maketh the beginning of Summer, we shall discover that in the latitude of 40, these stars arise in the 16 degree of Taurus; but in the latitude of 50 they ascend in the eleventh degree of the same sign, that is 5 day●● sooner; so shall it be S●mmer unto London before it be unto Toledo, and begin to scorch in England, before it grow hot in Spain.  
This is therefore no general way of compute, nor reasonable to be derived from one Nation unto another, the defect of which consideration hath effected divers errors in Latin Poets, translating these expressions from the greeks, and many difficulties even in the greeks themselves; which living in divers latitudes, observed yet the same compute; so that to make them out, we are fain to use distinctions, sometime computing cosmically what they intended heliacally, and sometime in the same expression the rising heliacally, the setting cosmically; otherwise it will be hardly made out, what is delivered by approved Authors▪ and is an observation very considerable unto those w●ich meet with such expressions in ancient Writers, as they are very frequent in the Poets of elder times, especially Hesiod, Aratus, Virgil, Ovid, and M●nilius, and the Author's Geoponicall, or which have ●reated de re Rustica, as Constantine, Marcus Cato, Columella, Pallad●●●s and Varro.  
L●stly, the absurdity in making common unto many Nations those considerations, whose verity is but particular unto some, will more evidently appear, if we examine the rules and precepts of some one climate, and fall upon consideration with what incongruity they are transferable ●nto others; Thus is it advised by Hesiod 
Pleiadibus Atlante natis orientibus  
Incipe messem, Arationem vero occidentibus:  implying hereby the Helia●●● 〈◊〉 and cosmical descent of those stars. Now herein he setteth down a precept to begin harvest at the arise of the Pleyades, which in his time was in the beginning of May. This indeed was consonant unto the clime wherein he lived, and their harvest began about that season, but is not appliable unto our own; for therein we are so far from expecting an harvest, that our Barley seed is not ended: Again, correspondent unto the precept of Hesiod, Virgil affordeth another— 
Ante tibi e●ae Atlantides abscondautur,  
Debita quam sulcis committas semina.  Understanding hereby their Cosmical descent, or their setting when the Sun ariseth, and not their heliacal obscuration, or their inclusion in the lustre of the Sun, as Servius upon this place would have it; for at that time these stars are many signs removed from that luminary. Now herein he strictly delivereth a precept, not to begin to sow before the setting of these stars; which notwithstanding without an injury to agriculture, cannot be observed in England; for they set unto us about the 12 of November, when our seed time is almost ended.  
And this diversity of clime and observations Celestial, precisely observed unto certain stars and months, hath not only overthrown the deductions of one Nation to another, but hath perturbed the observation of festivities and statary solemnities, even with the Jews themselves: for unto them it was commanded that at their entrance into the land of Canaan, in the fourteenth of the first month, that is Abib or Nisan which is Spring with us, they should observe the celebration of the Passeover; and on the morrow after, which is the fifteenth day of the feast of unleavened bread; and in the sixteenth of the same month, that they should offer the first sheaf of the harvest. Now all this was feasible and of an easy possibility in the land of Canaan, or latitude of Jerusalem; for so is it observed by several Authors in later times, and is also testified by holy Scripture in times very far before; 
Josh. 3.  for so when the children of Israel passed the river Jordan, it is delivered by way of Parenthesis, that the river overfloweth its banks in the time of harvest, which is conceived the time wherein they passed, and chap. 5. it is after delivered, that in the fourteenth day they celebrated the Passeover, which according to the Law of Moses was to be observed in the first month, or month of Abib.  
And therefore it is no wonder, nor any Paradox what is related by Luke, that the Disciples upon the Deuteroproton, as they passed by, plucked the ears of corn; for the Deuteroproton or second first Sabbath, was the first Sabbath after the deutera or second of the Passeover, which was the sixteenth of Nisan or Abib; and this is also evidenced from the receiv●d construction of the first and latter rain, delivered Deut. 11. I will give you the rain of your land in his due season, the first rain and the latter rain; for the first rain fell upon the seed time about October, and was to make the seed to root, the latter was to fill the car, and fell in Abib, or March the first month; according as is expressed Joel 2. And he will cause to come down for you the rain, the ●ormer rain, and the latter rain in the first month, that is the month of Abib wherein the Passeover was observed. This was the Law of Moses, and this in the land of Canaan was well observed according to the first institution; but since their dispersion and habitation in Countries, whose constitutions admit not such tempestivity of harvest, and many not before the latter end of Summer, notwithstanding the advantage of their Lunary account, and intercalary month, Veader affixed unto the beginning of the year, there will be found a great disparity in their observations, nor can they strictly and at the same season with their forefathers observe the commands of their God.  
To add yet further, those Geoponicall rules and precepts of Agriculture which are delivered by divers Authors, are not to be generally received, but respectively understood unto climes wherein they are determined. For whereas one adviseth to sow this or that at one season, a second to set this or that at another, it must be conceived relatively, and every Nation must have its Country Farm; for herein we may observe a manifest and visible difference, not only in the seasons of harvest, but in the grains themselves; for with us Barley harvest is made after Wheat harvest, but with the Israelites and Egyptians it was otherwise; and so is it expressed by way of priority, Ruth the 2. So Ruth kept fast by the maidens of Boaz to glean unto the end of Barley harvest and of Wheat harvest; which in the plague of hail in Egypt is more plainly delivered Exod. 9 And the Flax and the Barley were smitten, for the Barley was in the ear and the Flax was bolled, but the Wheat and the Rye were not smitton, for they were not grown up.  
And thus we see the account established upon the arise or descent of the stars can be no reasonable rule unto distant Nations at all, and by reason of their retrogression but temporary unto any one; nor must these respective expressions be entertained in absolute considerations; for so distinct is the relation, and so artificial the habitude of this inferior globe unto the superior, and even of one thing in each unto the other: that general rules are dangerous, and applications most safe that run with security of circumstance, which rightly to effect is beyond the subtlety of sense, and requires the artifice of reason.   

CHAP. IU.  
Of some computation of days and diductions of one part of the year unto another.  
FOurthly, there are certain vulgar opinions concerning days of the year and conclusions popularly deduced from certain days of the month; men commonly believing the day's increase and decrease equally in the whole year, which notwithstanding is very repugnant unto truth; For they increase in the month of March, almost as much as in the two months of January and February; and decrease as much in September, as they do in July and August: For indeed the days increase or decrease according to the declination of the Sun; that is, its deviation Northward or Southward from the Aequator. Now this digression is not equal, but near the Aequinoxiall intersections, it is right and greater, near the Solstices more oblique and lesser. So from the eleventh of March the vernal Aequinox unto the eleventh of April the Sun decl●neth to the North twelve degrees; from the eleventh of April unto the eleventh of May but 8, from thence unto the 15 of June, or the Summer Solstice but 3 and a half; all which make 23 degrees and an half, the greatest declination of the Sun.  
And this inequality in the declination of the Sun in the Zodiac or line of life, is correspondent unto the growth or declination of man; for setting out from our infancy we increase not equally, or regularly attain to our state or perfection; nor when we descend from our state, and tend unto the earth again is our declination equal, or carrieth us with even paces unto the grave. For, as Hypocrates affirmeth, a man is hottest in the first day of his life, and coldest in the last; his natural heat setteth forth most vigorously at first, and declineth most sensibly at last. And so though the growth of man end not perhaps until 21. yet in his stature more advanced in the first septenary then in the second, and in the second, more than in the third, and more indeed in the first seven years, then in the fourteen succeeding: for, what stature we attain unto at seven years, we do sometimes but double, most times come short at one and twenty. And so do we decline again; for in the latter age upon the Tropic and first descension from our solstice, we are scarce sensible of declination; but declining further, our decrement accelerates, we set apace, and in our last days precipitate into our graves. And thus are also our progressions in the womb, that is, our formation, motion, our birth or exclusion. For our formation is quickly effected, our motion appeareth later, and our exclusion very long after: if that be true which Hypocrates and Avicenna have declared, that the time of our motion is double unto that of formation, and that of exclusion treble unto that of motion; as if the Infant be form at 35. days, it moveth at 70. and is borne the 210. day, that is, the seventh month; or if it receaves not formation before 45. days, it moveth the 90. day, and is excluded in 270. that is, the 9 month.  
There are also certain popular prognostics drawn from festivals in the Calendar, and conceived opinions of certain days in months, so is there a general tradition in most parts of Europe, that inferreth the coldness of succeeding winter from the shining of the Sun upon Candlemas day, according to the proverbial distich.— 
Si Sol splendescat Mari● puri●icante,  
Major erit glacies post festum quam fuit ante.  So is it usual amongst us to qualify and conditionate the twelve months of the year, answerably unto the temper of the twelve days in Christmas, and to ascribe unto March certain borrowed days from April; all which men seem to believe upon annual experience of their own, and the received traditions of their forefathers.  
Now it is manifest, and most men likewise know, that the Calendars of these computers, and the accounts of these days are very different; the Greeks dissenting from the Latins, and the Latins from each other; the one observing the Julian or ancient account, as great Britain and part of Germany; the other adhering to the Gregorian or new account, as Italy, France, Spain, and the united Provinces of the Netherlands. Now this latter account by ten days at least anticipateth the other; so that before the one beginneth the accout, the other is passed it; yet in these several calculations, the same events seem true, and men with equal opinion of verity, expect and confess a confirmation from them both. Whereby is evident the Oraculous authority of tradition, and the easy seduction of men, neither enquiring into the verity of their substance, nor reforming upon repugnance of circumstance.  
And thus may divers easily be mistaken who superstitiously observe certain times, or set down unto themselves an observation of unfortunate months, or days, or hours; As did the Egyptians, two in every month, and the Romans, the days after the Nones, Ides, and Calends. And thus the Rules of Navigators must often fail, setting down, as Rhodiginus observeth, suspected and ominous days, in every month, as the fi●st and seventh of March, the fifth and six● of April, the sixth, the twelfth and fifteenth of February. For the accounts hereof in these months are very different in our days, and were different with several nations in Ages past; and yet how strictly soever the account be made, and even by the self same Calendar, yet is it p●ssible that Navigators may be out. For so were the Hollanders, who p●ssing Westward through fretum le Mayre, and compassing the Globe, upon their return into their own Country, found that they had lost a day. For if two men at the same time travel from the same place, the one Eastward, the other Westward round about the earth, and meet in the same place from when●e they first set forth; it will so ●all out, that he which hath moved Eastward against the diurnal motion of the Sun, by anticipating daily something of its circle with his own motion, will gain one day; but he that traveleth Westward, with the motion of the Sun, by seconding its revolution, shall lose or come short a day; and therefore also upon these grounds that D●los was seated in the middle of the earth, it was no exact decision, because two Eagles let sly● East and West by Jupiter, their meeting fell out just in the Island Delos.   

CHAP. V.  
A Digression of the wisdom of God in the site and motion of the Sun.  
HAving thus beheld the Ignorance of man in some things, his error and blindness in others; that is, in the measure of duration both of years and seasons, let us a while admire the Wisdom of God in this distinguisher of times, and visible Deity, as some have termed it, the Sun; which though some from its glory adore, and all for its benefits admire, we shall advance from other considerations, and such as illustrate the artifice of its Maker; nor do we think we can excuse the duty of our knowledge, if we only bestow the flourish of Poetry hereon, or those commendatory conceits which popularly set forth the eminency of this creature, except we ascend unto subtler considerations, and such as rightly understood, convinsively declare the wisdom of the Creator, which since a Spanish Physician hath begun, we will enlarge with our own deductions; and this we shall endeavour from two considerations, that is, its proper situation, and wisely ordered motion.  
And first, we cannot pass over his providence in that it moveth at all; for, had it stood still, and were it fixed like the earth, there had been then no distinction of times, either of day or year, of Spring, of Autumn, of Summer, or of Winter; for these seasons are defined by the motions of the Sun; when that approacheth nearest us, we call it Summer, when furthest off, Winter, when in the middle spaces, Spring or Autumn; whereas remaining in one place these distinctions had ceased, and consequently the generation of all things depending on their vicissi●udes; making in one hemisphere a perpetual Summer, in the other a deplorable and comfortless Winter, and thus had it also been continual day unto some, and perpetual night unto others; for the day is defined by the abode of the Sun above the Horizon, and the night by its continuance below; so should we have needed another Sun, one to illustrate our hemisphere, a second to enlighted the other, which inconvenience will ensue, in what site soever we place it, whether in the poles, or the Aequator, or between them both; no spherical body of what bigness soever illuminating the whole sphere of another, although it illuminate something more than half of a lesser, according unto the doctrine of the Opiticks.  
His wisdom is again discernible not only in that it moveth at all, and in its bare motion, but wonderful in contriving the line of its revolution; which from his artifice is so effected, that by a vicissitude in one body and light, it sufficeth the whole earth, affording thereby a possible or pleasurable habitation in every part thereof; and that is the line Eclipctic, all which to effect by any other circled it had been impossible. For first, if we imagine the Sun to make his course out of the Eclipctic, and upon a line without any obliquity, let it be conceived within that Circle, that is, either on the Aequator, or else on either side (for, if we should place it either in the Meridian or Colours, beside the subversion of its course from East to West, there would ensue the like incommodities.) Now if we conceive the Sun to move between the obliquity of this Eclipctic in a line upon one side of the Aequator, then would the Sun be visible but unto one pole, that is, the same which was nearest unto it. So that unto the one it would be perpetual day, unto the other perpetual night; the one would be oppressed with constant heat, the other with unsufferable cold; and so the defect of alternation would utterly impugn the generation of all things, which naturally require a vicissitude of heat to their production, and no less to their increase and conservation.  
But if we conceive it to move in the Aequator; first, unto a parallel sphere, or such as have the pole for their Zenith, it would have made neither perfect day nor night; for being in the Aequator it would intersect their Horizon, and be half above, and half beneath it; or rather it would have made perpetual night to both: for though in regard of the rational Horizon, which bissecteth the Globe into equal parts, the Sun in the Aequator would intersect the Horizon: yet in respect of the sensible Horizon (which is defined by the eye) the Sun would be visible unto neither. For if as ocular witnesses report, and some do also write, by reason of the connexity of the Earth the eye of man under the Aequator cannot discover both the poles, neither would the eye under the pole● discover the Sun in the Aequator. And thus would there nothing fructify either near or under them, the Sun being horizontal to the poles, and of no considerable altitude unto parts a reasonable distance from them. Again, unto a right sphere, or such as dwell under the Aequator, although it made a difference in day and night, yet would it not make any distinction of seasons: for unto them it would be constant Summer, it being always vertical, and never deflecting from them: So had there been no fructification at all, and the Countries subjected would be as inhabitable, as indeed antiquity conceived them.  
Lastly, it moving thus upon the Aequator, unto what position soever, although it had made a day, yet could it have made no year; for it could not have had those two motions now ascribed unto it, that is, from E●st to West, whereby it makes the day, and likewise from West to East, whereby the year is computed: for according to Astronomy, the poles of the Aequator are the same with those of the Primum Mobile. Now it is impossible that on the same circle, having the same poles, both these motions from opposite terms, should be at the same time performed; all which is salved if we allow the Sun an obliquity in his annual motion, and conceive him to move upon the poles of the Zodiac, distant from these of the world 23 degrees and an half: A●d thus may we discern the necessity of its obliquity, and how inconvenient its motion had been upon a circle parallel to the Aequator, or upon the Aequator itself.  
Now with what providence this obliquity is determined, we shall evidently perceive upon the ensuing inconveniences from any deviation: for first, if its obliquity had been less, as instead of twenty three degrees, twelve or the half thereof, the vicissitude of seasons appointed for the generation of all things, would surely have been too short; for different seasons would have huddled upon each other, and unto some it had not been much better than if it had moved on the Aequator: but had the obliquity been greater than now it is, as double or of 40. degrees, several parts of the earth had not been able to endure the disproportionable differences of seasons, occasioned by the great recess, and distance of the Sun: for unto some habitations the Summer would have been extreme hot, and the Winter extreme cold; likewise the Summer temperate unto some, but excessive and in extremity unto others, as unto those who should dwell under the Tropic of Cancer, as then would do some part of Spain, or ten degrees beyond, as Germany, and some part of England, who would have Summers as now the moors of Africa; for the Sun would sometime be vertical unto them: but they would have Winters like those beyond the Arctic Circle, for in that season the Sun would be removed above 80 degrees from them. Again, it would be temperate to some habitations in the Summer, but very extreme in the Winter; temperate to those in two or three degrees beyond the Arctic Circle, as now it is unto us; for they would be equidistant from that Tropic, even as we are from this at present; but the Winter would be extreme, the Sun being removed above an hundred degrees, and so consequently would not be visible in their Horizon; no position of sphere discovering any star distant above 90 degrees, which is the distance of every Zenith from the Horizon. And thus if the obliquity of this Circle had been less, the vicissitude of seasons had been so small as not to be distinguished; if greater, so large and disproportionable as not to be endured.  
Now for its situation, although it held this Eclypticke line, yet had it been seated in any other Orb, inconveniences would ensue of condition like the former; for had it been placed in the lowest sphere, and where is now the Moon, the year would have consisted but of one month; for in that space of time it would have passed through every every part of the Eclipctic, so would there have been no reasonable distinction of seasons required for the generation and fructifying of all things; contrary seasons which destroy the effects of one another, so suddenly succeeding; besides by this vicinity unto the earth its heat had been intolerable: for if (as many affirm) there is a different sense of heat from the different points of its proper orb, and that in the Apogeum or highest point (which happeneth in Cancer) it is not so hot under that Tropic, on this side the Aequator, as unto the other side in the Perigeum or lowest part of the eccentric (which happeneth in Capricornus) surely being placed in an orb far lower, its heat would be unsufferable, nor needed we a fable to set the world on fire.  
But had it been placed in the highest Orb or that of the eight sphere, there had been none but Plato's year, and a far less distinction of seasons; for one year had then been many, and according unto the slow revolution of that orb which absolveth not his course in many thousand years, no man had lived to attain the account thereof. These are the inconveniences ensuing upon its situation in the extreme orbs, and had it been placed in the middle orbs of the Planets, there would have ensued absurdities of a middle and participating nature.  
Nor whether we adhere unto the hypothesis of Copernicus, affirming the Earth to move, and the Sun to stand still; or whether we hold as some of late have concluded from the spots in the Sun, which appear and disappear again; that besides the revolution it maketh with its Orbs, it hath also a dineticall motion and rolls upon its own poles; whether I say we affirm these or no, the illations before mentioned are not thereby infringed: we therefore conclude this contemplation, and are not afraid to believe, it may be literally said of the wisdom of God, what men will have figuratively spoken of the works of Christ, that if the wonders thereof were duly described, the whole world, that is all within the last circumference, would not contain them; for as his wisdom is infinite, so cannot the due expressions thereof be finite, and if the world comprise him not, neither can it comprehend the story of him.   

