A SHORT AND TRUE RELATION OF Some main passages of things (wherein the Scots are particularly concerned (from the very first beginning of these unhappy Troubles to this day.  
Published by Authority.  
Zech. 8. 16. 
These are the things that ye shall do: Speak ye every man the truth to his Neighbour: execute the Judgement of Truth and Peace in your Gates:  
17 And let none of you imagine evil in your hearts against his Neighbour, and love no false Oath; for all these are things that I hate, saith the Lord.   
LONDON, Printed by R. Raworth, for R. Bestock, at the King's head, in Pauls-Church-yard, 1645.   

To the faithful Reader.  
Christian Reader,  
MAy it please thee, at this time, to receive a free and true Discourse of sundry and main occurrences of businesses, here amongst us, tendered unto thee by a real Friend, and faithful Servant of thine, in the Lord; who makes it a good part of his earnest study, to inquire in all seriousness after the truth of those things, which thus busy us all in these miserable days of ours, everywhere; (what in thoughts, what in words, what in deeds) with the motives, occasions, reasons, and ends thereof) and this forsooth not to content his vain curiosity, and merely to feed his empty brains with notions; as many read Books and hearken after news; but, for the good of the public, unto the Service whereof, he freely and cheerfully devotes his pains and labours; and so with pleasure, he, in all freedom of heart, imparts unto others, of what he jugeth to be true, and conducing to the good of Church and State, without unjust partiality, or base siding with any faction, the great disease in these our evil days, of foolish and weak men: And the principal occasion of those our great and long sufferings, with the tedious delays, and many hindrances of carrying on the public Work, by action in the Field, and counsel at home, to the benefit of Church and State. This he doth, without regard to the persons of any whosoever, having no intent to offend the least by cynical mordacity, nor mind to curry favour with the greatest, by insinuating flattery, being (by God's great mercy towards him, unworthy worm) pretty free from the chief cause of these distempers, ordinary to most men: For, on the one part, he knows no man who hath so far wronged him, in his own particular, as to move him unto anger or wrath against the person of any; and he hath ever thought it contrary to good Christianity, and dissonant from moral honesty, to inveigh scurrilously against men's persons, as Pamphleteers do now adays.  
Wherefore, he speaketh of the failings in divers kinds and degrees, wherewith he is highly offended, and much scandalised, of men of all ranks and conditions in both Kingdoms, without designation of their persons by name: Yea, he is so far from naming any man in particular, for his errors, that he makes mention but of a very few by name, and those with eloge and praise, wishing from his heart that he had just occasion to name all those to their advantage, at whose faults he points at.  
Further, he heartily blesseth God, who in his Fatherly care towards him hitherto, (and he hopes will do so to the end, being assured that he, who giveth the principal, will not deny the accessary, if he thinks it fit for his own Glory and our good) hath provided for him wherewith to sustain his nature, without great excess or much want, and hath schooled him both by precept and practice, to live and be content of little, and so, not being so urged by a near nipping necessity, or imaginary poverty, as to felt or betray the Truth for a morsel of Bread, nor so led away with the exorbitant desire of preferment or profit, as to cog in upon any terms by flattery, lying, and feigning with those, in whose hands, for the present, the disturbation of such things is amongst us now adays; He dare be bold to speak home to the Point, and tell downright the truth of things wherein the Church and State are so much concerned, not fearing to be crossed in his private interest, and put back from his hopes, by displeasing the gods.  
Moreover, he preferreth the possessing of himself with calm and freedom of spirit, having his little viaticum, such as it is, simple and course, to the glistering slavery, with toiling and moiling of ambitious and covetous ones; to whatsoever height with lustre and fair show they attain unto, in the eyes of the World, and opinion of men, knowing that it is dear bought, with loss of time, and often of credit and conscience, and to be nothing but a mere shadow, which in a moment vanisheth.  
To the performance of this useful and necessary Duty, he conceiveth himself bound in conscience, before God and man, for these respects and reasons;  
First, Every one of us all, in our several ranks and stations, ought, so far as in us lieth, advance the Glory of God, and hinder whatsoever is contrary to it, or against it; for, he is the Lord our God: Then being bound to the hearty Love of our Neighbour, we ought with earnestness procure his true good, and hinder him from receiving evil, or committing sin whereby evil may come upon him: This is inculcate in the Scripture over and over again; Yea, we are bidden rebuke our Brother, or Neighbour, plainly, when he sinneth, in any kind: otherwise we are said to be haters of him; namely, we are to hinder him from walking about with lies among the people, and from conspireing with the wicked. Read Levit. 19 16, 17.  
Next, The Church whereof we are Children, and the country whereof we are Members, requireth and expecteth of us all, that with our whole power and might, we procure, in all uprightness and singleness of heart, their true good, and stop whatsoever appears to be against the same, either word or deed; thoughts being only known to God. To this we are not only bound at once, by a general tye; but we iterate and renew it from time to time, as we receive benefits by them, or from them, according to the ordinary practice of us all.  
Thirdly, Are we not all obliged by our late national Covenant, and sworn, to advance the settling of the Church-Reformation, according to the Word of God, and conform to the best Reformed Churches, and to the settling of a solid Peace to the good of the People, by putting forward the Service, and opposing the open and declared Enemy, with the crafty Malignants, of whatsoever kind, secretly undermining us in the pursuance of this our good Cause, by cabales, factions, lies, devices, and plots, and with whatsoever else the wicked heart of man full of wiles for his own and his neighbour's ruin. All those ties and bonds are shaken off and broken by the most part of us, either through negligent laziness, and remiss slackness, not minding them, and not having before our eyes as we ought the least part of our duty; or through base connivance and treacherous compliance to the wicked courses of the Enemies against the Cause, we say we maintain, I am sure at least we ought; or by open and professed apostasy, we have joined our hearts and affection with the Common Enemy, who so actively by all means opposeth this Cause of God, and persecuteth his people for it.  
This is done both in Scotland and England, not by a few, but by many; not by little and small ones, but by the Chief and Leaders of the rest; not by stopping things of human infirmity and weakness, but with study and an high hand.  
Here we shall say a word or two of the carriage of those two Nations, in the going on with the Work of the Lord, for the settling of the Church, and quiet of his People. We shall begin at those of Scotland, who some few years ago were lifted up with praises among men, for their faithful minding and following earnestly this great Work of God, all by-ends laid aside, for which God blessed them from Heaven, and made them be called happy among men; for they had their hearts desire in the business, and their Enemies were subdued by them: But now, leaving off their former integrity and sincerity to the Cause of God, and their Love unto him, following the devices and desires of their own corrupt hearts, in pride, covetousness, and factions, & notwithstanding the earnest and pressing admonitions, both in private and public, of the Prophets and Ministers of God, they continue in their evil courses, preposterously minding themselves, and their worldly foolish interest of ambition and avarice, more than God, and the Cause of his Church and people. For this, God (as it were by an essay to try them if they would, laying aside their lewd by ways, mind him and his Service heartily and sincerely) sends amongst them an handful of contemptible, profane, and wicked villains; whom, at first, they despise and neglect; but, going on in their wonted ways, while the holy Name of God is profaned by those Sons of Belial, a part of their Land is wasted, the poor people spoiled and slain, with all other barbarous usage; and so these number and power of the Slaves of Iniquity growing, they are plotting, caballing, and devising how to supplant another, and increase their several faction, the seed of dissension being sowed amongst them by the Enemy, to divide, and so more easily compass his ends upon them, which they would not and could not see, blinded with their corrupt passion. Then God, to admonish them anew, suffers some of those, whom they had employed against the Sons of Rebellion, to betray their trust, and omit divers good occasions, in all appearance, to make havoc of these villains, yea, some to run over unto them in the hour of fight: and so, these Enemies of goodness, to advance their pernicious design, do what they list.  
Yet, all this will not die with those hard-hearted and stubbling men, still employing and busying their thoughts how to bear down one another; yea, some there were amongst them, who were not sorry in their hearts, of the progress that those despisable villains made in the country against the Service of the Common Cause, conceiving it did help to the setting up of their faction. But, since the affronts and blows, they received at divers times from those contemptible fellows, did not move these ingrate Children, God sends a Pestilence amongst them, which rageth with such fury, that hardly the like hath been heard of in that Land; to try if at last they would leave their slackness & remissness in pursuing the Service of the Cause of God's Church and People, their conniving and complying with his Enemies, yea, their helping those villains with means and advice, in opposing the Cause of God and oppressing his People. But, they remain obdured, like Children of disobedience, in their perverse ways. So, at length, God in his wrath delivers them up to the hands of their wicked Enemies, making them as far to be scorned and misprised, for their not heart'ly minding him & his Service, as they had been before esteemed and extolled, for their adhering to him, and doing his Service faithfully. Yea, the Chief men of them, who had been cried up for Valour and Wisdom, are constrained to fly away, and have their lives for a prey.  
So God, who from the beginning of all those unhappy disturbances, till this last time, had made Scotland a mirror of his Mercy, in testimony of its faithfulness, adhering unto him; makes it an example of his Justice for its back sliding from him. And thus, Judgement begins at the House of God; now let England look seriously to it; for the same very sins, which have been committed in Scotland, and for which it now lieth under the heavy rod of a chastising and angry God; are now reigning in England, namely, ambition and avarice, with many more, which have not been seen in Scotland; example, heresies, errors, and Sects of all sorts, to the dishonour of God, and to the withdrawing of the People from his Truth, are connived at and countenanced by those who are in Authority.  
Then, there be some of power and credit, who are so far from furthering the Reformation of the Church (as they and we all are sworn to by the Covenant) that they hinder the same, not only by secret undermining, and by plots; but by a continued open profession against it.  
Next, There be great oppressions, vexations, concussions, and injustices done unto the People, by divers in Authority; the cry of all which, is as loud if not louder unto Heaven than the cry of the sins of Scotland. It may be that God, as he hath not be gun so soon to show his Mercy unto England as he did unto Scotland, will not send his Judgement upon it so speedily; yet, doubtless, without a serious Repentance and a true turning unto God, Judgement will come, and the longer it is a coming, the heavier it will be.  
It is not the good Cause of Church and State that will do England's turn, more than the Temple and the Law of old did save Judah from ruin; nor the same good Cause hath kept Scotland from punishment; the good Cause ill managed, by negligence, ambition, avarice, faction, self-conceit, and other vices of that kind, draweth vengeance upon those who have the managing of it, and make the Cause to be in derision. Never good Cause hath been worse managed by the ignorance of weak ones, and the malice of other wicked.  
At last, God will maintain his Cause, (no thanks to thee) without thee, for he needs not thy help to do it; but, since he hath been pleased to make use of thee in the Service of this his Cause, he expects faithfulness and zeal to it from thee, free from worldly and human interest: otherways vengeance is at thy door; for God, as he will not, in his Worship and Cult, have linsey-wolsey of men's inventions intermingled with his pure and sacred Ordinance, so he will not, in managing the Service of his Cause and of his People, that men bring in the mixture or addition of their own interest; for God will have our work wholly for himself; and if we be faithful in it, he will not forget to give us what we need to have for ourselves; otherways he will not only cast us off and our work, but will curse both it and us.  
Again I say, Let England take example at her Neighbour; yet I am sure God in his Judgement will remember his Mercy unto Scotland, and for his own Name sake will keep his promise unto his faithful ones, whereof he hath a great number of all ranks and conditions in that distressed country, and will not suffer this proud insulting Enemy to domineer thus ever his poor people, far less set up again his abominations and profane his holy Name; but God will arise and throw his Enemies to the dust, for it is against him they fight, and for his sake they thus trouble, vex, & now oppress his People. And although that all men, at this great last blow, were struken with astonishment, yet many take courage to go on with the Service of the Cause of God, with their whole heart and strength, acknowledging God's Justice in this his thus chastising them, and confessing heartily their sins by which they have so provoked God to anger, and are truly sorry, not so much for their sufferings they now lie under, as for their offending their good God, on whom they are resolved to rely, and in whom they will constantly trust, and to whom they will more nearly adhere then ever; let him deal with them as he pleaseth, they are the Servants, he is the Lord, they are the Pot, he is the Porter, they are the Creatures, and he is the Creator, whose will is always good, not only itself, but for us, if we be obedient and faithful unto him. But, I will hold thee here no longer. So recommending thee to God, I go to the Discourse itself.   

A short and true Relation of divers passages of things, wherein the Scots are particularly concerned, from the first beginning of these troubles, to this day.  
IT is not unknown to men of understanding; how that, many sinistrous reports, one after another, raised of the Scots (for their faithfulness & constancy to the Cause of Religion and Liberty, in these Dominons) by Malignants, that is, by Atheists, Libertines, Papists, Prelatists, and Sectaries of all kinds, officiating in their several ways for the Common Enemy, and spread abroad by the contrivers thereof, with the help of their instruments, Agents, and Favourers; then received by the simpler sort, not knowing the truth of things, less the drift of the Malignants, in these calumnies; otherways well-meaning people, (for the truth is no sooner made known unto them, but they willingly lay hold on it; and being admonished of the pernicious design of the adversaries, they do abhor and detest both it and them:) hath done, and yet doth great prejudice, according to the intent of the Enemy, unto the service now in hand, of the Common Cause of Church and State, these two inseparable twins, which both Kingdoms do now maintain, and intend to do unanimously with heart and hand, as they stand bound and united to lay aside all other and former ties, by the national Covenant, through the great Providence of God, in mercy to both, so that they prove faithful and constant to this Cause of his and of his people, according to the said Covenant, against all opposition whatsoever, whether by declared and open war, or by clandestine and indirect undermining.  
Wherefore, after long forbearance with grief of mind, and compassion to see faithful men and earnest in this Common Cause, so maliciously traduced, and, in them, the good Cause so much wronged; as likewise, so many well-affected men to the said Cause, so grossly abused by crafty lies, and impudent untruths: I have thought fit, for the good and service of the Common Cause, to the advancement whereof, every one is obliged to contribute according to what he hath, as he will answer one day to him, whose Cause first and principally it is, to undeceive many well-minded men, and to right, in some measure, those faithful men to the Cause, who are so wickedly slandered, in giving unto the public this true and short discourse; whereby the truth of divers things will be made more known, lies in a kind repressed, and the service of the Common Cause somewhat furthered; at least it will not be so far kept back, as it hath hitherto been by these undermining courses.  
And the rather do I undertake this task, that those in a manner are silent, by whom most men do expect the clear truth of things of this kind not so generally known, should be conveyed to all by a particular publication of them in writing, to the end that this course of so maliciously lying against trusty men may be stopped, and the well meaning men no longer thus abused. But these, of whom men look for performance of this duty, going about the main work they are come hither for in all earnestness, and singleness of heart, with care and diligence, and not without a great deal of drudging to and from, as faithful and trusty labourers, do take but little notice of this wicked practice of their and the cause its Enemies, by lies, howsoever industriously devised, and cunningly set forth, as altogether below them, choosing rather that their own good carriage, with constant resolution, and faithful endeavours, and that of their countrymen engaged with them in the same business, although in another way, in sincerity of heart, advancing the public work now in hand, should speak for them both, then either a flourishing tongue, or a nimble pen.  
Here, although I value much the goodness of these men to rely rather upon their own & their countrymen's honesty and integrity, in and about the work, then upon the setting forth of any Declaration, by writing of their own and their friends faithful proceedings, and fair carrying on of things, in the public service: Yet, in this I cannot esteem their prudency; for, albeit native beauty ought not to be set forth by painting and patches, being complete in itself; yet it must be kept free from spots and and dirt, and made seen unto all, under a modest and comely dressing, by which means it is more pleasing and better liked of every one.  
And although where there is no fault, no apology ought to be made, yet, to make the truth openly known, (when it is disguised) for the information of those who take things merely upon trust, and to stop the going on of wicked men with lies, is not only an Act of Wisdom, but of Piety, yea, of Necessity, if men will not abandon the interest of a good cause to the malice of the Enemies thereof: and, as it is said by the wise man, Thou art not to answer a fool according to his folly, that is, in exorbitancy, &c. lest in so doing thou become like unto him; even so by the same wise man thou art ordained to answer a fool as is fit and convenient, for the repressing of his folly, lest he think himself wise, and so go on in his evil course, to the dishonour of God the Father of truth, and to the prejudice of both Church and State, who are to be directed by the truth. Surely, if ever at any time the lie and calumny of the fool (for so I call the calumniator, how cunningly soever he lieth) is to be repressed with a fit answer, it is at this time, when there lieth so much at the stake in both Kingdoms, as Religion and liberty, with whatsoever else is, or aught to be dear unto men.  