CHAP. VI  
Concerning the vulgar opinion that the earth was slenderly peopled before the Flood.  
BEside the sl●nder consideration men of latter times do hold of the first ages, it is commonly opinioned, and at first thought generally imagined, that the Earth was thinly inhabited, at least not remotely planted before the Flood; so that some conceiving it needless to be universal, have made the deluge particular, and about those parts where Noah built his Ark; which opinion because it is not only injurious to the Text, humane history, and common reason, but also derogatory unto that great work of God, the universal inundation, it will be needful to make some farther Inquisition; and (although predetermined by opinion) whether many might not suffer in the first Flood, as they shall in the last Flame, that is who knew not Adam nor his offence, and many perish in the deluge, who never heard of Noah or the Ark of his preservation.  
Now for the true enquiry thereof, the means are as obscure as the matter, which being naturally to be explored by History humane or divine, receiveth thereby no small addition of obscurity: for as for humane relations, they are so fabulous in Deucalion's flood, that they are of little credit about Ogyges & Noah's; for the Heathens (as Varro accounteth) make three distinctions of time: the first from the beginning of the World unto the general Deluge of Ogyges they term, adelon; that is a time not much unlike that which was before time, immanifest and unknown, because thereof there is almost nothing or very obscurely delivered: for though divers Authors have made some mention of the Deluge, as Mane●hon the Egyptian Priest, Zenophon de aequivocis Fabius Pictor de Aureo seculo, Mar. Cato de originibus and Archilochus the Greek, who introduceth also the testimony of Moses in his fragment de temporibus: yet have they delivered no account of what preceded or went before it. Josephus I confess in his Discourse against Appion induceth the antiquity of the Jews unto the flood, and before, from the testimony of humane W●iters; insisting especially upon Maseas of Damascus, Jeronymus Aegyp●ius, and Berosus; and confirming the long duration of their lives, not only from these, but the authority of Hesiod, Erathius, Hellanicus and Agesilaus. Berosus the Chaldean Priest, writes most plainly mentioning the City of Enos, the name of Noah and his sons, the building of the Ark, and also the place of its landing. And Diodorus Siculus hath in his third book a passage which examined advanceth as high as Adam; for the Chaldeans, saith he, derive the original of their Astronomy and letters forty three thousand years before the Monarchy of Al●xander the Great; now the years whereby they computed the antiquity of their letters being as Xenophon interprets to be accounted Lunary, the compute will arise unto the time of Adam: for forty three thousand Lunary years make about three thousand six hundred thirty fou●e years, which answereth the Chronologie of time from the beginning of the world unto the reign of Alexander, as Annius of Viterbo computeth in his Comment upon Berosus.  
The second space or interval of time is accounted from the Flood unto the first olympiad, that is the year of the world 3174. which extendeth unto the days of Isaiah the Prophet, and some twenty years before the foundation of Rome; this ●hey term mythicon or fabulous, because the account thereof especially of the first part is fabulously or imperfectly delivered: hereof some things have been briefly related by the Authors above mentioned; more particularly by D●res Phrygius, Dictys Cretensis, Herodotus, Diodorus Si●●lus, and Trogus Pompeius; the most famous Greek Poets lived also in this Interval, as Orpheus, Linus, Musaeus, Homer, Hesiod; and herein are comprehended the grounds and fi●st inventions of Poetical fables, which were also taken up by historical Writers, perturbing the Chaldean and Egyptian Records with fabulous additions, and confounding their names and stories, with their own inventions.  
The third time succeeding until their present ages, they term histo●icon, that is such wherein matters have been more truly histor●fied, and may therefore be believed. Of these times also have written Herodotues, Thucydides, Xenophon, Diodorus, and both of these and the other preceding such as have delivered universal Histo●ie● or Chronologies; as to omit Philo, whose Narrations concern the Hebrews, Eusebius, Julius Africanus, Orosius, Ado of Vienna, Marianus Scotus, Historia tripartita, Vrspergensis, Carion, Pineda, Salian, and with us Sir Walter Raleigh.  
Now from the first hereof that most concerneth us, we have little or no assistance, the fragments and broken records hereof enforcing not at all our purpose; and although some things not usually observed, may be from thence collected, yet do they not advantage our discourse, nor any way make evident the point in hand: For the second, though it directly concerns us not, yet in regard of our last medium and some illustrations therein, we shall be constrained to make some use thereof. As for the last it concerns us not at all, for treating of times far below us, it can no way advantage us; and though divers in this last Age have also written of the first, as all that have delivered the general accounts of time, yet are their Tractates little auxiliary unto ours, nor afford us any light to detenebrate and clear this truth.  
As for holy Scripture and divine relation, there may also seem therein but slender information, there being only left a brief narration hereof by Moses, and such as afford no positive determination. For the text delivereth but two genealogies, that is, of Cain and Seth; in the line of Seth there are only ten descents, in that of Cain but seven, and those in a right line with mention of father and son, excepting that of Lamech, where is also mention of wives, sons, and a daughter: notwithstanding if we shall seriously consider what is delivered therein, and what is also deducible, it will be probably declared what is by us intended, that is, the populous and ample habitation of the earth before the flood, which we shall labour to induce not from postulates and entreated Maxims, but undeniable principles declared in holy Scripture, that is, the length of men's lives before the flood, and the large extent of time from the creation thereunto.  
We shall only first crave notice, that although in the relation of Moses there be very few persons mentioned, yet are there many more to be presumed; nor when the Scripture in the line of Seth nominats but ten persons, are they to be conceived all that were of this generation; the Scripture singly delivering the holy line, wherein the world was to be preserved, first in Noah, and afterward in our Saviour. For in this line it is manifest there were many more borne than are named; for it is said of them all, that they begat sons and daughters. And whereas it is very late before it is said they begat those persons which are named in the Scripture, the soon at 65. it must not be understood that they had none before, but not any in whom it pleased God the holy line should be continued. And although that expression that they begat sons and daughters be not determined to be, before or after the mention of these, yet must it be before in some; for before it is said that Adam begat Seth at the 130. year, it is plainly affirmed that Cain knew his wife, and had a son, which must be one of the daughters of Adam, one of those whereof it is after faid, he begat sons and daughters. And so for aught can be disproved there might be more persons upon earth then are commonly supposed, when Cain slew Abel, nor the fact so heinously to be aggravated in the circumstance of the fourth person living. And whereas it is said upon the nativity of Seth, God hath appointed me another seed instead of Abel, it doth not imply he had no other all this while, but not any of that expectation, or appointed (as his name implies) to make a progression in the holy line, in whom the world was to be saved, and from whom he should be borne, that was mystically slain in Abel.  
Now our first ground to induce the numerosity of people before the flood, is the long duration of their lives beyond 7. 8. and 9 hundred years, which how it conduceth unto populosity we shall make but little doubt, if we consider there are two main causes of numerosity in any kind or species, that is, a frequent and multiparous way of breeding, whereby they fill the world with others, though they exist not long themselves; or a long duration and subsistence, whereby they do not only replenish the world with a new annumeration of others, but also maintain the former account in themselves. From the first cause we may observe examples in creatures oviparous, as birds and ●ishes; in vermiparous, as Flies, Locusts, and Goat's; in animals also viviparous, as Swine and Coneys; of the first there is a great example in the heard of Swine in Galilee, although it were an unclean beast, and forbidden unto the Jews. Of the other a very remarkable one in Atheneus, in the Isle Astipalea, one of the Cycladeses now called Stampalia, wherein from two that were imported, the number so increased, that the Inhabitants were constrained to have recourse unto the Oracle of Delphos, for an invention how to destroy them.  
Others there are which make good the paucity of their breed with the length and duration of their days, whereof there want not ex●amples in animals uniparous: First, in bisulcous or cloven hoofed, as Camels, and Beefs, whereof there is above a million annually slain in England: It is also said of Job, that he had a thousand yoke of Oxen, and six thousand Camels; and of the children of Israel passing into the land of Canaan, that they took from the Midianites threescore and ten thousand Beefs; and of the Army of Semiramis, that there were therein 100000. Camels; for Solipes, or firm hoofed creatures, as Horses, Asses, Mules, etc. they are also in mighty numbers; so is it delivered that Job had a thousand she Asses: that the Midianites lost 61000. Asses: for horses it is affirmed by Diodorus, that Ninus brought against the Bactrians 280000. horses; after him Semiramis 500000. horses, and Chariots 100000. even in creatures sterile and such as do not generate, the length of life conduceth much unto the multiplicity of the species; for the number of Mules which live far longer than their Dams or Sires, in countries where they are bred is very remarkable, and far more common than horses.  
For animals multifidous, or such as are digitated or have several divisions in their feet, there are but two that are uniparous, that is, Men and Elephants; in whom though their generations be but single, they are notwithstanding very numerous. The Elephant (as Aristotle affirmeth) carrieth the young two years and conceaveth not again (as Edvardus Lopez affirmeth) in many after; yet doth their age requite this disadvantage, they living commonly one hundred, sometime two hundred years. Now although they be unusual with us in Europe, and altogether unknown unto America, yet in the two other parts they are abundant, as evidently appears by the relation of Gorcias' ab Horto, Physician to the Viceroy at Goa; who in his Chapter de Ebore, relates that at one venation the King of Sian took four thousand, and is of opinion they are in other parts, in greater number than herds of Beefs in Europe. And though this delivered from a Spaniard unacquainted with our Northern droves, may seem very far to exceed, yet must we conceive them very numerous, if we consider the number of teeth transported from one Country to another, they having only two great teeth, and those not falling or renewing.  
As for man the disadvantage in his single issue is the same with these, and in the lateness of his generation somewhat greater than any; yet in the continual and not interrupted time thereof, and the extent of days, he becomes at present, if not then any other species, at least more numerous than these before mentioned. Now being thus numerous at present, and in the measure of threescore, four score or an hundred years, if their days extended unto six, seven, or eight hund●ed, their generations would be proportionably multiplied; their times of generation being not only multiplied, but their subsistence continued; for though the great Grandchild went on, the Tycho or first Original would subsist and make one of the world, though he outlived all the terms of consanguinity, and became a stranger unto his proper progeny. So by compute of Scripture Adam lived unto the ninth generation, unto the days of Lamech the father of Noah; Methuselah unto the year of the flood, and Noah was contemporary unto all from Enoch unto Abraham. So that although some died, the father beholding so many descents, the number of survivers must still be very great; for if half the men were now alive, which lived in the last Century, the earth would scarce contain their number; whereas in our abridged and septuagesimall ages, it is very rare and deserves a distich to behold the fourth generation: Xerxes' complaint still remaining, and what he lamented in his Army, being almost deplorable in the whole world, men seldom arriving unto those years whereby Methuselah exceeded nine hundred, and what Adam came short of a thousand, was defined long ago to be the age of man.  
Now although the length of days conduceth mainly unto the numerosity of mankind, and it be manifest from Scripture they lived very long, yet is not the period of their lives determinable, and some might be longer livers, than we account that any were; For, (to omit that conceit of some, that Adam was the oldest man, in as much as he is conceived to be created in the maturity of mankind, that is, at 60. (for in that age it is set down they begat children) so that adding this number unto his 930. he was 21. years older than any of his posterity) that even Methuselah was the longest lived of all the children of Adam, we need not grant, nor is it definitively set down by Moses: Indeed of those ten mentioned in Scripture with their several ages it must be true; but whether those seven of the line of Cain and thei● progeny, or any of the sons or daughter's posterity after them outlived those, is not expressed in holy Scripture; and it will seem more probable that of the line of Cain, some were longer lived than any of Seth, if we concede that seven generations of the one lived as long as nine of the other. As for what is commonly alleged, that God would not permit the life of any unto a thousand, because (alluding unto that of David) no man should live one day in the sight of the Lord, although it be urged by divers, yet is it me thinks an inference somewhat rabbinical, and not of power to persuade a serious examinator.  
Having thus made manifest in general how powerfully the length of lives conduced unto populosity of those times, it will yet be easier acknowledged if we descend to particularities, and consider how many in seven hundred years might descend from one man; wherein considering the length of their days, we may conceive the greatest number to have been alive together. And this that no reasonable spirit may contradict, we will declare with manifest disadvantage; for whereas the duration of the world unto the ●loud was above 1600. years, we will make our compute in less than half that time; nor will we begin with the first man, but allow the earth to be provided of women fit for marriage the second or third first Centuries; and will only take as granted, that they might beget children at sixty, and at an hundred years have twenty, allowing for that number forty years. Nor will we herein single out Methuselah, or account from the longest livers, but make choice of the sho●test of any we find recorded in the Text, excepting Enoch; who after he had lived as many years as there be days in the year, was translated at 365. And thus from one stock of seven hundred years, multiplying still by twenty, we shall find the product to be one thousand, three hundred forty seven millions, three hundred sixty eight thousand, four hundred and twenty.  
Centurie 1 20. 2 400. 3 800. 4 160,000. 5 3,200,000. 6 46,000,000. 7 1,280,000,000. The product  1,347,368,420  
Now had we computed by Methuselah the sum had exceeded five hundred thousand millions; as large a number from one stock as may be conceived in Europe; especially if in Constantinople the greatest City thereof, there be no more than Botero accounteth, seven hundred thousand souls, which duly considered, we shall rather admire how the earth contained its inhabitants, then doubt its inhabitation; and might conceive the Deluge not simply penal, but in some way also necessary; as many have conceived of translations, if Adam had not sinned, and the race of man had remained upon earth immortal.  
Now whereas some to make good their longevity, have imagined that the years of their compute were Lunary; unto these we must reply; That if by a lunary year they understand twelve revolutions of the Moon, that is, 354. days, eleven fewer than in the Solary year; there will be no great difference, at least not sufficient to convince or extenuate the question: But if by a Lunary year they mean one revolution of the Moon, that is, a month; they first introduce a year never used by the Hebrews in their Civil accounts; and what is delivered before of the Chaldean years, (as Xenophon gives a caution) was only received in the Chronology of their Arts. Secondly, they contradict the Scripture, which makes a plain enumeration of many months in the account of the Deluge, for so it is expressed in the Text. In the tenth month, in the first day of the month were the tops of the mountains seen; Concordant whereunto is the relation of ●uma●● Authors, for so saith Xenophon de Aequivocis, Inund ●iones plures fuere, prima novimestris inundatio terrarum sub prisco Ogyge; and the like also Solinus, Meminisse hoc loco par est post primum diluv●um Ogygi temporibus notatum, cum novem & amplius mensibus diem continua nox inumbrasset, Delos ante omnes terras radiis solis illuminatum sort●tum que ex eo nomen. And lastly, they fall upon an absurdity, for they make E●och to beget children about six years of age; for whereas it is said he begat Methuselah at 65. if we shall account every month a year, he was at that time some six years and an half, for so many months are contained in that space of time.  
Having thus declared how much the length of men's lives conduced unto the populosity of their kind, our second foundation must be the large extent of time, from the Creation unto the Deluge; that is, according unto received computes about 1655 years) a longer time than hath passed since the nativity of our Saviour; and which we cannot but conceive sufficient for a very large increase, if we do but affirm what reasonable enquirers will not deny; That the earth might be as populous in that number of years before the Flood, as we can manifest it was in the same number after. And whereas there may be conceived some disadvantage, in regard that at the Creation, the original of mankind was in two persons, but after the Flood their propagation issued at least from six; against this we might very well set the length of their lives before the Flood, which were abreviated after, and in half this space contracted into hundreds and threescores. Notwithstanding to equalise accounts, we will allow three hundred years, and so long a time as we can manifest from the Scripture, There were four men at least that begat children, Adam, Cain, Seth, and Enos; so shall we fairly and favourably proceed if we affirm the world to have been as populous in sixteen hundred and fifty years before the Flood, as it was in thirteen hundred after. Now how populous and largely inhabited it was within this period of time, we shall endeavour to declare from probabilities, and several testimonies of Scripture and humane Authors.  
And first, to manifest the same near those parts of the Earth where the Ark is presumed to have rested, we have the relation of holy Scripture accounting the genealogy of Japhet, Cham and Sem, and in this last, four descents unto the division of the earth in the days of Peleg, which time although it were not upon common compute much above an hundred years, yet were they at this time mightily increased; nor can we well conceive it otherwise, if we consider they began already to wander from their first habitation, and were able to attempt so mighty a work as the building of a City and a Tower, whose top should reach unto the heavens, whereunto there was required no slender number of persons, if we consider the magnitude thereof, expressed by some, & conceived to be Turris Beli in Herodotus; and the multitudes of people recorded at the erecting of the like or inferior structures: for so is it delivered in the Book of Kings, that at the building of Solomon's Temple there were threescore and ten thousand that carried burdens, and fourscore thousand hewers in the mountains, beside the chief of his officers three thousand and three hundred; and at the erecting of the Pyramids in the reign of King Cheops, as Herodotus reports there were decem myriades, that is an hundred thousand men. And though it be said of the Egyptians, Porrum & caepe nefas violare & frangere morsu; yet did the sums expended in Garlic and Onions amount unto no less than one thousand six hundred Talents.  
The first Monarchy or Kingdom of Babylon is mentioned in Scripture under the foundation of Nimrod, which is also recorded in humane history; as beside Berosus, in Diodorus and Justine, for Nimrod of the Scriptures is Belus of the Gentiles, and Assur the same with Ninus his successor. There is also mention of divers Cities, particularly of Ninivy and Resen expressed emphatically in the Text to be a great City.  
That other Countries round about were also peopled, appears by the Wars of the Monarches of Assyria with the Bactrians, Indians, Scythyans, Aethiopians, Armenians, Hyrcanians, Parthians, Persians, Susians; they vanquishing (as Diodorus relateth) Egypt, Syria, and all Asia minor, even from Bosphorus unto Tanais. And it is said, that Semiramis in her expedition against the Indians, brought along with her the King of Arabia. About the same time of the Assyrian Monarchy, do Author's place that of the Sycionians in Greece, and soon after, that of the Argives, and not very long after, that of the Athenians under Cecrops; and within our period assumed are hystorified many memorable actions of the greeks, as the expedition of the Argonauts, with the most famous Wars of Thebes and Troy.  
That Canaan also and Egypt were well peopled far within this period, besides their plantation by Canaan and Misraim, appeareth from the history of Abraham, who in less than 400 years after the Flood journied from Mesopotamia unto Canaan and Egypt; both which he found well peopled and policied into Kingdoms; wherein also in 430 years, from threescore and ten persons which came with Jacob into Egypt he became a mighty Nation: for it is said, at their departure, there journyed from Rhamesis to Succoth about six hundred thousand on foot, that were men besides children. Now how populous the land from whence they came was, may be collected not only from their ability in commanding so mighty subjections, but from the several accounts of that Kingdom delivered by Herodotus; and how soon it was peopled is evidenced from the pillar of their King Osiris, with this inscription in Diodorus; Mihi pater est Saturnus deorum junior, sum vero Osyris rex qui totum peragravi orbem usque ad Indorum fines, ad eos quoque sum profectus qui septentrioni subjacent usque ad Istri fontes, & alias parts usque ad Oceanum. Now according unto the best determinations Osiris was Mizraim, & Saternus Aegyptius, the same with Cham, after whose name Egypt is not only called in Scripture the land of Ham, but thus much is also testified by Plutarch; for in his Treatise the Osyride, he delivereth that Egypt was called Chamia a Chamo No si● io, that is from Cham the son of Noah. And if according to the consent of ancient Fathers, Adam was buried in the same place, where Christ was crucified, that is Mount Calvary, the first man ranged far before the Flood, and laid his bones many miles from that place, where it's presumed he received them: And this migration was the greater, if as the Text expresseth, he was cast out of the East-side of Paradise to till the ground, and as the Position of the Cherubins implieth, who were placed at the East end of the garden, to keep him from the tree of life.  
That the extreme and remote parts of the earth were in this time inhabited, is also induceable from the like Testimonies; for (omitting the numeration of Josephus, and the genealogies of the sons of Noah) that I●aly was inhabited appeareth from the Records of Livy, and Dionysius Halicarnasseus, the story of Aenaeas, Evander, and Janus, whom Annius of Viterbo, and the Chorographers of Italy, do make to be the same with Noah: that Sicily was also peopled, is made out from the frequent mention thereof in Homer, the Records of Diodorus and others; but especially from a remarkable passage touched by Aretius and Rauzanus B●shop of Lucerium, but fully explained by Thoma● F●zelli in his accurate history of Sicily; that is, from an ancient inscription in a stone at Panormo, expressed by him in its proper characters, and by a Syrian thus translated: Non est alius Deus praeter unum Deum, non est al●us potens praeter eundem Deum, neque est alius victor praeter ●undem quem colimus Deum: Hujus turris praefectus est Sapha filius Eliphar, fil●i Esau, fratris jacob, filii Isaac, filii Abraham; & turri quidem ipsi nomen est Baych, sed turri huic proximae nomen est Pharath. The antiquity of the inhabitation of Spain is also confirmable, not only from Berosus in the plantation of Tubal and a City continuing yet in his name, but the story of Geryon, the travels of Hercules and his pillars, and especially a passage in Strabo, which advanceth unto the time of Ninus, thus delivered in his fourth Book. the Spaniards (saith he) affirm that they have had laws and letters above six thousand years. Now the Spaniards or Iberians observing (as Xenophon hath delivered) Annum qu●drimestrem, four months unto a year, this compute will make up 2000 Solary years, which is about the space of time from Strabo who lived in the days of Augustus, unto the reign of Ninus.  
That Mauritania and the coast of Africa were peopled very soon, is the conjecture of many wise men, & that by the Phaeniceans, who left their Country upon the invasion of Canaan by the Israelites: for beside the conformity of the punic or Carthaginean language with that of Phaenicea, there is a pregnant and very remarkable testimony hereof in Procopius, who in his second de bello Vandalico, recordeth, that in a Town of Mauritania Tingitana, there was to be seen upon two white Columns in the Phaenicean language these ensuing words; Nos Maurici sumus qui fugimus à facie jehoschuae filii Nunis praedatoris. The fortunate Islands or Canaries were not unknown; for so doth Starbo interpret that speech in Homer of Proteus unto Menelaus— 
Sed te qu ●terrae postremus termin●s extat,  
Elysium in Campum coelestia numina ducunt.   
The like might we affirm from credible histories both of France and Germany, and probably also out of our own Country; for omitting the fabulous and Trojan original delivered by Jeofrey of Monmouth, and the express text of Scripture, that the race of J●phet did people the Isles of the Gentiles; (in which number this of ours hath been specially accounted) their original was so obscure in Caesar's time, that he affirmeth the Inland inhabitants were Aborigines, that is, such as reported, that they had their beginning in the Island; That Ireland our neighbour Island was not long time without Inhabitants, may be made probable by sundry accounts, although we ab●te the Tradition of Bartholanus the Scythian, who arrived there three hundred years after the Flood, or the relation of Giraldus, that Caesaria the daughter of Noah dwelled there before.  
Thus though we have declared how largely the world was inhabited within the space of 1300 years, yet must it be conceived more populous than can be evinced; for a greater part of the Earth hath ever been peopled, then hath been known or described by Geographers, as will appear by the discoveries of all ages; for neither in Herodotus or Thucydides do we find any mention of Rome, nor in Ptolemy of many parts of Europe, Asia, or Africa: and because many places we have declared of long plantation, of who●e populosity notwithstanding or memorable actions we have no ancient story, if we may conjecture of these by what we find related of others, we shall not need many words, nor assume the half 1300 years, and this we might illustrate from the mighty acts of the Assyrians performed not long after the Flood, and recorded by Justine and Diodorus, who makes relation of expeditions by Armies more numerous than have been ever since. For Ninus King of Assyria brought against the Bactrians 700000 foot, 200000 horse, 10600 Chariots; Semiramis his successor led against the Indians 1300000 foot, 500000 horse, 100000 Chariots, and as many upon Camels: And it is said, Staurobates the Indian King met her with greater force than she brought against him; all which was performed within less than four hundred years after the Flood.  
Now if any man imagine the unity of their language did hinder their dispersion before the Flood, we confess it some hindrance at first, but not much afterward: for though it might restrain their dispersion, it could not their populosity, which necessarily requireth transmigration & emission of Colonies, as we read of Romans, Greeks, Phaeniceans in ages past, and have beheld examples thereof in our days; and we may also observe that after the Flood before the confusion of tongues, men began to disperse; for it is said, they journied towards the East, and the Scripture itself expresseth a necessity conceived of their dispersion, for the intent of erecting the Tower is so delivered in the text, lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the earth.  
Again, if any man imagine the plantation of the earth more easy in regard of Navigation and shipping discovered since the Flood, whereby the Islands and divided parts of the earth are now inhabited; he must consider that whether there were Islands or no before the Flood is not yet determined, and is with probability denied by very learned Authors.  
Lastly, if we shall fall into apprehension that it was less inhabited, because it is said in the sixth of Genesis about 120. years before the Flood, and it came to pass that when men began to multiply upon the face of the earth: Beside that this may be only meant of the race of Cain, it will not import they were not multiplied before, but that they were at that time plentifully increased; for so is the same word used in other parts of Scripture. And so is it afterward in the 9 Chap. said that Noah began to be an husbandman, that is, he was so, or earnestly performed the Acts thereof: so it is said of our Saviour that he began to cast them out that bought and sold in the Temple; that is, he actually cast them out, or with alacrity effected it.  
And thus have I declared my private and probable conceptions in the enquiry of this truth; but the certainty hereof let the Arithmetic of the last day determine, and therefore expect no further belief than probability and reason induce; only desire men would not swallow dubiosities for certainties, and receive as principles, points mainly controvertible, for we are to adhere unto things doubtful in a dubious and opinative way; it being reasonable for every man to vary his opinion according to the variance of his reason, and to affirm one day what he denied another, wherein although at last we miss of truth, we die notwithstanding in harmless and inoffensive errors, because we adhere unto that whereunto the examen of our reasons, and honest inquiries induce us.   

CHAP. VII.  
Of East and West▪  
THe next shall be of East and West; that is, the proprieties and conditions ascribed unto Regions respectively unto those situations, which hath been the obvious conception of Philosophers and Geographers, magnifying the condition of India, and the Eastern Countries, above the setting and occidental Climates; some ascribing hereto the generation of gold, precious stones, and spices, others the civility and natural endowments of men; conceiving the bodies of this situation to receive a special impression from the first salutes of the Sun, and some appropriate influence from his ascendent and oriental radiations. But these proprieties affixed unto bodies, upon considerations deduced from East, West, or those observable points of the sphere, how specious and plausible soever, will not upon enquiry be justified from such foundations.  
For, to speak strictly, the●e is no East and West in nature; nor are those absolute and invariable, but respective and mutable points, according unto different longitudes, or distant parts of habitation, whereby they suffer many and considerable variations. For first, unto some, the same part will be East o● West in respect of one another, that is, unto such as inhabit the same parallel, or differently dwell f●om East to West; Thus as unto Spain, Italy lieth East, unto Italy, Greece, unto Greece Pe●sia, & unto Persia China; so again unto the Country of China, Persia lieth West, unto Persia Greece, unto Greece Italy, and unto Italy Spain; so that the same Country is sometimes East and sometimes West, and Persia though East unto Greece, yet is it West unto China.  
U●to other habitations the same poin● will be both East and West, as unto those that are Antipodes or seated in points of the Globe diametrically opposed; so the Americans are Antipodall unto the Indians, and some part of India is both East and West unto America, according as it shall be regarded from one side or the other, to the right or to the left; and setting out from any middle point, either by East or West, the distance unto the place intended is equal, and in the same space of time in nature also performable.  
To a third that have the Poles for their vertex, or dwell in the position of a parallel sphere, there will be neither E●st nor West, at least the greatest part of the year; for if (as the name Oriental implieth) they shall account that part to be E●st where ever the Sun ariseth, or that West where the Sun is occidental or setteth, almost half the year they have neither the one nor the other; for half the year it is below their Horizon, and the other half it is continually above it; and circling round about them intersecteth not the Horizon, nor leaveth any part for this compute. And if (which will at first seem very reasonable) that part should be termed the Eastern point, where the Sun at the Aequinox, and but once in the year ariseth, yet will this also disturb the Cardinal accounts, nor will it with propriety admit that appellation: For that surely cannot be accounted East which hath the South on both sides, which notwithstanding, this position must have; for if unto such as live under the pole, that be only North which is above them, that must be Southerly which is below them, which is all the other portion of the Globe beside that part possessed by them. And thus these points of East and West being not absolute in any, respective in some, and not at all relating unto others, we cannot hereon establish so general considerations, nor reasonably erect such immutable assertions, upon so unstable foundations.  
Now the ground that begat or promoted this conceit, was first a mistake in the apprehension of East and West, considering thereof as of the North and South, and computing by these as invariably as by the other; but herein, upon second thoughts there is a great disparity: For the North and Southern pole, are the invariable terms of that Axis whereon the heavens do move, and are therefore incommunicable and fixed points whereof the one is not apprehensible in the other; b●t with the East and West it is quite otherwise, for the revolution of th● Orbs being made upon the poles of North and South, all other points about the Axis are mutable; and wheresoever therein the E●st point be determined, by succession of parts in one revolution every point becometh East: and so if where the Sun ariseth, that part be termed East, every habitation differing in longitude, will have this point also different, in as much as the Sun successively ariseth unto every one.  
The second ground, although it depend upon the former, approacheth nearer the effect; and that is the efficacy of the Sun, set out and divided according to priority of assent, whereby his influence is conceived more favourable unto one Country than another, and to felicitate India more than any after. But hereby we cannot avoid absurdities and such as infer effects controulable by our senses: For first, by the same reason that we affirm the Indian richer than the American, the American will also be more plentiful than the Indian, and England or Spain more fruitful than Hispaniola or golden Castille; in as much as the Sun ariseth unto the one sooner than the other, and so accountably unto any Nation subjected unto the same parallel, or with a considerable diversity of longitude from each other.  
Secondly, an unsufferable absurdity will ensue; for thereby a Country may be more fruitful than itself: For India is more fertile than Spain, because more East, and that the Sun ariseth first unto it; Spain likewise by the same reason more fruitful than America, and America then India; so that Spain is less fruitful than that Country, which a less fertile Country than itself, excelleth.  
Lastly, if we conceive the Sun hath any advantage by the priority of its ascent, or makes thereby one Country more happy than another, we introduce injustifiable acceptions; and impose a natural partiality on that luminary, which being equidistant from the Earth, and equally removed in the East as in the West, his power and efficacy in both places must be equal, as Boetius hath taken notice in his first de Gemmis, and Scaliger hath graphically declared in his Exercitations; some have therefore forsaken this refuge of the Sun, and to salve the effect have recurred unto the influence of the stars, making their activities national, and appropriating their powers unto particular regions: So Cardan conceiveth the tail of Ursa major peculiarly respecteth Europe, whereas indeed once in 24 hours it also absolveth its course over Asia and America: And therefore it will not be easy to apprehend those stars peculiarly glance on us, who must of necessity carry a common eye and regard unto all Countries unto whom their revolution and verticity is also common.  
The effects therefore are different productions in several Countries, which we impute unto the action of the Sun, must surely have nearer and more immediate causes then that Luminary; and these if we place in the propriety of the clime, or condition of soil wherein they are produced, we shall more reasonably proceed, than they who ascribe them unto the activity of the Sun, whose revolution being regular, it hath no power nor efficacy peculiar from its orientality, but equally disperseth his beams unto all which equally and in the same restriction receive his lustre; and being an universal and indefinite agent, the effects or productions we behold, receive not their circle from his causality, but are determined by the principles of the place or qualities of that region which admits them: and this is evident not only in gems, minerals, and metals, but observable in pla●ts and animals, whereof some are common unto many Countries, some peculiar unto one, some not communicable unto another: For the hand of God that first created the earth, hath with variety disposed the principles of all things, wisely contriving them in their proper seminaries, and where they best maintain the intention of their species; whereof if they have not a concurrence, and be not lodged in a convenient matrix, they are not excited by the efficacy of the Sunn●, or failing in particular causes receive a relief or sufficient promotion from the universal. For although superior powers cooperate with inferior activities, and may (as some conceive) carry a stroke in the plasticke and formative draught of all things, yet do their determinations belong unto particular agents, and are defined from their proper principles. Thus the Sun which with us is fruitful in the generation of frogs, toads, and serpents, to this effect proves impotent in our neighbour Island; wherein as in all other carrying a common aspect, it concurreth but unto predisposed effects, and only suscitates those forms, whose determinations are seminal, and proceed from the Idea of themselves.  
Now whereas there be many observations concerning East, and divers considerations of Art which seem to extol the quality of that point, if rightly understood they do not really promote it. That the ginger takes account of nativities from the Ascendent, that is, the first house of the heavens, whose beginning is toward the East, it doth not advantage the conceit; for, he establisheth not his Judgement upon the Orientality thereof, but considereth therein his first ascent above the Horizon; at which time its efficacy becomes observable, and is conceived to have the signification of life, and to respect the condition of all things, which at the same time arise from their causes, and ascend to their Horizon with it. Now this ascension indeed falls out respectively in the East; but as we have delivered before, in some positions there is no Eastern point from whence to compute these ascensions. So is it in a parallel sphere: for, unto them six houses are continually depressed, and six never elevated; and the Planets themselves, whose revolutions are of more speed, and influences of higher consideration, must find in that place▪ very imperfect regard; for half their period they absolve above, and half beneath the Horizon; and so for six years, no man can have the happiness to be borne under Jupiter, and for fifteen together all must escape the ascendent dominion of Saturn.  
That A●istotle in his Politics, commends the situation of a City which is open towards the East, and admitteth the rays of the rising Sun, thereby is employed no more particular efficacy then in the West; But that site is commended, in regard the damps and vaporous exhalations engendered in the absence of the Sun, are by his returning rays the sooner dispelled, and men thereby more ea●ly enjoy a clear and healthy habitation; and upon these and the like considerations it is, that Marcus Varro de re Rustica, commendeth the same situation, and expose●h his farm unto the equinoxial ascent of the Sun; that Palladius adviseth the front of his edifice should so respect the South, that in the first angle it receive the rising rays of the winter Sun, and decline a little from the winter setting thereof. And concordant hereunto is the instruction of Columella in his Chapter Depositione villae, which he contriveth into Summer and Winter habitations; ordering that the Winter lodgings regard the winter ascent of the Sun, that is, Southeast; and the rooms of repast at supper, the Aequinoxiall setting thereof, that is, the West; that the Summer lodgings regard the Aequinoxiall Meridian, but the rooms of caenation in the Summer, he obverts unto the winter assent, that is, Southeast; and the Balnearies or bathing places, that they may remain under the Sun until evening, he exposeth unto the Summer setting, that is, North-West; in all which, although the Cardinal points be introduced, yet is the consideration Solary, and only determined unto the aspect or visible reception of the Sun.  
That Mahumetans and Jews in these and our neighbour parts are observed to use some gestures towards the East, as at their benediction, and the kill of their meat it cannot be denied; and though many ignorant spectators, and not a few of the actors conceive some Magic or mystery therein, yet is the Ceremony only Topical, and in a memorial relation unto a place they honour. So the Jews do carry a respect and cast an eye upon Jerusalem; for which practice they are not without the example of their forefathers, and the encouragement of their wise King; 
Dan. 6.  For so it is said that Daniel went into his house, and his windows being opened towards Jerusalem, he kneeled upon his knees three times a day, and prayed; So is it expressed in the prayer of Solomon, what prayer or supplication soever be made by any man, which shall spread forth his hands towards this house, if thy people go out to battle, and shall pray unto the Lord towards the City which thou hast chosen, and toward the house which I have chosen to build for thy Name, then hear thou in heaven their prayer, and their supplication, and maintain their cause. Now the observation hereof, unto the Jews that are dispersed Westward, and such as most converse with us, directeth their regard unto the East; But the words of Solomon are appliable unto all quarters of heaven, and by the Jews of the East and South must be regarded in a contrary position. So Daniel in Babylon looking toward Jerusalem had his face toward the West; So the Jews in their own Land looked upon it from all quarters. For the Tribe of Judah beheld it to the North; Manasses, Z●bulon, and Nap●thali unto the South; Reuben and Gad unto the West; only the Tribe of Dan regarded it directly or to the due East: and so when it is said Luke 12. when you see a cloud rise out of the West, you say there cometh a shower, and so it is; the observation was respective unto Judea; nor is this a reasonable illation in all other 〈◊〉 whatsoever; For the Sea lay West unto that Country, and the winds brought rain from that quarter; But this consideration cannot be transferred unto India or China, which have a vast Sea Eastward, and a vaster Continent toward the West. So likewise when it is said by Job, in the vulgar Translation, Gold cometh out of the North; is this a reasonable inducement unto us and many other Countries, from some particular mines septentrional unto his situation, to search after that mehall in cold and Northern regions, which we most plentifully discover in hot and Southern habitations?  
For the Mahometans▪ as they partake with all Religions in something, so they imitate the Jew in this. For in their observed gestures, they hold a regard unto Mecha and Medina Taln●bi, two Cities in Arabia faelix; where their Prophet was borne and buried; whither they perform their pilgrimages; and from whence they expect he should return again. And therefore they direct their faces unto these parts, which unto the Mahometans of Barbary and Egypt lie E●st, and are in some point thereof, unto many other parts of Turkey: wherein notwithstanding there is no Oriental respect; for wi●h the same devotion on the other side they regard these parts toward the West, and so with variety wheresoever they are seated, conforming unto the ground of their conception.  
Fourthly, whereas in the ordering of the Camp of Israel, the East quarter is appointed unto the noblest Tribe, that is the Tribe of Judah, according to the command of God, Numb. 2. In the East-side toward the rising of the Sun, shall the Standard of the Tribe of Judah pitch, it doth not peculiarly extol that point; for herein the East is not to be taken strictly, but as it signifieth or implieth the foremost place; for Judah had the Van, and many Countries through which they passed were seated Easterly unto them. Thus much is employed by the Original, and expressed by Translations which strictly conform thereto: So Tremellius and Junius, Castra habentium ab anteriore parte Orientem versus, vexillum esto castrorum judae; so hath R. Solomon Jarchi expounded it, the foremost or before, is the E●st quarter, and the West is called behind: And upon this Interpretation may all be salved that is alleageable against it. For if the Tribe of Judah were to pitch before the Tabernacle at the East, and yet to march first, as is commanded Numb. 10. there must ensue a disorder in the Camp, nor could they conveniently observe the execution thereof: For when they set out from Mount Sinah where the Command was delivered, they made Northward unto Rithmah; from Rissah unto Ezionbeber about fourteen stations they marched South: From Almon Diblathaim through the mountains of Yabarim and plains of Moab towards Jordan the face of their march was West: So that if Judah were strictly to pitch in the E●st of the Tabernacle, every night he encamped in the Rear: And if (as some conceive) the whole Camp could not be less than twelve miles long, it had been preposterous for him to have marched foremost, or set out first, who was most remote from the place to be approached.  
Fifthly, that Learning, Civility and Arts, had their beginning in the East, it is not imputable ●ither to the action of the Sun, or its Orientality, but of the first plantation of Man in those parts, which unto Europe do carry the respect of East; for on the mountains of Ararat, that is part of the hill Taurus, between the East-Indies and Scythia, as Sir W. Ralegh accounts it, the Ark of Noah rested; from the East they traveled that built the Tower of Babel, from thence they were dispersed and successively enlarged, and learning good Arts and all Civility communicated. The progression whereof was very sensible; and if we consider the distance of time between the confusion of Babel, and the civility of many parts now eminent therein, it traveled late and slowly into our quarters; for notwithstanding the learning of Bards and D●uides of elder times, he that shall peruse that work of Tacitus de moribus Germanorum, may easily discern how little civility two thousand years had wrought upon that Nation; the like he may observe concerning ourselves, from the same Author in the life of Agricola, and more directly from Strabo; who to the dishonour of our Predecessors, and the disparagement of those that glory in the Antiquity of their Ancestors, affirmeth, the Britan's were so simple, that though they abounded in Milk, they had not the Artifice of Cheese.  
Lastly, that the Globe itself is by Cosmographers divided into East and West, accounting from the first Meridian, it doth not establish this conceit; for that division is not naturally founded, but artificially set down, and by agreement; as the aptest terms to define or commensurate the longitude of places. Thus the ancient Cosmographers do place the division of the E●st and Western Hemisphere, that is the first term of longitude in the Canary or fortunate Islands; conceiving these parts the extremest habitations Westward: But the Moderns have altered that term and translated it unto the Azores or Michael's Islands, and that upon a plausible conceit of the small or insensible variation of the compass in those parts; wherein nevertheless, and though upon second invention, they proceed upon a common and no appropriate foundation; for even in that Meridian farther North or South the compass observably varieth; and there are also other places wherein it varieth not, as Alphonso and Rodoriges de Lago will have it about Capo de las Agullas in Africa; as Maurolycus affirmeth in the shore of Peloponesus in Europe, and as Gilbertus averreth, in the midst of great regions, in most parts of the earth.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Of the River Nilus.  
HEreof uncontrollably and under general consent many opinions are passant, which notwithstanding upon due examination, do admit of doubt or restriction: It is generally esteemed, and by most unto our days received, that the River of Nilus hath seven ostiaries; that is, by seven Channels disburdeneth itself into the Sea; wherein notwithstanding, beside that we find no concurrent determination of ages past, and a positive and undeniable refute of these present, the affirmative is mutable, and must not be received without all limitation.  
For some, from whom we receive the greatest illustrations of Antiquity, have made no mention hereof: So Homer hath given no number of its Channels, nor so much as the name thereof in use with all Historians. Eratosthenes in his description of Egypt hath likewise passed them over: Aristotle is so indistinct in their names and numbers, that in the first of Meteors, he plainly affirmeth the Region of Egypt, which we esteem the ancientest Nation in the World, was a mere gained ground; and that by the settling of mud and limous matter brought down by the River Nilus, that which was at first a continued Sea, was raised at last into a firm and habitable Country. The like opinion he held of Maeotis Palus, that by the floods of Tanais and ea●●h brought down ●h●reby, it grew observably shallower in his days▪ and would in process of time become a fi●me land. And though his 〈…〉 yet fulfilled, yet is the like observable in the River Gi●on, a 〈◊〉 of E●ph●ates and River of Paradise, which having in former Ages discharged itself into the Persian Sea, doth at present ●all short, being lost in th● lak●● of Chaldea, and hath left betw●en● the Sword●, a large and considerable p●rt of dry land.  
Others 〈◊〉 t●●a●ing hereof have diversely delivered themselves; H●rodotus in his E●terp● makes mention of seven, but carelessly of two thereof; that is, Bolb●ti●um, and Bucolicum; for these, saith he, were not the natural currents, but made by Art for some occasional convenience. Strabo in his Geography naming but two, Pel●siacu● and Canopicum, plainly affirmeth there were many more than seven; Inter haec a●ia quinque etc. There are (saith he) many remarkable towns within the C●rrents of Nile, especially such which have given the names unto the ostearies thereof, not unto all, for they are eleven, and four besides, but unto seven and most considerable; that is, Canopicum, Bulbitinum, Selenneticum, Se●enneticum, Pharniticum, Me●desium, Taniticum, and Pelusium; wherein to make up the number, one of the artificial channels of Herodotus is accounted: Ptolemy an Egyptian, and bo●ne at the P●lusian mo●th of Nile, in his Geography maketh nine, and in the third Map of Africa, hath unto their mouths prefixed their several names, that is, Her acl●oticum, Bolbitinum, Sebennetic●m, Pineptum, Diolcos', Pathmeticum, Mendesium, Taniticum, Peleu●●acum; wherein notwithstanding there are no less than three different names from those delivered by Pliny: All which considered, we may easily discern that Author's accord not either in na●● or number, and must needs confirm the Judgement of Magi●us, de Os●iorum, Nili numer● & nominibus, valde antiqui scriptures discordant.  
Modern Geographers and travellers do much abate of this number; for as Maginus and others observe, there are now but three or four mouths thereof, as Gulielmus Tyrius long ago, and Bellonius since, both ocular enquirers, with others have attested. For below Cairo, the River divides itself into four branches, whereof two make the chief and navigable streams, the one running to Pelusium of the Ancients, and now Damiats; the other unto Canopium and now Roscett●; the other two, saith Mr. Sandys, do run between these, but poor in water; of those seven mentioned by Herodotus, and those nine by Ptolemy, these are all I could either see, or hear of.  
Lastly, what ever was or is their number, the contrivers of Cards and Maps, afford us no assurance or constant description therein. For whereas Ptolemy hath set forth nine, Hondius in his Map of Africa, makes but eight, and in that of Europe ten. Ortelius in his Theatrum Botannicum, in the M●p of the Turkish Empire, setteth down eight, in that of Egypt eleven, and Maginus in his Map of that Country hath observed the same number; and if we inquire farther, we shall find the same diversity and disco●d in divers others.  
And thus may we perceive that this account was differently related by the Ancients, that it is undeniably rejected by the Moderns, and must be warily received by any. For if we receive them all into accou●t▪ they were more than seven, If only the natural sluices they were f●wer; and however we 〈◊〉 them, there is no agreeable and constant description thereof. And therefore how reasonable it is to draw continual and durable deductions from alterable and uncertain foundations, let them consider who make the gates of Th●be●, and the mouths of this River a constant and continued periphrasis for this number, and in their Poetical expressions do give the River that Epithet unto this day; conceaving a perpetuity in mutability, and upon unstable foundations erecting eternal assertions.  
The same River is also accounted the greatest of the earth, called therefore Fluviorum p●ter, and totius Orbis maximus by O●telius; with the verity hereof, I confess I could be well contented, nor do I w●sh the ruin of this assertion; nevertheless if this be true, many Maps must be corrected, or the relations of divers good Authors renounced.  
For first, in the deliniations of many Maps of Africa, the River Niger exceed●th it about ●en degrees in length, that is, no less● then six hundred miles. For, arising beyond the Aequator it maketh Northward almost 15. degrees, and deflecting after Westward, without meanders, continueth a straight course about 40. degrees; and with many great currents dis●urden●th itself into the Occidental Ocean. Again, if we credit the descriptions of good Authors, other Rivers excel it in length or breadth, or both; Arrianus in his history of Alexander, assigneth the first place unto the River Ganges, which truly according unto later relations, if not in length, yet in breadth and debth may be granted to excel it: For the magnitude of Nilus consisteth in the dimension of Longitude, and is inconsiderable in the other, what stream it maintaineth beyond Syene or Asna, and so forward unto its original, relations are very imperfect, but below these places and farther removed from the head, the current is but narrow; and we read in the history of the Turks, the Tartar horsemen of Selimus, swa● over the Nile from Cairo, to meet the forces of Tonombeius; Scortias' the Jesuit expressly treating hereof, preserreth the River of Plate in Am●rica; for that as Maff●us hath delivered, falleth into the Ocean in the latitude of forty Leagues, and with that source and plenty that men at Sea do taste fresh water, before they approach so near as to discover the land: So is it exceeded by that which by Cardan is termed the greatest in the world, that is the River Oregliana in the same Continent, which as Maginus delivereth, hath been navigated 6000. miles, and opens in a Channel of ninety leagues broad; so that, as Acosta an ocular witness recordeth, they that sail in the middle, can make no land of either side.  
Now the ground of this assertion was surely the magnifying esteem of the Ancients, arising from the indiscovery of its head. For as things unknown seem greater than they are, and are usually received with amplifications above their nature; So might it also be with this River, whose head being unknown and drawn to a proverbial obscurity, the opinion thereof became without bounds, and men must needs conceit a large extent of that to which the discovery of no man had set a period. And this an usual way to give the superlative unto things of eminency in any kind: and when a thing is very great, presently to define it to be the greatest of all; whereas indeed Superlatives are difficult, whereof there being but one in every kind, their determinations are dangerous, and must not be made without great circumspection. So the City of Rome is magnified by the Lati●s to be the greatest of the earth; but time and Geography inform us, that Cairo is bigger than ever it was, and Quinsay in China far exceedeth both. So is Olympus extolled by the Greeks, as an hill attaining unto heaven; but the enlarged Geography of after times makes slight account hereof, when they discourse of Andes in Peru, or Teneriffa in the Canaries. So have all Ages conceived, and most are still ready to swear, the Wren is the least of birds, yet the discoveries of America, and even of our own Plantations have showed us one far less, that is, the Humbird, not much exceeding a Beetle. And truly, for the least and greatest, the highest and the lowest of every kind, as it is very difficult to define them in visible things, so is it to understand in things invisible. Thus is it no easy lesson to comprehend the first matter, and the affections of that which is next neighbour unto nothing; and impossible truly to comprehend God, who indeed is all things; and so things as they arise unto perfection, and approach unto God, or descend to imperfection, and draw nearer unto nothing, fall both imperfectly into our apprehensions; the one being too weak for our conception, our conception too weak for the other.  
Thirdly, divers conceptions there are concerning its increment or inundation. The first unwarily opinions, that this increase or annual overflowing is proper unto Nile, and not agreeable unto any other River; which notwithstanding is common unto many currents of Africa. For about the same time the River Niger, and Zaire do overflow, and so do the Rivers beyond the mountains of the Moon, as Suama, and Spirito Santo: and not only these in Africa, but some also in Europe and Asia▪ for so it is reported of Menan in India, and so doth Botero report of Duina in Livonia, and the same is also observable in the River Jordan in Judea; for so is it delivered Josuah 3. that Jordan overfloweth all his banks in the time of harvest.  
The effect indeed is wonderful in all, and the causes surely best resolvable from observations made in the Countries themselves, the parts through which they pass, or whence they take their original; That of Nilus hath been attempted by many, and by some to that despair of resolution, that they have only referred it unto the providence of God, and the secret manuduction of all things unto their ends; but divers have attained the truth, and the cause alleged by Diodorus, Seneca, Strabo and others is allowable; that the inundation of Nilus in Egypt proceeded from the reins in Aethiopia, and the mighty source of waters falling towards the fountains thereof. For, this inundation unto the Egyptians happeneth when it is winter unto the Aethiopians; which habitations, although they have no cold winter, the Sun being no farther removed from them in Cancer, then unto us in Taurus; yet is the fervour of the air so well remitted, as it admits a sufficient generation of vapours, and plenty of showers ensuing thereupon. This theory of the Ancients is since confirmed by experience of the Moderns, as namely by Franciscus Alvarez who lived long in those parts, and hath left a description of Aethiopia; affirming that from the middle of June unto September, there fell in his time continual reins. As also Antonius Ferdinandus, who in an Epistle written from thence, and noted by Condignus, affirmeth that during the winter, in those Countries there passed no day without rain.  
Now this is also an usual course to translate a remarkable quality into a propriety, and where we admire an effect in one, to opinion there is not the like in any other, with these conceits do common apprehensions entertain the antidotal and wondrous condition of Ireland; conceaving in that Land only an immunity from venomous creatures; but unto him that shall further inquire, the same will be affirmed of Creta▪ memorable in ancient stories, even unto fabulous causes and benediction from the birth of Jupiter: The same is also found in Ebusus or Evisa, an Island near Majorca upon the coast of Spain. With these opinions do the eyes of neighbour spectators behold Aetna, the flaming mountain in Sicilia; But Navigators tell us there is a burning mountain in Island, a more remarkable one in Teneri●●a of the Canaries, and many vulcanoes or fiery hills elsewhere. Thus Crocodiles were thought to be peculiar unto Nile, and the opinion so possessed Alexander, that when he had discovered some in Ganges, he fell upon conceit he had found the head of Nilus; but later discoveries affirm they are not only in Asia and Africa, but very frequent in some Rivers of America.  
Another opinion confineth its inundation, and positively affirmeth, it constantly increaseth the seventeenth day of June, wherein notwithstanding a larger form of speech were safer, then that which punctually prefixeth a constant day thereto: for first, this expression is different from that of the Ancients, as Herodotus, Diodorus, Seneca, etc. delivering only that it happeneth about the entrance of the Sun into Cancer; wherein they warily deliver themselves, and reserve a reasonable latitude. So when Hypocrates saith, Sub Cane & ante Canem difficiles sunt purgationes; there is a latitude of days comprised therein, for under the Dogstar he containeth not only the day of its ascent, but many following, and some ten days preceding: So Aristotle delivers the affections of animals, with the wary terms of Circa & magna ex parte: and when Theodorus translateth that part of his, Coeunt Thunni & Scombri mense Februario post Idus, pariunt I●nio ante N●nas: Scaliger for ante Nonas, renders it junii init●o, because that exposition affordeth the latitude of divers days: For affirming it happeneth before the Nones, he alloweth but one day, that is the Calends, for in the Roman account the second day is the fourth of the Nones of June.  
Again, were the day definitive it had prevented the delusion of the Devil, nor could he have gained applause by its prediction; who (notwithstanding as Athanasius in the life of Anthony relateth) to magnify his knowledge in things to come, when he perceived the rains to fall in Aethiopia, would presage unto the Egyptians the day of its inundation. And this would also make useless that natural experiment observed in earth or sand about the River, by the weight whereof (as good Author's report) they have unto this day, a knowledge of its increase.  
Lastly, it is not reasonable from variable and unstable causes, to derive a fixed and constant effect, and such are the causes of this Inundation, which cannot indeed be regular, and therefore their effects not prognosticable like Eclipses; for depending upon the clouds and descent of showers in Aethiopia, which have their generation from vaporous exhalations, they must submit their existence unto contingencies, and endure anticipation and recession from the movable condition of their causes. And therefore some years there hath been no increase at all, as Seneca and divers relate of the eleventh year of Cleopatra, nor nine years together, as is testified by Calisthenes. Some years it hath also retarded, and came far later than usually it was expected, as according to Sozomen and Nicephorus it happened in the days of Theodosius; whereat the people were ready to mutiny, because they might not sacrifice unto the River according to the custom of their Predecessors.  
Now this is also an usual way of mistake, and many are deceived who too strictly construe the temporal considerations of things. Thus books will tell us, and we are made to believe that the fourteenth year males are seminificall and pubescent; but he that shall inquire into the generality, will rather adhere unto the cautelous assertion of Aristotle, that is bis septem annis exactis, and then but magna ex parte. That Whelps are blind nine days, and then begin to see is generally believed; but as we have elsewhere declared, it is exceeding rare, nor do their eyelids usually open until the twelfth, and sometimes not before the fourteenth day. And to speak strictly an hazardable determination it is unto fluctuating and indifferent effects, to affix a positive type or period; for in effects of far more regular causalities difficulties do often arise, and even in time itself which measureth all things, we use allowance in its commensuration. Thus while we conceive we have the account of a year in 365 days, exact enquirers and computists will tell us, that we escape 6 hours, that is a quarter of a day; and so in a day which every one accounts 24 hours, or one revolution of the Sun; in strict account we must allow the addition of such a part as the Sun doth make in his proper motion, from West to East, whereby in one day he describeth not a perfect circle.  
Fourthly, it is affirmed by many, and received by most, that it never raineth in Egypt, the River supplying that defect, and bountifully requiting it in its Inundation: but this must also be received in a qualified sense, that is, that it raines but seldom at any time in the Summer, and very rarely in the Winter. But that great showers do sometimes fall upon that Region, beside the assertion of many Writers, we can confirm from honourable and ocular testimony, 
Sir william Paston.  and that not many years past, it rained in Grand Cairo 8 or 9 days together. Beside men hereby forget the relation of holy Scripture, as is delivered Ex. 9 Behold I will cause it to rain a very grievous hail, such as hath not been in Egypt since the foundation thereof even until now: wherein God threatening such a rain as had not happened, it must be presumed they had been acquainted with some before; and were not ignorant of the substance, the menace being made in the circumstance.  
Now this mistake ariseth from a misapplication of the bounds or limits of time, and an undue transition from one unto another; which to avoid we must observe the punctual differences of time, and so reasonably distinguish thereof, as not to confound or lose the one in the other. For things may come to pass, Semper, Plerumque▪ Saepè, or Nunquam, Aliquando, Raro; that is Always or never, for the most part or Sometimes, Ofttimes or Seldom: Now the deception is usual which is made by the misapplication of these; men presently concluding that to happen often, which happeneth but sometimes; that never, which happeneth but seldom; and that always which happeneth for the most part: So is it said, the Sun shines every day in Rhodes, because for the most part, it faileth not: So we say and believe that a Chameleon never eateth, but liveth only upon air, whereas indeed it is seen to eat very seldom, but many there are who have beheld it to feed on flies. And so it is said, that children borne in the eighth month live not; that is, for the most part, but not to be concluded always; nor it seems in former ages in all places; for it is otherwise recorded by Aristotle concerning the births of Egypt.  
Lastly, it is commonly conceived that divers Princes have attempted to cut the Isthmus or tract of land which parteth the Arabian, and Mediterranean Sea; but wherein ●pon enquiry I find some difficulty concerning the place attempted; many with good authority affirming, that the intent was not immediately to unit● these Seas, but to make a navigable channel between the Red Sea and the Nile, the marke● whereof are extant to this day; it was first attempted by Sersostris, after by D●●i●s, a●d in a fear to drown the Country deser●ed by them both, but was long after re-attempted, and in some manner effected by Phil●d●lphus; and so the Grand Signior who is Lord of the Country▪ conveyeth his Galleys into the Red Sea by the Nile; for he bringeth them down to Grand Cairo where they are taken in p●●ces, carried upon Camels backs, and rejoined together at Su●s, his port and naval station for that Sea, whereby in effect he acts the design of Cleopatra, who after the battle of Actium, in a different way would have conveyed her Galleys into the Red Sea.  
And therefore that proverb to cut an Isthmus, that is to take great pains, and ●ffect nothing, alludeth not unto this attempt; but is by Erasmus applied unto several other, as that undertaking of C●idians to cut their Isthmus, but especially that of Corinth so unsuccessefully attempted by many Emperor's. The Cnidians were deterred by the peremptory dissuasion of Apollo, plainly commanding them to desist; for if God had thought it fit, he would have made that Country an Island at fi●st. But this perhaps will not be thought a reasonable discouragement unto the activity of those spirits which endeavour to advantage nature by Art, and upon good grounds to promote any part of the universe; nor will the ill success of some 〈◊〉 made a sufficient determent unto others; who know that many learned men affirm, that Islands were not from the beginning▪ that many have been made since by Art, that some Isthmes have been ●at through by the Sea, and others cut by the 〈◊〉: And if policy and conveniency would permit, that of Panama in America were most worthy the attempt, it being but ●ew miles over, and would open a shorter cut unto the East Indies and China.   

CHAP. IX.  
Of the Red Sea.  
COntrary apprehensions are made of the Erythraean or Red Sea; most apprehending a material redness therein, from whence they derive its common denomination; and some so lightly conceiving hereof, as if it had no redness at all, are fain to recurre unto other originals of its appellation, wherein to deliver a distinct account, we fi●st observe that without consideration of colour it is named the Arabian Gulf: The Hebrews who had best reason to remember it, do call it Zuph, or the weedy Sea, because it was full of sedge, or they found it so in their passage; the Mahometans who are now Lords thereof do know it by no other name then the Gulf of Mecha a City of Arabia.  
The stream of Antiquity deriveth its name from King Erythrus; so slightly conceiving of the nominal d●duction from Redness, that they plainly deny there is any such accident in it. The words of Curtius are plain beyond evasion, Ab Erythrorege inditum est nomen, proter quod ignar● rubere oquas credunt: O● no more obscurity are the words of Philostrarus, and of later times S●bellicus, Stultè persuasum est unlgo rubras alicubi esse maris aquas, quin ab Erythrorege nomen pel●go ind●tum of this opinion was 〈◊〉 Co●sal●us, Pliny, So●inu, Dio, Cassius, who although they denied not all redness, yet did they rely upon 〈◊〉 from King Erythrus.  
O 〈◊〉 have ●●llen upon the like, or perhaps the same 〈…〉 another appellation; deducing its 〈◊〉 not from King Erythan● but Esau or Edom whose habitation was upon the coasts thereof: Now Edom is as much as Erythrus, and the Red Sea no more than the I●u●●can; from whence the posterity of Edom removing towards the Mediterranean coast; according to their former nomination by the Greeks went called 〈◊〉 or red men, and from a plantation and colony of theirs an Island near, Spain, was by the Greek describes termed Erythra, as is declared by 〈◊〉 and Solinus.  
Very many omitting the nominal derivation do rest in the gross and li●●rall conception thereof, apprehending a real redness and constant colour of parts. Of which opinion are also they which hold the Sea receiveth a red and mimous 〈◊〉 from springs, wells, and currents, that fall into it: and of the same belief are probably many Christians who conceiving the passage of the 〈◊〉 through this Sea to have been the type of Baptism, according to that of the Apostle, 
1 Cor. 10. 2.  All were baptised unto Moses in the cloud, and in the Sea, for the better resemblance of the blood of 〈◊〉, they willingly received it in the apprehension of redness, and a colour agreeable unto its mystery; according to that of Austen, Significat mare illud r●brum Baptismum Christi; unde nobis Biaptismu● Christi nisi sanguine Christi consecratus?  
Bu● divers Moderns not considering th●se conceptions, and appealing unto the Testimony of s●nse, have at last determined the point; concluding a redness herein, but not in the sense received. Sir Walter Raleigh from his own and Portugal observations, doth place the redness of this Sea, in the reflection from red Islands, and the redness of the earth at the bottom, wherein Coral grows very plentifully, and from whence in great abundance it is transported into Europe, the observations of Albe●queroque, and Stephanus de Gama, as from johannes de Barros, Fernandius de Cor●lov●● 〈…〉 this redness from the colour of the sand and ●●●lous earth at the bottom; for being a shallow Sea, while it rouleth to and 〈◊〉, there appeareth a redness upon the water, which is most discernible in sunny and windy weather. But that this is no more than an apparent 〈◊〉 he confirmeth by an experiment: for in the reddest 〈…〉 of water, it distered not from the complexion of other Seas, nor is this colour discoverable in every place of that Sea; for as he 〈…〉 in some places it is very green, in others 〈◊〉 and yellow, according to the colour of the earth or sand at the bottom. And so may 〈◊〉 be made out when he saith, this Sea is blue; or 〈◊〉 denying this redness, because he beheld not that colour abou● 〈◊〉; or when Corsa●●us at the mouth thereof could not discover the ●ame.  
Now although we have ●●qui●ed the ground of 〈◊〉 in this Sea, yet are we 〈…〉 for what is forgot by many, and known by few, there is another Red Sea whose 〈◊〉 we pre●●nd not to make out from these 〈◊〉▪ that is▪ the Persian Gulf or Bay, which divideth the 〈…〉 as 〈◊〉 hath described it, Mare rubrum in duos d●vid●tur sinus, i● qui ab Oriente est Persicus appellatur or as Solinus expresseth it. Qui ab Oriente est Persicus appellatur, ex adversounde Arabia est, Ar●bic●●; wherein 〈…〉 & many more▪ and therefore there is no 〈…〉 he delivereth that Tigris and 〈◊〉 do fall into the Red Sea, and Fernandus de Cordova, justly defendeth his 〈◊〉 Seneca in that expression, Et qui renatum pr●rsus exciplens diem Teptdum Rubenti 〈…〉,  
Nor hath only the Persian Sea received the same 〈◊〉 with the Arabian, but, what is strange, and much confounds the distinction, the name thereof is also derived 〈◊〉 King Erythrus, who was conceived to be buried in an Island of this Sea, as Dionysius Afer, Curtius, and Suidas do deliver, which w●re of no less probability than the other, if as with the same Author's 〈◊〉 affirmeth, he was buried near Caramania bordering upon the Persian Gulf; and if his 〈◊〉 was seen by Nearchus, it was not so likely so be in the Arabian Gulf; for we read that from the River Indus he came unto Alexander at Babylon, some few days before his death. Now Babylon was seated upon the River Euphrates, which runs into the Persian Gulf; and therefore however the Latin expresseth it in Strabo, that Nearchus suffered much in the Arabian Sinus, yet is the original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is the Gulf of Persia.  
That therefore the Red Sea or Arabian Gulf received its name from personal derivation is but uncertain, that both the Seas of one name should have one common denominator less probable; that one from name, another from colour not incredible; that there is a gross and material redness in either not to be affirmed, that there is an emphatical or apparent redness in one, not well to be denied; and this is sufficient to make good the Allegory of the Christians; and in this distinction may we justify the name of the Black Sea, given unto Pontus Euxinus, the name of Xanthus, or the Yellow River of Phrygia, and the name of Mar Vermeio, or the Red Sea in America.   