Now then, to answer unto the calumnies of those Malignants, & to make the simple truth known to all, is absolutely necessary at this occasion, to the end that not only the liar may find his craft to be folly, but also his wicked intent to be disappointed, which is no less than a breach betwixt the two Nations, and hath been such from the beginning; and consequently the ruin of both, now so united and joined in the common interest of Church and State, that they must sink or swim together; for if they should once divide, as the one doubtless will be presently undone; so the end of the other will not be far off. Wherefore he that doth any evil office, to raise or increase jealousy betwixt them, under whatsoever pretext, is worse than any open Enemy, and what he intends to the public, will come upon himself, that is, ruin, with disgrace.  
But, methinks I hear you, whom I blame for silence in so necessary a case, and so needful a time, say, We have not been wanting in this very thing you find fault with: For we have constantly and diligently communicated all things of any moment, freely and ingeniously, in all truth and simpleness of heart, to some chief leading men, our particular good friends, upon whom we have relied, from our first hither-coming, in all things concerning us and our countrymen, employed in the service, to the end that they should convey the truth of business, as in discretion they thought fit, and did see cause, for the public good, and for the right of us their friends, to the Houses, and from thence to the public.  
To this I answer, You have mistaken the right way, Sirs, for you should have made your addresses to the whole Parliament, or at least to the Committee appointed by the Parliament to hear you, consult with you, in a word, to deal or treat with you of all things, wherein you and they are jointly concerned; and not suffer yourselves to be engrossed by some few, howsoever they be Prime men: and what do you know, if by thus suffering yourselves to be as it were led by them, hath not increased their credit? For men may say, that they have reason to follow those, by whom you of so much reputation of wisdom and resolution, are guided, &c. Further, should not you have thought, that particular men, howsoever they serve the public, have ordinarily particular ends of ambition and avarice, which the public cannot have? And although those your friends be free of these distempers, yet you are not assured of their constancy unto you; for many things fall out betwixt man and man, which makes them not only fall from intimacy of one with another, but makes them adverse and opposite one to another oftentimes. And, although your friends be free of this infirmity; Are you wise men to rely upon others, for doing the things you should do yourselves without a Procure? He that trusteth another to do a thing fitting for himself to do, must expect to have the thing done, if at all done, neither so timely, nor so well, at least not so soon, nor so to his mind, as is it falleth out often: of extraordinary occasions and occurrences, there is no certain rule.  
Next, I know, you will say, We have acquainted the Houses of Parliament to the full with the truth of all things, by cut several papers given unto them at divers times, upon divers occasions, and we have made known unto the synod what concerneth Church businesses, and so we think we have done enough in this.  
But give me leave, Sirs, under favour, herein also you are hugely mistaken; you do well to communicate freely and carefully unto the Houses of Parliament all things, and to acquaint them with your proceedings, wherein they have common interest with you, for the public service of Church and State, in these Dominions; I hope they do so with you, at least, they ought to do it, for the common good of both; otherways, the work wherein both Kingdoms are so engaged, and you both are employed, will go but slowly and limpingly on: Yet this is not enough; for, first, the main passages of public things done, and the chief reasons of the doing thereof, are to be made known to the whole Church and State, since the whole hath the chief interest in things common to all: although you are to communicate your counsels, deliberations, and conclusions of things to be done, for fear of miscarriage, only to the trusties of Church and State, as yourselves are: Yet I say again, what, is de facto concerning all, must be made known to all; for the trusties of the State and Church, are not Lords of them, as Kings and Popes pretend to be; but servants, as they avouch themselves, set on work by them, for the good of both, upon trust, which if they betray, they are double Traitors: First, they falsify their truth to the State and Church, whereof they are Members and Children, and unto whom they owe all under God. Next, they betray the trust imposed upon them, for the good and benefit of both Church and State. Yea, the Houses of Parliament themselves, show you the way how to carry yourselves in this very particular; for they, not only for the satisfaction of the whole Kingdom, 'cause publish the things done by those whom they, as trusties, have employed to carry on the service of the public in the Fields; but also, they publish unto the Kingdom Declarations of their honest intentions, and fair proceedings, with Votes and Ordinances, for the good of Church and State: And I am sure, the trusties of your Nation for your Church and State, have done so, from the beginning, in your particular troubles; and that, not only to your own country, but also to your neighbour, which hath done no harm, neither to the advancement of your affairs at home, nor to your reputation abroad.  
Although the Houses of Parliament rest satisfied in themselves of the honesty of your proceedings: Yet this giveth but small satisfaction unto the Kingdom.  
Yea, when you send in your papers to the Houses, it may happen that divers Members are absent at the time, and so remain as ignorant of your affairs, as before the in-giving of the papers; for the Houses are so taken up with other thoughts and businesses, that they cannot acquaint the absents with your own affairs; yea, some who are present in the Houses, at the reading of your papers, are carried of their attention unto you, by divers distractions, and so receive but small knowledge by them: Far less can the Houses take leisure to publish your affairs unto the world; yea, I know not if in rigour they are tied to do it. Although I confess, it would be a good turn for the public, and a brotherly office, if they would take the pains to do, or cause do it: howsoever, I am sure, the Houses are not so obliged to this duty, as yourselves are; neither although they were, can they do it so fully as you, not being so particularly acquainted with things.  
In a word, in duty you ought to make known unto the public your own proceedings, and these of your countrymen, employed in the service of the Common Cause; that it may be made manifest what good you have done alone, either by counsel in the Houses, or by action in the Field; what you have been assistants in, and what you ever have been willing to do, and are still minded to do, providing you be not stopped; and if you have been stopped, let it be declared where the fault lieth, and not you bear the burden of other men's mistakes and errors.  
Next, is it not fit, that it be published what you have done for such vast sums of money raised upon the public for your use, as is given out, and how much you have received of it? that if you have received all, you may make known what you have done for all; and if you have received more than your due, you are in conscience and honour to do the public the service you are paid for beforehand: as likewise, if you have not received all which is raised for you, that it may be known how much of it is wanting, and enquiry may be made what is become of the rest; and so, if you make it appear unto the world, that there is much still due unto you of your pay, far above what you have received; then all honest people, being truly informed of things, will approve your faithful and fair carriage, acknowledge your love and kindness, thank God for your help and assistance at such an exigence, and be heartily civil unto you, till God enable them to recompense you for your faithful pains, according to your just deserts and their earnest desires; and so things will redound to your credit and advantage.  
You may know and feel all this, what I have been saying unto you, to be true, according to sense and reason, by one seule instance, to lay aside all others at this time:  
And it is this of the papers you gave into the Houses, about the latter end of May last, upon occasion of high murmurings against you, in and about the Houses, by information of Malignants, which gave abundant satisfaction to so many of both Houses, as either heard it them read (as is well known) or read them themselves with attention: But, others of the Houses, who are not acquainted with your papers, partly not hearing them, although present when perhaps they are delivered in, by reason of their other thoughts; partly being absent, at that time, remained still ignorant of your affairs, and possessed with calumnies against you: Far more the rest of the Kingdom.  
After some days, one Copy of these your papers having fallen, by chance, in the hands of a wellwisher to the Cause, and no enemy of yours, was published under the name of the Scots Manifest, without your knowledge, which hath done more despite to the Enemies of the Truth, than any thing you have done this long time, and more right unto you than you looked for, yea, nor your silence deserved; yet not so much as is needful for you and your friends; for it did stop the mouths of the wicked calumniators, and inform many well-meaning men: and divers Members of the Houses there were, who had not heard of such a thing, before it was printed; to say nothing of the generality of the people, everywhere. Yea, I am told, it went beyond Sea, and there stopped the mouths of Malignants, and gained those who were indifferent, and confirmed your friends.  
But what, you will say, Must the hid things or Mysteries of State be divulged? No, I do not mean it, nor do I say it; For I leave the Mysteries of State to the mists thereof; only my simple meaning and honest desire is, that these things which are not, and aught to be, made known to all, be not kept in a mist by a mysterious prudency, but communicated to the public; such are the things de facto, and of reason, wherein all are concerned: and these are the things I spoke of.  
Besides, you must think, there be many men not particularly employed in the public Service, who have both hearts and brains, to serve the Common Cause; but cannot do it, while all is thus kept in a cloud, as in the Romish Church, where the mists think all men idiots but themselves, and keep from the people the things of God.  
Then you will say, to tell plainly and openly, The Truth, perhaps, will not be pleasing to all, yea, perchance not to some of our fellow-Labourers. My advice is not, that you say or write any thing, in intention to displease the least of men, far less to displease these your Fellow-Labourers: But let Truth be said above all things, when the public requires it for its service; and we ourselves are bound upon our own credit to do it. Be angry who will; God keep me from neglect and contempt, for lying or suppressing the Truth; I fear not anger for any publishing of Truth: He that is not bold to publish the Truth, for timorousness, belieth his own knowledge, and I dare say, betrayeth the Truth. You that are trusted with the carriage of things, in Truth, and for the Truth, are not only bound to make known the truth of what you do and say, to the world, as it hath been said; but, further you are obliged in conscience, and the public expects it of you, that you press home the Truth with vigour & resolution, in all freedom, downright, in all places, and at all occasions, where you meet for consultation, deliberation, debate, and conclusion of things concerning Church or State, in politic and ecclesiastic Assemblies; and in so doing, you will gain the price, having all honest men to stand to you; and will put such a terror in Malignants, that their malice will be much abated.  
Surely, I am persuaded, had you been stouter in the synod, these strong heads, and factious few ones, who hitherto have troubled the settling of church-affairs, and are likely to trouble the State, if it be not well looked to and nearly, had long ere now been quashed; and so, if you had not been so meal-mouthed with the solecism in reason, of the time and place, I humbly conceive you had not met with so many rubs in your public meetings, nor had your wholesome counsels found such opposition, nor your men of war been so kept off Field action. All which hath not only done prejudice to the public Service; but hath brought things to great hazard, yea, almost to the undoing of all: But, God in his mercy hath turned the balance, no thank to your remissness, wherein God showeth, although men will not do what they ought and can do for his Service, upon I cannot tell what consideration, he will do the work of men, by no men.  
When I think on John Knox, and George Buchanan, how freely they spoke and writ, at all times, and upon all occasions, when the Church and State were concerned, without fear of any man or Assembly whatsoever; having nothing before their eyes, but the glory of God, and the good of his people. They were weak and infirm men, as we are all; but their stout zeal to the public was admirable, and is ever to be remembered by us; not only to their praise, but also to spur us up to imitate them in this heroic virtue. For me, I value the zeal and stoutness of these two Champions of the Truth, more than all their other virtues, howsoever eminent they were.  
But, you will say, It is now another age, and consequently another way of carriage of things is required. It is true, we live now in another age, which is worse than that of these men: Wherefore, we must then strive with greater zeal and virtue, to oppose the wickedness of this time; For although, by a prudential preventing and declining, by clear-seeing men, many plots and devices of the wicked, may be for a time shunned: Yet, there is no way to make the wicked leave or weary of resisting and oppressing goodness, but by a vigorous and stout opposing of them.  
Besides, although the Cards be new we play with all; yet it is the same very Game that our Fathers had in Scotland, and our Neighbours had lately, in our days, in France; Where and when nothing did prevail, or do good unto the Cause, but resolution and zeal in carrying on the things, not only against the Common Enemy; but also, against the false Friends, and they that walked then any other way, betrayed the Cause, and purchased unto themselves the title of silly inconsiderable men, of whatsoever rank or degree they were.  
To say nothing of the judgement of God that fell upon them, and to this day hangs upon them and theirs. I shun examples in this case; for I love to reprove faults, and spare men's persons.  
Moreover, since the Malignants, everywhere, are so busy running to and fro, like so many Bees, with great care and heat, and so bold, to forge and invent lies, by word and writing, to abuse the World, and so wrong treacherously the public Service:  
Why should not then faithful men be diligent and stout, in all freedom, to make known the truth of things, for the confirming of the well-affected, and for stopping of the mouth of the wicked, and so consequently, for the better carrying on of the work now in hand?  
Now, being thus friendly and freely admonished by one who wisheth well to the Common Cause you now serve, with his whole heart, and unto yourselves in particular, in so far as you are faithful and earnest, zealous and stout in this Cause of God and his people, laying aside all human prudence, which is not subservient to zeal and stoutness, as well as to faithfulness and earnestness: I hope you will take care to mind this slip, by giving unto the public a true and free relation of all things from time to time, as the occasion shall require; and in your meetings, about Church and State, to be stout and free, for the advancing of the public Service to the glory of God, to the good of his people, and to the contentment and satisfaction of well-affected men, in despite of malignancy.  
In the interim, till you perform this duty, give me leave, in this place, plainly and homely to put unto the view of the World, the relation of some things of special note, hardly well known to many, at least taken notice of but by a few, concerning the carriage of the Scots ever since the very first beginning of these unhappy troubles to this day: the knowledge whereof, will do good, I am sure, to the public Service, and will help to right, in some measure, men both faithful and constant in the Work: Yea, the commemoration of these things, although known, I am persuaded, will give content to all honest and well-meaning men, unto whom the public good is dearer than the interest of any particular man whatsoever, with whom they ought to go along no further than the particular man goeth on with the public of Church and State, laying aside all other relation. As for other men, I value them no more than the open declared enemies, who prefer the pleasure of one abused Prince, under pretext of obligation they have to him, unto the good of Church and State.  
And thus I begin. The Common Enemy having design to bring these Dominions under spiritual and temporal slavery, all things disposed for his ends, according to his mind; thinks fit for his purpose to begin this great work in Scotland, promising unto himself to find least opposition there, for reasons which hitherto, by God's mercy, hath deceived him.  
The Scots being pressed to receive the corrupt Liturgy, (to say nothing in this place, of what was before put upon them) fairly decline it, by iterate supplications and humble remonstrances unto the King: But nothing will do the turn, they must receive the prelates masterpiece, and Rome's essay, the Nove-Antic-Service-Book, either by fair play or foul.  
The Scots on the other side, constant to their principles, refuse to receive the Book; for which they are published by the prelates and the Court, to be refractories and rude fellows, without God or Religion: Which gave occasion to the Scots to make known, not only unto their own people, at home; but, to all men abroad; namely, to their Brethren of England, by a public Declaration, their condition, how they were wronged, the equity of their Cause, their lawful proceedings, and their good intentions: by this means, their friends good will is confirmed unto them, and their enemy's design, in some measure, is broken; who did intend, by lies, to steal from them the good affection of their friends.  
Next, The Scots being constrained to have recourse to the Sword, for their just defence, all other means tried failing, were back-bitten as mutinous, taking Arms for poverty, with intention to cast off the just Authority of their Native and lawful Prince, and to invade England for the spoil thereof.  
To these most pernicious calumnies, the Scots replieth by another Declaration, particularly addressed unto England; whereby, they made known the absolute necessity of their taking up Arms, with their honest intentions therein: All which, they made good thereafter, in due time, by real performance.  
For, so soon as they had occasion to show their respect to the King, they did it, with all readiness and submission; and when they might have undone the King's Army, and consequently invaded England, if they had pleased, and that with small opposition, instead of doing wrong to any English, they supplied the wants of those who were come against them, with Victuals, which then did abound in the Scots Army, but was very short in the Kings; & having the flower of the King's Army in their power, I mean the party that went to Dunslaw; they suffered it to return back in safety, and used it with all civility, notwithstanding these chosen ones had come against promise, and without cause, to destroy them, and to invade the country.  
Thereafter, the Peace being made, the Scots according to the agreement, went quietly home, and laid down their Arms, as was promised.  
Then the Plot the abused King and his good counsel had at Berwick, to draw the Chief men of Scotland to him, for to destroy them; and the breach of the parliament; the burning in London of the Articles of agreement made at the borders, and many other like things, did not move the Scots, to recede in any measure from their dutiful respects to the King, nor from their love to the English Nation; neither the imprisonment of their Commissioners, against the Law of Nations, and the safe-conduct granted unto them upon public Faith; nor the great Forces prepared against them, by Sea and by Land; nor the many lies spread against them, through all England; nor the Prelatical excommunication so canonically spewed out against them, in all the Churches and chapels of England: All these things, I say, did not make them give the least expression of disrespect to the King, nor disaffection to the English.  
Upon this, the Scots published a Declaration anew unto the World, whereby they made known unto all, how hardly they were dealt with all; for, not only the things stipulated with them, were not kept to them; but also, more and greater wrongs than formerly, were done to them: Yea, a second expedition of War undertaken to destroy them; and to fill up all, more lies of no less importance, than the conquering of England, made and spread abroad of them, with other thunderbolts of the prelatical censure, shot against them: Also, they make known by this Declaration, their Christian resolution, and just enterprise, with their good intentions in taking Arms again, for their own defence, and the Cause which they maintain; And by it, assureth their Brethren of England, although they were resolved to come into their country to seek out their Enemies, who were there gathering against them; and not to suffer these wicked ones to come unto them, and so make their own country the Seat of the unhappy War: Yet, they had not the least thought to do any hurt to anybody in England, except to their professed Enemies: So far were they from having the least thought of making a conquest. And that, when they had brought their Enemies to reason, they would go home in Peace.  
All which, was thereafter performed by the Scots to the full: For, first, being entered into England, and having rencountred one party of their Enemies, and routed it; when it was in their power to pursue the Victory, they stayed at Newcastle till things were agreed upon, betwixt the King and them.  
This incoming of the Scots, gave occasion and liberty to divers of the Nobles of England, (of whom, some since have betrayed the Cause of God, & of his people; what by open Warfare, and what by clandestine undermining:) to desire, of the King, a Parliament, for the good of the Kingdom. The King then durst not refuse their demand, by reason of the Scots, more than the continuance of it, which he granted likewise thereafter, for the same Cause.  
Then the King, finding that the Parliament did not only cross, but quite spoil his designs, be plots with his Army, which he had raised against the Scots, to come and destroy the said Parliament, and to take the spoil of London, for their reward. But the business being discovered, faileth; besides, they durst not undertake, howsoever they had promised, for fear of the Scots, who then were so near.  
The King continuing in his wonted courses, after a little pause, tries the Scots if they will do the deed; and offers unto them for recompense, not only the spoil of London, but also the four Counties next adjacent unto their country, to be adjoined hereafter to it, with Jewels of great value in pawn for performance, if only they would be engaged into the business.  
All these great offers, could not make the Scots willing to give their consent in any kind to this wickedness: For, they not only rejected the King's offers; but also, giveth notice of the Plot, to the Parliament, and to the City of London, that they might make their best use of it.  
So, you may see, how that the Scots, under God, are the cause of the Assembling of the Parliament, of the continuance of it, being assembled, and of the preservation of it, from total destruction and ruin.  
The King, seeing that he was stopped by the Scots, first, in their own country, next, in England, to carry on his great design, takes the Irish Papists by the hand, rather than be always disappointed; and they willingly undertake to levy arms for his Service, that is, for the Romish Cause; the King's design being subservient to the Romish Cause; although he abused thinks otherways, and believes that Rome serveth to his purpose. But, to begin the Work, they must make sure all the Protestants; and, if they cannot otherways, by murdering and Massacring them; for they knew them, according to the Principles of Religion and State, to be forward, either for the Covenanters of Scotland, or for the troublesome Parliament of England, if not for both. But the Irish, neither would, nor durst enter to any open Action, so long as the Scots Army, in England, was afoot; therefore by all means, it must be sent home and cashiered: and to facilitate the business, the Court-Parasites, Instruments of Iniquity, with their Emissaries, must raise and spread abroad, jealousies of the Scots, among the people of the country and City, namely in and about the Houses of Parliament; who having not before their eyes, the real Honesty and Integrity of the Scots, known by so many faithful and loyal expressions; and not keeping in their mind the many good offices done to them by the Scots; giveth, in silliness of mind, ear and place to the crafty tales and apprehensions, invented by the Agents of the Common Enemy, to bring them to confusion and trouble.  
So the Plot taketh by the silly ones, and is set forward by the hid Malignan's. Yea, in a word, it is managed with such address and success, that the Scots must go home; and till they had done it, there could be no quiet, but increase of jealousies.  
The Scots, although they were not acquainted with the height of mischief that was intended against the Church and State in these Dominions, by the Common Enemy, nor with the ways of it; yet, albeit they thought it very dangerous, after so many attempts of evil doing by the Enemy to retire them from England, not as yet well settled; and to cashier their Army, remitting the event of things to God, resolve to return home, and dismiss their Army, and so make known unto all the World their Candour and Integrity, and to take away all jealousies; both from the King and from England; which they do according to promise, not failing in the least circumstance, yea, not of the day.  
Well, the King having gained this point, to send home the Scots, and to make them lay down their Arms, resolveth to follow them into Scotland, and to try once more to draw them to his design; no persuasion being able to stay or to stop his voyage: he goeth in haste from London, and overtaketh the Scots as their were upon their removal from Newcastle for Scotland: He vieweth their Army by the way, and talketh with the Prime Officers thereof: He giveth Order to some of the good Physicians about him, to feel the pulse of the Scots softly, but they found the Scots pulse did not beat as they could have wished. He goeth on in his journey into Scotland, whither he is no sooner arrived, but he puts another design afoot, premeditated with many more before: for, it is the custom of the wise Court, to have, at one and the same time, divers undertakings in design, of which, it is a very hard matter, it one or other do not take effect. Yea, they have found but too true, to our woeful experience, that many have taken effect, and that not of the lesser ones, wherefore the Court will never cease to devise and invent enterprises.  
The Plot then set afoot by the K. in Scotland, was to make a considerable. Party there for his ends: and to make the business more facile, he resolveth to make sure the Chief men of Scotland, who were likely either to stop the design, or not further it. But, this Plot is also discovered, and so it failed. The next recourse was to the Irish Papists, his good Friends, unto whom, from Scotland, a Commission is dispatched, under the Great Seal (which Seal was at that instant time, in the Kings own custody) of that Kingdom, to hasten, according to former agreement, the raising of the Irish in Arms; who no sooner receive this new Order, but they break out, and at the first beginning of their Rebellion, declared that they had no ill will against any Scots in Ireland, for they were afraid of the Scots going over to the help of their countrymen, and so they would be stopped to go on with their Work; but their spleen was against these English Protestants, who were Friends to that wicked Parliament in England, so untoward to the good King, and so adverse to their Catholic Cause.  
This Declaration of the Irish, did not (although in favour of their countrymen) hinder the Scots to offer their present Service, for the repressing of the Rebellion before things grew worse; The King fairly refuseth the offer, and answering with verbal thanks, said that he neither could, nor would do any thing in the business, without the advice and assistance of the Parliament, now a foot in England; whereunto he was to repair in all haste. So he leaveth Scotland, saying that every day he stayed there, was the loss of a County to him. He cometh to London, a little before Christmas; the Rebellion having begun in Ireland in October: But he goes very seldom to the Parliament, and when he goeth thither, he sayeth nothing concerning the Irish Rebellion, till by importunity he was constrained to it; and than what he said, was little, cold, and ambiguous. And when the Scots, by their Commissioners, who had followed him from Scotland hither, did offer again a considerable help of ten thousand men, things were so carried, both in the counsel and in the Parliament, by the corrupt and ignorant Party then, that the Scots were delayed from day to day, by one shift or other, for a long space, before that conditions could be agreed upon with them, for the sending of their help unto Ireland. And it was a longer time after the agreement, before things could be furnished unto them, for their Voyage.  
By those means, the Rebels had ado with less opposition; and consequently, with less difficulty carried on their barbarous Work of spoiling, burning, and massacring innocent people of all rank and condition, without regard to sex or age.  
The Scots are no sooner gone to Ireland, but they assist their Friends with such affection and success, that after some skirmishes and renconters with the Rebels, the North country of Ireland, whereunto their help was particularly assigned, became pretty well cleared of the Rebels, although much wasted and and spoiled by them.  
In this course, hath the Scots continued to this day, constantly opposing these bloody wretches, notwithstanding the change that hath fallen in the South part of that Kingdom, by the treachery of those whom the Parliament employed and trusted to. Then when the King made a Cessation with these barbarous Cannibals, the Scots resolutely declared against it, and have manfully opposed it to this day: Without which opposition of the Scots, it had been received everywhere in Ireland, and the Rebels then, having nothing to do at home, had come hither in Bands and troops into this Island.  
Thus did and still doth the Scots pursue their Point, notwithstanding all the hardship they have suffered, and yet suffer in the Service, partly by reason of the great troubles here of the Parliament, not being able to supply their Friends, as they would, and as they need; partly by the negligence and unfaithfulness of those, who have been employed by the Parliament, and entrusted to have a care of supplying this need; which hath been so great, that the Scots Army in Ireland, had absolutely starved for cold and hunger, if they had not been helped from Scotland, in a high measure.  
To return unto England: The misled King having left the Parliament, accompanied, or at least followed by numbers of men of divers degrees, traitors to God and to their country; namely by those double traitors, who were Members of the Houses of Parliament: for, they not only have been dishonest and unfaithful to the Church and State, whereof they are born Members and Children; but, they have betrayed the trust wherewith they were trusted in both. By the assistance of which, he sets his design on foot, to make open War against the Parliament, (although under a hid notion) to destroy it; all other Devices and Plots, contrived by him and his, having failed as we have seen.  
Upon this, the Scots, in their respect to the King, love unto their Brethren in England, and above all, in their affection to the Cause of the Church of God, send Commissioners unto the King, and from him to the Parliament, as the occasion should serve. They found the King at York, where he was pulling his Sword out of its sheath, with all his might, and shaping it in all haste, which God in his Jugements hath suffered him to thrust in the bowels of so many thousands of his people, here, so unnaturally and barbarously; not only afar off, by not stopping it, by connivance or by Commission to his Agents and Instruments, as in Ireland and Scotland; but being present in Person, and taking pleasure in doing of it in his own sight, and seeing of it done.  
In this place I do affirm, that there hath been more Christian Blood shed in these latter years, under the end of K. James and K. Charles reigns, by their Commissions, Approbations, connivences, and not-forbidding, what at home, and what abroad, all which upon the matter they might have stopped, if it had been their pleasure, than were in the time of the ten Roman Persecutions. God turn the King's heart towards him first, otherways he will never turn it toward his people.  
The Scots, as we were saying, send to him, to desire him to leave off the design of embroiling himself and the people in a civil War, in this Kingdom of England; withal, to offer him their dutiful Service of Mediation and Intercession, for the taking away of all mistakes, and smoothing of things in a fair way, betwixt him and the Parliament. The misled King resolved to go on in evil courses, not only neglects the respective and hearty offer of the Scots; but sends them home, not suffering them to come unto the Parliament, according to their order and desire, which was to try all fair means for the hindering of a War in England, and to stop the Massacres in Ireland.  
The King having thus dismissed the Scots, goes to his Work, which, having overcome some rubs at the first, he carrieth on apace; for having gathered together considerable Forces at Shrewsbury, from thence with his Army he marches towards London, notwithstanding the Parliaments-Army lay, as it were, in his way, who met with him at Edge-hill, and (contrary to his expectation) fights with him. He, after the battle, having recollected the remnant of his men, although he had had the worse, continues his design for London, and drew very near unto it; but being, by strong hand, constrained to retire, he goeth to Oxford, where he hath kept his Court constantly ever since till this day.  
The Scots seeing the commotions increasing in England, and considering the chief Instruments of those evils, could not in conscience and honesty, sit quiet any longer, and neither say nor do, while the State and Church of their Brethren in England, were thus in so great troubles; send first a Commissioner from their Church unto the Parliament, to desire them, that as God, in his good Providence, had furnished them just occasion to cast out the prelates from among them, not only as unuseful Members of their Assembly; but also, as Enemies to all their just proceedings for the good of Church and State; so they would be pleased to thrust out these Tyrants and belly-gods from the Church, as main Instruments of all the disturbances, troubles, and miseries which are come, and of more, in all appearance, yet coming, if God in his mercy prevent them not.  
The Commissioner, after some debate, having obtained his demand, returneth homeward, and taking his way by the Court, then about Shrewsbury, made known to the King how he had sped in his errand, wherewith he had acquainted him before, as he was going to the Parliam. And he desireth the King to give his consent unto the casting of the prelates out of the Church, as he had done to the putting them out of the Assembly of Parliament. To which the King did reply little or nothing; but he told the Commissioner, that he, and they who sent him, were hugely mistaken, if they did think that the Houses of Parliament doth intend any settled Reformation, namely, as in Scotland; for, said, he, you see how they do not repress the schisms and Sects of all kinds, which abound in and about London; yea, these evils are countenanced by some underhand. Would to God that the Commissioner had had as just reason then, to answer unto the King, that he had been misinformed, and that an untruth had been told him concerning Sectaries, as he hath been mistaken in the intention of both Houses of Parliament, for the settling Religion, according to the best way, as it expressed in the national Covenant.  
Then, after that things, by degrees, had come to a great height betwixt King and Parliament, much blood being shed, not only in skirmishes and rencounters, but also in pitched battle, to wit, at Edge hill. The Scots not being able to forbear any further, to try once more by fair means, if it were possible, to stop the course of those miseries, too far already gone on, send word to the King, then at Oxford, and to the Parliament, of their good intentions; and demand a pass and safe-conduct from both, for Commissioners from them, to go unto both, and return home, as also to go to and fro betwixt them as cause should require. Of the Parliament, they had easily what they demanded, with thanks for their good will: But the King, not liking their offer, was loath to grant a pass; yet being put to it, he could not fairly deny, and so at length, after some reluctancy, he sends a pass as was desired, and safe-conduct to the Scots; which being received, they send their Commissioners straight to the King, unto whom they remonstrate home how that he had, by bad counsel, cast himself in a Labyrinth of Evil, and the people of his Dominions; which, doubtless, would bring both him and them to utter ruin, if not timely stopped in God's Mercy, by his Wisdom and good counsel.  
The Commissioners, instead of any positive answer, receive nothing but doubs, ambiguities, delays, and shifts, whereof nothing could be made, but that the misled King was resolved to his own and his people's ruin.  
After a time, the Scots Commissioners told the King, that, according to their Order and Instructions, they intended to go unto the Parliament; which they hoped he would think well of, and approve. But the King, notwithstanding the pass and safe-conduct he had granted them to that purpose, would not suffer them to go unto the Parliament; yea, they were not permitted to speak with the Commissioners from the Parliament, who were then sent thither to the Court to treat when they were there. Such was the adverseness of the Court to Peace, notwithstanding all the King's Protestations.  
Further, the Scots Commissioners were so hardly used by the Court, namely, by the prelatical crew, that they could not in safety go openly and freely abroad.  
This is not all. At that time the Rulers of the Court send abroad their Agents, to tell everywhere, namely, in and about London, what indignity the Scots did offer, first unto the King, then unto the Parliament, and to the whole English Nation, by taking upon them (being but Subjects) to examine the disterences betwixt the King and Parliament, to compose them, and to make a Peace; it being more honourable both for the King, and Parliament, and the whole Nation, to be beholden for this unto a Neighbour-State or Prince, then unto the Kings own Subjects, not so good as others in many respects.  
As this Discourse was invented, and spewed up and down by Malignants, so it was received by the simpler sort, not knowing the interest of States, less, wherein the true Honour of Princes, States, and Nations consisteth: Yet, they might have considered, that it is better to take up things quietly at home, then to trouble the Neighbours with our affairs.  
The Scots Commissioners, after some month's abode at Court, seeing they could do no good with the abused King, desire him to dismiss them, which he did put off from day to day, till at last he was written to by the State of Scotland, that if he sent not home in safety the Commissioners betwixt such and such a day, they would hold it as an open breach of the Peace, and that they would provide for businesses accordingly.  
Upon this the Commissioners, laden with fair, but conditional promises from the King (who yet would not anger them) of Love and Care of that his Native Kingdom, so that they would be quiet, (for he could not stop his mouth to say unto them, that if they would not stir, he could easily compass his ends in England) take their leave at Court, and go home. At their arrival, they find a number, in the South-West of their country, of Papists and other Malignants, men of broken for tunes, risen to disturb the Peace of the Kingdom, by Order from the King, notwithstanding his fair words; which commotion was presently quashed, through God's Mercy, by the diligence and forwardness of the good Gentry and Nobility in those parts, who did rise like one man against these Sons of Belial.  
As the Scots Commissioners retired home, the Houses of Parliament of England were made acquainted how that their good intentions were frustrated, themselves hardly used for a long time, but at last, with difficulty had gotten home.  