CHAP. X.  
Of the Blackness of Negroes.  
IT is evident not only in the general frame of Nature, that things most manifest unto sense, have proved obscure unto the understanding: But even in proper and appropriate objects, wherein we affirm the sense cannot err, the faculties of reason most often fail u●. Thus of colours in general, under whose gloss and varnish all things are seen, no man hath yet beheld the true nature, or positively set down their incontroulable causes; which while some ascribe unto the mixture of the Elements, others to the graduality of opacity and light; they have left our endeavours to grope them out by twilight, and by darkness almost to discover that whose existence is evidenced by light. The Chemists have attempted laudably, reducing their causes u●to Sal, Sulphur, and Mercury; and had they made it out so well in this, as in the objects of smell and taste, their endeavours had been more acceptable: For whereas they refer Sapor unto Salt, and Odour unto Sulphur, they vary much concerning colour; some reducing it unto Mercury, some to Sulphur, others unto Salt; wherein indeed the last conceit doth not oppress the former, and Salt may carry a strong concurrence therein. For beside the fixed and terrestrious Salt, there is in natural bodies a Sal niter referring unto Sulphur; there is also a volatile or Armoniac Salt, retaining unto Mercury; by which Salts the colours of bodies are sensibly qualified, and receive degrees of lustre or obscurity, superficiality or profundity, fixation or volatility.  
Their general or first natures being thus obscure, there will be greater difficulties in their particular discoveries; for being farther removed from their simplicities they fall into more complexed considerations, and so require a subtler act of reason to distinguish and call forth their natures. Thus although a man understood the general nature of colours, yet were it no easy problem to resolve, Why grass is green? Why Garlic, Molyes, and Porrets have white roots, deep green leaves, and black seeds? Why several docks, and sorts of Rhubarb with yellow roots, send forth purple flowers? Why also from Lactary or milky plants which have a white and lacteous juice dispersed through every part, there arise flowers blue and yellow? Moreover beside the specifical and first digressions ordained from the Creation, which might be urged to salve the variety in every species; why shall the marvel of Pe●u produce its flowers of different colours, and that not once, or constantly, but every day and variously? Why Tulips of one colour produce some of another, and ru●ning through almost all, should still escape a blue? And lastly, why some men, yea and they a mighty and considerable part of mankind, should first acquire and still retain the gloss and tincture of blackness? which who ever strictly inquires, shall find no less of darkness in the cause, than blackness in the effect itself, there arising unto examination no such satisfactory and unquarrellable reasons, as may confirm the causes generally received, which are but two in number; that is the heat and sco●ch of the Sun, or the curse of God on C●●m and his posterity.  
The first was generally received by the Ancients, especially the heathen, who in obscurities had no higher recourse than Nature, as may appear by a Discourse concerning this point in Strabo: By Aristotle it seems to be employed, in those Problems which inquire why the Sun makes men black, and not the fire? why it whitens wax, yet blacks the skin? By the word aethiop's itself, applied to the m●morablest Nations of Negroes, that is of a burnt or torrid countenance: The fancy of the fable infers also the Antiquity of the opinion, which de●iveth the complexion from the deviation of the Sun, and the conflagration of all things under Phaeton: But this opinion though generally embraced, was I perceive rejected by Aristobulus a very ancient Geographer, as is discovered by Strabo; It hath been doubted by several modern Writers, particularly by Ortelius, but amply and satisfactorily discussed as we know by no man; we shall therefore endeavour a full delivery hereof, declaring the grounds of doubt, and reasons of denial; which rightly understod, may if not overthrow, yet shrewdly shake the security of this assertion.  
And first, many which countenance the opinion in this reason, do tacitly and upon consequence overthrow it in another: For whilst they make the River Senaga to divide and bond the moors, so that on the Southside they are black, on the other only tawny; they imply a secret causality herein from the air, place or River, and seem not to derive it from the Sun; the effects of whose activity are not precipitously abrupted, but gradually proceed to their cessations.  
Secondly, if we affirm that this effect proceeded, or as we will not be backward to concede, it may be advanced and fomented from the fervour of the Sun; yet do we not hereby discover a principle sufficient to decide the question concerning other animals; nor doth he that affirmeth the heat makes man black, afford a reason why other animals in the same habitations maintain a constant and agreeable hue unto those in other parts, as Lions, Elephants, Camels, Swans, Tigers, Est●iges; which though in Aethiopia, in the disadvantage of two Summers, and perpendicular rays of the Sun, do yet make good the complexion of their species, and hold a colourable correspondence unto those in milder regions. Now did this complexion proceed from heat in man, the same would be communicated unto other animals which equally participate the Influence of the common Agent: For thus it is in the effects of cold in Regions far removed from the Sun; for therein men are not only of fair complexions, grey eyed, and of light hair, but many creatures exposed to the air, deflect in extremity from their natural colours, from brown, russet and black, receiving the complexion of Winter, and turning perfect white; for thus Olaus Magnus relates, that after the Autumnal Aequinox, Foxes begin to grow white; thus Michovius reporteth, and we want not ocular confirmation, that Ha●es and Partridges turn white in the Winter; and thus a white Crow, a Proverbial rarity with us, is none unto them; but that inseparable accident of Aristotle's is separated in many hundreds.  
Thirdly, if the fervour of the Sun, or intemperate heat of clime did solely occasion this complexion, surely a migration or change thereof might cause a sensible, if not a total mutation; which notwithstanding experience will not admit: For Negroes transplanted although into cold and phlegmatic habitations continue their hue both in themselves, and also their generations; except they mix with different complexions, whereby notwithstanding there only succeeds a remission of their tinctures, there remaining unto many descents, a full shadow of their originals; and if they preserve their copulations entire they still maintain their complexions, as is very remarkable ●n the dominions of the Grand Signior, and most observable in the moors in B●a●ilia, which transplanted about an hundred years past, continue the tinctures of their fathers unto this day: and so likewise fair or white people translated into hotter Countries receive not impressions amounting to this complexion, as hath been observed in many Europeans who have lived in the land of Negroes: and as Edvardus Lopes testifieth of the Spanish plantations, that they retained their native complexions unto his days.  
Fourthly, if the fervour of the Sun were the sole cause hereof in Aethiopia or any land of Negroes, it were also reasonable that inhabitants of the same latitude subjected unto the same vicinity of the Sun, the same diurnal arch, and direction of its rays, should also partake of the same hue and complexion, which notwithstanding they do not; For the Inhabitants of the same latitude in Asia are of a different complexion, as are the Inhabitants of Cambogia and Java; insomuch that some conceive the Negro is properly a native of Africa, and that those places in Asia inhabited now by moors, are but the in●rusions of Negroes arriving first from Africa, as we generally conceive of Madagascar, and the adjoining Islands, who retain the same complexion unto this day. But this defect is more remarkable in America, which although subjected unto both the Tropics, yet are not the Inhabitants black between, or near, or under either, neither to the Southward in Brasilia, Chili, or Peru, nor yet to the Northward in Hispaniola, Castilia, del Oro, or Nicaraguava; and although in many parts thereof it be confessed there be at present swarms of Negroes serving under the Spaniard, yet were they all transported from Africa, since the discovery of Columbus, 〈◊〉 are not indigenous or proper natives of America.  
Fifthly; we cannot conclude this complexion in Nations from the vicinity or habitude they hold unto the Sun, for even in Africa they be Negroes under the Southern Tropic, but ar● not all of this hu● either under or near the Northern. So the people of Gualata, Agates, ●aramantes, and of Goaga, all within the Northern Tropics are not Negroes, but on the other side about Capo Negro, Cefala, and Madagascar, they are of a Jetty black.  
Now if to salve this Anomaly we say the heat of the Sun is more powerful in the Southern Tropic, because in the sign of Capricorn falls out the Perigeum or lowest place of the Sun in his Eccentric, whereby he becomes nearer unto them then unto the other in Cancer, we shall not absolve the doubt. And if any insist upon such niceties, and will presume a different effect of the Sun, from such a difference of place or vicinity, we shall balance the same with the concernment of its motion, and time of revolution; and say he is more powerful in the Northern hemisphere, and in the Apoge●●; for therein his motion is slower, and so his heat respectively unto those habitations, as of duration so also of more effect. For, though he absolve his revolution in 365. days, odd hours and minutes, yet by reason of his Excentricity, his motion is unequal, and his course far longer in the Northern semicircle, then in the Southern; for the latter he passeth in 178. days, but the other takes him 187. that is, eleven days more; so is his presence more continued unto the Northern Inhabitant, and the longest day in Cancer is longer unto us, then that in Capricorn unto the Southern habitator. Beside, hereby we only infer an inequality of heat in different Tropics, but not an equality of effects in other parts subjected to the same; For, in the same degree, and as near the earth he makes his revolution unto the American, whose Inhabitants notwithstanding partake not of the same effect. And if herein we seek a relief from the Dogstarre, we shall introduce an effect proper unto a few, from a cause common unto many, for upon the same grounds that Star should have as forcible a power upon America and Asia, and although it be not vertical unto any part of Asia, but only passeth by Beach, in terra incognita; yet is it so unto America, and vertically passeth over the habitations of Peru and Brasilia.  
Sixtly, and which is very considerable, there are Negroes in Africa beyond the Southern Tropic, and some so far removed from it, as Geographically the clime is not intemperate, that is, near the cape of good Hope, in 36. of Southern Latitude. Whereas in the same elevation Northward, the Inhabitants of America are fair, and they of Europe in Candy, Sicily, and some parts of Spain deserve not properly so low a name as Tawny.  
Lastly, whereas the Africans are conceived to be more peculiarly scorched and torrified from the Sun, by addition of dryness from the soil, from want and defect of water, it will not excuse the doubt. For the parts which the Negroes possess, are not so void of Rivers and moisture, as is herein presumed; for on the other side the mountains of the Moon, in that great tract called Zanzibar, there are the mighty Rivers of Suama, and Spirito Santo; on this side, the great River Zaire, the mighty Nile and Niger, which do not only moisten, and contemperate the air by their exhalations, but refresh and humectate the earth by their annual inundations. Beside, in that part of Africa, which with all disadvantage is most dry, that is, in site between the Tropics, defect of Rivers and inundations, as also abundance of sands, the people are not esteemed Negroes; and that is Lybia, which with the Greeks carries the name of all Africa; A region so des●rt, dry and sandy, that travellers (as Leo reports) are fain to carry water on their Camels, whereof they find not a drop sometime in 6. or 7. days; yet is this Country accounted by Geographers no part of terra Nigritarum, and P●olomy placeth herein the Leuco Aethiopes, or pale and Tawny moors.  
Now the ground of this opinion might be the visible quality of Blackness observably produced by heat, fire, and smoke; but especially with the Ancients the violent esteem they held of the heat of the Sun, in the hot or torrid Zone; conceaving that part unhabitable, and therefore that people in the vicinities or frontiers thereof, could not escape without this change of their complexions. But how far they were mistaken in this apprehension, modern Geography hath discovered: And as we have declared, there are many within this Zone whose complexions descend not so low as blackness. And if we should strictly insist hereon, the possibility might fall into some question; that is, whether the heat of the Sun, whose fervour may swar●e a living part, and even black a dead or dissolving fl●sh, can yet in animals whose par●● are successive and in continual fl●x, produce this deep and perfect gloss of Blackness.  
Thus having evinced at least made dubious, the Sun is not the Author of this blackness, how and when this tincture fi●st began i● yet a Riddle, and positively to determine it surpasseth my presumption. Seeing therefore we cannot certainly discover what did effect it, it may afford some piece of satisfaction to know what might procure it: It may be therefore considered, whether the inward use of certain waters or fountains of peculiar operations, might not at first produce the ●ffect in question. For, of the like we have records in story related by Aristotle, Strabo, and Pliny, who hath made a collection hereof, as of two fountains in Boeotia, the one making Sheep white, the other black, of the water of Siberis which made Oxen black, and the like effect i● had also upon men, dying not only the skin, but making their hairs black and curled. This was the conceit of Aristobulus, who received so little satisfaction from the other, or that it might be caused by ●eate, or any kind of fire, that he conceived it as reasonable to impute the effect unto water.  
Secondly, it may be prepended whether it might not fall out the same way that jacob's cattle became speckled, spotted and ring-straked, that is, by the power and efficacy of Imagination; which produceth effects in the conception correspondent unto the fancy of the Agents ingeneration, and sometimes assimilates the Idea of the generator into a realty in the thing engendered. For, hereof there pass for currant many indisputed examples; so in Hypocrates we read of one, that from the view and intention of a picture conceived a Negro; And in the history of Heliodore of a Moorish Queen, who upon aspection of the picture of Andromeda, conceived and brought forth a fair one. And thus perhaps might some say it was at the beginning of this complexion, induced first by Imagination, which having once impregnated the seed, found afterward concurrent productions, which were continued by Climes, whose constitution advantaged the first impression. Thus Plotinus conceaveth white Peacocks first came in: Thus as Aldrovand relateth, many opinion that from aspection of the Snow which lieth long in Northern Regions, and high mountains, Hawks, Kites, Bears, and other creatures become white; And by this way Austin conceaveth the Devil provided, they never wanted a white spotted Ox in Egypt, for such an one they worshipped, and called it Apis.  
Thirdly, it is not indisputable whether it might not proceed from such a cause and the like foundation of Tincture, as doth the black Jaundice, which meeting with congenerous causes might settle durable inquinations, and advance their generations unto that hue, which was naturally before but a degree or two below it: And this transmission we shall the easier admit in colour, if we remember the like hath been effected in organical parts and figures; the Symmetry whereof being casually or purposely perverted, their morbosities have vigorously descended to their posterities, and that in durable deformities. This was the beginning of Macrophali or people with long heads, whereof Hippocrat●s, De Aere, Aquis, & Locis, hath clearly delivered himself: Cum primum ●ditus est Infans, caput ●jus tenellum manibus effingunt, & in longitudine adolescere ●ogunt; hoc institutum primum hujusmodi, naturae d●dit vitium, successu vero temporis in naturam 〈◊〉, ut proinde instituto nihil amplius opus esset; semen en●m genitale ex omnibus corporis partibus provenit, ex s●nis quidem sanum, ex morbosis morbosum: Si igitur ex caluis calui, ex caeciis caecii, & ex distortis, ut plurimum, distorti gignuntur, cademque in caeteris formis valet ratio, quid prohibet cur non ex macrocephalis macrocephali gignantur? Thus as Aristotle observeth, the Deeres of 〈◊〉 had their ears divided, occasioned at first by s●●tting the ears of D●ere. Th●s have the Chineses little feet, most Negroes great lips and ●lat noses▪ and thus many Spaniards, and mediterranean Inhabitants, which are of the race of Barbary Moores, (although after frequent commixture) have not worn out the Camoys nose unto this day.  
Lastly, if we must still be urged to particularities, and such as declare how and when the seed of Adam did fi●st receive this tincture; we may say that men became black in the same manner that some Foxes, Squirrels, Lion's first turned of this complexion, whereof there are a constant sort in divers Countries; that some Choughs came to have red legs and bills, that Crows became pied; All which 〈◊〉 however they began, depend on durable foundations, and such as may continue for ever. And if as yet we canno● satisfy, but must farther define the cause and manner of this mutation; we must confess, in matters of Antiquity, and such as are decided by History, if their Originals and first beginnings escape a due relation, they fall into great obscurities, and such as future Ages seldom reduce unto a resolution. Thus if you deduct the Administration of Angels, and that they dispersed the creatures into all parts after the flood, as they had congregated the● into Noah's Ark before▪ it will be no easi● question to resolve, how several sorts of Animals were first dispersed into Islands, and almost how any into America. How the v●nereall contagion began in that part of the earth, since history is silen●, is not easily resolved by Philosophy; For, whereas it is imputed unto Anthropophagy, or the eating of ma●s 〈◊〉, the cause hath been common unto many other Countries, and there have been Canibal● or men-ea●ers in the three other parts of the world, if we credit the relations of Ptolemy, Strabo, and Pliny. And thus, if the favourable pen of Moses had not revealed the confusion of tongues, and positively declared unto us their division at Babel, our disputes concerning their beginning had been without end, and I fear we must have left the hopes of that decision unto Elias.  
And if any will yet insist, and urge the question farther still upon me, I shall be enforced unto divers of the like nature, wherein perhaps I shall receive no greater satisfaction. I shall demand how the Camels of Bactria came to have two bunches on their backs, whereas the Camels of Arabia in all relations have but one? How Oxen in some Countries began and continue gibbous or bunch backed? what way those many different shapes, colours, hairs, and natures of Dogs came in? how they of some Countries became depilous and without any hair at all, whereas some sorts in excess abound therewith? How the Indian Hare came to have a long tail, whereas that part in others attains no higher than a scut? How the hogs of Illyria which Aristotle speaks of, became to be solipedes or whole hoofed▪ whereas in all other parts they are bisulcous and described cloven hoo●ed by God himself? All which with many others must need● seem● strange unto those, that hold there were but two of the uncle●●● sort in the Ark, and are forced to reduce these varieties to unknown originals ●ince.  
However therefore this complexion was first acquired, it is evidently maintained by generation, and by the tincture of the skin as a spermaticall part traduced from father unto son, so that they which are strangers contract it not, and the Natives which transmigrate omit it not without commixture, and that after divers generations. And this affection (if the story were true) might wonderfully be confirmed, by what Maginus and others relate of the Emperor of Aethiopia, or Prester John, who derived from Solomon is not yet descended into the hue of his Country, but remains a Mulatto, that is, of a mongrill complexion unto this day. Now although we conceive this blackness to be seminal, yet are we not of Herodotus conceit, that is, that their seed is black; an opinion long ago rejected by Aristotle, and since by sense and enquiry; his assertion against the Historian was probable, that all seed was white; that is, without great controversy in viviparous Animals, and such as have Testicles, or preparing vessels wherein it receives a manifest dealbation: And not only in them, but (for aught I know) in Fishes, not abating the seed of Plants, whereof though the skin and covering be black, yet is the seed and fructifying part not so: as may be observed in the seeds of Onions, Pyonie, and Basill: most controvertible it seems, in the spawn of Frogs, and Lobsters, whereof notwithstanding at the very first the spawn is white, contracting by degrees a blackness, answerable in the one unto the colour of the shell, in the other unto the porwigle or Tadpole, that is, that animal which first proceedeth from it: And thus may it also be in the generation and sperm of Negroes; that being first and in its naturals white, but upon separation of parts, accidents before invisible become apparent; there arising a shadow or dark ●●●lorescence in the outside, whereby not only their legitimate and timely births, but their abortions are also dusky, before they have felt the scorch and fervour of the Sun.   

CHAP. XI.  
Of the same.  
A Second opinion there is, that this complexion was first a curse of God derived unto them from Cham, upon whom it was was inflicted for discovering the nakedness of Noah. Which notwithstanding is sooner affirmed then proved, and carrieth with it sundry improbabilities. For first, if we derive the curse on Cham, or in general upon his posterity, we shall Benegroe a greater part of the earth then ever was, or so conceived; and not only paint the Ae●hiopians, and reputed sons of Cush, but the people also of Egypt, Arabia, Assyria, and Chaldea; for by his race were these Countries also peopled. And if concordantly unto Berosus, the fragment of Cato de Originibus, some things of Halicarnasseus, Macrobius, and out of them of Leandro and Annius, we shall conceive of the travails of Camese or Cham, we may introduce a generation of Negroes as high as Italy, which part was never culpable of deformity, but hath produced the magnified examples of beauty.  
Secondly, the curse mentioned in Scripture was not denounced upon Cham, but Canaan his youngest son, and the reasons thereof are divers; the first, from the Jewish Tradition, whereby it is conceived, that Canaan made the discovery of the nakedness of Noah, and notified it unto Cham. Secondly, to have cursed Cham had been to cu●se all his posterity, whereof but one was guilty of the fact. And lastly, he spared Cham, because he had blessed him before, cap. 9 Now if we confine this curse unto Canaan, and think the same fulfilled in his posterity, then do we induce this complexion on the Sidonians, than was the promised land a tract of Negroes; For from Canaan were descended the Canaanites, Jebusites, Amorites, Gergezites, and Hevites, which were possessed of that Land.  
Thirdly, although we should place the original of this curse upon one of the sons of Cham, yet were it not known from which of them to derive it. For the particularity of their descents is imperfectly set down by accountants, nor is it distinctly determinable from whom thereof the Aethiopians are proceeded. For, whereas these of Africa are generally esteemed to be the Issue of Chus, the elder son of Cham, it is not so easily made out. For the land of Chus, which the Septuagint translates Aethiopia, makes no part of Africa, nor is it the habitation of Blackmo●es, but the country of Arabia, especially the Happy, and stony; possessions and Colonies of all the sons of Chus, excepting Nimrod, and Havila●, possessed and planted wholly by the children of Chus, that is, by Sabtah and Raamah, Sabtacha, and the sons of Raamah, Dedan and Sheba, according unto whose names the Nations of those parts have received their denominations, as may be collected from Pliny and P●olomy; and as we are informed by credible Authors, they hold a fair Analogy in their names, even unto our days. So the wife of Moses translated in Scripture an Aethiopian, and so confirmed by the fabulous relation of Josephus, was none of the daughters of Africa, nor any Negro of Aethiopia, but the daughter of J●thro, Prince and Priest of Madian, which was a part of Arabia the stony, bordering upon the Red Sea. So the Queen of Sheba came not unto Solomon out of Aethiopia, but from Arabia, and that part thereof which bore the name of the first planter thereof, the son of Chus. So whether the Eunuch which Philip the Deacon baptised, were servant unto Candac● Queen of the African Aethiopia, (although Damianus à Goes, Codignus, and the Aethhiopic relations aver) is yet by many, and with strong suspicions doubted. So that Army of a million, which Zerah King of Aethiopia is said to bring against Asa, was drawn out of Arabia, and the plantations of Chus, not out of Aethiopia, and the remote habitations of the moors; For it is said that Asa pursuing his victory, took from him the city Gerar; now Gerar was no city in or near Aethiopia, but a place between Cadesh and Zur, where Abraham formerly sojourned. Since therefore these African Aethiopians, are not convinced by the common acception to be the sons of Chus, whether they be not the posterity of Phut, or Mizraim, or both, it is not assuredly determined; For Mizraim, he possessed Egypt, and the East parts of Africa: From Ludym his son came the Lybians, and perhaps from them the Aethiopians: Phut possessed Mauritania, and the Western parts of Africa, & from these perhaps descended the Moors of the West, of Mandinga, Meleguette and Guinie. But from Canaan, upon whom the curse was pronounced, none of these had th●ir original, for he was restrained unto Canaan and Syria; although in after Ages many Colonies dispersed, and some thereof upon the coasts of Africa, and the prepossessions of his elder brothers.  
Fourthly, to take away all doubt or any probable divarication, the curse is plainly specified in the Text, nor need we dispute it, like the mark of C●in; Servus servorum erit fratribus suis, Cursed be Canaan, a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren; which was after fulfilled in the conquest of Canaan, subdued by the Israelites, the posterity of Sem; which Prophecy Abraham well understanding, took an oath of his servant not to take a wife for his Son Isaac out of the daughters of the Canaanites; And the like was performed by Isaac in the behalf of his son Jacob. As for Cham and his other sons this curse attained them not, for Nimrod the son of Chus set up his kingdom in Babylon, and erected the first great Empire, Mizraim and his posterity grew mighty monarchs in Egypt; and the Empire of the Aethiopians hath been as large as either.  
Lastly, whereas men affirm this colour was a Curse, I cannot make out the propriety of that name, it neither seeming so to them, nor reasonably unto us; for they take so much content therein, that they esteem deformity by other colours, describing the Devil, and terrible objects White. And if we seriously consult the definitions of beauty, and exactly perpend what wise men determine thereof, we shall not reasonably apprehend a curse, or any deformity therein. For first, some place the essence thereof in the proportion of parts, conceiving it to consist in a comely commensurability of the whole unto the pa●ts, and the parts between themselves, which is the determination of the best and learned Writers: and whereby the moors are not excluded from beauty; there being in this description no consideration of colours, but an apt connexion and frame of parts and the whole. Others there be, and those most in number, which place it not only in proportion of parts, but also in grace of colour; But to make Colour essential unto Beauty, there will arise no slender difficulty; For, Aristotle in two definitions of pulchritude, and Galen in one, have made no mention of colour: Neither will it agree unto the Beauty of Animals, wherein notwithstanding there is an approved pulchritude. Thus horses are handsome under any colour, and the symmetry of parts obscures the consideration of complexions; Thus in concolour animals and such as are confined unto one colour we measure not their Beauty thereby; for if a Crow or Blackbird grow white, we generally accounted it more pretty, And even in monstrosity descend not to opinion of deformity. And by this way likewise the moors escape the curse of deformity, there concurring no stationary colour, and sometimes not any unto Beauty.  
The Platonic contemplators reject both these descriptions ●ounded upon parts and colours, or either, as M. Leo the Jew hath excellently discoursed in his Genealogy of Love, defining Beauty a formal grace, which delights and moves them to love which comprehend it. This grace say they, discoverable outwardly, is the resplendor and Ray of some interior and invisible Beauty, and proceedeth from the forms of compositions amiable; whose faculties if they can aptly contrive their matter, they beget in the subject an agreeable and pleasing beauty, if over ruled thereby, they evidence not their perfections, but run into deformity. For seeing that out of the same materials, Thersites and Paris Beauty and monstrosity may be contrived, the forms and operative faculties introduce and determine their perfections; which in natural bodies receive exactness in every kind, according to the first Idea of the Creator, and in contrived bodies the fancy of the Artificer: And by this consideration of Beauty, the moors also are not excluded, but hold a common share therein with all mankind.  
Lastly, in whatsoever its Theory consisteth, or if in the general, we allow the common conceit of symmetry and of colour, yet to descend unto singularities, or determine in what symmetry or colour it consisted, were very dangerous; for beauty is determined by opinion, and seems to have no essence that holds one notion unto all; that seeming beauteous unto one, which hath no favour with another, and that unto every one, according as custom hath made it natural, or sympathy and conformity of minds shall make it seem agreeable. Thus flat noses seem comely unto the Moor, an Aquiline or hawked one unto the Persian, a large and prominent nose unto the Roman, but none of all these are acceptable in our opinion. Thus some think it most ornamental to wear their Bracelets on their wrists, others say it is better to have them about their Ankles; some think it most comely to wear their Rings and Jewels in the Ear, others will have them about their privities; a third will not think they are complete except they hang them in their lips, cheeks or noses. Thus Homer to set off Minerva calleth her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is grey or light blew eyed: now this unto us seems far less amiable than the black. Thus we that are of contrary complexions accuse the blackness of the Mores as ugly: But the Spouse in the Canticles excuseth this conceit, in that description of he●s, I am black, but comely: And howsoever Cerberus, and the furies of hell be described by the Poets under this complexion, yet in the Beauty of our Saviour blackness is commended, when it is said his locks are bushy and black as a Raven. So that to infer this as a curse, or to reason it as a deformity, is no way reasonable; the two foundations of beauty Symmetry and Complexion, receiving such various apprehensions, that no deviation will be expounded so high as a curse or undeniable deformity, without a manifest and confessed degree of monstrosity.  
Lastly▪ it is a very injurious method unto Philosophy, and a perpetual promotion unto Ignorance, in points of obscurity, nor open unto easy considerations, to fall upon a present refuge unto Miracles, or recurre unto immediate contrivance from the insearchable hands of God. Thus in the conceit of the evil odor of the Jews, Christians without a farther research into the verity of the thing, or enquiry into the cause, draw up a judgement upon them, from the passion of their Saviour. Thus in the wondrous effects of the clime of Ireland, and the freedom from all venomous creatures, the credulity of common conceit imputes this immunity unto the benediction of St. Patrick, as Beda and Gyraldus have left recorded. Thus the Ass having a peculiar mark of a cross made by a black list down his back, and another athwart, or at right angles down his shoulders; common opinion ascribe this figure unto a peculiar ●ignation, since that beast had the honour to bear our Saviour upon his back. Certainly this is a course more desperate than Antipathies, Sympathies or occult qualities; wherein by a final and satisfactive discernment of faith, we lay the last and particular effects upon the first and general cause of all things, whereas in the other we do but palliate our determinations, until our advanced endeavours do totally reject or partially salve their evasions.   