Now, the State of Scotland seeing the Common Enemy come to the height, that nothing will satisfy him, but total subversion of Church and State in these Dominions; only they, perhaps, might be kept for the last, although in intention they had been the first; jugeth it not enough, for their interest in the Common Cause, to keep an Army in Ireland; but also to be upon their guard at home, that they might stop any enterprise the Common Enemy should undertake against them to have any progress in their country, if they did not altogether prevent it: and to help their Brethren in England with their Sword, since all other means so often tried, were disappointed by the malice of the Enemies. And so much the rather were they moved to this, that the Enemy was prevailing almost without let, for by that time he was Master not only of the Field, but also of all the strong hold in the North, except Hull alone, with a numbrous and victorious Army of Horse and Foot, domineering and spoiling everywhere: likewise the West being almost altogether gone by the loss of Excester, the defeat given to the Parliaments Forces at the Vyses, and the base surrendering of Bristol, Banbury, &c. the Enemy did think to carry all before him, ready to enter into the Associated Counties, yea, to come to the Gates of London; which they had done in all appearance, without the let of that Noble and never enough praised exploit of the Earl of Essex, of relieving of Gloucester, almost at the last extremity, although valiantly defended by that brave governor Massey, in despite of the proud Enemy; and thereafter in beating of him at Newberry.  
While the Parliament was thus low, many faint-hearted, yea Members of the two Houses, ran away to the Enemy, and others did withdraw, studying, to their eternal shame, to make their Peace more plausibly with the Enemy, and not to run over to him at discretion as others had done.  
But when things are thus almost in despair, than it is thought fit time to have recourse to the Scots, and to call them for help: The Parliament, to try if they could do the business themselves, without troubling the Scots, was wisdom: for what need you call for aid, and trouble your Neighbours, when you can do the business alone? but not to call for help till things be too low, it is very dangerous, say those who dive more deeply in affairs of this nature. But, the reason why the Scots were so long a calling in for help, was, not that the English were not willing to trouble their Brethren the Scots, for, why should they think of troubling the Scots, since their Fathers had been so ready to help Scotland, in its distress then? Generous hearts will as freely receive a courtesy as they do one, otherways they were proud, and self-conceited: But, the true cause, (say they who know the mysteries of the time) first was, that the Sectaries, prevailing with the Rulers of affairs, did so keep them from meddling with the Scots, whom they knew to be no less adversaries to schisms and Sects, then to Popery and Prelacy: Next, there were some who yet kept still a bit of a Bishop in their Belly, although by both Houses declared to be not only unuseful in Church and State, but also enemies to both.  
Howsoever, these considerations must be laid aside for a time, and in such extremity the Scots must be called to help; yea, some of those who are said to be the greatest sticklers for Sectaries, must at last be employed in their calling in; which was long of coming, after it was resolved upon, by the shifts of the Enemies of Church and State.  
The Scots, notwithstanding all that had been signified unto them, concerning the favouring of Sectaries by the Parliament, and of their retaining somewhat of the old leaven of Prelacy; seeing that their help was altogether needful to save the Church and State of England from ruin; heartily received the call, being already resolved beforehand upon the Point, and undertaketh, with a Christian and manly resolution, to engage themselves in a seen danger, and to undergo the hazard (but, for Christ and his people no hazard is to be regarded) to help their afflicted Brethren: Yet, with this precaution, that the Parliament should sincerely join with them in the settling of the Church, as they were heartily willing to assist them against the Common Enemy.  
This condition was granted unto the Scots by the Commissioners from the Parliament of England; and to this end, it was agreed upon, at the desire of the Scots, that there should be one Covenant and League made betwixt both Kingdoms, and sworn to, for the settling of the Church according to the Word of God, and conform to the best Reformed Churches, and by name, to the Church of Scotland; with the just Liberty of the people, and against all opposition whatsoever. But, because the English Commissioners would not take upon them to draw up and to make the Covenant there in Scotland, they desired that there might be Commissioners sent from Scotland unto the Parliament of England, for the drawing up of the said Covenant, and so was done; for the Scots Commissioners assisting, the Covenant, after divers debates, was made, and thereafter subsigned, sworn first by the Houses, synod, and the Scots Commissioners, and then by the people, and sent unto Scotland, where it was received, subsigned, and sworn by the convention of States, and then by the people: with all, in testimony of their true meaning, the Houses of Parliament desireth the Commissioners of Scotland to assist in the synod, in their deliberations and conclusions concerning the Church.  
The Covenant is no sooner taken, but the King leaveth off to accuse the Parliament of continuing schisms and Sects, and thereafter tells us, that he will have care of tender consciences, and this to make faction and division, as we have seen since.  
While things were thus managing at London, about the Covenant, the English Commissioners in Scotland, are agreed with the Scots, concerning the Army they were to send into England: the Articles of agreement being drawn up, and consented to by both parties; Commissions were given for twenty thousand men; who with all the haste possible, were gathered together, and then immediately set forth: so in January they march, when it was both great frost and snow, and entering into England, with small opposition come as far in as Tyne: the country, much burdened before, was either all wasted and utterly spoiled by the Enemy, hearing the Scots coming with a great number of men, & great power; so they could likely find nothing in that country, but what by strength of Arm they could pull out of the hands of the Enemy. Thus did the Scots fight for a while with their Enemies, to wit, with a multitude of men well armed, with evil weather, in the most intemperate time of the year, and with want of Victuals, which was the worst of all: and truly, it had gone hard with them, if it had not been for the provisions sent to them from home, which came but by difficile and uncertain carriage by Sea, by reason of the storms which fell out then: Yet, these resolute men were still gaining ground upon the Enemy, in number of men as great as they, at least, and far exceeding them in Horse, till at last they passed the River Tyne, having so wearied and harrassed the Enemy with continual skirmishes and onsets, obliging him to lie without, and keep so straight and constant guard and watch, that in the end he was constrained to retire, and give way to the constant for wardness of the Scots; divers of his men leaving him for weariness and want, others falling sick, and numbers being killed at divers rencounters; at one namely there was eight hundred of them slain at Bauden.  
For all this, while the Scots were thus fighting with these three Enemies abovenamed, for the Common Cause expressed in the Covenant, some men at London, and that not of the meaner sort, did not stick to whisper in the ear one to another, that the Scots did not carry themselves neither as military men, nor as men of courage: this was the less regarded, that it was made by those, who, against their will, did give way to their calling in.  
The Scots did so take up the Enemy in the North, about Newcastle and Duresme, that Sir Thomas Fairfax, assisted by Sir John Meldrum, took the Field again, (having for a long time been confined to Hull,) and tries Fortune: he begins at Selby, which he manfully assaults, and happily takes.  
Then those who had not been well pleased at the coming in of the Scots, did begin to say, Now since Selby was taken in, the Scots might retire, they could do the work without them; but this discourse did not take by many.  
The Enemy hearing the news of this brave exploit, fearing for York, lest Sir Thomas should carry it, run as fast as they could towards that City.  
The Scots, as soon as they hear of the enemy's removal, go after him on his heels, taking some of his men and baggage, and follow him unto the Gates of York. Upon this, My Lord Fairfax and Sir Thomas join with the Scots; who send to the Earl of Manchester for his help, to besiege York, the Town being of such circuit, that the Scots alone, having left of their men in Sunderland and other places taken by them from the Enemy, near Newcastle, were not able to compass it with such circumlineation as was needful, and keep the Fields, so full of adversaries; yea, not with the help that My Lord Fairfax brought unto them. Manchester joins with the Scots: There were some here that were against manchester's going northward to the Scots, not caring how much work the Scots had, and how little success.  
A little hereafter, to be short, while the Forces of Manchester and Fairfax, joined with the Scots, are about the siege of York unanimously; there is one who goes from hence to sow some dissension betwixt the Generals, Lesley, Fairfax, and Manchester; which design is disappointed by God's Mercy: then, there is another set a foot by others, to wit, by the Sectaries, which, although it did not rise to a breach, yet it did come to a distaste and dislike; for the Sectaries under Manchester his command, seeing that the way of the Scots was set absolutely against their intentions, concerning the Church-businesses, as mainly did appear by the pressing of Church-government by the Scots in the Synod, and their oppositions of Sects, think themselves, that since they were come to some strength, they must not rely so much upon the Scots, now being able to stand upon their legs with their own Force, and do somewhat to eclipse the Scots whom they had so far extolled formerly, which, while they were weak, and in dislike with the people, for the miscarriage of things, (say those who pretend to know the main passages of businesses;) now at the siege of York they begin to show themselves, who had been under a cloud, and by some notable action, think to make the world take notice of them: so a party of them, without order of their General, enter in the Town of York, thinking to carry all before them: but, not acquainting their friends of their design, they could not be seconded, and so were repulsed with great lose, and became wiser thereafter then to undertake any thing more in this kind; wherein they did show, that when they did think it time for them to do, they would depend upon no order; and so, neglecting Military Discipline, bring all to confusion. This fault was excused for once by ignorance.  
After some month's siege, the united Forces before York hearing of Prince Rupert his coming towards them, send a party of both Nations into the Town of Manchester to secure the place, and to busy the Enemy in his way towards them, till they had advanced their work at York: The Enemy taking no notice of that place, and passing through with his daily increasing Army, goeth on as he was approaching, the united Forces send Scouts to know his march and his strength; upon whose relation, they leave the siege, and go to meet and fight him, thinking if they had dispatched his Forces, they would have less add in the work they had stuck so long to: Upon misinformation, they take the wrong way to meet the Enemy; so he had, upon this mistake, free access to the Town.  
The united Forces, seeing their mischance, turn their course to stop the Enemies further coming southward; he, puffed up with the success of gaining free access to the Town, resolves to follow the united Forces, and fight them, promising unto himself, that his good Fortune would continue; and if he had given a blow to their Forces, he would easily put an end to the design in hand; for the Scots being once routed, the main let and hindrance to the proceedings of the Court, would much diminush the Reputation of the Parliaments party.  
On the other side, the united Forces perceiving the enemy's mind, turn head towards him, fight with him with God's blessing, and rout him; but, not without loss; for, notwithstanding all the care taken by the old and experimented Chief Commanders, first to put all in as good order as time and place could permit, and to keep things in order in time of battle; the new raised Horses of Yorkshire, neglecting the command and example of their Noble and Gallant Leader, who in this occasion, as in all other, carried himself valorously; fall in disorder themselves, and turning towards these of their own side that were to second them, put many in such confusion, that they would take no notice of any Commander or Leader; yea, they carry some away with them by violence.  
In this battle, divers gallant men of both Nations had an honourable share of the Victory: but, none I hear of, without disparagement to any, did appear so much in action that day with gallantry, as David Lesley.  
Here, the Sectaries, to endear themselves to the people, attribute unto themselves the honour of the day, and stick not to call their Champion The Savour of the three Kingdoms, when God knows, he that they extol so much, did not appear at all in the heat of the business; having received at the first a little scar, kept off, till the worst was past.  
After the Victory, and the Town of York taken in, the generals write to the Houses of Parliament to give thanks to God; and, in token of their thankfulness to settle the business of the Church, and try once more if it were possible to reconcile differences with the King, in a peaceable way.  
Things being settled at York, by common consent, the Scots go to Newcastle, to besiege it, as the fittest service they could do for the public then, near the place they join with the Earl Calender his Forces, who had come from Scotland to repress the raging Enemy about Newcastle, while Lesley was at York with his Army▪ the Scots drawing near Newcastle, Calender and David Lesley, with six men more, went to view the place, from which there issued two Troops of Horse, which the eight men routed, having charged twice through them.  
The Scots for a long time endeavoured to take in the Town by fair means, but at last, through the obstinacy of those who were within, they were constrained to storm it, and so carried it.  
Those very men, who at the battle near York were put in disorder and fled with others, gave the assault, and took Newcastle.  
Thus, the Scots being Masters of the Town, wrong no man, woman, nor child, takes a mediocre composition for the spoil; in a word, they carry themselves with such moderation, that the Enemies who had been in Arms against them, were constrained to speak well of them.  
Few days after the taking of Newcastle, the Castle of Tinmouth is taken by the Scots. The Winter by this time beginning, after so hard employment of the last Winter, and so toiling a Somerwork, as the siege of York and the battle, besides divers skirmishes and rencounters with the Enemy, than the long siege of Newcastle, and at last the storming of it; they resolve to put their men in Garrisons.  
During the siege of Newcastle, many calumnies was raised against the Scots, and spewed abroad by Malignants, and received here by the simpler sort. As the taking of Newcastle, was the most important piece of service of that kind, that could be done to the Kingdom of England, namely to the City of London; so it did rejoice all honest men: but, on the other side, the Malignants of all kinds were sorry at the doing of it; but more sorry, that it was done by those, who are so constantly opposite to their courses.  
The Scots are not sooner peaceable Masters of Newcastle, but the trade is renewed again betwixt it and London, to the comfort of the poor of London, who were starving for want of fire, and to the benefit of the richer sort. The coals above and under ground, were rated & disposed on in equity, to the best use of the public, not wronging the particular, according to the advice and by the Order of the Committee of both Kingdoms, then residing in the North, as the Commissioners appointed by the Parliament can be witnesses; to whose consciences I appeal, if all this be not true. And the English prifoners, taken by the Scots, have been disposed on according to the will of the Houses of Parliament, as soon as it was possible to be done by Military Order.  
Now the Scots, after the taking of Newcastle, although they were free of the open opposition of the Common Enemy for a time, yet they were molested, vexed, crossed, and traduced by the Malignants, Agents to the Enemy, in the Northern parts, besides those in and about London.  
Here you must know, that those of the Northern countries of England, have been constantly given to superstition, as men neglected in their instruction, or of purpose detained in ignorance by the prelates, fore-castingby that means to make them the furer for their design: And so, the King himself, at two several times, did find them ready for his design: The Earl of Newcastle thereafter, did find them likewise ready to follow him: So, what by breeding, and what by latter years' custom, they are for the most part in that Country Malignants. Next, the heavy pressures of soldiers for so many years, with the barrenness of the soil (the Seots now coming upon them) made them clamotous, things not going according to their mind; For, first, not liking the Cause; next, being already so spent, they were very sensible of the least thing could be demanded of them; joint the malice of some of the chief men in the country, made the people murmur at first, them rise up in Arms; but, blessed be God, the insurrection was soon calmed.  
Further, those who are employed by the Parliament to manage the affairs of these countries, have put all the power in the hands of these who are wicked Malignants, being either professed Recusants, Sectaries of divers sorts, or at the best Prelatiques, sticking to the old Service-Book; yea, some of those who have been in actual Rebellion against the State under the Earl of Newcastle, who are of the Committees of these countries, now having the power in their hands, spoil the country, and oppress good men, laying the blame of all upon the Scots, as hath been of late represented unto the House of Commons, by men without exception, deputed hither from these countries, in the name of many good men, to acquaint the Houses with the state of businesses there.  
The Malignants of the North countries carry their businesses so, that they find Favourers and Agents to excuse them, and to further their evil courses. Let this, what I say here, be throughly sifted out, & it will be found too true, to the prejudice of the good Cause. God help us, and amend us; for, what can we expect, when liars and other wicked men find this favour and patronage?  
The Winter declining, the Scots dispose themselves for the Field-Service, so soon as the provisions demanded, in a very moderate proportion, could be had from hence; which went but late to them, by reason there was a time spent for obtaining the Ordinance from the Parliament; next, a time for making ready; thirdly, a time of sending of things. In the interim the Scots, although busied in keeping the ill-affected of the country in obedience to the State, sends parties now and then, upon occasion, as the public Service required, for example, to Sir William Brer●ton, and to Scarbor ough, &c. at last, the Rendivous is assigned to the Army the 15 of April: to this effect, they require the Committee of that country to provide draughts against the day aforesaid; but, they could not have any in readiness till the first day of May, at what time they marched to Rippon, with intention to come straight southward, according to the direction of the Committee of both Kingdoms, if they could have some few day's provision (upon all hazards) and draughts. But, notwithstanding all their care and pains, they could obtain nothing but delays and incertainties, with promises only of provision from night to night.  
If the Scots had had their reasonable demands for provisions and draughts, they had been near the Enemy before he had done the evil he did at Leicester and elsewhere.  
While the Scots were at Rippon, it was resolved that David Lesley should go into Lancaster-shire with a party, and he was to have a thousand Yorkshire Horses to assist; but, what performance there was of this, God knows, for he had not the third of armed men, although a thousand was promised.  
By this time, the Scots are advertised that the Enemy was with a flying Army to pass through Lancaster-shire to Carlisle, and from thence into Scotland: upon which advice, resolution is taken, by the consent of the Committee, that the Scots should go into Lancaster-shire, and stop the enemy's passage Northward. After a serious enquiry made, the only way for them to go, is by all means through Westmer land: From Rippon, notwithstanding the roughness and difficulties of the country, in four days they are upon the borders of Lancaster-shire with their whole Army; whither being arrived, they have intelligence of the Enemies turning back again southward; immediately they desire some small provisions for their soldiers, and draughts, at the Committee of Westmoreland and Cumberland: but they found them very slow and unwilling. Likewise, the Scots being so near, they desired that their Forces before Carlisle should be supplied so far with Victuals, as to keep them from starving; wherein they were the more earnest, that they saw how slackly those who were with their Forces, followed the business: doubtless, if they had left then Carlisle, the Enemy had been supplied, and had kept it to this day; which in all appearance was the desire of these Committees.  