CHAP. XII.  
A digression concerning Blackness.  
THere being therefore two opinions repugnant unto each other, it may not be presumptive or skepticall in me to doubt of both, and because we remain imperfect in the general theory of Colours, we shall deliver at present a short discovery of blackness, wherein although perhaps we afford no greater satisfaction than others, yet shall our attempts exceed any; for we shall emperically and sensibly discourse hereof, deducing the causes of Blackness from such originals in Nature, as we do generally observe things are de●igrated by Art: And herein I hope our progression will not be thought unreasonable; For Art being the imitation of Nature, or Nature at the second hand; it is but a sensible expression of effects dependant on the same, through more removed causes, and therefore the works of the one, must prove reasonable discoverers of the other.  
And first, things become black by a sootish and fuliginous matter proceeding from the sulphur of bodies torrified, not taking fuligo strictly, but in opposition unto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is any kind of vaporous or madefying excretion, and comprehending 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is as Aristotle defines it, a separation of moist and dry parts made by the action of heat or fire, & colouring bodies objected. Hereof, in his Meteors, from the qualities of the subject he raiseth three kinds; the exhalations from ligneous and lean bodies, as bones, hair, and the like he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fumus; from ●at bodies, and such as have not their fatness conspicuous or separated, he termeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fuligo, as wax, rosin, pitch, or turpentine; that from unctuous bodies, and such whose oiliness is evident, he nameth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or nidor; now every one of these do black the bodies objected unto them, and are to be conceived in the sooty and fuliginous matter expressed.  
I say, proceeding from the sulphur of bodies torrified, that is the oily fat and unctuous parts wherein consist the principles of flammability; not pure and refined sulphur, as in the spirits of wine often rectified, but containing terrestrious parts, and carrying with it the volatile salt of the body, and such as is distinguishable by taste in ●oot; nor vulgar and usual sulphur, for that leaves none or very little blackness, except a metalline body receive the exhalation.  
I say, torrified, singed, or suffering some impression from fire, thus are bodies casually or artificially denigrated, which in their naturals are of another complexion; thus are Charcoals made black by an infection of their own suffitus; so is it true what is assumed of combustible bodies, Adusta nigra, perusta alba, black at first from the fuliginous tincture, which being exhaled they become white, as is perceptible in ashes. And so doth fire cleanse and purify bodies, because it consumes the sulphureous parts, which before did make them foul; and therefore refines those bodies which will never be 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉. Thus Camphire of a white substance, by its fuligo affordeth a 〈◊〉 black. So is pitch black, although it proceed from the same 〈◊〉 with resin, the one distilling forth, the other fo●ced by fire; so of the su●●●tus of a torch, do Painters make a velvet black●; so is lamp black made; so of burnt Hearts horn a sable; so is Bacon denigrated in Chimneys: so in fevers and hot distempers from choler adust is caused ● blackness in our tongues, teeth and excretions: so are ustilag●, 〈◊〉 corn and trees black by blasting, so parts cauterised, gangrenated, ●●●derated and mortified, become black, the radical moisture, or 〈◊〉 sulphur suffering an extinction, and smothered in the part affected. So not only actual but potential fire, nor burning fire, but also corroding water will induce a blackness. So are Chimneys and furnace generally black, except they receive a clear and manifest sulphur; for the smo●k of sulphur will not black a paper, and is commonly used by wom●● to whiten Tiffanies; which it performeth by an acide 〈…〉 penetrating spirit ascending from it, by reason whereof it is no● 〈◊〉 to kindle any thing, nor will it easily light a candle, until that spirit be spent, and the ●lame approacheth the match: And this is that acide and piercing spirit which with such activity and compunction invad●th the brains and nostrils of those that receive it. And thus when B●llonius affirmeth that Charcoals, made out of the wood of Oxycedar are white, Dr. Jordan in his judicious Discourse of mineral waters yieldeth the reason, because their vapours are rather sulphureous then of any other combustible substance. So we see that Tinby coals will not black linen being hanged in the smoke thereof, but rather whiten it, by reason of the drying and penetrating quality of sulphur, which will make red Roses white: And therefore to conceive a general blackness in Hell, and yet therein the material flames of sulphur, is no Philosophical conception, nor will it consist with the real effects of its nature.  
These are the advenient and artificial ways of denigration, answerably whereto may be the natural progress: These are the ways whereby culinary and common fires do operate, and correspondent here●nto may be the effects of fire elemental. So may Bitumen, coals, Jet, black lead, and divers mineral earths become black; being either fuliginous concretions in the earth, or suffering a scorch from denigrating principles in their formation: So Iron (as Metallists express it) consisting of impure Mercury and combust sulphur, becomes of a dark and sad complexion, whereas other metals have a vivacity and quickness in aspect. So men and other animals receive different tin●●ures from constitution and complexional efflorescences, and descend 〈◊〉 lower, as they partake of the fuliginous and denigrating humour. 〈◊〉 so may the Aethiopians or Negroes become coal-blacke from 〈◊〉 efflorescences and complexional tinctures arising from such probabilities, as we have declared before.  
The second way whereby bodies become black, is an Atramentous condition or mixture, that is a vitriolate or copperas quality conjoining with a terrestrious and astringent humidity, for so is Atramentum scriptorium, or writing Ink commonly made, by copperas cast upon a decoction o● infusion of galls. I say, a vitriolous or copperous quality; for vitr●oll is the active or chief ingredient in Ink, and no other salt that I know will strike the colour with galls; neither Alom, Salgemme, Ni●r●, no● ammoniac: now artificial copperas, and such as we commonly use, is a rough and acrimonious kind of salt drawn out of ferreous and eruginous earths, partaking chiefly of Iron and Copper, the blue of copper, the green most of Iron: Nor is it unusual to dissolve ●ragments of Iron in the liquor thereof, for advantage in the concretion. I say, a terrestrious or astringent humidity; for without this there will ensue no tincture; for copperas in a decoction of Lett●ce or Mallows affords no black, which with an astringent mixture it will do, though it be made up with oil as in printing and painting Ink: But whereas in this composition we use only Nutgalles, that is an excrescence from the Oak, therein we follow and beat upon the old receipt; for any plant of austere and styptic parts will suffice, as I have experimented in Bistorte, Myrobolaus, Myrtus Brabantica, Balaustium, and Red-roses: and indeed, most decoctions of astringent plants, of what colour soever, do leave in the liquor a deep and Muscadine red, which by addition of vitriol descend into a black: A●d so Dioscorides in his receipt of Ink, leaves out gall, and with copperas makes use of ●oot.  
Now if we inquire in what part of vitriol this Atramentall and denigrating condition lodgeth, it will seem especially to lie in the fixed salt thereof; For the phlegm or aqueous evaporation will not denigrate, nor yet spirits of vitriol, which carry with them volatile and nimbler Salt: For if upon a decoction of Copperas and gall, be poured the spirits or oil of vitriol, the liquor will relinquish his blackness, the gall and parts of the copperas precipitate unto the bottom, and the Ink grow clear again, which indeed it will not so easily do in common Ink, because that gum is dissolved therein, which hindereth the separation: But Colcothar or vitriol burnt, though unto a redness containing the fixed salt, will make good Ink, and so will the Lixivium, or Lie made thereof with warm water; but the Terra or insipid earth remaining, affords no black at all, but serves in many things for a gross and useful red.  
And if we yet make a more exact enquiry, by what this salt of vitriol more peculiarly gives this colour, we shall find it to be from a metalline condition, and especially an Iron property or ferreous participation: For blue Copperas which deeply partakes of the copper will do it but weakly; Verdigrise which is made out of copper will not do it at all; But the filings of Iron infused in vinegar, will with a decoction of galls make good Ink, without any copperas at all, and so will infusion of Loadstone, which is of affinity with Iron, and though more conspicuously in Iron, yet such a Calcan●●ous or Atramentous quality, we will not wholly reject in other m●●●lls, whereby we often observe black tinctures in their solutions. Thus a Lemon, Quince, or sharp Apple cut with a knife becomes immediately black: And so from the like cause, Artichokes, so sublimate beat up with whites of Eggs, if touched with a knife becomes incontinently black. So Aqua Fortis, whose ingredient is vitriol will make white bodies black. So Leather dressed with the bark of Oak, is easily made black by a bare solution of copperas. So divers Mineral wa●ers and such as participate of Iron, upon an infusion of galls become of a dark colour, and entering upon black. So steel infused, makes not only the liquour 〈◊〉, but in bodies wherein it concurs with proportionable tinctures makes also the excretions black. And so also from this vitriolous quality Mercury's dulcis, and vitriol vomitive occasion black ejections.  
Such a condition there is naturally in some living creatures. Thus that black humour by Aristotle na●ed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and commonly translated Atramentum, may be occasioned in ●he Cu●tle. Such a condition there is naturally in some plants, as Blackberries, Walnut rind●, Black cherries, whereby they extinguish inflammations, corroborate the stomach, and are esteemed, specifical in the Epilepsy. Such an Atramentous condition there is to be found sometime in the blood, when that which some call Acetum, others vitriolum, concurs with parts prepared for this tincture. And so from these conditions the moors might possibly become Negroes, receiving Atramentous impressions in some of those ways, whose possibility is by us declared.  
Nor is it strange that we affirm there are vitriolous parts, qualities, and even at some distance Vitriol itself in living bodies; for there is a sour, styptic salt diffused through the earth, which passing a concoction in plants, becometh milder and more agreeable unto the sense, and this is that vegetable vitriol, whereby divers plants contain a grateful sharpness; as Lemons, Pomegranates, Cherries, or an austere and inconcocted roughness, as Sloes, Meddlers and Quinces: And that not only vitriol is a cause of blackness, but that the salts of natural bodies do carry a powerful stroke in the tincture and varnish of all things, we shall not deny, if we contradict not experience, and the visible art of Dyars, who advance and graduate their colours with Salts, for the decoctions of simples which bear the visible colours of bodies decocted, are dead and evanid without the commixtion of Alum, Argol, and the like; and this is also apparent in Chemical preparations. So Cinaber becomes red by the acide exhalation of sulphur, which otherwise presents a pure and niveous white. So spirits of Salt upon a blue paper make an orient red. So Tartar or vitriol upon an infusion of violets affords a delightful crimson. Thus it is wonderful what variety of colours the spirits of Saltpetre, and especially, if they be kept in a glass while they pierce the sides thereof; I say, what Orient greene's they will project: from the like spirits in the earth the plants thereof perhaps acquire their verdure. And from such salary irradiations may those wondrous varieties arise, which are observable in Animals, as Mallards' heads, and Peacock's feathers, receiving intention or alteration according as they are presented unto the light. Thus Saltpetre, Ammoniack and Mineral spirits emit delectable and various colours; and common Aqua fortis will in some green and narrow mouthed glasses, about the verges thereof, send forth a deep and G●ntianell a bl●w.  
Thus have we at last drawn our conjectures unto a period; wherein if our contemplations afford no satisfaction unto others, I hope our attempts will bring no condemnation on ourselves; (for besides that adventures in knowledge are laudable, and the assays of weaker heads affords oftentimes imp●oveable hints unto better) although in this long journey we miss the intended end, yet are there many things of truth disclosed by the way: And the collateral verity, may unto reasonable speculations, requite the capital indiscovery.    

THE SEVENTH BOOK.  
Concerning many Historical Tenants generally received, and some deduced from the History of holy Scripture.  

CHAP. I.  
Of the Forbidden fruit.  
THat the Forbidden fruit of Paradise was an Apple, is commonly believed, confirmed by Tradition, perpetuated by writings, verses, pictures; and some have been so bad Prosodians, as from thence to derive the Latin word Malum; because that fruit was the first occasion of evil, wherein notwithstanding determinations are presumptuous, and many I perceive are of another belief; for some have conceived it a Vine, in the mystery of whose fruit lay the expiation of the Transgression: Goropius Becanus reviving the conceit of Barcephas, peremptorily concludeth it to be the Indian Figtree, and by a witty Allegory labours to confirm the same. Some fruits we observe to pass under the name of Adam's apples, which in common acception admit not that appellation, the one described by Mathiolus under the name of Pom●m Adami, a very fair fruit, and not unlike a Citron, but somewhat rougher chopped and cranied, vulgarly conceived the marks of Adam's teeth; another, the fruit of that plant Serapion termeth Musa, but the Eastern Christians commonly the Apples of Paradise; not resembling an apple in figure, and in taste a Melon or Cowcumber; which fruits although they have received appellations suitable unto the Tradition, yet can we not from thence infer they were this fruit in question; no more than Arbour vitae, so commonly called, to obtain its name from the tree of life in Paradise, or arbour judae, to be the same which supplied the gibbet unto Judas.  
Again, there is no determination in the Text, wherein is only particulared that it was the fruit of a tree good for food and pleasant unto the eye, in which regards many excel the Apple; and therefore learned men do wisely conceive it inexplicable, and Philo puts determination unto despair, when he affirmeth the same kind of fruit was never produced since. Surely, were it not requisite or reasonable to have been concealed, it had not passed unspecified, nor the tree revealed which concealed their nakedness, and that concealed which revealed it; for in the same Chapter mention is made of Fig-leaves, and the like particulars although they seem uncircumstantiall are oft set down in holy Scripture; so is it specified that Elias sat under a Junip●r tree, Absalon hanged by an Oak, and Zacheus got up into a Sycomore.  
And although to condemn such indeterminables, unto him that demanded on what hand Venus was wounded, the Philosopher thought it a sufficient resolution to reinquire upon what leg King Philip halted; and the Jews not undoubtedly resolved of the Sciatica side of Jacob, do cautelously in their diet abstain from the sinews of both; yet are there many nice particulars which may be authentically determined. That Peter cut off the right ear of Malchus is beyond all doubt. That our Saviour eat the Passeover in an upper room, we may determine from the Text; and some we may concede which the Scripture plainly defines not. That the Dial of Ahaz was placed upon the West side of the Temple, we will not deny, or contradict the description of Adricomius. That Abraham's servant put his hand under his right thigh, we shall not question; and that the Thief on the right hand was saved, and the other on the left reprobated, to make good the Method of the last Judicial dismission, we are ready to admit; but surely in vain we inquire of what wood was Moses rod, or the tree that sweetened the waters; 
Pes cedrus est, truncus cupressu●, oliva supremum, palm●que transversum Christi sunt in cruse lignum.  or though tradition or humane history might afford some light, whether the crown of thorns was made of Paliurus, whether the cross of Christ were made of those four woods in the Distich of Durantes, or only of Oak according unto Lipsius and Goropius, we labour nor to determine; for though hereof prudent symbols and pious Allegories be made by wi●er conceivers, yet common heads will fly unto superstitious applications, and hardly avoid miraculous or magical expectations.  
Now the ground or reason that occasioned this expression by an Apple, might be the community of this fruit, and which is often taken for any other. So the Goddess of gardens is termed Pom●na; so the Proverb expresseth it to give Apples unto Alcinous; so the fruit which Paris decided was called an Apple; so in the garden of Hesperideses (which many conceive a fiction drawn from Paradise) we read of golden Apples guarded by the Dragon; and to speak strictly in this appellation they placed it more safely than any other; for beside the great variety of Apples, the word in Greek comprehendeth Or●nges, Lemmons, Citrons, Quinces, and as Ruellius defineth, such fruits as have no stone within, and a soft covering without, 〈◊〉 the Pomegranate.  
It hath been promoted in some constructions from a passage in the Canticles, 
Cant. ●.  as it runs in the vulgar Translation, Sub arbore malo suscitavite, ibi corrupta est mater tua, ibi violata est genetrix tua; which words notwithstanding parabolically intended, admit no literal inference, and are of little force in our Translation, I raised thee under an Apple tree, there thy mother brought thee forth, there she brought thee forth that bore thee. So when from a basket of Summer fruits, or Apples, as the Vulgar rendereth them, God by Amos foretold the destruction of his people, we cannot say they had any reference unto the fruit of Paradise which was the destruction of man; but thereby is declared the propinquity of their desolation, and that their tranquillity was of no longer duration than those horary and soon decaying fruits of Summer; nor when it is said in the same Translation, Poma desiderii animae tuae discesserunt à te, 
Apoc. 14.  the Apples that thy foul lusted after are departed from thee, is there any allusion therein unto the fruit of Paradise? but thereby is threatened unto Babylon, that th● pleasures and delights of their palate should forsake them: and we read in Pierius, that an Apple was the Hieroglyphic of Love, and that the Statue of Venus was made with one in her hand.  
Since therefore after this fruit curiosity fruitlessesly enquireth, and confidence blindly determineth, we shall surcease our Inquisition, rather troubled that it was tasted, then troubling ourselves in its decision; this only we observe, when things are left uncertain men will assure them by determination; which is not only verified concerning the fruit but the Serpent that persuaded; many defining the kind or species thereof. So Bonaventure and Comestor affirm it was a Dragon, Eugubinus a Basilisk, Delrio a viper, and others a common snake, wherein men still continue the delusion of the Serpent, who having deceived Eve in the main, sets her posterity a work to mistake in the circumstance, and endeavours to propagate errors at any hand; and those he surely most desireth which e●ther concern God or himself; for they dishonour God who is absolute truth and goodness; but for himself, who is extremely evil, and the worst we can conceive, by aberration of conceit they extenuate his depravity, and ascribe some goodness unto him.   

CHAP. II.  
That a man hath one rib less● then a woman.  
THat a 〈◊〉 hath one rib less than a woman, is a common conceit derived from the history of Genesis, wherein it stands delivered, that Eve was framed out of a rib of Adam; whence 'tis concluded the sex of man still wants that rib our Father lost in Eve; and this is not only passant with the many, but was urged against Columbus in an Anatomy of his at Pisa, where having prepared the Sceleton of a woman that chanced to have thirteen ribs of one side, there arose a party that cried him down, and even unto oaths affirmed, this was the rib wherein a woman exceeded; were this true, it would autoptically silence that dispute out of which side Eve was framed; it would determine the opinion of Olea●●er, 
Os ex ●ssibus mei●.  that she was made out of the ribs of both sides, or such as from the expression of the Text maintain there was a plurality required; and might indeed decry the parabolical exposition of Origen, Cajetan, and such as fearing to concede a monstrosity, or mutilate the Integrity of Adam, preventively conceive the creation of thirteen ribs.  
But this will not consist with reason or inspection: for if we survey the Sceleton of both sexes▪ and therein the compage of bones, we shall readily discover tha● m●n and women have four and twenty ribs, that is, twelve on each side, seven greater annexed unto the Sternon, and five lesser which come short thereof, wherein if it sometimes happen that either sex exceed, the conformation is irregular deflecting from the common rate or number, and no more inferrible upon mankind, than the monstrosity of the son of Rapha, or the vicious excess in the number of fingers and toes: and although some difference there be in figure, and the female ●s inominatum be somewhat more protuberant, to make a fairer cavity for the Infant, the coccyx sometime more reflected to give the easier delivery, and the ribs themselves seem a little flatter, yet are they equal in number. And therefore, while Aristotle doubteth the relations made of Nations which had but seven ribs on a side, and yet delivereth that men have generally no more than eight; as he rejecteth their history, so can we not accept of his Anatomy.  
Again, although we concede there wanted one rib in the Sceleton of Adam, yet were it repugnant unto reason and common observation that his posterity should want the same; for we observe that mutilations are not transmitted from father unto son; the blind begetting such as can see, men with one eye, children with two, and cripples mutilate in their own persons, do come out perfect in their generations. For, the seed conveigheth with it not only the extract and single Idea of every part, whereby it transmits' their perfections or infirmities, but double and over again; whereby sometimes it multipliciously delineates the same, as in Twins in mixed and numerous generations. And to speak more strictly, parts of the seed do seem to contain the Idea and power of the whole; so parents deprived of hands, beget manual issues, and the defect of those parts is supplied by the Idea of others. So in one grain of corn appearing similary and insufficient for a plural germination, there lieth dormant the virtuality of many other, and from thence sometimes proceed an hundred ears: and thus may be made out the cause of multiparous productions; for though the seminal materials disperse and separate in the matrix, the formative operator will not delineat a part, but endeavour the formation of the whole; effecting the same as far as the matter will permit, and from divided materials attempt entire formations. And therefore, though wondrous strange, it may not be impossible what is confirmed at Lausdun concerning the Countess of Holland, nor what Albertus reports of the birth of an hundred and fifty, and if we consider the magnalities of Generation in some things, we shall not controver●●● possibilities in others; nor easily question that great work, whose wonders are only second unto those of the Creation, and a close apprehension of the one, might perhaps afford a glimmering light, and crepusculous glance of the other.   

CHAP. III.  
Of Meth●selah.  
What hath been every where opinioned by all men, and in all times, is more than Paradoxical to dispute; and so that Methuselah was the longest liver of all the posterity of Adam we quietly believe: but that he must needs be so, is perhaps below Paralogy to deny. For hereof there is no determination from the Text; wherein it is only particulared he was the longest liver of all the Patriarches whose age is there expressed, but that he outlived all others we cannot well conclude. For of those nine whose death is mentioned before the flood, the Text expresseth that Enoch was the shortest liver, who saw but three hundred sixty five years; but to affirm from hence, none of the rest, whose age is not expressed, did die before that time, is surely an illation whereto we cannot assent.  
Again, many persons there were in those days of longevity, of whose age notwithstanding there is no account in Scripture; as of the race of Cain, the wives of the nine patriarchs, with all the sons and daughters that every one begat, whereof perhaps some persons might outlive Methusela●; the Text intending only the masculine line of Seth, conducible unto the Genealogy of our Saviour, and the ante-diluvian Chronology. And therefore we must not contract the lives of those which are left in silence by Moses; for neither is the age of Abel expressed in the Scripture yet is he conceived far elder than commonly is opinioned: and if we believe the conclusion of his Epitaph as made by Adam, and so set down by Salian, Posuit maerens pater cui à silio justius positum foret, Anno ab ortu rerum 130. ab ●bele nato 129. we shall not need to doubt; which notwithstanding Cajetan and others confirm; nor is it improbable, if we conceive that Abel was borne in the second year of Adam, and Seth a year after the death of Abel: for so it being said, that Adam was an hundred and thirty years old when he begat Seth, Abel must perish the year before, which was one hundred twenty nine.  
And if the account of Cain extend unto the Deluge, it may not be improbable, that some thereof exceeded any of Seth: nor is it unlikely in life, riches, power and temporal blessings, they might surpass ●hem in this world, whose lives referred unto the next; for so when the seed o● Jacob was under affliction and captivity, that of Ishmael and 〈…〉 and grew mighty, there proceeding from the one ●welve Princes, from the other, no less than fourteen Dukes and ●ight Kings. And whereas the age of Cain and his posterity is not delivered in the Text, some do salve it from the secret method of Scrip●●e, which sometimes wholly omits, but seldom or never delivers the entire duration of wicked and faithless persons; as is observable in the history of Esau, and the Kings of Israel and Judah. And therefore, that mention is made that Ishmael lived 137. years, some conceive he adhered unto the faith of Abraham; for so did others who were not descended from Jacob; for Job is thought to be an Idumean, and of the seed of Esau.  
Lastly, (although we rely not thereon) we will not omit that conceit u●ged by learned men, that Adam was elder than Methuselah, in as much as he was created in th● perfect age of Man, which was in those days fifty or sixty years, for about that time we read that they begat children; so that if unto 930. we add sixty years, he will exceed Methuselah. And therefore if not in length of days, at least in old age he surpassed others; he was older than all who was never so young as any; for though he knew old age he was never acquainted with puberty, youth, or Infancy; and so in a strict account he begat children at one year old; and if the usual compute will hold, that men are of the same age which are borne within compass of the same year, Eve was as old as her husband and parent Adam, and Cain their son coetaneous unto both.  
Now that conception that no man did ever attain unto a thousand years, because none should ever be one day old in the sight of the Lord, unto whom according to that of David, A thousand years are but as one day, doth not advantage Methuselah; and being deduced from a popular expression, which will not stand a Metaphysical and strict examination, is not of force to divert a serious enquirer; for unto God a thousand years are no more than one moment, and in his sight Methuselah lived no nearer one day than Abel, for all parts of time are alike unto him, unto whom none are referable, and all things present, unto whom nothing is past or to come; and therefore, although we be measured by the Zone of time, and the flowing and continued instants thereof, do wove at last a line and circle about the eldest; yet can we not thus commensurate the sphere of Trismegistus, or sum up the unsuccessive and stable duration of God.   

CHAP. IU.  
That there was no Rainbow before the Flood.  
THat there shall no Rainbow appear forty years before the end of the world, and that the preceding drought unto that great flame shall exhaust the materials of this Meteor, was an assertion grounded upon no solid reason: but that there was not any in sixteen hundred years, that is, before the flood, seems deduceable from holy Scripture, Gen. 9 I do set my bow in the clouds, and it shall be for a token of a Covenant between me and the earth. From whence notwithstanding we cannot conclude the nonexistence of the Rainbow; nor is that Chronology naturally established, which computeth the antiquity of effects arising from physical and settled causes, by additional impositions from voluntary determinators. Now by the decree of reason and Philosophy, the Rainbow hath its ground in Nature, and caused by the rays of the Sun, falling upon a roride and opposite cloud; whereof some reflected, others refracted beget that semicircular variety we generally call the Rainbow; which must succeed upon concurrence of causes and subjects aptly praedisposed. And therefore, to conceive there was no Rainbow before, because God chose this out as a token of the Covenant, is to conclude the existence of things from their signalities, or of what is objected unto the sense, a coexistence with that which is internally presented unto the understanding. With equal reason we may infer there was no water before the Institution of Baptism, nor bread and wine before the holy Eucharist.  
Again, while men deny the antiquity of one Rainbow, they anciently concede another. For, beside the solary Iris which God showed unto Noah there is another Lunary, whose efficient is the Moon, visible only in the night, most commonly at full Moon, and some degrees above the Horizon. Now the existence hereof men do not controvert, although effected by a different Luminary in the same way with the other; and probably appeared later, as being of rare appearance and rarer observation, and many there are which think there is no such thing in Nature. And therefore by casual spectators they are looked upon like prodigies, and significations made not signified by their natures.  
Lastly, we shall not need to conceive God made the Rainbow at this time, if we consider that in its created and predisposed nature, it was more proper for this signification than any other Meteor or celestial appearency whatsoever. Thunder and lightning had too much terror to have been tokens of mercy; Comets or blazing Stars appear too seldom to put us in mind of a Covenant to be remembered often, and might rather signify the world should be once destroyed by fire, than never again by water. The Galaxia or milky Circle had been more probable; for, (beside that unto the latitude of thirty it becomes their Horizon twice in four and twenty hours, and unto such as live under the Equator, in that space the whole Circle appeareth) part thereof is visible unto any situation, but being only discoverable in the night and when the air is clear, it becomes of unfrequent and comfortless signification. A fixed Star had not been visible unto all the Globe, and so of too narrow a signality in a Covenant concerning all. But Rainbows are seen unto all the world, and every position of sphere; unto our own Elevation it may appear in the morning while the Sun hath attained about forty five degrees above the Horizon, (which is conceived the largest semidiameter of any Iris) and so in the afternoon when it hath declined unto that altitude again; which height the Sun not attaining in winter, Rainbows may happen with us at noon or any time. Unto a right position of sphere it may appear three hours after the rising of the Sun, and three before its setting; for the Sun ascending fifteen degrees an hour, in three attaineth forty five of altitude. Even unto a parallel sphere, and such as live under the pole, for half a year some segments may appear at any time and under any quarter, the Sun not setting, but walking round about them.  
But the propriety of its Election most properly appeareth in the natural signification and prognostic of itself; as containing a mixed signality of rain and fair weather; for being in a roride cloud and ready to drop, it declareth a pluvious disposure in the air; but because when it appears the Sun must also shine, there can be no universal showers, and consequently no deluge. Thus when the windows of the great deep were open, in vain men looked for the Rainbow, for at that time it could not be seen, which after appeared unto Noah. It was therefore existent before the flood, and had in Nature some ground of its addition; unto that of Nature God superadded an assurance of his promise, that is, never to hinder its appearance, or so to replenish the heavens again as that we should behold it no more. And thus, without disparaging the promise, it might rain at the same time when God showed it unto Noah; thus was there more therein then the Heathens understood, when they called it the Nuncia of the gods, and the laugh of weeping heaven; and thus may it be elegantly said, I put my Bow, 
Risus plorantis Olympi.  not my Arrow in the clouds, that is, in the menace of Rain the mercy of fair weather.  
Laudable is the custom of the Jews, who upon the appearance of the Rainbow, do magnify the fidelity of God in the memory of his Covenant, according to that of Syracides, Look upon the Rainbow, and praise him that made it. And though some pious and Christian pens have only symbolised the same from the mystery of its colours, yet are there other affections which might admit of Theological allusions; nor would he find a more improper subject that should consider, that the colours are made by refraction of light, and the shadows that limit that light; that the Centre of the Sun, the Rainbow, and the eye of the beholder must be in one right line; that the spectator must be between the Sun and the Rainbow; that sometime three appear, sometime one reversed; with many others, considerable in Meteorological Divinity, 
Thaumantias.  which would more sensibly make out the Epithet of the Heathens, and the expression of the son of sirach, very beautiful is the Rainbow, It compasseth the heaven about with a glorious circle, and the hands of the most High have bended it.   

CHAP. V.  
Of Sem, Ham and japhet.  
COncerning the three sons of Noah, Sem, Ham and Japhet, that the order of their nativity was according ●o that of numeration, and Japhet the youngest son, as most believe, as Austin and others account, the sons of Japhet and Europeans ●eed not grant; nor will it so well concord unto the letter of the Text, and its readiest Interpretations: For, so is it said in our Translation, Sem the father of all the sons of Heber, the brother of Japhet the elder; so by the Septuagint, and so by that of Tremellius; and therefore when the Vulgar reads it, Fratre Iaphet majore, the mistake, as Junius observeth, might be committed by neglect of the Hebrew accent, which occasioned Jerom so to render it, and many after to believe it. Nor is that argument contemptible which is deduced from their Chronology; for probable it is, that Noah had none of them before, and begat them from that year when it is said he was five hundred years old and begat Sem, Ham, and Japhet; Again, it is said he was six hundred years old at the flood, and that two years after Sem was but an hundred, therefore Sem must be borne when Noah was five hundred and two, and some other before in the year of five hundred and one.  
Now whereas the Scripture affordeth the priority of order unto Sem, we cannot from thence infer his primogeniture; for in Sem the holy line was continued, and therefore however borne, his genealogy was most remarkable. 
Gen. 11.  So is it not unusual in holy Scripture to nominate the younger before the elder; 
Gen. 28.  so is it said, That Ta●ah begat Abraham, Nachor, and Haram; whereas Haram was the eldest. So Rebecca is termed the mother of Jacob and Esau. Nor is it strange the younger should be first in nomination, who have commonly had the priority in the blessings of God, and been first in his benediction. So Abel was accepted before Cain, Abraham the younger, preferred before Ishmael the elder, Jacob before Esau, Joseph was the youngest of twelve, and David the eleventh son, and but the caddet of Jesse.  
Lastly, though Japhet were not elder than Sem, yet must we not affirm that he was younger than Cham, for it is plainly delivered, that after Sem and Japhet had covered Noah, he awaked, and knew what his youngest son had done unto him. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is the expression of the Septuagint, Filius minor of Jerome, and minimus of Tremellius. And upon these grounds perhaps Josephus doth vary from the Scripture enumeration, and nameth them Sem, Japhet, and Cham, which is also observed by the Annian Berosus; Noah cum tribus fil●is, Semo, japeto, Chem. And therefore although in the priority of Sem and Japhet there may be some difficulty, though Cyrill, Epiphanius, and Austin have accounted Sem the elder, and Salian the Annalist, and Petavius the Chronologist contend for the same, yet Cham is more plainly and confessedly named the youngest in the Text.   