After the Scots had ordained things the best they could concerning Carlisle, they march southward in all haste beyond ordinary; for, some days they marched above twenty miles: but after, they were constrained to stay in some places, one, two, and three days, for draughts.  
While the Scots were struggling with these difficulties, news are sent to the Parliament that the Scots were gone, nobody knew where, and that they spoiled all the country: and this was not done by open and declared Enemies, but by those whom the Parliament trust in these Countries with the managing of affairs; yea, by some who formerly did profess hearty Friendship unto the Scots: but the wheel of their own interest turning about, not only have they delinquished the Scots; but also, have declared themselves opposite unto them, and this without any cause: so far prevaileth private interest with men, who seems to be best.  
Then, great murmurs rise, that the Scots would abandon their Brethren at such a necessary time, leaveing all the burden of the War unto the Forces of the Parliament in the South.  
Thus were the Scots innocently traduced by Malignants.  
Upon this, the Scots Commissioners here, take, occasion to sent a gentleman to the Army, to know the truth and verity of things; and within a day or two thereafter, seeing the sinistrous reports increaseing, sent two of their own number to be satisfied of all things more fully, and hasten their coming South.  
In the mean time, the Houses of Parliament press to know what was become of the Scots, and why they had gone this unexpected way, and why, after so many and earnest calls, they did not march southward, the good of the public Service so requiring.  
Whereupon, the Scots Commissioners gave in two papers to the Houses, containing a plain and full relation of the naked truth and reason of things desired; the ignorance of which had, by the shifts of malignant's officiating for the Common Enemy, occasioned a great murmur against the Scots up and down.  
These papers gave such satisfaction to all those who heard them read, and gave attention to them, that nothing was to be replied to the least circumstance mentioned in them; yea, not by those who had been most inclining to give credit to sinistrous reports. Yet these papers were so little divulged, that divers of the House of Commons, who either had been absent when they were given in, or not attentive when they were read, did not know of any such thing.  
Next, although the papers had given full content to the Houses, yet the slanders of Malignants not only continued, but increased daily more and more against the Scots.  
After some few days, there falleth a Copy of these papers into the hands of one, which being showed by him to some well-affected men, and lovers of the Common Cause, were thought sit by all means, for the public good, to be published. As this was adoing, some Malignants get notice of it, and strive to stop it, by dealing with him who had the chief care of the business; but in vain, for he was resolved to go on with his design: so, he giveth the papers to the press, which the Printer entitles The Scots Manifest: This being published, opened the eyes of many men, to see the truth of things which formerly had been kept in a cloud.  
The publishing of this Manifest, did much vex the Malignants; but, they then were more grieved to see it so well received, and the truth therein contained, so greedily laid hold on by the people, whom they hitherto had so grossly abused by their malicious lies.  
Upon this, these lye-inventers bethink themselves of another shift, to cozen the World in this same business, and they go this way to work; seeing they could not hinder the printing of the Manifest, they resolve to know whether, or no, the thing had been done by Order from the Commissioners, who being inquired if they had caused print the Manifest, they answered no; and so it was, for without their knowledge the thing was done; because that those who had a care of the printing of it, knew very well that the Commissioners, going on in their ordinary course, upon I know what prudential scrupulosity, do make known nothing of that they acquaint the Houses with, fearing to offend, howsoever needful to be opened for the public Service, and their own credit; but, if there be any thing to be said against them, although without ground, they must hear of it on the deaf-side of their ear, and it must be in everybody's mouth. Then the forgers and publishers of lies gave out, that the Manifest was a false and supposed thing, since the Commissioners did not own it; when as they only did say, that they had no hand in the printing of it, although they ayouch the thing to be in itself most true.  
Thus in this place I have set down a full relation of the publishing of the Manifest, whereof I touched somewhat before, upon another occasion, to make more known unto the World, with what cunning and crafty malice the Malignants of all kinds do oppose the truth upon all occasions, and how they study to hide it from those whom it doth concern, to the end they may feed them with lies more easily, the truth being kept from them.  
After that the Commissioners had sent, as we have said, to the Army two several dispatches, the House of Commons think it fit likewise to send some of their number to the Scotish Army, to see how things went in the said Army, and to hasten it southward; who met the Army about Rippon, and come along with it no Nattingham, where those gentlemen leave the Army, and come back to the Houses, whom they acquainted with the truth of all things, as namely, of the good condition of the Army, consisting in a fair number of brave Commanders and lusty soldiers, of their ability and readiness to do Service. Which relation, as it did content and please honest men, so it did gall and vex the Malignants of all kinds. But with what difficulties of want of provisions and of carriage the Army had to struggle with in this march, and hath had formerly, yea, hath to this day, for any thing I know, except things be mended of late, as now I hope they are, or at least will be shortly, is beyond expression, partly through the neglect of some, partly through the malice of others, (and that not of the meaner sort) who make their study, not only to furnish no encouragement to these who are come for their help; but also, give them all the distaste they can, to make them weary of the Service, yea, to make them do things by the Law of necessity to keep themselves from starving, which otherways they would not, and so make them odious to those for whose good they are come into this country. If this were done by an open Enemy, yea, by those who declare themselves to be indifferent, it were to be in some kind digested; but, it is done by those who would make men believe, that they are not only most addicted to the good Cause; but also, that they are advancers of the Service, whereas they make only the Cause serve for a cloak to their ambition and avarice, in their heart caring for nothing, howsoever they make a show otherways, but to compass their own ends, whereunto a show of affection to the good Cause doth contribute, namely, where they have any credit.  
But, to leave off complaining of those who are neither faithful nor honest to the Cause, in thus useing the Scots, I (going on in my Discourse) will say a word or two, in this place, to the clearing of three things, whereof the first is concerning the moneys received by the Scots for their pay, since their first undertaking either in Ireland or in England unto this day.  
The next is, how and what provisions they have had for their going on with the Service, either here or in Ireland. The third is, of the disorders committed by the Scots in their Armies, either in England or in Ireland.  
First, I assure you, in the name of the Scots, that their earnest desire is, that all these things in particular be exactly tried by the Law of Arms, and in equity judged, where the failings are, and by whom and how, to the end that every one may have his due of praise or of shame, of thanks or of blame, of recompense or of punishment, of remembrance or of oblivion, according as the cause shall require: and the sooner this be done, the better it will, for the Service of the public, and the encouragement of honesty, and the repressing of wickedness.  
In the mean time I will tell you in general, that what money is received by the Scots, is far short of what they ought to have, and that they could wish their Armies in England (to say nothing of their Forces in Ireland) had as much money for six weeks, as the other Forces, employed in the Service with them, have in two weeks; and this without jealousy, or envy that others are look●d and cared for; yet there is no reason why they should be neglected, since they are constantly following the public Service with activity and faithfulness. There is a great stir of sending money to them, and far greater of raising it for them, although they receive but a very small proportion, in regard either of what is allowed for them, and less of what is due unto them, and least of all, what is said to be levied for them; Wherefore, I say again, they are most desirous of fair reckonings among Friends; let the payment come when it may, the most pressing necessity being supplied.  
Next, For provisions, besides the smallness of them, they come so slowly, I must say again, that when they are upon their march, they are constrained to stay three days in one place against their will, for one days' provision, and draughts can hardly be had for their march: as it hath been in their march, so it is in their abode, witness their being ten days before Hereford, not seeing bread but one day, all the rest liying upon beans, green Corn, and Fruits. In these they are so crossed, that it seems to be done expressly, for the disenabling them, so far as may be, to do the public Service answerable to their own desire and readiness, and to the expectation of the Kingdom.  
As for the disorders said to be done in the Army, as it is acknowledged that they are not Angels of Light, without feeding, being but poor infirm men, they cannot but fall and do amiss, in many and many a thing; so they are not Cameleons to live upon the air, but are of such constitutions, that they must have more solid food of necessity for their subsistence, which now and then they cannot come by so orderly as should be. Yet I dare be bold to say, that the Scots Army is as well regulated, as most Armies are, without vanity be it said; and that exorbitancy or scandal is no sooner known, but it is censured & punished according to its degree, by ecclesiastical and Military Law; and that no complaint is made, but it is heard and answered, according to equity and reason: Yea, Proclamations are made to incite every one that hath any complaint, to repair unto the Prime-Officers, or counsel of War: Yet let the Leaders do what they can, some slips will fall out among the soldiers that are not allowable; and indeed the Commanders cannot be altogether so exact as otherways they would be with the soldiers, since the pay is so slow, and so little of it at a time, and provisions so scarce and so hardly had; for when the belly is thus extremely pinched, it were hard measure to beat the back.  
When the Scots Army came to Nottingham, the general sent a Letter subscribed by himself, and two more, unto the Committee of both Kingdoms, whereby, in few words, he tells how that the Scots employed in this Service of the Common Cause, have had, and have to this day, very harsh usage and hard measure in divers fashions, even from these who not only by the Common Interest of both Nations, are bound to be then Friends and Brethren; but also, from these who formerly made a particular show of Friendship unto them: Yet, notwithstanding all this, he declareth how that with hearty earnestness, they are in readiness to go on faithfully and resolutely with the Work: But, judging that a view of the Letter itself, would give satisfaction to many, I have thought fit to set down here a true Copy of it, furnished unto me by a Friend.  
A Letter of the Scots general at Nottingham to the Committees of both Kingdoms.  
My Lords and Gentlemen,  
THe continuance of a firm Union and good correspondance betwixt the Kingdoms, is so much in our thoughts and wishes, as that without it, we can expect no better than the weakening, yea, the undoing of this Common Cause, and the strengthening of the Common Enemies; and, although there be neither few nor small occasions and discouragements from the misrepresentation of our Actions, and misapprehension of our intentions, from the cooling, if not changing, of that affection formerly expressed, both towards ourselves, and towards divers of our countrymen, who have deserved well for their abilities and faithfulness in the public; and from the usage and entertainment of this Army, which is neither to that which other Armies in this Kingdom do receive, nor according to the Treaty between the Kingdoms, nor at all certain, such as can avoid the hatred and discontent of the people, whose affections and good will we desire to carry along with us; yet, notwithstanding all these, and the like discouragements, our Actions have been, are, and shall be real testimonies of our constant resolution to pursue actively the ends expressed in the Covenant, and to adventure ourselves, and whatsoever is dearest to us, in this Cause; and that, as we had great reason to march into Westmoreland, in regard of the Intelligence both then and since confirmed to us, so we have been as ready and willing to come southward, as we were desired by the honourable Houses of Parliament and by your Lordships: and we have marched with more speed, and less interruption, than is usual in such cases; yea, our march had been more speedy, if we had not been stayed in some places, for want of draughts and provisions; and now we are, with the assistance of God Almighty, to undertake any Action which may be fittest for the Cause and safety of both Kingdoms. But, if (which God forbid) for want of the conjunction and assistance promised, or for want of necessary provisions, the public work be retarded, or disappointed, we shall be blameless. And therefore we do recommand to your lordship's most serious deliberation, that some more effectual and speedy course may be taken for necessary provisions to this Army, that both Officers and soldiers may have in all orderly and constant way, not only a part of their pay in Victuals, but, a part in money, for their other necessary uses: and in case of our conjunction with any other Forces of this Kingdom, that then the provisions of this Army be no worse than of those other Forces: which things as they are just in themselves, so they are the rather desired, that this Army be not burdensome, nor hateful to the Counties where we come, and that we may not be redacted to the unhappy necessity of not punishments wrongs and disorders strictly, which as we have not only forbidden by the strictest Edicts, but have exemplarly and severely punished, so shall we ever be ready upon complaint and proof of the fact, either to punish the same by death, or other condign punishment, according to the quality of the offence.  
We further entreat and expect, that this War might be managed according to the Treaty by the Committees of both Kingdoms upon the place; and for that end, that a Quorum of the Commissioners from the honourable Houses of Parliament, may be constantly with this Army; and that your Lordships may entertain charitable thoughts of our proceedings, confident that according to the knowledge which God hath given us in the matters of our profession, we shall improve all opportunities to the best advantage.  
We shall not need to put your Lordships in remembrance how necessary it is, that before the Armies of either or of both Kingdoms undertake the besieging of any Town, they first endeavour a total dissipation of all the Forces which the Enemy hath in the Fields; and so much the rather, because, by the blessing of God, the dissipation shall be more easy, if the Armies of both Kingdoms be continually aiding and assisting each one to other, and that each act their part and attend the enemy's motions.  
What we have written to your Lordships, we desire it may be made known to both Houses of Parliament, and City of London. And above all, that your Lordships would with all earnestness press the expediting of the Reformation of Religion, and uniformity in Church-government, together with the speedy prosecuting and ending of this War, that we may return home with the comfort of Religion, and Peace settled, the fruits of our endeavours, much wished and longed for, by  
Nottingham 12 June, 1645. Your lordship's most humble Servants LEVEN. CALENDAR. HAMILTON.  
WE have heard how the Parliament of England sent Commissioners into Scotland, to call in the Scots unto its help, and to capitulate with them concerning their incoming: We have heard also, how that Commissioners were sent from Scotland hither, to be at the drawing up of the Covenant betwixt the two Nations; who ever since have constantly assisted the Synod in the discussion of church-affairs, more according to agreement betwixt the Nations: thereafter, there was other Commissioners sent hither to share with the Parliament in the managing of State-businesses of Peace and War, wherein now both Kingdoms are jointly engaged. To this effect, the Houses of Parliament chooseth a certain number of Lords and Commons, to treat of all things concerning Peace and War jointly with the Scots, and so together they make up the Committee of both Kingdoms, wherein the Scots have a negative voice; and nothing is done, or at least ought to be done, without their knowledge and consent, concerning Peace or War, directly or indirectly, all play under board, and clandestine dealing, being forbidden to both equally, upon the reason of the common interest of both.  
Those who had been adverse unto the incoming of the Scots to help the Parl. were much against the setting up of this Committee; but at last, after some debate, the thing is done in spite of opposition: So the Committee is set afoot for a certain time of some few months, by Ordinance of both Houses. The time prefixed for the sitting of the Committee is no sooner expired, but those same men, with the aid of others, whom they had stirred up to that purpose, cast in difficulties, and will by no means give consent for the continuance of this Committee: so for some days it is broken up; then earnest work there was to get it reestablished again; but all to small purpose, till in the end, there is found one Clause in the Ordinance for the setting it up at first, which did serve for the restablishing of it, maugre those who did oppose it. Since that time, it hath continued constantly to this day, although not without vexation to some, namely, because the Committee could not sit without the Scots being present.  
Now the Scots called and joined with the English to manage the affairs of the public Service, for the Common Cause of Church and State; at first, they did think that they were to have nothing, or at least, little ado, but to put forward the public Service with earnestness and vigour, against the Common Enemy, without any let here by any of their own party; and so, they resolve with themselves to be very modest and tender, with all wariness in their proceedings with their Brethren of England, who had called them hither upon such assurance, and were so kind unto them in their expressions, yea, so careful of them, that they would have them to lodge nearer for their own convenience, and that of their Friends going to visit them; and so the Scots remove from the City, where they had lodged in former time, and are placed in Worcester-house, where now they lodge.  
Those who pretend to know more of the Mysteries of the World than other men, tell us, that the removing of the Scots from the City to Worcester-house, was not so much the convenience of the Scots, or of their Friends, which was intended, although so given out, as their weaning from their old Friends in the City, who formerly had been so useful and so respective to them, by a cunning forecasting of some men, to wear them out of acquaintance and intimacy with the City, being afraid not to carry on things so easily, according to their intent, if the Scots were constantly intime and familiar with the City.  
Whatever the end of removing the Scots from the City was, it is fallen out so, that the Scots being at such a distance, have not been able to cherish and nourish their former intimacy and old Friendship with the City, as they are bound in gratitude carefully to do, and as the public Service requireth, joint with their own advantage.  
Thereafter, the Scots find a harder task than they had promised unto themselves in the beginning; for, besides the great and main work against the Common Enemy, they find some few men, here in the party whereunto they are joined for the Service of the Common Cause of Religion and Liberty in all the three Kingdoms, who do not only show them but small favour; but also, as far as can be without open breach, cross and oppose them, and, in them, the public Service: First, those who from the beginning did not approve of their incoming, for fear they should eclipse their lustre, and diminish their power, was cold and adverse to them.  