CHAP. VI  
That the Tower of Babel was erected against a second deluge.  
AN opinion there is of some generality, that our fathers after the Flood attempted the tower of Babel to secure themselves from a second Deluge. Which however affirmed by Josephus and others, hath seemed improbable unto many who have discoursed hereon. For, (beside that they could not be ignorant of the promise of God never ●o drown the world again, and had the Rainbow before their eyes to put them in mind thereof) it is improbable from the nature of the Deluge, which being not possibly causable from natural showers above, or watery eruptions below, but requiring a supernatural hand, and such as all acknowledge irresistible; we must disparage their knowledge and judgement in so successless attempts.  
Again, they must probably hear, and some might know, that the waters of the flood ascended fifteen cubits above the highest mountains. Now, if as some define, the perpendicular altitude of the highest mountains be four miles, or as others, but fifteen furlongs, it is not easily conceived how such a structure could be effected; except we receive the description of Herodotus concerning the Tower of Belus, whose first tower was eight furlongs higher, and eight more built upon it; except we believe the Annian Berosus, or the traditional relation of Jerome.  
It was improbable from the place, that is a plain in the land of Shinar. And if the situation of Babylon were such at first as it was in the days of Herodotus, it was rather a seat of amenity and pleasure, then conducing unto this intention; it being in a very great plain, and so improper a place to provide against a general Deluge by towers and eminent structures, that they were fain to make provisions against particular and annual inundations by ditches and trenches, after the manner of Egypt. And therefore Sir Walter Ralegh accordingly objecteth; If the Nations which followed Nimrod, still doubted the surprise of a second flood, according to the opinions of the ancient Hebrews, it soundeth ill to the ear of Reason, that they would have spent many years in that low and overflown valley of Mesopotamia. And therefore in this situation, they chose a place more likely to have secured them from the world's destruction by fire, than another Deluge of water, and as Pierius observeth, some have conceived that this was their intention.  
Lastly, the reason is delivered in the Text. Let us build us a City and a Tower, whose top may reach unto heaven, and let us make us a name, lest we be scattered abroad upon the whole earth, as we have already began to wander over a part. These were the open ends proposed unto the people, but the secret design of Nimrod, was to settle unto himself a place of dominion, and rule over the rest of his brethren, as it after succeeded, according to the delivery of the Text, The beginning of his kingdom was Babel.   

CHAP. VII.  
Of the Mandrakes of Leah.  
WE shall not omit the Mandrakes of Leah, according to the History of Genesis. And Reuben went out in the days of Wheat-harvest and found Mandrakes in the field, and brought them unto his mother Leah; then Rachel said unto Leah, Give me, I pray thee, of thy son's Mandrakes, and she said unto her, Is it a small matter that thou hast taken my husband, and wouldst thou take my sons Mandrakes also? and Rachel said, therefore he shall lie with thee this night for thy son's Mandrakes; from whence hath arisen a common conceit, that Rachel requested these plants as a medicine of fecundation, or whereby she might become fruitful; which notwithstanding is very questionable, and of incertain truth.  
For first from the comparison of one Text with another, whether the Mandrakes here mentioned, be the same plant which holds that name with us there is some cause to doubt; the word is used in another place of Scripture, 
Cant. 7.  when the Church inviting her beloved into the fields, among the delightful fruits of Grapes and Pomegranates, it is said, the Mandrakes give a smell, and at our gates are all manner of pleasant fruits. Now instead of a smell of delight, our Mandrakes afford a papaverous and unpleasant odour, whether in the leaf or apple as is discoverable in their simplicity or mixture; the same is also dubious from the different interpretations: for though the Septuagint and Josephus do render it the Apples of Mandrakes in this Text yet in the other of the Canticles the Chaldy Paraphrase termeth it Balsam. R. Solomon, as Drusius observeth, conceives it to be that plant the Arabians named Jesemin. Oleaster and Georgius Venetus the Lily; and that the word Dudaim, may comprehend any plant that hath a good smell, resembleth a woman's breast, and flourisheth in wheat harvest; Junius and Tremellius interpret the same for any amiable flowers of a pleasant and delightful odour: but the Geneva Translators have been more wary than any; for although they retain the word Mandrake in the Text, they in effect retract it in the Margin, wherein is set down, The word in the original is Dudaim, which is a kind of fruit or slower unknown.  
Nor shall we wonder at the dissent of exposition, and difficulty of definition concerning this Text, if we perpend how variously the vegetables of Scripture are expounded, and how hard it is in many places to make out the species determined. Thus are we at variance concerning the plant that covered Ionas, which though the Septuagint doth render Colocynthis, the Spanish Calabaca, and ours accordingly a gourd, yet the vulgar translates it Hedera or Juice; and, as Grotius observeth, Jerome thus translated it, not as the same plant but best apprehended thereby. The Italian of Diodati and that of Tremellius have named it Ricinus, and so hath ours in the Margin; for palma Christi is the same with Ricinus. The Geneva Translators have herein been also circumspect; for they have retained the original word Kikaion, and ours hath also affixed the same unto the Margin: nor are they indeed always the same plants which are delivered under the same name, and appellations commonly received amongst us; so when it is said of Solomon that he writ of plants from the Cedar of Lebanus, unto the Hyssop that groweth upon the wall, that is from the greatest unto the smallest, it cannot be well conceived our common hyssop; for neither is that the least of vegetables, nor observed to grow upon walls; but rather as Lemnius well conceiveth some kind of the capillaries, which are very small plants and only grow upon walls and stony places; nor are the fair species in the holy ointment, Cinnamon, Myr●he, Calamus and Cassi●; nor the other in the holy perfume, Frankincense, Stacte, Onycha, and Galbanum, so agreeably expounded unto those in use with us, as not to leave considerable doubts behind them; nor must that perhaps be taken for a simple unguent, which Matthew only termeth a precious ointment, but rather a composition, as Mark and John imply by pistick Nard, that is faithfully dispensed; and as Mathiolus observeth in his Epistles, may be that famous composition described by Dioscorides, made of oil of Ben, Malabathrum, Juncus odoratus, Costus, Amomum, Myrrh, Balsam and Nard; which Galen affirmeth to have been in use with the delicate Dames of Rome, and that the best thereof was made at Laodicea, from whence by Merchants it was conveyed unto other parts; but how to make out that Translation concerning the Tithe of Mint, Anise, and Cumin, we are still to seek; for we find not a word in the Text that can properly be rendered Anise, the Greek being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the Latins call Anethum, and is properly Englished Dill.  
Again, it is not deducible from the Text or concurrent sentence of Comments, that Rachel had any such intention, and most do rest in the determination of Austin, that she desired them for rarity, pulchritude or suavity; nor is it probable she would have resigned her bed unto Leah, when at the same time she had obtained a medicine to fructi●ie her ●elfe, and therefore Drusius who hath expressly and favourably treated hereof, is so far from conceding this intention, that he plainly concludeth hoc quo modo illis in mentem venerit conjicere nequ●o; how this conceit fell into men's minds it cannot fall into mine, for the Scripture delivereth it not, nor can it be clearly deduced from the Text.  
Thirdly, if Rachel had any such intention, yet had they no such effect, for she conceived not many years after of Joseph; whereas in the mean time Leah had three children, Isachar, Zabulon, and Dinah.  
Lastly, although at that time they failed of this effect, yet is it mainly questionable whether they had any such virtue either in the opinions of those times or in their proper nature; that the opinion was popular in the land of Canaan it is improbable, and had Leah understood thus much she would not surely have parted with fruits of such a faculty, especially unto Rachel who was no friend unto her. As for its proper nature, the Ancients have generally esteemed it Narcotick or stupefactive, and is to be found in the list of poison set down by Dioscorides, Galen, Aetius, Aegineta, and several Antidotes delivered by them against it. It was I confess from good Antiquity, and in the days of Theophrastus' accounted a philtre, or plant that conciliates affection, and so delivered by Dioscorides; and this intent might seem more probable, had they not been the wives of holy Jacob, had Rachel presented them unto him, and not requested them for herself.  
Now what Dioscorides affirmeth in favour of this effect, that the grains of the Apples of Mandrakes mundify the Matrix and applied with sulphur stop the fluxes of women, he overthrows by qualities destructive unto conception; affirming also that the juice thereof purgeth upward like Hellebore, and applied in pessaries provokes the menstruous flows and procures abortion. Petrus Hispanus, or Pope John the twentieth speaks more directly in his Thesaurus pauperum; wherein among the receipts of saecundation, he experimentally commendeth the wine of Mandrakes given with Triphera Magna: but the soul of the medicine may lie in Triphera magna, an excellent composition, and for this effect commended by Nicolaus. And whereas Levinus Lemnius that eminent Physician doth also concede this effect it is from manifest causes and qualities elemental occasionally producing the same; for he imputeth the same unto the coldness of that simple, and is of opinion that in hot climates, and where the uterine parts exceed in heat, by the coldness hereof they may be reduced into a conceptive constitution, and Crasis accommodable unto generation; whereby indeed we will not deny the due and frequent use may proceed unto some effect, from whence notwithstanding we cannot infer a fertiliating condition or property of fecundation: for in this way all vegetables do make fruitful according unto the complexion of the Matrix; if that excel in heat, plants exceeding in cold do rectify it, if it be cold, simples that are hot reduce it, if dry moist, if moist dry correct it, in which division all plants are comprehended; but to distinguish thus much is a point of Art, and beyond the method of Rachel's or feminine Physic. Again, whereas it may be thought that Mandrakes may fecundate since Poppy hath obtained the Epithet of fruitful, and that fertility was hieroglyphically described, by Venus with an head of poppy in her hand; the reason hereof, was the multitude of seed within it sel●e, and no such multiplying in humane generation. And lastly, whereas they may well have this quality, since Opium itself is conceived to extimulate unto venery, and for that intent is sometimes used by Turks, Persians, and most oriental Nations; although Winclerus doth seem to favour the conceit, yet Ama●us 〈◊〉, and Rodericus a Castro are against it, Garcias ab Horto refutes it from experiment; and they speak probably who affirm, the intent and effect of eating Opium, is not so much to invigorate themselves in coition, as to prolong the Act, and spin out the motions of car●nality.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Of the three Kings of Collein.  
A Common conceit there is of the th●ee Kings of colein, conceiv●d to be the wise men that traveled unto our Saviour by the dire●●ion of the S●ar; wherein omitting the large Discourses of Baronius, Pineda, and Montacutius, That they might be Kings, beside the ancient Tradition and authority of many Fathers, the Scripture also implieth. The Gentiles shall come to thy ●ight, and Kings to the brightness of thy rising. The Kings of 〈◊〉 and the Isles, the Kings of Arabia and Saba shall offer 〈…〉 places most Christians and many Rabbins interpret of the 〈◊〉. Not that they are to be conceived potent Monarches, or mighty Kings, but Toparks, Kings of Cities or narrow 〈◊〉, such as were the Kings of Sodo●e and Gomorrah, the Kings of 〈…〉 thirty which Josuah subdued, and such as 〈…〉 the f●iends of Job to have been.  
But although we grant they were Kings, yet can we not be assured they were three: for the Scripture maketh no mention of any number, and the number of their presents, Gold, Myrrh and Frankinscence, concludeth not the number of their persons; for these were the commodities of their Country, and such as probably the Queen of S●eba in one person had brought before unto Solomon; and so did not the sons of Jacob divide the present unto Joseph, but are conceived to carry one for them all, according to the expression of their father, Take of the best fruits of the land in your vessels, and carry down the man a present: and therefore their number being uncertain, what credit i● to be given unto their names, Gaspar, Melchior, Balthasar? what to the charm thereof against the ●alling sickness? or what unto their habits, complexions, and corporal accidents, we must rely on their uncertain story, and authentic pourtarits of colein. Lastly, although we grant them Kings, and three in number, yet could we not conceive that they were Kings of Collein. For though colein were the chief City of the Vhii, then called Vbiopolis, and afterwards Agrippina, yet will no history inform us there were three Kings thereof. Beside these being rulers in their Countries, and returning home would have probably converted their subjects; but according unto Munster's report, their conversion was not wrought until seventy years after by Maternus a disciple of Peter. And lastly, it is said that the wise men came ●rom the East; but colein is seated Westward from Jerusalem, fo● Collein hath of longitude thirty four degrees, but Jerusalem seventy two.  
The ground of all was this; these wise men or Kings, were probably of Arabia, and descended from Abraham by Keturah, who apprehending the mystery of this star, either by the Spirit of God, the prophecy of Balaam, the prophecy, which 〈◊〉 mentions, received and constantly believed through all the East, that out of Jury one should come that should rule the whole world▪ or the divulged expectance of the Jews from the expiring prediction of Daniel, were by the same conducted unto Judea, returned into the● Country, and were after, baptised by Thomas; from whence about three hundred years after by Helena the Empress their bodies were translated to Constantinople, from thence by Eustathius unto Milan, and at last by Renatus the Bishop unto colein; where they are believed at present to remain, their monuments shown unto strangers, and having lost their Arabian titles, are crowned Kings of Collein.   

CHAP. IX.  
Of the food of john Baptist, Locusts and wild honey.  
COncerning the food of John Baptist in the wilderness, Locusts and wild honey, lest popular opiniatrity should arise, we will deliver the chief opinions; the first conceiveth the Locusts here mentioned to be that fruit the Greeks name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mentioned by Luke in the diet of the Prodigal son, the Latins Siliqua, and some, Panis Sancti johannis, included in a broad Cod, and indeed of taste almost as pleasant as honey. But this opinion doth not so truly impugn that of the Locusts; and might rather call into controversy the meaning of wild honey.  
The second affirmeth they were the tops or tender crops of trees; for so Locusta also signifieth: which conceit is plausible in Latin, but will not hold in Greek, wherein the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, except for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signify the extremities of trees; of which belief have divers been; more confidently Isidore Pelusiota, who in his Epistles plainly affirmeth they think unlearnedly who are of another belief; and this so wrought upon Bar●●ius that he concludeth in a neutrality, Haec cum scribat ●sidorus desiniendum nobis non est, & totum relinquimus lectoris arbitrio; ●am constat Graecam dictionem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & Locustam insecti genus, & arborum summitates significare. Sed f●llitur, saith Montacutius, nam constat contrarium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud nullum authorem classicum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 significare. But above all Paracelsus with most animosity promoteth this opinion, and in his book de melle, spareth not his friend Erasmus. Hoc à nonnullis ita explicatur ut dicant Locustas aut cicadas Iohanni procibo fuisse; sed hi siultitiam dissimulare non possunt, veluti jeronymus, Erasmus, & alii prophetae Neoterici in Latinitate immortui.  
A third affirmeth that they were properly Locusts, that is a sheathwinged and six-footed insect, such as is our Grasshopper; and this opinion seems more probable than the other: for beside the authority of Origen, Jerome, chrysostom, Hillary, and Ambrose to confirm it, this is the proper signification of the word, thus used in Scripture by the Septuagint, Greek vocabularies thus expound it; Suidas on the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 observes it to be that animal whereon the Baptist fed in the desert, in this sense the word is used by Aristotle, Dioscorides, Galen, and several humane Authors. And lastly, there is no absurdity in this interpretation, or any solid reason why we should decline it; it being a food permitted unto the Jews, whereof four kinds are reckoned up among clean meats. Beside, not only the Jews, but many other Nations long before and since, have made an usual food thereof. That the Aethiopians, Mauritanians, and Arabians, did commonly ●at them is testified by Diodorus, Strabo, Solinus, Aelian and Pliny; that they still feed on them is confirmed by Leo, Cadamustus and others. John therefore as our Saviour saith, came neither eating nor drinking, that is far from the diet of Jerusalem and other riotous places; but fa●ed coursely and poorly according unto the apparel he wore, that is of Camels hair; the place of his abode, the wilderness; and the doctrine he preached, humiliation and repentance.   

CHAP. X.  
That john the Evangelist should not die.  
THe conceit of the long living or rather not dying of John the Evangelist is not to be omitted; and although it seem inconsiderable, and not much weightier than that of Joseph the wand'ring Jew; yet being deduced from Scripture, and abetted by Authors of all times, it shall not escape our enquiry. 
John 21.  It is drawn from the speech of our Saviour unto Peter after the prediction of his martyrdom; Peter saith unto Jesus, Lord, and what shall this man do? jesus saith unto him, If I will that he tarry until I come, what is that to thee? follow thou me; then went this saying abroad among the brethren that this disciple should not die.  
Now the apprehension hereof hath been received either grossly and in the general, that is not distinguishing the manner or particular way of this continuation, in which sense probably the grosser and undiscerning party received it; or more distinctly apprehending the manner of his immortality; that is, that john should never properly die, but be translated into Paradise, there to remain with Enoch and Elias until about the coming of Christ, and should be slain with them under Antichrist, 
12.  according to that of the Apocalypse. I will give power unto my two witnesses, and they shall prophesy a thousand two hundred and threescore days clothed in sackcloth, and when they shall have finished their Testimony, the beast that ascendeth out of the bottomless pit, shall make war against them, and shall overcome them and kill them. Hereof, as Baronius observeth, within three hundred years after Christ, Hippolytus the martyr was the first assertor, but hath been maintained by many since; by Metaphrastes, by ●●●culphus, but especially by Georgius Trapezuntius, who hath expressly treated upon this Text; and although he lived but in the last Centurie, did still affirm that john was not yet dead.  
As for the gross opinion that he should not die, it is unto my judgement sufficiently refuted by that which first occasioned it, that is the Scripture itself, and no further of, than the very subsequent verse: yet jesus said not unto him he should not die, but if I will that he tarry till I come, what is that to thee? and this was written by john himself whom the opinion concerned, and as is conceived many years after when Peter had suffered, and fulfilled the Prophecy of Christ.  
For the particular conceit the foundation is weak, nor can it be made out from the Text alleged in the Apocalypse: for beside that therein two persons are only named, no mention is made of john a third Actor in this Tragedy; the same is overthrown by History, which recordeth not only the d●ath of john, but assigneth the place of his burial, that is Ephesus a City in Asia minor; whither after he had been banished into Patmos by Domitian he returned in the reign of Nerva there deceased, and was buried in the days of Trajan, and this is testified by Jerome de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, by Tertullian de Anima, by chrysostom, and by Eusebius, in whose days his Sepulchre was to be seen; and by a more ancient Testimony alleged also by him, that is of Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus, not many successions after john; whose words are these in an Epistle unto Victor Bishop of Rome, Iohan●es ille qui supra pectus Domini recumbebat Doctor optimus apud Ephesum dormivit; many of the like nature are noted by Baronius, Jansenius, ●stius, Lipellous, and others.  
Now the main and primitive ground of this error, was a gross mistake in the words of Christ, and a false apprehension of his meaning; understanding that positively which was conditionally expressed, or receiving that 〈◊〉 which was but concessively delivered; for the words of 〈◊〉 Saviour run in a doubtful strain, rather reprehending then satisfying the curiosity of Peter; that is, as though he should have said, Thou hast thine own doom, why enquirest thou a●ter thy brothers? what relief unto thy affliction will be the society of another's? why priest thou into the secrets of God's judgements? if he stay until I come, what concerneth it thee? who shalt be sure to suffer before that time? and such an answer probably he returned because he foreknew john should not suffer a violent death, but go unto his grave in peace; which had Peter assuredly known, it might have cast some water on his flames, and smothered those fires which kindled after unto the honour of his Master.  
Now why among all the rest john only escaped the death of a Martyr, the reason is given; because all other fled away or withdrew themselves at his death, and he alone of the Twelve beheld his passion on the Cross; wherein notwithstanding, the affliction that he suffered could not amount unto less than martyrdom: for if the naked relation, at least the intentive consideration of that passion, be able still and at this disadvantage of time, to rend the hearts of pious con●emplators; surely the near and sensible vision thereof must needs occasion agonies beyond the comprehension of flesh, and the trajectio●s of such an object more sharply pierce the martyred soul of john, then afterward did the nails the crucified body of Peter.  
Again, they were mistaken in the Emphatical apprehension, placing the consideration upon the words, If I will, whereas it properly lay in these, when I come: which had they apprehended as some have since, that is, not for his ultimate and last return, but his coming in judgement and destruction upon the jews; or such a coming as it might be said, that that generation should not pass before it was fulfilled: they needed not, much less need we suppose such diuturnity; for after the death of Peter, john lived to behold the same fulfilled by Vespasian: nor had he then his Nunc dimittis, or went out like unto Sim●on; but old in accomplished obscurities, and having seen the expire of daniel's prediction, as some conceive, he accomplished his Revelation.  
But besides this original, and primary foundation, divers others have made impressions according unto different ages and persons by whom they were received; for some established the conceit in the disciples and brethren, which were contemporary unto him, or lived about the same time with him▪ and this was first the extraordinary affection our Saviour ●a●e unto this disciple, who hath the honour to be called the disciple whom jesus loved. Now ●om hence they might be apt to believe their M●ster would dispense with his death, or suffer him to live ●o see him return in glory, who was the only Apostle that beheld him to dy● in dishonour. Another wa● the belief and opinion of those times that Christ would suddenly come; for they held not genially ●he same opinion with their successors, or as descending ages after so many Centuries, but conceived his coming would not be long after his passion, according unto several expressions of our Saviour grossly understood, and as we ●●●de the same opinion not long after reprehended by St. Paul; and thus conceiving his coming would not be long, 
Thess. 2.  they might be induced to believe his favourite should live unto it. Lastly, the long li●e of john might much advantage this opinion; for he survived the other Twelve, he was aged 22 years when he was called by Christ, and 25 that is the age of Priesthood at his death, and lived 93 years, that is 68 after his Saviour, and died not before the second year of Trajane. Now having outlived all his f●llows, the world was confirmed he might live still, and even 〈◊〉 the coming of his Master.  
The grounds which promoted it in succeeding ages were especially two; the the first his escape of martyrdom: for whereas all the rest suffered some kind of forcible death, we have no history that he suffered any; and men might think he was not capable thereof, for so, as History hath related, by the command of Domitian he was cast into a Cauldron of burning oil, and came out again unsinged. Now future ages apprehending he suffered no violent death, and finding also the means that tended thereto could take no place, they might be confirmed in their opinion that death had no power over him▪ and easily believe he might live always who could not be destroyed by fire, and resist the fury of that Element which nothing shall resist. The second was a corruption crept into the Latin Text, reading for Si, Sic eum manere volo, whereby the answer of our Saviour becometh positive, or that he will have it so, which way of reading was much received in former ages, and is still retained in the vulgar Translation; but in the Greek & original, the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying Simo or if, which is very different from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and cannot be translated for it: and answerable hereunto is the translation of junius and T●emellius, and that also annexed unto the Greek by the authority of Sixtus quintus.  
The third confirmed it in ages farther descending, and proved a powerful argument unto all others following; that in his tomb at Ephesus there was no corpse or relic thereof to be found; whereupon arised divers doubts, and many suspicious conceptions, some believing he was not buried, some that he was buried, but risen again; others, that he descended alive into his tomb, and from thence departed after. But all these proceeded upon unveritable grounds, as Barooius hath observed, who allegeth a letter of Celestine Bishop of Rome, unto the Council of Ephesus, wherein he declareth the relics of John were highly honoured by that City, and a passage also of chrysostom in the Homilies of the Apostles. That John being dead did cures in Ephesus, as though he were still alive. And so I observe that Esthius discussing this point concludeth hereupon, Quod corpus ●jus nunquam reperiatur, hoc non diserent si veterum scripta diligenter perlustrassent.  
Now that the first ages after Christ, those succeeding, or any other should proceed into opinions so far divided from reason, as to think of Immortality after the fail of Adam, or conceit a man in these later times should outlive our fathers in the first, although it seem very strange, yet is it not incredible, for the credulity of men hath been deluded into the like conceits, and as Ireneus and Tertullian have made mention, one Menander a Samaritan obtained belief in this very point, whose doctrine it was that death should have no power on his disciples, and such as received his baptism, should receive Immortality ●herewith: 'Twas surely an apprehension very strange; nor usually falling either from the absurdities of Melancholy or vanities of ambition; some indeed have been so affectedly vain as to counterfeit Immortality, and have stolen their death in a hope to be esteemed immortal; and others have conceived themselves dead: but surely few or none have fall'n upon so bold an error, as not to think that they could die at all. The reason of those mighty ones, whose ambition could suffer them to be called 〈◊〉, would never be flattered into Immortality, but the proudest 〈◊〉, have by the daily dictates of corruption convinced the impropriety of that appellation. And surely, although delusion may run high, and possible it is that for a while a man may forget his nature, yet cannot this be durable, for the inconcealeable imperfections of ourselves, or their daily examples in others, will hourly prompt us our corruptions, and loudly tell us we are the sons of earth.   

CHAP. XI.  
More compendiously of some others.  
MAny others there are which we resign unto Divinity, and perhaps deserve not controversy. Whether David were punished only for pride of heart in numbering the people, as most do hold, or whether as Josephus and many maintain, he suffered also for not performing the commandment of God concerning capitation, that when the people were numbered, 
Exod. 30.  〈…〉 they should pay unto God a sh●kell, we shall not here cont●nd. Surely, if it were not the occasion of this plague, we must acknowledge the omission thereof was threatened with that punishment▪ according to ●he words of the Law. When thou takest the sum of the children of Israel, then shall they give every man a ransom for his soul unto the Lord, that there be no plague amongst them. Now, how deeply hereby God was defrauded in the time of David, 
Exod. 38.  and opulent State of Israel, will easily appear by the sums of former 〈◊〉. For in the first, the silver of them tha● were numbered was an hundred Talents, and a thousand seven hundred threescore and 〈…〉  
We will not question the 〈…〉 of Lot's wife, or whether she were transformed into 〈…〉: though some conceive that expression Metaphorical, 〈…〉 thereby than a lasting and durable column; according 〈…〉 of salt, which admitteth no corruption; in which 〈…〉 of God is termed a Covenant of Salt, and it is also said, God, 〈◊〉 the kingdom unto David for ever, or by a covenant of Salt.  
That Absalon was hanged by the hair of the 〈◊〉, and not caught up by the neck, as Josephus conceiveth, and the common argument against long hair affirmeth, we are not ready to deny, Although I confess a great and learned party there are of another opinion; although if he had his Morion or helmet on, I could not w●ll conceive it; although the Translation of Jerome or Tremellius do not prove it, and our own seems rather to overthrow it.  
That Judas hanged himself, much more that he perished thereby, we shall not raise a doubt. Although Jansenius discoursing the point, produceth the testimony of Theophylact and Euthymius, that he died not by the Gallows, but under a Cart wheel; and Baronius also delivereth this was the opinion of the Greeks, and derived a high as Papias, one of the Disciples of John, although how hardly the expression of Matthew is reconcilable unto that of Peter, and that he plainly hanged himself, with that that falling headlong he burst asunder in the midst, with many other, the learned Grotius plainly doth acknowledge. And lastly, although as he also urgeth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Matthew, doth not only signify suspension, or pendulous illaqueation, as the common picture describeth it, but also suffocation, strangulation or interception of breath, which may arise from grief, despair, and deep dejection of spirit, in which sense it is used in the history of Tobit concerning S●ra, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ita tristata est ut strangulatione premeretur, saith Junius; and so might it happen from the horror of mind unto Judas. And so do many of the Hebrews affirm, that Achitophel was also strangled, that it, not from the rope, but passion. For the Hebrew and Arabic word in the Text not only signifies supension, but indignation, as Grotius hath also observed.  
Many more there are of indifferent truths, whose dubious expositions worthy Divines and Preachers do often draw into wholesome and sober uses, whereof nevertheless we shall not speak; with industry we decline such paradoxies, and peaceably submit unto their received acceptions.   

CHAP. XII.  
Of the cessation of Oracles.  
THat Oracles ceaed or grew 〈◊〉 at the coming of Christ, is best understood in a qualified sense and not without all latitude; as though precisely there were 〈◊〉 after, nor any decay before. For what we must contesse 〈…〉 of Antiquity; some pre-decay is observable from that of 〈…〉 by Baronius; Curio isto modo jam oracula Delphis non eduntur, non modo nostra aetate, sed jam diu, ut nihil possit esse contemptius. That during his life they were not altogether dumb, is deduceable from Su●tonius in the life of Tiberius, who attempting to subvert the Oracles adjoining unto Rome, was de●erred by the Lots or chances which were delivered at Preneste; After his death we meet with many; Suetonius reports, that the Oracle of Autium forewarned Caligula to beware of Cassius, who was one that conspired his death. Plu●arch enquiring why the Oracles of Greece ceased, excepteth that of Lebadia; and in the same place Demetrius affirmeth the Oracles of Mopsus and Amphilochus were much frequented in his days; In brief, histories are frequent in examples, and there want not some even to the reign of julian.  
That therefore we may consist with history; by cessation of Oracles, with Montacutius we may understand their intercision, not absission or consummate desolation; their rare delivery not a total dereliction: and yet in regard of divers Oracles, we may speak strictly, and say there was a proper Cessation. And thus may we reconcile the accounts of times, and allow those few and broken Divinations, whereof we read in story and undeniable Authors. For that they received this blow from Christ, and no other causes alleged by the Heathens, from oraculous confession they cannot deny; whereof upon record there are some very remarkable. The first that Oracle of Delphos delivered unto Augustus. 
Me puer Hebraeus Divos Deus ipse gubernans  
Cedere sede jubet▪ tristemque redire sub orcum;  
Arir ergo dehi●c tacitus discedito nostris.  
An Hebrew child, a God all gods excelling,  
To hell again commands me from this dwelling.  
Our Altars leave in silence, and no more  
A resolution 'ere from hence implore.  A second recorded by Plutarch, of a voice that was heard to cry unto Mariners at the Sea, Great Pan is dead; which is a relation very remarkable, and may be read in his Defect of Oracles. A third reported by Eusebius in the life of his magnified Constantine; that about that time Apollo mourned, declaring his Oracles were false, and that the righteous upon earth did hinder him from speaking truth. And a fourth related by Theodore●, and delivered by Apollo Daphne's unto Julian, upon his Persian Expedition, that he should remove the bodies about him, before he could return an answer, and not long after his Temple was burnt with Lightning.  
All which were evident and convincing acknowledgements of that power which shut his lips, and restrained that delusion which had reigned so many Centuries. But as his malice is vigilant, and the sins of men do still continue a toleration of his mischiefs, he resteth not, nor will he ever cease to circumvent the sons of the first deceived, and therefore expelled his Oracles and solemn Temples of delusion, he runs into corners, exercising minor trumperies, and acting his deceits in Witches, Magicians, Diviners, and such inferior seductions. And yet (what is deplorable) while we apply ourselves thereto, and affirming that God hath left to speak by his Prophets, expect in doubtful matters a resolution from such Spirits; while we say the Devil is mute, yet confess that these can speak; while we deny the substance, yet practise the effect; and in the denied solemnity maintain the equivalent efficacy; in vain we cry that Oracles are down, Apolloes alter yet doth smoke, nor is the fire of Delphos out unto this day.  
Impertinent it is unto our intention to speak in general of Oracles, and many have well performed it. The plainest of others was that recorded by Herodotus and delivered unto C●aesus; who as a trial of her omniscience sent unto distant Oracles, and so contrived with the messengers, that though in several places, yet at the same time they should demand what C●aesus was then a doing. Among all others the Oracle of Deiphos only hit it, returning answer, he was boiling a Lamb with a Tortoise, in a br●ze● vessel with a cover of the same metal. The stile is ●●ughty in G●eeke, though somewhat lower in Latin— 
Aequ●ris est spatium & numerus mihi notus arenae,  
Mutum percipio, fautis nihil audio vocem.  
Ven●● ad ho● sensus nidor testudinis acris,  
Quae sem●l ag●inâ coquitur cum carne lebete,  
Aere infrastrato, & stratum cui desuper aes est.  
I know the space of Sea, ●he number of the sand,  
I hear the silent, mute I understand.  
A t●nder Lamb joined with Tortoise flesh,  
Thy Master King of Lydia now doth dress.  
The sent thereof 〈◊〉 in my nostrils hover  
From brazen pot closed with brazen cover.  Hereby ind●ed he acquired much wealth and more honour, and was reputed by Craesu● as a Deity: and yet not long after, by a vulgar fallacy he deceived his favourite and greatest friend to Oracles into an irrep●●able overthrow by Cyrus. And surely the same success are li●ely all to have that 〈◊〉 or depend upon him; 'twas the first play he practised on mortali●●y, a●d as time hath rendered him more perfect in the Art, so hath the inv●teratenesse of his malice more ready in the execution. 'Tis therefore the sovereign degree of folly, and a crime not only against God, but also our own reasons, to expect a favour from the Devil, whose mercies are more cruel than those of Polyphemus; for he devours his favourites first, and the nearer a man approacheth, the sooner he is scorched by Moloch. In brief, his favours 〈◊〉 deceitful and double headed, he doth apparent good, for real and convincing evil after it, and exalteth us up to the top of the Temple, but to humble us down from it.   

CHAP. XIII.  
Of the death of Aristotl●.  
THat Aristotle drowned himself in Euripus as despairing to resolve the cause of its reciprocation, or ebb and flow seven times a day, with this determination, Si quidem ego non capio te tu capies me, was the assertion of Procopius, Nazia●zen, justine Martyr, and is generally believed amongst us; wherein, because we perceive men have 〈◊〉 an imperfect knowledge, some conceiving ●uripus to be a River, others not knowing where or in what part to place it, we first advertise, it generally signifieth any straight fret, or channel of the Sea, running between two shores, as Julius Pollux hath defined it, as we read of Euripus Hellespontiacus, Pyrrhaeus and this whereof we treat, Euripus Euboicus or Chalcidicus; that is, a narrow passage of Sea deviding Attice and the Island of Eubae●, now called Col●o de Negroponte, from the name of the Island and chief City thereof, famous in the wars of Antiochus, and was taken from the Venetians by Mahome● the great.  
Now that in this Euripe o● fret of Negropont, and upon the occasion mentioned, Aristotle drowned himself, as many affirm, and almost all believe, we have some room to doubt. For without any mention of this, we find two ways delivered of his death by Diogenes Laertius, who expressly treateth thereof, the one from Eumolus and Phavo●inus, that being accused of impiety for composing an Hymn unto Hermias, (upon whose Concubine he begat his son Nichomachu●) he withdrew into Chalcis, where drinking poison he died▪ the Hymn is extant in Laertius, and the fifteenth book of Athenaeus. Another by Apollodorus, that he died at Chalcis of a natural death and languishment of stomach, in his sixty three, or great Climacterical year; and answerable hereto is the account of Suidas and Censorinus.  
Again, beside the negative of Authority, it is also deniable by reason, nor will it be easy to obtrude such desperate attempts unto Aristotle, upon a non ability or unsatisfaction of reason, who so often acknowledged the imbecility thereof; who in matters of difficulty, and such which were not without abstrusities, conceived it sufficiant to deliver conjecturalities; and surely he that could sometimes sit down with high improbabilities, that could content himself, and think to satisfy others, that the variegation of Birds was from their living in the Sun, or erection made by deliberation of the Testicles, would not have been dejected unto death with this; He that was so well acquainted with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, utrum, and An Quia, as we observe in the Queries of his Problems; with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fortasse and plerumque, as is observable through all his Works; had certainly rested with probabilities, and glancing conjectures in this: Nor would his resolutions have ever run into that mortal Antanaclasis, and desperate piece of Rhetoric, to be comprised in that he could not comprehend. Nor is it indeed to be made out he ever endeavoured the particular of Euripus, or so much as to resolve the ebb and flow of the Sea. For, as Vicomercatus and others observe, he hath made no mention hereof in his Works, although the occasion present itself in his Meteors; wherein he disputeth the affections of the Sea: nor yet in his Problems, although in the twenty third Section, there be no less than one and 〈◊〉 Queries of the Sea; some mention there is indeed in a Work 〈◊〉 the propriety of Elements, ascribed unto Aristotle, which notwithstanding is not reputed genuine, and was perhaps the same whence this was urged by Plutarch, De placitis Philoso phorum.  
Lastly, the thing itself whereon the opinion dependeth, that is, the variety of the fl●x and reflux of Euripus, or whether the same do ebb and flow seven times a day, is not incontrovertible; and for my own part, I remain unsatisfied therein. For, though Pomponius Mela, and after him Solinus, and Pliny have affirmed it, yet I observed Thuc●dides, who speaketh often of Eubaea, hath omitted it. Pausanias' an ancient Writer, who hath left an exact description of Greece, and in as particular a way as Leandro of Italy, or Cambden of Great Britain, describing not only the Country Towns, and Rivers, but hills, springs, and houses, hath left no mention hereof. Aeschines in C●esiphon only alludeth unto it; and Strabo, that accurate Geographer speaks warily of it, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and as men commonly reported. And so doth also Maginus, Velocis ac varii fluctus est mare, ubi quater in die▪ aut septies, ut 〈◊〉 dicunt, reciprocantur aestus. Botero more plainly, I'll mar cresce e cala con un impe●o mirabile qu●tro volte il di, ben che communiment se dica set volte, etc. This S●a with wondrous impetuosity ebbeth and floweth four times a day, although it be commonly said seven times, and generally opinioned, that Aristotle despairing the reason, drowned himself therein. In which description by four times a day, it exce●ds not in number the motion of other Seas, taking the words properly, that is, twice ebbing and twice flowing in four and twenty hours; and is no more than what Thomaso Porrcacchi affirmeth, in his description of famous Islands, that twice a day it hath such an impetuous ●loud, as is not without wonder. Livy speaks more particularly, Haud facile infestior classistatio est & fretum ipsum Euripi non septies die, (si●ut fama fert) temporihus certis reciprocat, sed temere in modum venti, nunc huc nuncjillve verso mari, velut monte praecipiti devolutus torrens rapitur. There is hardly a worse harbour, the fret or channel of Euripus not certainly ebbing or flowing seven times a day, according to common report, but being uncertainely, and in the manner of a wind carried hither and thither, is whirled away as a torrent down a hill. But the experimental testimony of Gillius is most considerable of any, who having beheld the course thereof, and made enquiry of Millers that dwelled upon its shore, received answer, that it ebbed and flowed four times a day, that is, every six hours, according to the Law of the Ocean; but that indeed sometimes it observed not that certain course. And this irregularity though seldom happening, together with its unruly and tumultuous motion might afford a beginning unto the common opinion; thus may the expression in Ctesiphon be made out; and by this may Arist●●le be interpreted, when in his Problems he seems to borrow a Metaphor from Euripus; 〈◊〉 in the five and twentieth Section he ●nquireth, why in the upper 〈◊〉 of houses the air doth Euripize, that is, 〈◊〉 whirled hither and 〈◊〉.  
Now the ground, o● that which gave li●e unto the assertion, might be his death at Cha●cis, the chief City of 〈◊〉, and seated upon Euripus, where 'tis confessed by all he ended his day's. That he emaciated and pi●ed away in the too anxious 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 reciprocations, ●●though not drowned therein▪ as Rhodigi●●● 〈◊〉 some conceived, was a hal●e confession thereof not justi●iable from Antiquity. Surely the Philosophy of flux and reflux was ver● imperfect of old among the Greeks and Latins; nor could they hold a sufficient theory thereof, who only observeth the Mediterranean, which in some places hath no ebb, and not much in any part. Nor can we affirm our knowledge is at the height, who have now the Theory of the Ocean and narrow Seas beside. White we refer it unto the Moon, we give some satisfaction for the Ocean, but no general salve for ●reeks, and 〈◊〉 which know no flood; nor resolve why it ●lowes three or 〈…〉 in the bottom of the Gol●e, yet scarce at all at Anco●● Durazzo, or 〈◊〉, which ly● but by the way. And therefore old abstrusities have caused new inventions; and some from the Hypotheses of Copernicus or the Diurnal and annual motion of the earth, endeavour to 〈◊〉 the flows and motions of these seas, illustrating the same by water in a ●oale, that rising or falling to either side, according to 〈…〉 of the vessel; the conceit is ingenuous, salves, s●me 〈◊〉, and is discovered at large by Galilae● in his Systeme of the world.  
However therefore A●●stotle died, what was his end, or upon what occasion, although it be not altogether assured, yet that his memory and worthy name shall live, no man will deny, nor grateful scholar doubt: and if according to the Elegy of Solon, a man may be only said to be happy after he is dead, and ceaseth to be in the 〈◊〉 capacity of 〈◊〉: or if according unto his own Ethics, sense is not essential unto felicity, but a man may be happy without the apprehension thereof▪ surely in that sense he is pyramidally happy, nor can he ●ver perish but in the Euripe of Ignorance, or till the Torrent of Barbarism overwhelm all.  
A like conceit there passeth of Mel●sigenes, alias Home●, the father Poet, that he pined away upon the Riddle of the fishermen. But Herodotus who wrote his life hath cleared this point; delivering that passing from Samos unto Athens, he went sick ashore upon the Island Jos, where he died, and was solemnly interred upon the Sea side; and so decidingly concludeth, Ex hac aegritudine extremum diem clansit Homerus in Io, non, ut arbitrantur aliqui, Aenigmatis perplexitate enectus, sed morbo.   

CHAP. XIV.  
Of the Wish of Philoxenus.  
THat Relation of Aristotle and conceit generally received concerning Philoxenus, who wished the neck of a Crane, that thereby he might tak● more pleasure in his mea●, although it pass without exception, upon enquiry I find not only doubtful in the story, but absurd in the desire or reason alleged for it. For though his Wish were such as is delivered, yet had it not perhaps that end to delight his gust in eating, but rather to obtain advantage thereby in singing, as is declared by Mirandula. Aristotle (saith he) in his Ethics and Problems, accuseth Philoxenus of sensuality, for the greater pleasure of gust in desiring the neck of a Crane; which desire of his, assenting unto Aristotle, I have formerly condemned; But since I perceive that Aristo●le for this accusation hath been accused by divers Writers; for Philoxenus was an excellent Musician, and desired the neck of a Crane, not for any pleasure at meat, but fancying thereby an advantage in singing or warbling, and deviding the notes in music. And indeed, many Writers there are which mention a Musician of that name, as Plu●arch in his book against Usury, and Aristotle himself in the eight of hi● Politics speaks of one Philoxenus a Musician, that went off from the Doric Dytherambicks unto the Phrygian Ha●mony.  
Again, be the story true or false, rightly applied or not, the intention is not reasonable, and that perhaps neither one way nor the other▪ For, if we rightly consider the organ of taste, we shall find the length of the neck to conduce but little unto it. For the tongue being the instrument of taste, and the tip thereof the most exact distinguisher, it will not advantage the gust to have the neck ex●ended, wherein the Gullet and conveying parts are only seated, which partake not of the nerves of gustation or appertaining unto ●apor, but receive them only from the sixth pair; whereas the ne●ves of taste des●●nd from the third and forth propagations, and so diffuse themselves into the tongue. And therefore Cranes, Hernes, and Swans, have no advantage in taste beyond Hawks, Kites, and others of shorter necks.  
Nor, if we consider it, had Nature respect unto the taste in the different contrivance of necks, but rather unto the parts contained, the compos●●●● of the rest of the body, and the manner whereby they ●eed. Thus animals of long leg●, have generally long necks; that is, for the conveniency of feeding, as having a necessity to apply their mouths unto the earth. So have Horses, Camels, Dromedaries long necks, and all tall animals, except the Elephant, who in defect thereof is furnished with a Trunk, without which he could not attain the ground. So have Cranes, Hernes, Storks, and Shovelards' long necks; and so even in Man whose figure is erect, the length of the neck followeth the proportion of other parts; and such as have round faces, or broad chests and shoulders, have seldom or never long necks. For, the length of the face twice exceedeth that of the neck, and the space betwixt the throat pit and the navel is equal unto the circumference thereof. Again, animals are framed with long necks, according unto the course of their life or feeding: so many with short legs have long necks, because they seed in the water, as Swans, Geese, P●●●licans, and other sin-footed animals. But Hawks and birds of prey have short necks and trussed legs; for that which is long is weak and flexible, and a shorter figure is best accommodated unto that intention. Lastly, the necks of animals do vary, according to the parts that are contained in them, which are the weazon and the gullet. Such as have no weazon and breathe not, have scarce any neck, as most sorts of fishes, and some none at all, as all sorts of pectinals, Soles, Thornback, Flounder; and all crustacco●● animals, as Crevices, Cr●●●, and Lobsters.  
All which considered, the Wish of P●●loxenus will hardly consist with reason. More excusable had it been to ●ave wished himself an Ape, which if common conceit speak true, is exacter in taste then any. Rather some kind of granivorous bird than a Crane, for in this sense they are so exquisite, that upon the first peck of their bill, they can distinguish the qualities, of hard bodies, which the sense of man discerns not without mastication. Rather some ruminating animal, that he might have eat his meat twice over; or rather, as Theophilus observed in Athenaeus, his desire had been more reasonable, had he wished himself an Elephant, or an Horse; for in these animals the appetite is more vehement, and they receive their viands in large and plenteous manner. And this indeed had been more suitable, if this were the same Philoxenus whereof Plutarch speaketh, who was so uncivilly greedy, that to engross the mess, he would preventively deliver his nostrils in the dish.  
As for the musical advantage, although it seem more reasonable, yet do we not observe that Cranes and birds of long necks have any musical, but harsh and clangous throats. But birds that are canorous and whose notes we most commend, are of little throats, and short necks, as Nightingales, Finches, Linnets, Canary birds and Larks. And truly, although the weazon, throttle and tongue be the instruments of voice, and by their agitations do chiefly concur unto these delightful modulations, yet cannot we assign the cause unto any particular formation; and I perceive the best thereof, the Nightingale hath some disadvantage in the tongue; which is not acuminate and pointed as in the rest, but seemeth as it were cut off; which perhaps might give the hint unto the fable of Philomela, and the cutting off her tongue by Tereus.   

CHAP. XV.  
Of the Lake Asphaltites.  
COncerning the Lake Asphaltites, the Lake of Sodom, or the dead Sea, that heavy bodies cast therein sink not, but by reason of a salt and bituminous thickness in the water float and swim above, narrations already made are of that variety, we can hardly from thence deduce a satisfactory determination, and that not only in the story itself, but in the cause alleged. For, as for the story men deliver it variously; some I ●eare too largely, as Pliny, who affirmeth that bricks will swim therein. Mandevill goeth farther, that Iron swimmeth, and feathers sink. Munster in his Cosmography hath another relation, although perhaps derived from the Poem of Tertullian, that a candle burning swimmeth, but if extinguished sinketh. Some more moderately, as Josephus, and many other; affirming only that living bodies ●loate, nor peremptory av●rring they cannot sink, but that indeed they do not easily descend. Most traditionally, as Galen, Pliny, Solinus and Strabo, who seems to mistake the Lake Serbonis for it; few experimentally, most contenting themselves in the experiment of Vespasian, by whose command some captives bound were cast therein and found to float as though they could have swimmed: divers contradictorily, or contrarily, quite overthrowing the point. Aristotle in the second of his Meteors speaks lightly thereof, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and esteemeth thereof as a fable. Biddulphus devideth the common accounts of Judea into three pa●ts, the one saith he are apparent truths, the second apparent falsehoods, the third are dubious or between bo●h, in which form he ranketh the relation of this Lake. But Andrew Thevet in his Cosmography doth ocularly overthrow it; for he affirmeth, he saw an Ass with his saddle cast therein, and drowned. Now of these relations so different or contrary unto each other, the second is most moderate, and ●a●est to be embraced, which saith, that living bodies swim therein, that is, they do not easily sink: and this, until exact experiment further determine, may be allowed, as best consistent with this quality, and the reasons alleged for it.  
As for the cause of this effect, common opinion conceives it to be the salt and bituminous thickness of the water. This indeed is probable, and may be admitted as far as the second opinion conceadeth. For, certain it is that salt water will support a greater burden then fresh, and we daily see an egg will descend in salt water, which will swim in brine. But that Iron ●hould float therein, from this cause is hardly granted; for heavy bodies will only swim in that liquor, wherein the weight of their bulk exceedeth not the weight of so much water as it occupieth or taketh up. But surely no water is heavy enough to answer the ponderosity of Iron; and therefore that metal will sink in any kind thereof, and it was a perfect miracle which was wrought this way by Elisha. Thus we perceive that bodies do swim or sink in different liquors, according unto the tenuity or gravity of those liquors which are to support them. So salt water beareth that weight which will sink in vinegar, vinegar that which will fall in fresh water, fresh water that which will sink in spirits of Wine, and that will swim in spirits of Wine which will sink in clear oil, as we made experiment in globes of wax pierced with light sticks to support them. So that although it be conceived an hard matter to sink in oil, I believe a man should find it very difficult, and next to flying to swim therein. And thus will Gold swim in Quicksilver, wherein Iron and other metals sink; for the bulk of Gold is only heavier than that space of Quicksilver which it containeth; and thus also in a solution of one ounce of Quicksilver in two of Aqua fortis, the liquor will bear Amber, horn and the softer kinds of stones, as we have made trial in each.  
But a private opinion there is which crosseth the common conceit, maintained by some of late, and alleged of old by Strabo, that is, that the ●loating of bodies in this Lake proceeds not from the thickness of the water, but a bituminous ebullition from the bottom, whereby it wafts up bodies injected, and suffereth them not easily to sink. The verity thereof would be enquired by ocular exploration, for this way is also probable; so we observe, it is hard to wade deep in baths where springs arise, and thus sometime are balls made to play upon a spouting stream.  
And therefore, until judicious and ocular experiment confirm or distinguish the assertion, that bodies do not sink herein at all we do not yet believe; that they not easily or with more difficulty descend in this then other water we shall already assent: but to conclude an impossibility from a difficulty, or affirm whereas things not easily sink, they do not drown at all; beside the fallacy, is a frequent addition in humane expression, and an amplification not unusual as well in opinions as in relations; which oftentimes give indistinct accounts of proximities, and without restraint transcend from one unto another. Thus for as much as the torrid Zone was conceived exceeding hot, and of difficult habitation, the opinions of men so advanced its constitution, as to conceive the same unhabitable, and beyond possibility for man to live therein. Thus, because there are no Wolves in England, nor have been observed for divers generations, common people have proceeded into opinions, and some wise men into affirmations, they will not live therein although brought from other Countries. Thus most men 〈…〉 few here will believe the contrary, that there be no Spider's 〈◊〉 I●eland 〈…〉 beheld some in that Country, and though but 〈◊〉, some cobwebs we behold in Irish wood in England. Thus ●he 〈◊〉 from and 〈◊〉 growing ●●to an exceeding mag●●●de, 〈…〉 and divers Writers deliver, it hath no period of 〈…〉 long as it liveth. And thus in brief, in most 〈…〉 men extend the considerations of things, & 〈…〉 beyond the propriety of their natur●es.   

CHAP. XVI.  
Of 〈◊〉 other relations.  
1. THe relation of Aver●●oes and now common in every month, of the woman that conceived in a b●th, by attracting the sperm or seminal effluxion of a man admitted to bathe in some vicinity unto her, I have scarce faith to believe; and had I been of the Jury, should have hardly thought I had found the father in the person that stood by 〈…〉 & unseconded way in History to fornicate at a distance, & much 〈◊〉 the rules of Physic, which say, there is no generation without a joint emission, 〈…〉 a virtual but 〈…〉 and carnal contaction. And although Aristone and his adherents do● cut off the one, who conceive no effectual ejaculation in women, yet in defence of the other they cannot be introduced: For, as he delivereth, the inodina●e longitude of the organ, though in its proper recipient, may be a means to improlificate the seed, surely the distance of place, with the commixture of an aqueous body, must prove an effectual impediment & 〈…〉 of a conception. And therefore that conceit concerning the 〈…〉 Lot, that they were impregnated by their sleeping father, or conceived by seminal pollution received at 〈◊〉 from him, will hardly be admitted. And therefore what is related of Devils, and the co●●●ved delusion of wicked spritis, that they 〈◊〉 the seminal emissions of man, and transmit them into their 〈…〉, is much to be suspected, & altogether to be denied, that there ensue conceptions thereupon, however husbanded by Art, and the wisest menagery of that most subtle impostor. And therefore also that our magnified Merlin was thus begotten by the Devil, is a groundless cōcep●ion & as vain to think from thence to give the reason of his prophetical spirit. For f a generation could succeed, yet should not te issue inherit the 〈◊〉 of the Devil, who is but an auxiliary & no univocal Actor, nor will his nature substantially concur to such production.  
2. The relation of Lucill●●s, and now become common, concerning Crassus the grandfather of Marcus te wealthy Roman, that he never laughed but once in all his life, and that was at an Ass ear-ring Thistles, is something strange. For, if an indifferent and unridiculous object could draw his habitual austereness unto a smile, it will be hard to believe he could with perpetuity resist the proper motives thereof: for the act of laughter which is a sweet co●●raction of the muscles of the face, and a pleasant agitation of the vocal organs, is not merely voluntary, or totally within the jurisdiction of ourselves: but as it may be constrained by corporal contraction in any, and hath been enfo●●ed in some even in their death; so the new unusual or unexpected jucundities, which present themselves to any man in his life, at some time or other will have activity enough to excitate the earthiest soul, and raise a smile from most composed tempers. Certainly the times were dull when these things happened, and the wits of those Ages short of th●se of ours, when men could maintain such immutable faces, as to remain like statues under the flatteries of wit, and persist unalterable at all effortes of Jocularity. The spirits in hell, and Pluto himself, which Lucian makes to laugh at passages upon earth, will plainly condemns these Saturni●es, and make ridiculous the magnified Heraclitus, who wept preposterously, and made a hall on earth; for rejecting the consolations of life, he passed 〈◊〉 days in tears, and the uncomfortable 〈◊〉 of hell.  
3. The same conceit there passes concerning our blessed Saviour, and is sometimes urged as an high example of gravity. And this is opinioned, because in holy Scripture it is recorded he sometimes wept, bu● never that he laughed. Which howsoever granted, it will be hard to conceive how he passed his younger years and childhood 〈◊〉 a smile; if as Divinity affirmeth, for the assurance of his humanity unto men, and the concealment of his Divinity from the Devil, he passed this age like other children, and so proceeded until he evidenced the same. And surely no danger there is to affirm the act or performance of that, whereof we acknowledge the power and essential property; a●d whereby indeed he most nearly convinced the doubt of his humanity. Nor need we be afraid to ascribe that unto the incarna●● S●n, which sometimes is attributed unto the uncarnate Father, of whom it is said, He that dwelleth in the heavens shall laugh the wicked to scorn. For, a laugh there is of contempt or indignation, as well as of mirth and Jocosity; And that our Saviour was not exempted from, the ground hereof, that is, the passion of anger, regulated and rightly ordered by reason, the Schools do not deny; and besides 〈◊〉 experience of the money-changers, 
Zelus domus tuae comedit me.  and Dove-sellers in the Temple, is testified by S. John when he saith, the speech of David w●●fulfilled in our Saviour.  
Now the Alogie of this opinion consisteth in the ill●●●ion; it being not reasonable to conclude from Scripture negatively in points which are not matters of faith, and pertaining unto salvation; and therefore although in the description of the creation there be no mention of fire, Christian Philosophy did not think it reasonable presently to annihilate that Element, or positively to decree there was no such thing at all. Thus whereas in the brief narration of Moses there is no record of wine before the flood, can we satisfactorily conclude that Noah was the first that eve● tasted thereof? And thus because the word Brain is scarce mentioned once, 
Only in the vulgar Latin Judg. 9 53.  but Heart above an hundred times in holy Scripture; will Physicians that dispute the principality of parts be induced from hence to bereave the animal organ of its priority; wherefore the Scriptures being serious, and commonly omitting such Parergies, it will be unreasonable from hence to condemn all laughter, and from considerations inconsiderable to discipline a man out of his nature▪ for this is by a rustical severity to benish all urbanity, whose harmless and confined condition as it stands commended by morality, so is it consistent with Religion, and doth not offend Divinity.  
4. The custom it is of Popes to change their name at their creation; and the Author thereof is commonly said to be Bocca di Porco, or Swine's face, who therefore assumed the stile of Sergius the second, as being ashamed so ●oule a name should dishonour the chair of Peter; wherein notwithstanding from Montacutius and others, I find there may be some mistake: For Massonius who writ the live● of Popes, acknowledgeth he was not the first that changed his name in that Sea; nor as Platina affirmeth, have all his successors precisely continued that custom; for Adrian the sixth, and Marcellus the second, did still retain their Baptismal denominations, nor is it proved, or probable that Sergius changed the name of Bocca di Porco, for this was his surname or gentilitious appellation, nor was it the custom to alter that with the other; but he commuted his Christian name Peter for Sergius, because he would seem to decline the name of Peter the second. A scruple I confess not thought considerable in other Seas, whose originals and first Patriarches have been less disputed; nor yet perhaps of that reality as to prevail in points of the same nature. For the names of the Apostles, Patriarches and Prophets have been assumed even to affectation; the name of Jesus hath not been appropriate, but some in precedent ages have borne that name, and many since have not refused the Christian name of Emanuel. Thus are there few names more frequent than Moses and Abraham among the Jews; The Turks without scruple affect the●● 〈◊〉 of Mahomet, and with gladness receive so honourable cogno●●ination.  
And truly in 〈…〉 there ever have been many well directed intentions, whose rationalities will never bear a rigid examination; and though in some way they do commend their Authors and such as first beg●n them, yet have they proved insufficient to perpetuate imitation in such as have succeeded them. Thus was it a worthy resolution of Godfrey, and most Christians have applauded it, That he refused to wear a Crown of gold where his Saviour had 〈◊〉 one of thorns. Yet did not his Successors durably inherit that 〈◊〉, but some were anointed, and solemnly accepted the Dia●●●e of Regality. Thus Julius Augustus and Tiberius with great humility or popularity refused the name of Imperator; but their Successors have challenged that title, and retain the 〈◊〉 even in its titularity. And thu●, to come nearer our subject, the humility of Gregory the Great, would by no means admit the stile of Universal Bishop; but the ambition of Boniface his immediate Successor made no scruple thereof; nor of more queasy resolutions have been their Successors eve● since.  
5. That Tamedaane was a Scythian Shepherd, from Mr. Knolls and others, from Alh●zen a learned Arabian who wrote his life, and w●● spectator of many of his exploits, we have reasons to deny: not only from his birth; for he was of the blood of the Tartarian Emperors, whose ●ather Og had for his possession the Country of Sagathay, which was no slender Teritory, but comprehended all that tract wherein were contained Bactriana, Sogdiana, Margiana, and the Nation of the Massagetes; whose capital City was 〈◊〉; a place though now decayed, of great esteem and trade in former Ages: but from his Regail Inauguration; for it is said, that being about the age of fifteen, his old father resigned the Kingdom, and men of war unto him. And also from his education; for as the story speaks it, he was instructed in the Arabian learning, and afterward exercised himself therein: Now Arabian learning was in a manner all the liberal Sciences, especially the Mathematics, and natural Philosophy; wherein not many Ages before him, there flourished Avi●●nna, Aver●hoes, Ave●zoar, Geber, Almanzor and Alhaz●n cognominall unto him that wrote his history; whose Chronology indeed, although it be obscure, yet in the opinion of his Commentator, he was contemporary unto Avicenna, and hath le●t 〈◊〉 books of Optics, of great esteem with Ages past, and textuary unto our days.  
Now the ground of this mistake was surely that which the Turkish historian declareth. Some, saith he, of our historians will needs have Tamerlane to be son of a Shepherd; but this they have said, not knowing at all the custom of their Country; wherein the principal revenues of the King and Nobles consisteth in cattle; who despising gold and silver, abound in all sorts thereof. And this was the occasion that some men call them Shepherds, and also affirm this Prince descended from them. Now, if it be reasonable, that great men whose possessions are chiefly in cattle, should bear the name of Shepherds, and fall upon so low denominations, then may we say that Abraham was a Shepherd, although too powerful for four Kings; that Job was of that condition, who beside Camels and Oxen had seven thousand Sheep; and yet is said to be the greatest man in the East. Surely it is no dishonourable course of life which Moses and Jacob have made exemplary, 'tis a profession supported upon the natural way of acquisition, and though contemned by the Egyptians, much countenanced by the Hebrews, whose sacrifices required plenty of Sheep and Lambs. And certainly they were very numerous; for, at the consecration of the Temple, beside two and twenty thousand Oxen, King Solomon sacrificed an hundred and twenty thousand Sheep; and the same is observable from the daily provision of his house, which was ten fat Oxen, twenty Oxen out of the pastures, and an hundred Sheep, beside row Buck, fallow Deer, and fatted Fowls. Wherein notwithstanding (if a punctual relation thereof do rightly inform us) the grand Seignor doth exceed: the daily provision of whose Seraiglio in the reign of Achmet, beside Beefs, consumed two hundred Sheep, Lambs and Kids when they were in season one hundred, Calves ten, Geese fifty, Hens two hundred, Chickens one hundred, Pigeons an hundred pair.   