Next, some others of those who had most bestirred themselves, and most appeared in the calling in of the Scots to help, having done the work of their inbringing, lay down a new ground for the repairing the breach of their own credit, which by the miscarriage of things, namely in the West, as we have said before, had been much diminushed, and by degrees make up their credit upon the decline of the others; whereunto their earnestness for the Scots did much serve, and the Scots intimacy with them, for many gave willingly way unto them, when they did see them so intime with the Scots, whom they knew to have no by-ends; and those men, on the other side, did endear themselves unto the Scots by sundry good offices for a time, which they did unto them in things concerning their Forces in England & Ireland, employed in the Common Service; and by their constant and frequent courting of the Scots, they did so take them up, that they alone, almost, were admitted to any privacy: then some did laugh in their sleeve, to see a few, not so considerable before, bear such a sway and the Scots, led thus by the nose; and others did complain, saying, Why should this be? It was expected, the Scots Commissioners should have been open and free to all honest men, namely to those of worth; yea, they ought to have been so for the good of the public Service, and for their own credit, not captiving themselves as it were to some few ones. Further, it was said, that they should have pressed home businesses more stoutly and more freely than they did, as they had done in former times in their own particular affairs, when they had not so many professed and powerful Friends, letting nothing pass of that was, clearly for the good of the public.  
By this complying complaisance, the Scots Commissioners have given such advantage to those who for a time courted them most for their own ends, as it seems; for, if it had been altogether for the public, the Scots remaining constant to their point and principles, although with less vigour, I confess, than I could wish, those men had not changed, for ends, which when they had obtained, one after another, did withdraw from the Scots, and in a short time point-blank oppose them, by whose help, they chiefly had raised their height of reputation and opinion among men.  
The first and main occasion of mistake betwixt those men and the Scots, was the Church-government. When the Scots did engage themselves in this Common businesses, they did stipulate with the English Commissioners, then in Scotland, that they should go heartily & freely along with them, in settling the Government and Discipline of the Church, as it was thereafter sworn to by both Kingdoms, in the National Covenant. And when the Scots Commissioners came hither, and entered into the Synod, they found it had sat long, and advanced but small businesses; as for the Government, they had not touched it at all, which in all appearance was kept off by a slight of Prelatists and Sectaries, to stop the settling of the Church according to the best way, expressed thereafter in the Covenant.  
The Scots seeing the loss of time, and the evils which were likely to follow, if there were no set Government in the Church; presently moveth the Synod to fall to the Discipline and Government; which they do, and therein a great deal of pains is taken in setting out the Truth, and refuting the errors of ignorants, and oppositions of headstrong wilful men, who prefer the setting up of their own Chymerick fancies, and Utopian dreams, to the Peace of the Church; wherefore I may justly say, whatsoever gifts or endowments they have, whether of preaching or of praying, of languages, or sciences, since they want charity, they have nothing; for, if they had the least grain of charity, they would not thus disturb the Church.  
I add, He that sacrificeth the Peace of the Church to the Idol of his own Imagination, is as he who causeth his children pass through the fire to Moloch.  
After much struggling, things being brought near a conclusion, some of those upon whose Friendship the Scots had till then so much relied, did declare themselves to be altogether adverse to the Government the Scots were so desirous of: whereat, the Scots were much astonished: First, because the assurances given by those men unto them, in the beginning of their engagement, for furthering the Church-government intended; next, by reason of the Covenant, whereby the Scots conceive us all to be bound unto the government of the Church according the Word of God, and the best Reformed Church abroad, and namely to the government of the Church of Scotland.  
Ever since that day to this day, those men having withdrawn their temporary affection from the Scots, have opposed their counsels, and crossed their proceedings, in every thing wherein they are concerned, as far as in them lieth: And this they do not only themselves, but, draw others for human respects, to side with them in so doing. Yea, some there be of this fantastical opinion in this Kingdom, who stick not to say, that they will rather choose to join with Popery, Prelacy, and with whatsoever blasphemy, or heresy, then to submit to the government of the Church by presbytery: such is the phrenesy of those mad men.  
As those men we spoke of a little above, were, in what they could, against the inbringing of the Scots, and thereafter did oppose the setting afoot and the continuance of the Committee of both Kingdoms; so those second men, of late, have grumbled, yea to some of them words have escaped, that it was a trouble for the Committee to have the Scots adjoints: Yea, it seems there was a design to do business without the Scots, and that of great moment, wherein the both Nations are concerned, as may appear, namely, by naming and assembling of a sub-Committee without knowledge of the Scots: Wherewith the Scots acquainted the Houses by their papers, given in by them about the middle of May last. Further, the secret intelligence for the surprising and taking of Oxford, (at aneasie place) then unfurnished with provisions, given by one Patric Naper, to a Sub-Committee of three, whereof, there was one of them a Scot, is neglected: notwithstanding the Scots did press it much, that the thing should be tried; they could not prevail: The excuse was, that till the Army, than a moulding, was in a perfect frame, they would undertake nothing. More, the Enemy is acquainted with the secret advice of the enterprise, and that particularly, who before had not taken notice of the weakness of the place named by the advice; which the Enemy finding to be true, repairs and strengthens.  
All this then, is known to be true by intercepted Letters, which have not been communicated to the Scots Commissioners, notwithstanding the Common Interest. I am much mistaken, if it was the Scot who discovered the advice to the Enemy: Be it who will, let him lay his hand to his heart, and giving glory to God, confess his own wickedness; for at last, it will be discovered to his shame, I am persuaded.  
When the Army was moulded, according to the mind of some few men, than Oxford must be besieged, and the Enemy suffered to run up and down, increase his Forces, and spoil the country, yea, to bring all to a great hazard. Yet the new Army must lie before Oxford, wherein there was not the men by third part requisite to such a Siege; far less to take in the Town: Yea, those men who were there, were not furnished with materials for the the Siege. But, many think there was no intention to take the Town by open Siege, by those who were contrivers of the design, since they neglect to try if it could be done by surprise & secret enterprise: All this while, the chief Commander was most ready to act his part faithfully and gallantly, as he hath done happily since.  
From this Siege, the Scots not only do openly dissent, but also, did protest against it: Yet, when the thing was cried out upon, not only at home, but abroad, by foreigners, who said, That the Enemy was devouring the Flesh, while the Parliaments Forces were gnawing the Bone; & they did not stick to say, that fair dealing was not everywhere. More, the party of Horses which were ordained to follow the Enemy, was recalled back, against the advice of the Scots; who having acquainted the Houses of Parliament with those passages, should have made known to the whole World, that after their own constant integrity, & simple sincerity, more and more made known to all, in these things, and the faults of others sifted out, and they not bearing the blame of other men's errors, the Service of the public might go the better on.  
Further, it was given out, that the Scots notcoming southward, was the occasion of all these disorders committed by the Enemy.  
But, let reason judge, whether or not, it was easier for an Army, provided with all things for the Field and marching, within very few miles of the Enemy, to follow him, disturb him, and stop him from increasing his Forces, and doing Evil, then to an Army above two hundred miles distant, who notwithstanding their willingness and readiness to march, according to their calling Southward, could get neither draughts, nor absolutely necessary provisions for a march, in such a proportion as was thought very reasonable.  
The truth of this may appear, what troubles general Lesley found at Rippon, to get provisions and draughts, and how he went to York to that effect, but to very small purpose.  
Let things be tried, and no longer thus carried in hugger-mugger, to the prejudice of the public Service.  
We have heard, how that, and upon what occasion, some of those, who had been so intimate with the Scots Commissioners, leave them, neglect them, and oppose them in their proceedings, so far as they can in a smooth-way above board, to say nothing of what is done underhand.  
So in this place, you shall take notice, how that, on the other side, there be divers of those, who formerly had cared so little for the Scots, that they neither favoured their incoming, nor thereafter had assisted them so willingly, in their honest & faithful endeavour for the advancement of the public Service; now, at last, bethinking themselves of their own error, and how that, without reason, they had been jealous of the Scots, they begin to go along with them more freely and earnestly in the public Work, than they had done heretofore; which the Scots, minding mainly the furthering of the Service of the Common Cause, take kindly at their hands, and welcome the expressions of their good affection to the Service, with respective civility; wishing from their heart, that those who are now withdrawn from them, would return unto their wonted correspondence, in sincere and brotherly unanimity, for carrying on the heavy and tedious Work, now lying upon them all.  
Upon this, there is great murmuring against the Scots, that they had quite left off honest and well-affected men, and taken semi-Malignants by the hand, who not only had been slack and backward in the pursuance of the public Service; but, adverse unto themselves in particular. To all this, the Scots do declare truly, that as when they came hither at first, they took no interest in any man more than they judged him, in all appearance, to interest himself heartily, without by-ends, in the Common Cause; and, as yet, they do the same, resolved to continue so unto the end, constant to their first principles: and, if any men have withdrawn themselves from them, not willing to go constantly along with them in this necessary course, they are sorry for those, of whose constancy they were in a kind assured: and they declare to the World, that they neither gave, nor intend to give any just distaste in their particular to any: But, if men will snuff, because they are not humeured in all things, who can help it? The Scots did think, at their coming in, to have nothing a do with children and women, who must be humeured; but, with set and stayed rational men, without any by-respects, or private Fancies, wholly constants to the Cause both of Church and State, as we are all sworn by the Solemn Oath of the national Covenant: As for those, who having cast off their former mistakes, now go along with them more earnestly then formerly in the businesses, they cannot but welcome them, as all those, who put to their helping-hand heartily in the least kind to the great Work of God, and of his people; howsoever their carriage have been towards their persons, for the public (they having no spleen nor grudge at any) forget whatsoever hath been amiss towards them, praying God to forgive, that his Work may be carried on more cheerfully and unanimously, and they are likewise disposed and inclined towards those (who have left them off) to go along with them, so freely and so brotherly as at the first; & they will embrace them cheerfully, in carrying on the businesses of Church & State with them. This they declare not to captive men by cunning insinuation, as factious ones do; but to invite all men fairly to go on with the Work of Church and State, according to the Covenant, as they hope a blessing from Heaven, if they be zealous and faithful, without equivocation; and may expect judgement, if they either faint or be not sincere. Of this enough for this time.  
Yet, there is one thing I cannot pass, and it is this: There be hardly any divisions among these of this side, of which the blame is not laid upon the Scots; as if they had not had their jealousies one of another, and grudges one against another, by reason of particular interest and private opinion, before the Scots did join with them; when it is well known, that the Scots assistance, faithful in the counsel, and active in the Field, is not only useful and necessary for the opposing and repressing of the Common Enemy; but also, for keeping together those, who otherways in a likelihood, would fall asunder, and so the public Service suffer, at which the Enemy aims.  
Then I add, that the Enemy, howsoever low he seems to be at this instant, desires to have no better Game, then that the Scots would retire and withdraw their helping hand from the Service; for he that of nothing made a party so great as to carry all before it, till he was repressed by the Scots, would raise up his party again. But, in despite of the devil, and all opposition, whether clandestine or open; the Scots will stand firm and faithful, for the carrying on of the Work of God, and of his people.  
After a certain time, the States of both Kingdoms, resolved to try yet again if they could reclaim and recall, upon any reasonable terms, the abused and misled Prince, from his evil courses of undoing them people and himself, cause draw up certain Propositions by Common counsel of both Nations, which they send by Commissioners of both States, to the King; in whom they find nothing but shifts and delays: So they return without effectuating any thing.  
A while thereafter, the infortunate Prince intending to make the simpler sort believe, that he was defirous, at last, of a real agreement, sends hither Commissioners (of whose honest meaning, the people did least doubt; but in the end, they were found to be cajolers) to draw things towards a Treaty, unto which the Scots declared themselves to be inclined, (the main businesses of Church and State being secured) as willing to try all means possible, upon all occasion, to take up the differences in a fair way, to save further effusion of Christian and brother's blood, and further ruin of those countries.  
For this, the Scots are cried out upon, as evil men, (by inconsiderate persons, set on by Malignants) notwithstanding the Treaty goes on, but to small purpose; the King's Commissioners feeling the pulse of the Parliaments Commissioners, did promise unto themselves, upon what ground they know best, or at least should know, that they could carry all things to their mind, if it were not for the rude and stiffnecked Scots, who were so firm to their principles, and resolved rather to follow on the Work with honour and conscience, although with hazard and danger, then to yield to a base agreement, to the prejudice of Church and State.  
Upon this, the Court-Commissioners cry out against the Scots, as the only hinderers of their ends, and the stoppers of their designs, first at home in their own country, next here, both in the Fields and in the counsel.  
By this, you may see, if there were no other instance, with whom and against whom the Scots have ado: what was the carriage of the Scots Commissioners, in the Treaty of both Church and States affairs; let both parties freely tell, if they did find in the least point of honesty, faithfulness, resolution, prudence, knowledge, or respect amissing in them.  
But, the Treaty ends, without any conclusion for good, nothing being intended by the Court in it, but to gain time, & more & more to abuse the people, and so make the best advantage of businesses.  
Things having been carried in the Field, almost ever since the beginning of these Wars, namely the last Summer, not so well as they might have been, for the advancement of the public Service, by the fault of some of those who were employed in the said Service; whether it was want of skill, want of care, or want of sincerity and uprightness, in pursuance of the business, I will not in this place inquire, less will I resolve; but, a fault there was, and that a great one, and much amiss.  
Wherefore, the Parliament, upon just reason, having tried divers times to amend the errors of the Armies, and correct what was wrong in them in a fair and smooth way, but all to small purpose; takes resolution to reform wholly the Armies, and cast them in a new mould.  
Whereof the Scots Commissioners heairng, for their interest in the Common Cause, think fit for them to remember the Parliament of two things principally upon the point; whereof the first was, That in the new mould wherein the Armies were to be cast, care should be taken to make choice of men of experience and ability, so far as was possible, to do the better the duties of the Service; for although now and then men ignorant of what they undertake, may do perchance a thing well; yet it stands that it should be so, not with reason, which must rule all actions.  
The next was, that diligent care should be taken, for admitting none to employment in the Armies, but such as were trusty and faithful to the Cause now in hand, as it is expressed in the national Covenant: wherefore, it was desired, that every one employed, in testimony of his honesty and faithfulness to the Cause, should take the Covenant publicly.  
The Scots took occasion to give these advices to the Parliament, upon information given them, first, that divers new men, and of little or no experience, were preferred by indirect means, and were to be employed in places of command, for by ends: then, that there were divers likewise named for preferment and employment, who not only were suspect to be inclining to schisms and Sects; but also, professed Enemies to what is expressed in the national Covenant concerning the Church, and consequently, to the Common Cause we are all sworn to.  
These advices of the Scots, although they were not so much regarded as was needful, yet they did produce this effect, that divers men of known worth and experience, were named to be kept in the new mould, although many were put out, and new men unknown for Military virtue put in their places.  
Next, after a great debate in the Houses, it is ordained that all the Commanders should take the Covenant, under pain of cashiering, betwixt such and such a day: But how this Order is observed, I know not, I doubt it is not so well as it should be: As for the common soldiers, it was not to be pressed upon them, which makes men admire, not well knowing the reason of things, how that the prisoners soldiers taken of the Enemy should have the Oath tendered unto them, in token of their embracing the Parliaments party and cause, and these soldiers of the Parliaments own side, are not to be tied to the Oath of the national Covenant: Further, all suspected men brought before the Committees, namely of examination, have the Oath put to them, which if they refuse, they are censed Malignants; yet the Parliaments soldiers are to be free from the Oath, if they please. Yea, many were astonished to hear that it was debated in the Houses, whether those of the Armies should be put to the Oath of the Solemn League, or no, whereunto the Houses themselves are sworn to, and for the maintenance of which, we all now stand, or at least we ought to stand, being sworn to it.  
The reason why some men are backward to take the Oath, is that they are adverse to the Government of the Church by Presbytery, which the Parliament is now a settling, although the business do not go on so quickly as by many is wished, by reason of so many rubs cast in by several sorts of men, partly through ignorance, partly in opposition to the thing, for reasons far others than those they hitherto have given out, howsoever specious. At this occasion, it was spoken publicly by one who is a prime man among those who are adverse from the Government abovenamed of the Church, that, although in his judgement, he did not approve presbyterial. government in the Church, yet he, at all times, would submit to whatsoever Church-government the Parliament should settle, either by passive or active obedience.  
To this is answered; Whosoever sayeth that he will obey an Order or Law by passive obedience, is already actively in disobedience. Further, to call obedience passive, is as great an absurdity, as to call black white: for obedience is nothing at all but the act of obeying, and to call an act passive, is absurd, action and passion being more different than black and white, for they are Toto genere, distant; and black and white are under Unum genus, not only Summum of quality, but also subaltern of colour.  