CHAP. XVII.  
Of some others.  
1. WE are sad when we read the story of Belisarius that worthy Cheiftaine of Justinian; who, after the Victories of Vandals, Goths and Persians, and his Trophies in three parts of the World, had at last his eyes put out by the Emperor, and was reduced to that distress, that he begged relief on the high way, in that uncomfortable petition, Date obolum Belisario. And this we do not only hear in discourses, Orations and Themes, but find it also in the leaves of Petrus Crinitus, Volateranus and other worthy Writers.  
But, what may somewhat consolate all men that honour virtue, we do not discover the latter Scene of his misery in Authors of Antiquity, or such as have expressly delivered the story of those times. For, Suidas is silent herein, Cedrenus and Zonaras, two grave and punctual Authors, delivering only the confiscation of his goods, omit the history of his mendication. Paulus Diaconus goeth farther, not only passing over this act, but affirming his goods and dignities were restored. Agathius who lived at the same time, declareth he suffered much from the envy of the Court, but that he descended thus deep into affliction, is not to be gathered from his pen. The same is also omitted by Procopius a contemporary and professed enemy unto Justinian and Belisarius, and who as Suidas reporteth, did write an opprobrious book against them both.  
And in this opinion and hopes we are not single; but Andrea's Alciatus the Civilian in his Parerga, and Franciscus de Cordua in his Didascalia, have both declaratorily confirmed the same. Certainly, sad and Tragical stories are seldom drawn within the circle of their verities; but as their Relators do either intend the hatred or pity of the persons, so are they set forth with additional amplifications. Thus have some suspected it hath happened unto the story of Oedipus; and thus do we conceive it hath fared with that of Judas, who having sinned beyond aggravation, and committed one villainy which cannot be exasperated by all other; is yet charged with the murder of his reputed brother, parricide of his father, and Incest with his own mother, as Florilegus or Matthew of Westminster hath at large related. And thus hath it perhaps befallen the noble Belisarius, who, upon instigation of the Empress, having contrived the exile, and very hardly treated Pope Serverius, Latin pens, as a judgement of God upon this fact, have set forth his future sufferings: and omitting nothing of amplification, they have also delivered this, which notwithstanding johannes the Greek, makes doubtful, as may appear from his iambics in Baronius.  
2. That fluctus Decumanus, or the tenth wave is greater and more dangerous than any other, some no doubt will be offended if we deny; and hereby we shall seem to contradict Antiquity; for, answerable unto the literal and common acception the same is averred by many Writers, and plainly described by Ovid— 
Qui venit hic fluctus, fluctus supereminet omnes,  
Posterior nono est, ●ndecimoque prior.  Which notwithstanding is evidently false, nor can it be made out by observation either upon the shore or the Ocean, as we have with diligence explored in both; and surely in vain we expect a regularity in the waves of the Sea, or in the particular motions thereof, as in its general reciprocations, whose causes are constant and their effects therefore correspondent; whereas its fluctuations are but motion's subservient, which winds, storms, shores, shelves, and every interjacency irregulates. With semblable reason we might expect a regularity in the winds; whereof though some be statary, some anniversary, and the rest do tend to determinate points of heaven; yet do the blasts and undulary breaths thereof maintain no certainty in their course: nor are they numerally feared by Navigators.  
Of affinity hereto is that conceit of Ouum decumanum, so called, because the tenth egg is bigger than any other, according unto the reason alleged by Festus, Decumana ●va dicuntur, quia ●vum decimum majus nascit●r. For the honour we bear unto the Clergy, we cannot but wish this true; but herein will be found no more of verity then in the other: and surely few will assent hereto without an implicit credulity, or as Pythagorical submission unto every conception of number.  
For, surely the conceit is numeral, and though not in the s●nce apprehended, relateth unto the number of ten, as Franciscus Silvius hath most probably declared. For, whereas amongst simple numbers or Digits, the number of ten is the greatest, therefore whatsoever was the greatest in every kind, might in some sense be named from this number. Now, because also that which was the greatest, was metaphorically by some at first called Decumanus, therefore whatsoever passed under this name was literally conceived by others to respect and make good this number.  
The conceit is also Latin, for the Greeks to express the greatest wave, do use the number of three, that is, the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is a concurrence of three waves in one, whence arose the proverb, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a trifluctuation of evils, which E●asmus doth render, Molarum fluctus Decumanus. And thus, although the terms be very different, yet are they made to signify the sel●e same thing; the number of ten to explain the number of three, and the single number of one wave the collective concurrence of more.  
3. The poison of Parysatis reported from C●esias by Plutarch in the life of Artaxerxes, whereby anointing a knife on the one side, and therewith dividing a bird, with the one half she poisoned Statira, and safely fed herself on the other, was certainly a very subtle one, and such as our ignorance is well content it knows not. But surely we had discovered a poison that would not endure Pandora's Box, could we be satisfied in that which for its coldness nothing could contain but an Ass' hoof, and wherewith some report that Alexander the Great was poisoned. Had men derived so strange an effect from some occult or hidden qu●l●●ies, they might have silenced contradiction; but ascribing it unto the manifest and open qualities of cold, they must pardon our belief, who perceive the coldest and most Stygian waters may be included in glasses, and by Aristotle, who saith, that glass is the perfectest work of Art, we understand they were not then to be invented.  
And though it be said that poison will break a Venice glass, yet have we not met with any of that nature. Were there a ●●uth herein, it were the best preservative for Princes, and personages exalted unto such fears: and surely far better then divers now in use. And though the best of China dishes, and such as the Emperor himself doth use, be thought by some of infallible virtue unto this effect, yet will they not, I fear, be able to elude the mischief of such intentions. And though also it be true, that God made all things double, and that if we look upon the works of the most High there are two and two, one against another; that one contrary hath another, and poison is not without a poison unto its self; yet hath the curse so far prevailed, or else our industry defected, that poisons are better known then their Antidotes, and some thereof do scarce admit of any. And lastly, although unto every poison men have delivered many Antidotes, and in every one is promised an equality unto its adversary; yet do we often find they fail in ●heir effects: 
Terra Melit●a.  Moly will not resist a weaker cup than that of Circe; a man may be poisoned in a Lemnian dish, without the miracle of John, there is no confidence in the earth of Paul; and if it be meant that no poison could work upon him, we doubt the story, and expect no such success from the diet of Mithridates.  
4. A story there passeth of an Indian King, that sent unto Alexander a fair woman fed with Aconites and other poisons, with this intent, either by converse or copulation complexionally to destroy him. For my part, although the design were true, I should have doubted the success. For, though it be possible that poisons may meet with tempers whereto they may become Aliments, and we observe from fowls that feed on fishes, and others feed with garlic and onions, that simple aliments are not always concocted beyond their vegetable qualities; and therefore that even after carnal conversion, poisons may yet retain some portion of their natures; yet are they so refracted, cicurated, and subdued, as not to make good their first and destructive malignities. And therefore the Stork that eateth Snakes, and the Stare that feedeth upon Hemlock, though no commendable aliments, are not destructive poisons. For, animals that can innoxiously digest these poisons become antidotal unto the poison digested; and therefore whether their breath be attracted, or their flesh ingested, the poisonous relics go still along with their Antidote, whose society will not permit their malice to be destructive. And therefore also animals that are not mischifed by poyson● which destroy us, may be drawn into Antidote against them; The blood or flesh of Storks against the venom of Serpents, the Quail against Hellebore, and the diet of Starlings against the draught of Socrates. Upon like grounds are some parts of Animals alexipharmacal unto others, and some veins of the earth, and also whole regions, not only destroy the life of venomous creatures, but also prevent their productions. For, though perhaps they contain the seminals of Spiders, and Scorpions, and such as in other earths by suscitation of the Sun may arise unto animation; yet lying under command of their Antidote, without hope of emergency they are poisoned in their matrix by those powers, that easily hinder the advance of their originals, whose confirmed forms they are able to destroy.  
5. The story of the wand'ring Jew is very strange, and will hardly obtain belief, yet is there a formal account thereof set down by Matthew Paris, from the report of an Armenian Bishop; who came into this kingdom about four hundred years ago, and had often entertained this wanderer at his Table. That he was then alive, was first called Ca●taphilus, 
Vade quid moraris? Eg● vado, tu autem morare donec ve●io.  was keeper of the Judgement Hall, whence thrusting out our Saviour with expostulation for his stay, was condemned to stay until his return; was after baptised by Ananias, and by the name of Joseph; was thirty years old in the days of our Saviour, remembered the Saints that arised with him, the making of the Apostles Creed, and their several peregrinations. Surely were this true, he might be an happy arbitrator in many Christian controversies; but must impardonably condemn the obstinacy of the Jews, who can contemn the Rhetoric of such miracles, and blindly behold so living and lasting 〈◊〉.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
More briefly of some others.  
OTher relations there are, and those in very good Authors; which though we do not positively deny, yet have they not been unquestioned by some, and as improbable truths do stand rejected by others. Unto some it hath seemed incredulous what Herodotus reporteth of the great Army of Xerxes, that drank whole Rivers dry. And unto the Author himself it appeared wondrous strange, that they exhausted not the provision of the Country, rather than the waters thereof. For, as he maketh the account, and Budeus de Ass correcting the miscompute of Valla, delivereth it; if every man of the Army had had a chenix of Corn a day, that is a sextary and half, or about two pints and a quarter, the Army had daily expended ten hundred thousand and forty medimna's, or measures containing six Bushels. Which rightly considered, the Abderites had reason to bless the heavens, that Xerxes eat but one meal a day, and Pythius his noble host might with less charge and possible provision entertain both him and his Army. And yet may all be salved, if we take it hyperbolically, and as wise men receive that expression in Job, concerning Behemoth, or the Elephant; Behold, he drinketh up a River and hasteth not, he trusteth that he can draw up Jordane into his mouth.  
2. That Hannibal eat or broke through the Alps with Vinegar, may be too grossly taken, and the Author of his life annexed unto Pl●tarch affirmeth, only he used this artifice upon the tops of some of the highest mountains. For, as it is vulgarly understood, that he cut a passage for his Army through those mighty mountains, it may seem incredible, not only in the greatness of the effect, but the quantity of the efficient: and such as behold them, may think an Ocean of Vinegar too little for that effect. 'Twas a work indeed rather to be expected from earthquakes and inundations, than any corrosive waters, and much condemneth the judgement of Xerxes, that wrought through Mount Athos with Mattocks.  
3. The received story of Milo, who by daily lifting a Calf, attained an ability to carry it being a Bull, is a witty conceit, and handsomely sets forth the efficacy of Assuefaction. But surely the account had been more reasonably placed upon some person not much exceeding in strength, and such a one as without the assistance of custom could never have performed that act; which some may presume that Milo without precedent artifice or any other preparative, had strength enough to perform. For, as relations declare, he was the most pancraticall man of Greece, and as Galen reporteth, and Mercurialis in his gymnastics representeth, he was able to persist erect upon an oiled plank, and not to be removed by the force or protrusion of three men; and if that be true which Atheneus reporteth, he was little beholding to custom for this ability. For, in the Olympic games, for the space of a furlong, he carried an Ox of four years upon his shoulders; and the same day he carried it in his belly; for as it is there delivered he eat it up himself: Surely he had been a proper guest at Grandgousiers feast, 
In Rabelais.  and might have matched his throat that eat six pilgrims for a salad.  
4. It much disadvantageth the Panegyric of Synesius, 
Who writ in the praise of baldness.  and is no small disparagement unto baldness, if it be true what is related by Ae●ian concerning Aeschilus, whose bald pate was mistaken for a rock, and so was brained by a Tortoise which an Eagle let fall upon it. Certainly, it was a very great mistake in the perspicacity of that Animal, and some men critically disposed, would perhaps from hence confute the opinion of Copernicus, never conceiving how the motion of the earth below should not wave him from a knock perpendicularly directed from a body in the air above.  
5. It crosseth the proverb, and Rome might well be built in a day; if that were true which is traditionally related by Strabo; that the great City's Anchiale and Tarsus, were built by Sardanapalus both in one day, accordnig to the inscription of his monument, Sardanapalus Anacyndaraxis silius, Anchialen & Tarsum unâ die edificavi, 'tis autem hospes Ede, Lude, Bibe etc. which it stirctly taken, that is, for the finishing thereof, and not only for the beginning, for an artificial or natural day, and not one of daniel's weeks, that is, seven whole years; surely their hands were very heavy that wasted thirteen years in the private house of Solomon; it may be wondered how forty years were spent in the erection of the Temple of Jerusalem, and no less than an hundred in that famous one of Ephesus. Certainly, it was the greatest Architecture of one day, since that great one of six; an Art quite lost with our Mechanics, and a work not to be made out, but like the walls of Thebes, and such an Artificer as Amphion.  
6. It had been a sight only second unto the Ark, to have beheld the great Syracusia, or mighty Ship of Hiero, described in Atheneus; and some have thought it a very large one, wherein were to be found ten stables for horses, eight Towers, besides fishponds, Gardens, Tricliniums, and many fair rooms paved with Agath, and precious stones; but nothing is impossible unto Archimedes, the learned contriver thereof; nor shall we question his removing the earth, when he finds an immovable base to place his engine upon it.  
7. The relation of Plutarch of a youth of Sparta, that suffered a Fox concealed under his robe to tear out his bowels, before he would either by voice or countenance betray his theft; and the other of the Spartan Lad, that with the same resolution suffered a coal from the Altar to burn his arm; although defended by the Author that writes his life, is I perceive mistrusted by men of judgement, and the Author with an aiunt, is made to salve himself. Assuredly it was a noble Nation that could afford an hint to such inventions of patience, and upon whom, if not such verities, at least such verisimilities of fortitude were placed. Were the story true, they would have made the only Disciples for Zeno and the Stoics, a●d might perhaps have been persuaded to laugh in Phaleris his Bull.  
8. If any man shall content his belief with the speech of balam's Ass, without a belief of that of Mahomet's Camel, or Livies Ox; if any man make a doubt of Gyges' ring in Justinus, or conceives he must be a Jew that believes the sabbatical river in Josephus. If any man will say he doth not apprehend how the tail of an African weather out weigheth the body of a good Calf, that is, an hundred pound, according unto Leo Africanus; or desires before belief, to behold such a creature as is the Ruc in Paulus Venetus, for my part I shall not be angry with his incredulity.  
9 If any man doubt of the strange Antiquities delivered by historians, as of the wonderful corpse of Antaeus' untombed a thousand years after his death by Sertorius; whether there were no deceit in those fragments of the Ark so common to be seen in the days of Berosus; whether the pillar which Josephus beh●ld long ago, Tertullian long after, and Bartholomeus de Saligniaco, and Borchardus long since be the same with that of Lot's wife; whether this were the hand of Paul, or that which is commonly shown the head of Peter, if any doubt, I shall not much dispute with their suspicions. If any man shall not believe the Turpentine betwixt Jerusalem and Bethlem, under which the Virgin suckled our Saviour, as she passed between those Cities; or the figtree of Bethanie showed to this day, whereon Zacheus ascended to behold our Saviour, I cannot tell how to enforce his belief, nor do I think it requisite to attempt it. For, as it is no reasonable proceeding to compel a Religion, or think to enforce our own belief upon another, who cannot without the concurrence of God's Spirit, have any indubitable evidence of things that are obtruded; so is it also in matters of common belief; whereunto neither can we indubitably assent, without the cooperation of our sense or reason, wherein consist the principles of persuasion. For, as the habit of faith in Divinity is an argument of things unseen, and a stable assent unto things inevident, upon authority of the divine Revealer; So the belief of man which depends upon humane Testimony, is but a staggering assent unto the affirmative, not without some fear of the negative. And as there is required the Spirit of God, and an infused inclination unto the one, so must the actual sensation of our senses, at least the non opposition of our reasons procure our assent & acquiescence in the other. So when Eusebius an holy writer affirmeth there grew a strange and unknown plant near the statue of Christ, erected by his hemarroidall patient in the Gospel, which attaining unto the hemne of his vesture, acquired a sudden faculty to cure all diseases. Although he saith he saw the statue in his days, hath it found in many men so much as humane belief; some believing, others opinioning, a third suspecting it might be otherwise. For, indeed in matters of belief the understanding assenting unto the relation, either for the authority of the person, or the probability of the object; although there may be a confidence of the one, yet if there be not a satisfaction in the other, there will arise suspensions; nor can we properly believe until some argument of reason, or of our proper sense convince or determine our dubitations.  
And thus it is also in matters of certain and experimented truth: for, if unto one that never heard thereof, a man should undertake to persuade the affections of the Loadstone, or that Jet and Amber attracteth straws and light bodies, there would be little Rhetoric in the authority of Aristotle, Pliny, or any other. Thus, although it be true that the string of a Lute or Viol will stir upon the stroke of an unison or Diapazon in another of the same kind; that Alcanna being green, will suddenly infect the nails and other parts with a durable red; that a candle out of a Musket will pierce through an inch board, or an Urinal force a nail through a plank, can few or none believe thus much without a visible experiment. Which notwithstanding falls out more happily for knowledge; for these relations leaving unsatisfaction in the hearers, do stir up ingenuous dubiosities unto experiment, and by an exploration of all, prevent delusion in any.   

CHAP. XIX.  
Of some relations whose truth we fear.  
LAstly, as there are many relations whereto we cannot afford our assent, and make some doubt thereof, so a●e there divers others whose verities we fear, and heartily wish there were no truth therein.  
1. It is an unsufferable affront unto filial piety, and a deep discouragement unto the expectation of all aged Parents, who shall but read the story of that barbarous Queen, who after she had beheld her royal parents ruin, lay yet in the arms of his assassin, and carrouled with him in the skull of her father; for my part, I should have doubled the operation of antimony, where such a potion would not work; 't was an act me thinks beyond Anthropophagy, and a cup fit to be serv●d up only at the Table of A●reus.  
2. While we laugh at the story of Pygmaleon, an receive as a fable than he fell in love with a 〈◊〉, we cannot but fear it may be 〈◊〉, what is delivered by 〈…〉 the Egyptian Pollinctors, or such as 〈◊〉 the dead, 〈…〉 thereof were found in the act of carnality with them; from 〈…〉 'tis 〈◊〉 than incontinency fo● Hylas to sp●rt with Hecuba, and youth to flame in the frozen embraces of age, we require a name for this: wherein Peronius or Martial cannot relieve us. The tyranny of M●zen●ius did never equal the vitiosity of this 〈◊〉, that could embrace corruption, and make a Mistress of the grave; that could not resist the dead provocations of beauty, whose quick invitements scarce excuse submission. Surely, if such dep●●vities there be yet alive, deformity need not despair; nor will the eldest, 〈…〉, since death hath spurs, and carcases have been courted.  
3. I am heartily sorry and wish it were not true, what to the 〈◊〉 of Christianity is affirmed of the Italian, who after he had 〈◊〉 his enemy to disclaim his faith for the redemption of his life, did presently 〈◊〉 him, to prevent repentance, and assure his eternal death. The villainy of this Christian exceeded the persecution of Heathens, whose 〈◊〉 was never so Longima●us as to reach the soul of their enemies, or to 〈…〉 the exile of their Ely●●●●. And though the blindness of some ferities have savaged on the dead, and been so injurious unto worms, as to disenterre the bodies of the deceased; yet had they therein no design upon the soul; and have been so far from the destruction of that, or desires of a perpetual death, that for the satisfaction of their revenge they wished them many souls, and were it in their power would have reduced them unto life again. It is great depravity in our natures, and surely an affection that somewh●●●avoureth of hell, to desire the society, or comfort ourselves in the fellowship of others that suffer with us; but to procure the miseries of others in those extremities, wherein we hold an hope to have no society ourselves, is me thinks a strain above Lucifer, and a project beyond the primary seduction of Hell.  
4. I hope it is not true, and some indeed have strongly denied, what is recorded of the Monk that poisoned Henry the Emperor, in a draught of the holy Eucharist. 'Twas a scandalous wound unto Christian Religion, and I hope all Pagans will forgive it, when they shall read that a Christian was poisoned in a cup of Christ, and received his bane in a draught of his salvation. Had I believed Transubstantiation, I should have doubted the effect; and surely the sin itself received an aggravation in that opinion. It much commendeth the Innocency of our forefathers, and the simplicity of those times, whose Laws could never dream so high a crime as parricide: whereas this at the least may seem to outreach that fact, and to exceed the regular distinctions of murder. I will not say what sin it was to act it; yet may it seem a kind of martyrdom to suffer by it: For, although unknowingly he died for Christ his sake, and lost his life in the ordained testimony of his death. Certainly, had they known it, some noble zeals would scarcely have refused it, rather adventuring their own death, then refusing the memorial of his.  
Many other accounts like these we meet sometimes in history, scandalous unto Christianity, and even unto humanity; whose verities not only, but whose relations honest minds do deprecate. For of sin's heteroclitall, and such as want either name or precedent, there is oft times a sin even in their histories. We desire no records of such enormities; sins should be accounted new, that so they may be esteemed monstrous. They omit of monstrosity as they fall from their rarity; for, men count it venial to err with their forefathers, and foolishly conceive they divide a sin in its society. The pens of men may sufficiently expatiate without these singularities of Villainy; For, as they increase the hatred of vice in some, so do they enlarge the theory of wickedness in all. And this is one thing that may make latter Ages worse than were the former; For, the vicious examples of Ages past, poison the curiosity of these present, affording a hint of sin unto seduceable spirits, and soliciting those unto the imitation of them, whose heads were never so perversely principled as to invent them. In this kind we commend the wisdom and goodness of Galen, who would not leave unto the world too subtle a Theory of poisons; unarming thereby the malice of venomous spirits, whose ignorance must be contented with Sublimate and Arsenic. For, surely there are subtler venenations, such as will invisibly destroy, and like the Basilisks of heaven. In things of this nature silence condemneth history, 
Who writ de Antiquis deperditis, or of inventions lost.  'tis the veniable part of things lost; wherein there must never rise a Pancirollus, nor remain any Register but that of hell.  
And yet, if as some Stoics opinion, and Seneca himself disputeth, these unruly affections that make us sin such prodigies, and even sins themselves be animals; there is an history of Africa and story of Snakes in these. And if the transanimation of Pythagoras or method thereof were true, that the souls of men transmigrated into species answering their former natures; some men must surely live over many Serpents, and cannot escape that very brood whose sire Satan entered; and though the objection of Plato should take place, that bodies subjected unto corruption, must fail at last before the period of all things, and growing fewer in number, must leave some souls apart unto themselves; the spirits of many long before that time will find but naked habitations; and meeting no assimilables wherein to react their natures, must certainly anticipate such natural desolations.  
FINIS.    

Some errors in interpunctions or poyntings the advertency of the Reader may 〈◊〉▪ what others, by ●eason of the obscurity of the Copy 〈…〉 him thus to rectify.  
PAge 〈…〉 for po●●●●ity, read posteriority. p. 14. l. 21. for understood, misunderstood. p. 21. l▪ 10. for lives, lines. p. 33. l. 22, for 25, 20▪ p. 35, l. 8▪ for induce, to induce. p. 38. l. 41. for miserable, miserablest. p. 59 l. 39 for Iron, from. p. 61. l. 28. for interest, inter●ect. p. 62. l. 13. read which with 〈◊〉. p. 67. l. 41. for any, and. p. 76. l. 29. for yet, it. and after, for the Art, by the Art, for incision, 〈◊〉. p. 95. l. 16, for it, yet. p. 105. l. 16. for without. not without. p. 107. l. 24. for whose, whole▪ p. 117. l. 24. for conceded, concealed. p. 134. l. 21▪ for among, within. p. 140. l. 24. for Elychino●s, Blychnious. p. 150. l. 30. for pervinum, perulium. p. 159. l. 40. read corpulency, and deal it. p. 180. l. 15. for sight, site. and read inangular, p. 194. l. 17. for matter, water. p. 199. l. 14. for our, Cur. p. 202. l. 10. for India, Judea. p. 204. l. 15. read amitted▪ p. 216. l. 34. read inconfirmed. p. 222. l. 33. for seven, seventeen. p. 226, l. 28. for Longitude, Declination▪ p. 235. l. 〈◊〉. reconveyed. p. 238. ● with the mischief p▪ 259. l. 17. for are, or. p. 169. l. 29. for about, above▪ p. 27 1. l. 1. ● purged. p. 285. l. 1 4. r grafting. p. 287. l. 8. deal of p. 〈◊〉. convexity. p. 308. l. 15. for 〈◊〉, or. p. 320. l. 〈…〉.