Further, all virtue consists in action; so obedience being a virtue, cannot be said to be passive, that is, in passion. Wherefore, he who first did invent the expression of passive obedience, did not weigh what he said, no more than those who since, not considering the exact distinction of things, have taken it up at the second hand, and have made so general use of it. He who thinks that, by his passion, he giveth obedience unto the Law, is mightily mistaken; for, suffering, or passion, is laid upon a man for his not obeying, and to make him obey. Example: A man for debt is put in prison; the imprisonment which the debtor suffers is not obedience to the Law, but one means employed to bring him unto the obedience thereof, that is, unto the paying of the debt. I know, Divines speak much of the passive obedience of Christ; but this is of another condition, and so it belongs to another place. Besides, he who offers unto the Houses his passive obedience, endeavours what he can, and pleads earnestly to be free from it, as we have seen published by writing. Then also, it was said publicly by one, that the main quarrel the Parliament stood for at first, and thereafter did take up Arms for, was not for Religion (which is as much to say, the main different betwixt the Parliament and the corrupt Court-Papists, Prelatists, Atheists, and divers other instruments of iniquity, who having sworn inimity to the Truth, opposeth it with all their cunning and power) not the Reformation of the Church; but, the freedom and Liberty of the Subject.  
Which saying is injurious, in my mind; for, to aver or publish, that the Parliament did not from them beginning intend a true Reformation of Religion, is a great wrong done to the Wisdom of the Parliament; for how can the Parliament be said or thought to be wise in God, without it hath his fear before its eyes? and how can the Parliament be said to have the fear of God before its eyes, if it hath not care of the establishing the Truth of Religion, and to repress the errors? I cannot conceive; for without the true Worship of God, there can be no true fear of him: than it is most false; for, from the first beginning, did not the Parliament express, that it namely intended a true Reformation, by divers instances, although now and then it hath been at a stand how to go through with it, by reason of the lets that the Enemies of the Truth have cast in, and cast still in to this day, by open opposition, and clandestine undermining? witness the pulling down of the high Commission-Court, the courbing of the prelates tyranny, the making silenced Ministers freely preach; and so soon is the occasion offers itself, is it not embraced, to throw the prelates out of the Church as Enemies to the Truth of God? Then the calling of the Synod: which things, with divers more, the Parliament had never done, if it had not intended mainly the Reformation of the Church and of Religion.  
I must confess, the businesses in the Synod did go on but very remissly, before the Scots joining, by the national Covenant, with the Parliament, who hath since pressed it somewhat more home; and yet it goeth on but very slowly, not so much by the open opposition of the professed Enemy, as by the crafty infinuations of some fantastical and factious men, who having endeared themselves by some expression of good offices to the people, have buzzed the Parliament in the ear, they must not anger them for fear of losing so many good Friends, who give themselves out to be in great number, although if things were tried, it should be found that their number is far short of what is said of it, and their affection to the public less; for, I shall never believe, that those who are for confusion in the Church, are for the settled ordering of the State.  
Further, if the Parliament did not make Religion at first its main quarrel it stood for, and took Arms for, I pray you then, when did the Parliament begin to make the Reformation of the Church its main quarrel, at the joining of the Scots by the national Covenant, perhaps you will say? If so be, when England hath a settled Reformation of the Church, according to the Word of God, the practice of the first ages, and of the best Reformed Church now adays, it may thank their poor Friends distressed at this time for their sake.  
I am assured, he that sayeth that the Parliament did not intend mainly Reformation from the beginning, careth but little for it himself. Next, he makes the main quarrel of the Parliament to be the freedom and Liberty of the Subject: If under the notion of freedom and Liberty, were understood first a free & libr● profession of the Truth in a settled Reformed Church, as aforesaid, it were well; and in the second place, the honest freedom and just Liberty in external things; Such is the freedom that the truly reformed Churches abroad, have constantly sought for to this day, who when they obtain the first, they stand not so much upon the second. But, let us see a little what can be the meaning of the freedom and Liberty of the Subject, without Religion: Is it to be free from the vexation of Monopolies, Projects, ship-monies, &c. and of some exorbitant courses of Judicatory, as of that of the Star-Chamber?  
If in those alone, and no other things, better and more, I beseech you, what benefit hath the Subject by the freedom from the Court of the Star-chamber? The people say, The Committees of one City or County, doth more wrong in one year to the City or County, than the Starchamber-Court did to the whole Kingdom in seven years, if all things be well considered; for it did reach but one man here and there; but the Committees reach almost every man. It is true, the wounds of the Star-chamber were very sore & deep, but they were not so frequent, and now then they were mollified by some moderation; which divers Committees will not admit.  
As for the freedom from Ship-money, Monopolies, Projects, &c. Vox populi, sayeth, there be more in taxes and contributions laid upon the people in one year, now adays, then for many years in Ship-money, &c. Yea, which is the worst, this burden must continue, God knows how long, besides the way of levying it by the inferior Officers, if the taxes are most grievous; and the best affected men, for the most part, are most loaden; such is the cry and complaint of the people through the City and County.  
So, if the Subject had not the gain of a Reformed settled Church and Religion, he were in a worse case then formerly. Next, there is found but very little more just and honest Liberty for the Subject, than before; only the Sectaries take greater licence than they were wont to do, and fantastical men, to vent their idle imaginations, and to abuse the simpler ones; as likewise scurrilous fellows take upon them to say and write what they list against men.  
All this is a mere licentiousness and libertinage tending to the trouble of the people, and not to their good, so far is it from the Liberty of honest and discreet men, who desireth and aught to live, within the borns of good and wholesome constitutions both of Church and State.  
What is said here of taxes, is not to blame them, for it is known there must be tribute levied for the supporting of the burdens of the commonwealth, namely, in time of War, for its good and benefit.  
At the beginning of these Wars here in England, betwixt the King and Parliament, both parties did draw unto them so many of the Scots Officers as they could conveniently; neither of them having in their own opinion such Commanders, or, at least, in such number as to make their Armies complete to their mind, of their own men.  
So the Scots were employed in chief and prime places of command, on both sides: hence divers men indifferent, not as yet engaged by affection to either party, conceiving that neither party could have known how to manage, or go on with the War, without the Scots Commanders, wished them many miles beyond S●n.  
To the King went and took Service of him, not only divers who had been Malignants from the first beginning; but also, some superficial Covenanters, who not diving in businesses, did make small scruple to serve the King in this War, it not being against the Letter of their Covenant, as they conceived: for, the King protesting from day to day, that he would stand firm to the true Religion, and maintain it, his intention in taking up Arms, being only to repress some factinus persons who had affronted him: and the Parliament not then making it so clear to every one, by their expressions, that the main quarrel the adversary had, was the subversion of Religion, made some not to discern things so clearly as otherways they had done, if things had been more plainly set down.  
To the Service of Parliament, come divers in good affection, being persuaded that the quarrel of England, was one and the same with that in Scotland, howsoever by the cunning of the adversary disguised, and although not then so cleared by the Parliament as was need.  
The Enemy seeing that sundry Scots Officers and Commanders were undertaking Service under the Parliament, by his Emissaries up and down, doth what he can to draw them on his side, or at least, to make them keep off from serving the Parliament. In this, he did prevail with some, who will have their just reward in due time.  
Then, after the War began, and some Fieldactions being done, the Enemy perceiving how that divers Scots Officers had carried themselves gallantly, in the Service of the Parliament, returns again to his former courses, and deals by his Instruments and Agents here, to corrupt and debauch those men of Command, upon whom the eyes of many were; the Agents of the Enemy go craftily to work, to compass their ends upon those men; for, first, by cunning insinuations, they enter in privacy with them; Next, they make them fair promises, with specious words of the King's good intentions towards the public good of both Church and State, and of the esteem he had of their worth and deserts: Then those good Agents for the Enemy, underhand 'cause give distaste to the Scots Officers, by neglecting of them, and otherways, yea, by some Boutefeux there were of them quarrelled in Westminster-Hall, with reproach that they took the Meat out of the English months, who could manage and pursue the War as well, atleast, as they.  
If this quarrel had not been timely taken up, by the Wisdom of the Parliament, it had grown to a great height, according to the design and desire of the Enemy.  
This crafty dealing of the adversary, by his Agents, did prevail so far, that some of the Scots Officers, not so touched with the interest of the good Cause, as they ought to have been, nor as they outwardly professed, left off the Service of the Parliament for a time, upon I know not what foolish excuse; and thereafter, upon a change, fell to the Work again. Next, there were others so far persuaded, as to lay down their Commissions, and go to the Enemy and serve him for a while; and thereafter leaving him, returned hither again.  
The Scots Officers with the Enemy, were in high esteem, and in good respect among those they did serve, till the State of Scotland joined with the Parliament of England, in action for the Common Cause; from thence, by little and little, the Scots, with the Enemy, became so to be neglected and ill thought of, that there were many of them constrained to go away, and others have been taken and killed by this side, so that, for the present, there be very few, at least of any note, with the Enemy.  
On this side likewise, the Scots Officers, notwithstanding the State of Scotland was now interessed and joined with the Parliament, by degrees came to be littler regarded, neglected, and divers of them laid aside, after that sundry of them had lost their lives, fighting valiantly for the Cause, others had loosed their blood, and others suffered imprisonment, at last; the Moulders of the new model cashier at one dash above two hundred of them, brave fellows, who constantly had carried themselves with honesty, and gallantry, without giving them any satisfaction, or at least, very little, for what is justly due unto them, and had cost some of them very dear: The reason given out against them, was, That it was to be feared they would not be so earnest and so forward, as was required, in this new frame.  
Then, those cashiered Scots Commanders having danced attendance a long time, to small purpose, in pursuance of their just demands, constant to their grounds, although they were thus harshly used, they would not abandon the Service of the Common Cause: so, they resolve to go to the Forces of their countrymen, and serve with them in the same Cause; and sends some of them, accompanied with a number of good fellows before, towards the Scots Army, till the rest were ready.  
Those Scots who went away first towards their countrymen, being upon their journey, they chanced to be at and near Leicester, when the Enemy made his approaches to that place. The Scots, in mere kindness and love to those who were engaged with them in the Common Cause, without any Commission from the Parliament, or from the Scots general, stay and help their Friends: and how manfully their carriage was, in the assistance of their Brethren, is so known, that it will never be forgotten, when there is any mention of leicester-business. In general, I will say this of them; That, if they had been seconded, the Town of Leicester had not been taken by the Enemy; but, having expected assistance from those whom they came to help, after divers had prodagalized their blood, and that some were killed, with the loss of their Liberty and of all they had, they were constrained to yield to force, not without being admired by the vainquors for their valour. Thereafter, those that were taken prisoners, finding their opportunity, lays hold on it at the first, and they carry the business so, that they not only gain their own freedom, but make themselves Masters of those in whose hands they were.  
If those things had been done by some other men, all the Pamphlets about the City of London, should have been full of them.  
In this business, albeit the Scots did express their kindness really to their Friends, and made known their valour to all; Yet, here, I must tell you, they did not show their prudence; for, if the Enemy had known them to have no Commission, (as they had none) by Law of Arms, he had given them no quarter.  
On the one side, the ignorance of the Enemy did hinder him to deal with the Scots, being in his power, according to the rigour of the Law of Arms; On the other side, their valour and kindness, did prevail little for thanks or recompense, from those, for whose Service they had undergone such hazard.  
When the Framers of the new model cashiered the Scots Officers we have been speaking of, they named four general Officers of the Scots to be kept in the new Army; which some did for the good opinion they had of the worth and usefulness of those men, for the Service: Others did it, lest the people should inquire, why all the Scots, at one time; should be thus put out of Service, whose faithfulness and forwardness was known, being free of the guilt of the late miscarriage of things in the Fields.  
Those few Officers, although they were named to be kept in the new model; they did conceive, that they had tacitcly their Quienis est, first, by cashiering their countrymen, who were known to be well deserving and faithful men unto the Covenant, (which is the Rule of that we fight for) and by naming them to inferior employments in this new model, to what they had come to be preferred to by their own virtue. Next, by bringing in new men, not acquainted with War, in equal command with them, and under them, and some of these professed not to favour the Covenant, unto which the Scots were resolved to stick to: So they thought sit to take the course of their other countrymen, and to lay down their Commissions, for fear of further inconvenience, namely, if any mischance should fall out, apprehending the blame should be cast upon them; and then, they could not expect true fellowship not obeying to Orders in the Service, of those men, who had another-mind than theirs, which is expressed in the Covenant.  
The disobedience thereafter of some, in the new model, to the express Ordinances of Parliament, made this apprehension good.  
Upon this, there is a great cry given out against those few Scots, who had abandonned the Service at such a time of need; but never a word how that two hundred Scots had been put of the Service.  
Here, it may be asked, Whether those few Scots were more in the wrong to the public Service, by laying down their Commissions, serving still the same Cause, with those who are constant to their principles with them; then those who put off the Service, at one time, two hundred valiant and well deserving men.  
I could have wished, for my part, that those few men had laid aside all consideration and apprehension, howsoever just, and continued in the model, leaving the event of things to God.  
Now, it is said, that God hath blessed the honesty and piety of some men extraordinarily, in the new Army, so that great things are done by it.  
I acknowledge with a thankful heart to God, that he, in his Mercy, hath done great things of late by that Army; but, no thank to the honesty and piety of some men; for, I do not find piety more really in them, to speak with modesty, then in other men: Howsoever their external profession is, let their carriage towards God and Man speak for them, and not profession only; for, profession oftentimes is a clock of knavery and faction.  
Then, howsoever God, in his good Providence, doth great things by weak and inconsiderable men; yet, I am certain, it is the surest way to employ men of skill and of experience, in any work we are going about; and surely, we cannot look for a good success of any business whatsoever, when we neglect to employ those whom God hath fitted with ability for the work, if we can have such.  
I know, God is above all rule; but this is the ordinary course, both with God and among men; the examples are so clear in all businesses among the Sons of men, that it is idle to allege any; only I shall say, that there is more of this choice of fit men to be remarked in the War, then in any other thing among men, as it hath been observed of old, by judicious men: Yet God, in War, more than in any thing else, showeth his overruling power, and that he is above the ordinary course of things. But, to put God to show here his overruling hand, in a extraordinary way, without need, is a kind of tempting of him; for, since he hath, in his wise Dispensation, ordained an ordinary course for doing of businesses, to be used by men fitted by him for the work, he promised tacitly his blessing thereunto, providing always that we rely more upon him, than the second causes.  
More, in all this success there was never more seen of God, and less of men; and those men who would make men believe, that their honesty and piety shines above others, have but small share in action, for any thing I can yet hear.  
A word more: It was not without a mystery, that so many gallant Officers of both Nations, were cashiered under pretext of want of piety and honesty, being free of any guilt of the former miscarriages; and yet the ordinary soldiers kept still in the Service, whose piety is known to be less, as men of little and small breeding, and so, of less knowledge of God and of themselves, and consequently, not so given to the practice of goodness, and so abstract from evil; having but small light, they cannot do so well as others, who have better breeding than they; and, upon mistake, they may more easily be brought over to do what is amiss, for themselves and for others, yea, for the public Service of Church and State, and so become a prey to abusers and deceivers.  
Moreover, there is a great stir about Carlisle, now in the hands of the Scots, for the Service of the Parliament. For the better understanding of things, we shall take them at a further rise.  
So long as these two Kingdoms were under two several Princes, Carlisle and Berwick were two Garison-Towns upon the Frontiers; but so soon as these Kingdoms did come unto one Princes hands, those places were ordered to be forsaken, and their fortifications rased, and to be no more a partition-wall; which was done accordingly, and so they remained for many years, till of late, that is, till the beginning of the first troubles of the Scots with the abused King, who caused then repair those places in some kind, and put Garrisons in them.  
Thereafter, at the first pacification upon the Frontiers, betwixt the King and the Scots, those places were to be relinquished, as they had been formerly.  
By the Articles of agreement, at the second pacification, the same was confirmed, and that by the Authority of this same Parliament, now sitting, gathered together, continued and preserved by the help and aid of the Scots.  
The King, beginning his barbarous War against the Parliament, makes Carlisle sure, which by degrees insensibly he furnisheth with a strong garrison & Munition accordingly, as a place fit for his purpose, for vexing of the Scots, upon occasion, whom he did foresee would not side with him in this wicked design, if they were not opposite unto him; and for receiving his Irish Rebels, to do mischief to both Kingdoms as they pleased, if they were not stopped. And so, since then, he hath kept it, till within these few days; and it hath served for a seat and a passage for troubling both Kingdoms.  
The Houses of Parliament, on the other side, a little latter, possess themselves of Berwick, which the King did not regard so much, as not so considerable for his purpose, and also, it was too much in the eyes of men to be seized upon, by him, at the first beginning.  
When the Scots come into England, at this time, to help their Brethren, who had been so kind unto them in their troubles, and whose Fathers had assisted their Fathers, in the Cause of Reformation and Liberty; by agreement betwixt the Parliament and them, they had Berwick delivered up unto them, for facilitating their entry, and advancing the Service they engaged themselves in: and if Carlisle had been in the power of the Parliament then, it had been delivered unto the Scots, without any more ado, as freely as Berwick was for the very same reason. Yea, more, if it had been required then, it had been promised unto the Scots: I do not mean of necessity; but of mere consideration to the public Cause.  
Now, the Northern country of England, through God's Mercy, being pretty well cleared, by the help of the Scots, of the open professed and declared Common Enemy; it is thought fit, first to block up, and then to besiege Carlisle: The Scots undertake the business, and to this purpose, sent of their Army thither a party of both Horse and Foot, under the command of a general Officer, and he hath some Forces of the country to assist and help him, in the performance of the Service; which the Scots did not so hardly press as to storm the Town, for sparing of blood, which they are loath to shed, if the business can be carried on otherways, (Witness Newcastle, where they shunned to shed blood, and being constrained to it, they did shed as little as ever hath been seen upon such an occasion) so they resolve to take the Town by want of necessary provisions.  
Those of the country, who were joint with the Scots in the Service, were so far from helping them, that, by the treachery of their Leaders, they did what they could not only to hinder the business; but also, to wrong the Scots in what was in their power; for, when they were ordered to keep their own quarters strictly, and suffer nothing to go unto the Enemy; and if he sallied out of the Town, to fall upon him: they were so far from performing their Order, that when it was in their power to hurt the Enemy, they shot powder without bullets at him, and privately, they suffered provision to be carried unto him through their quarters; yea, by secret combination, they agreed with the Enemy, that if he would sally out, and fall upon the Scots, quarters, they should yield no help unto them, although they were joint with them in the Service.  
Which proceedings of the North countrymen, by the knavery of their Commanders, whereof the chief lately had been in open Rebellion against the Parliament, under the Earl of Newcastle; being made known unto the Scots, they had a nearer eye to their actions, and oblige them thereafter to play fairer play: Those false and deceitful Leaders, seeing themselves disappointed of their former intents by the care of the Scots, go another way to work; and perceiving by the vigilance of the Scots, that the Town, receiving no help from without, must render itself; underhand, and not acquainting the Scots, enter in a private Treaty with the Enemy, and offer him great conditions.  
This being also discovered by the Scots, caused them summon the Town, and offer to it reasonable conditions, which the Enemy did accept, although they were not so advantagous' for him, in all points, as those offered by the others.  
The reason why the Enemy did accept the Scots conditions, and not the others, was, first, He could not trust to any condition from those who were so wicked, that they were not trusty to the party they professed themselves to be of, and to their associates.  
Next, The Enemy seeing the chief man, among those double ones, to be but an inferior Officer, and one who never had seen greater War than the plundering and spoiling of his own country, under the Earl of New castle, with whom he had been a lieutenant-colonel at the most, and now at this time preferred, for some ends, to be a colonel. Then, there was no Committee there who could authorise him to capitulate, or make good his capitulation, where the Scots were; for, by agreement betwixt the Scots and the Parliament, things of consequence in the War, wherein the Scots had a hand, were to be ordered by the Committee of both Kingdoms upon the place, or with the Scots Army, and that not being, (as there was none then) by the Scots general his Order; and so he ordained, according to the first agreement, lieutenant general David Lesley to take in the Town, upon such conditions as he should think fit for the good of the public Service, and put a garrison in it.  
Those who came out of the Town, were conducted unto Worcester, who were but six score when they arrived thither, the rest being fallen away in their march, either upon consideration of the public, or of their own private interest.  
Thus Carlisle is put in obedience of the Parliament, for the public Service, according to the first agreement: And if the Scots had not followed the business, in all appearance, it either had still remained in the hands of open Enemies, or, at least, had fallen in the hands of those Malignants, who neither have respect to the credit of the Parliament, nor regard to the good of the people; for they dishonour the one, and waste the other.  
All the while that the Siege was before Carlisle, there was not only a neglect, but such a malice against the Scots, who were at it, that they had starved for want, if the Scots Army had not sent a good part of the moneys that they had for their marching and taking the Field. Thus is the public served by the Countrey-Committees, abusing the Authority they have from the Parliament.  
After all this, the Scots are cried out upon by Malignants; yea, they write to the Houses against them, as Enemies to the public good, to the Parliament, and to the people of England, notwithstanding that since the very first beginning of those troubles they have carried themselves faithfully, honestly, and kindly towards England, in despite of all Enemies, and particularly towards the Parliament, who were the cause of assembling it, continuing it, and preserving it, first, from the great Plot made against, next, by actively upholding it when it was very low, as it was at their incoming.  
The reason why the Scots have put a garrison of their own men in Carlisle, for a time, is from the constitution of the present affairs in both Kingdoms; for, having found such knavery and wicked dealing, by the chief men in the Northern countries, they did not conceive it fit, for the public Service, to put the place in the hands of those, who already possessed with power (by the unfaithful Commissioners, trusted by the Parliament with the ordering of things in those places) do nothing but oppose the design of the Parliament expressed in the Covenant, and oppress the people, as is made known unto the Parliament by the Commissioners from those countries, (men of credit and worth, who have done and suffered much for the Cause against the Common Enemy) sent hither from many good people, to complain against those wicked ones, Enemies to God and to his people: And when it shall be thought fit for the Common good of both Nations, now so united, it will with all cheerfulness be left by the Scots; And to this, the State of Scotland will willingly engage itself, by all the assurances can be require in reason.  
The Common Enemy, since he could not keep out Carlisle in open War, against the Parliament, doth his next best to have it in the Malignants, his Friends, hands, that at least indirectly, he may do his work; and since he failed of both those, he striveth by his Emissaries and Agents to make it an Apple of discord betwixt the two united Nations: but, this will fail him also, how cunningly soever he goes about this design; for, the Wisdom of both States is such, that the mistake will be taken away shortly, and that the State of England will see clearly, the Scots, in possessing themselves of Carlisle, and excluding those wicked ones abovementioned, have not only done a good piece of Service to the public and the Common Cause of both Kingdoms; but also, in particular, to the well-affected people in those parts, who are under the heavy pressure of those wicked ones, and had been far more, if they had more power, whereunto the possession of Carlisle were such an addition, that it would make them double Tyrants and Brigants.  
As the Common Enemy, not only by open War by Land; but also, by false undermining by his Agents and Instruments, who partly are absolutely addicted to his wicked design, partly by interest of preferment and benefit, although they care but little for his ends in the Field, or in the counsel, in the City or in the country; do what they can, with all care and forecasting, to stop the public Service by many and many ways; this is known too well to be so little regarded: Even so, by Sea, he steereth the same course; for, not only by open War he doth oppose the public Work, now in hand, in taking and destroying all that he can; but likewise, he useth indirect means by the help of his Instruments, for the hindrance of the Service of the Common Cause, now in hand.  
Hence it is that the Parliaments Ships, not so vigorously opposing the Enemy, and not giving timely assistance to their Friends, interessed in the Cause; so many of the Enemy his Ships, without resistance, go up and down so freely, and that there are so many Ships, Barks, &c. both English and Scots, taken by the Enemies.  
Further, the Coasts of Scotland are not so carefully guarded and kept, as they were promised to be, by agreement; which hath given and giveth still a great advantage to the Enemy, and hath done a great hurt to the Friends who are employed in the Cause against the Enemy, and, in them, to the Service of the Cause.  
These things have given occasion of complaints to many men, bemoaning their own condition, and how that the good of the people and the Service of the Common Cause, are no more and better looked to; yea, some in grief of heart, after their great sufferings, hardly taken notice of by those of whom they expect some redress, say that not only there is a great neglect, but, in appearance, there is some secret connivance, by those who should follow this Service. But to another business:  
It is known to every one, almost, how that for many and many days and meetings, there hath been a great deal ado in the Synod, with some few factious and fantastical headstrong ones (men without love to the Peace of the Church of God) for the Government of the Church by parochial Presbyteries, subaltern to classical, and classical subaltern to synodical; which all being, after so many debates with Patience, goodness, and Charity towards those men, demonstrated evidently to be according to the Word of God, wherein it is grounded, conform to the practice of the Church planted and governed by the Apostles and their successors, for above two hundred years after Christ; and conform likewise, to the best Reformed Churches now adays.  
But, at length, the thing is concluded upon by the Synod, and approved by the Houses of Parliament, maugre all opposition made by the disturbers of the Peace of the Church, in the Synod, and of the sticklers for them anywhere else. Yet, those restless spirits will not be quiet; for, they give out, that they will perform at last the thing they have been so much urged to, and for so long a time; to wit, they will give unto the public, the model of Government they would be at, & to which they will stand to: But, those who have a shrewd guess at those men, and at their ways, assure us, that, as they will not tell what they absolutely and positively profess, nor what they would be at; they will never give a set model of Government unto the public, whereunto they mind to stand:  
For, whatsoever they do in opposition of the Government above named, they cannot agree among themselves unto any one thing, for, so many heads so many ways dissonant one from another, according to the nature of untruth and error, which is uncertain, and not constant to itself. Yea, there be some who say, That those men will not settle upon any thing at all, except it be upon continuing in phrenaticall Fancies; and those of the most exacter sort amongst them, are named Seekers, not of God, or his Truth, and of Peace; but of themselves and of novelties, at the best; which ever hath, and will be troublesome to the Peace of the Church.  
Truly, as those factious ones, by rejecting all dependency, and subalternation of inferior presbyters to superior, in Church-government, have acquired unto themselves the Name of Independents; so, if you cast your eyes upon the courses of those men's seeking of preferment and benefit, they may justly all be called Seekers: For, there was never a generation, among men, so nimble and so active about preferment and benefit, as those men are. The Jesuits are far short of them, howsoever cried up through the world for this; for, they run up and down with care and cunning to lay hold on power and moneys, wherein they have come to good speed by their crafty insinuations, and the silliness of other men: Divers of all ranks, not excepting the higher amongst men, seeing their ways advantageous, side and cog in with them, for profit and employment. They, on the other side, receive none in their Society but those of means and gifts; poor people and simple are profane in their account: They work hugely with rich men's wives, widows, and daughters; and stirring fellows, in any kind are good for them: And to carry on their business more smoothly, they plead for charity, that there may be a charitable interpretation of their carriage and proceeding, when God knows, they are destitute of all charity, first towards the Church, in general, whose peace they disturb in a high measure, and towards particular men, for they oppress and afflict every honest man they can reach, in hatred to faithfulness unto the good of the Church and State, if all were well known and considered; for those who strive so much for confusion in the Church, aim all anarchy in the State, doubtless. It is true, there be divers simple well meaning men that are ensnared in the opinion of those men, of Church-government; but, good people, who are not of the cabal, nor of the secret faction; who, I doubt, upon fuller information, will leave the error, and follow the Truth. So there be many honest and well meaning people, who adhere and follow the Jesuits, who are not acquainted with the mysteries of their iniquity.  
Then, with a great deal of deceit, they cry out igainst the rigidness of presbyterial-government, as aforesaid, to make the people believe that it will tie them to such a strictness and rigidity, or austerity, that all Christian Liberty will be taken away from them. Wherein they do lie most abominably against the practice of all the Reformed Churches where this Government hath place, namely in Scotland and France, where if there be any thing amiss of this kind, it is towards lenity rather than austerity.  
Yet, those fellows give out, that they are more holy than other men, and of a stricter life, and will not admit to their Society any who will not bind himself to the strictness they profess externally; but, their carriage, being near looked to, will be found as far distant from what they profess, as the Capuchins hypocrisy is from true piety.  
The business is no sooner ended concerning the Church-government, maugre Independents, but there arise other difficulties and rubs in the way, to hinder the settling of Government: Such obstacles are cast in by the Enemy, to stop the building of the Temple:  
First, Some will not allow it to be of divine right, notwithstanding it is demonstrated to have its ground in the Scripture, so clearly that it cannot be denied, and practised by the Apostles and their successors.  
Then, There is a great stir concerning the power of the Presbytery, to admit and keep off people from the Table of the Lord; and to receive men unto the Communion of the Church, or to seclude them from it: Which power some will have to be only in the civil Magistrate: Wherein there is a great mistake. From the beginning of the World to the giving of the Law, both functions of the spiritual ministry concerning God and Religion, and of the civil ministry concerning the external Society of men, being in one man, to wit, in the Father, and the eldest Son in the father's room; things were not so clearly distinct: But then, at the giving of the Law, God in his appointed time, and in his wise dispensation, ordained the functions of his spiritual ministry of Church, and of the civil ministry of State, to be in distinct persons; so the power belonging severally to each ministry was to be exercised distinctly by those who were set aside severally, for the several Ministeries: And that the one Minister had power over the things concerning his ministry, as the other over his, it is clear by Scripture.  
Thus, things did continue from Moses to Christ, although now and then not without some alteration or change, by reason of the revolutions of affairs, in the State of Israel and of Judah.  
In the Christian Church, the distinct Ministeries being in distinct persons, the power belonging to the several Ministeries, must be in distinct persons, according to their Ministeries; and although the civil Magistrate, or Minister of State, is not to exercise the spiritual ministry, nor what belongeth to it; yet he is obliged to oversee the Minister of spiritual things, to do his duty faithfully and diligently. Of those, much hath been said and written in former times, and of late, by men of the clearest judgement, and of most understanding in things of this nature. Besides, the fear of men, that the spiritual sceptre and rod of Christ should be prejudiciable to their worldly authority, the frequent encroaching of the Ministers of the Church upon the civil Minister, to wave what is done elsewhere, and hath been in former times here in those Islands, not only of old, but in those latter years, Churches-Ministers, ambition, & avarice, having cast us in all those troubles; doth furnish just occasion of weariness to the civil Magistrate, to keep the ministry & power of Church men within the precinct of the Church; but it must not be so as to make them like the trencher-Chaplain, to say a short grace and no more.  
As the Church Ministers are not to meddle with civil affairs, so the civil Ministers ought not to meddle with things merely spiritual; such are the censures of the Church, which is commonly called the power of the keys.  
Further, as prelates with their Emissaries, have put Christ out of his Throne in a kind, making themselves Lords and Masters of his Flok and Heritage; so on the other side, those who take away the due power of the keys from the Ministers of Christ in his Church, doth him a great deal of wrong in his spiritual Kingdom. Therefore, let us look to it, lest when we have pulled down one tyranny Antichristian out of the Church, we do not leave it to confusion and anarchy, and so to be enslaved to the fancy and to the humour of weak men. But of this, let it suffice in this place.  
Moreover, as the Scots did constantly in all their own troubles ever from the beginning to this day, lay hold upon all the occasions they could meet withal, to try if it were possible by fair means to redeem the misled King from his evil ways, and to calm all things with the least noise or stir that could be; so it hath been their constant course here, both before and since their conjunction in action with the English in this Common Cause, to try by fair means, if the King could be prevailed with, for his own good and that of the people; and now at this time, after so many advantages obtained of late upon the adverse party, they have thought it fit to desire the Parliament to send to the King, to try him yet again, if at last he will condescend to what is fitting in reason and conscience for the settling of Church and State, as it hath been proposed unto him, with a ripe deliberation, after a serious debate, and laying aside all evil counsel, where with he hath been so long misled, come home to the Parliament, the great counsel of the Land.  
This advice of the Scots, as it is liked by the wiser and better sort of men, who have mainly the public Service before their eyes; so, by the hotter kind of people, who breath nothing but violence and extremity, it is cried out upon as prejudiciable unto the Common Cause, and will give an advantage to the Enemies, since the King is not to be reclaimed by fair means, and will never yield to reason but upon mere necessity.  
It is but too true, I am assured, and I must confess there be but very small hopes of doing any good with the King, or gaining any good upon him in that way; for, besides that nothing hath been gained by all the former Messages sent to him, or by Treaties with him, the violation of the Peace made twice with the Scots, the many Plots both in Scotland and in England to undo all, the bloody businesses in Ireland, the last intercepted Letters, wherein he expresseth his mind, and the intelligence we have from all places abroad, tells us sufficiently that he will continue still in this persecuting way of Church and State, so long as he can hold out. The reason of this his perseverance in those courses, is clear to any rational man, and it is this: There is a great design now afoot in these Dominions, which is to bring all to spiritual and temporal slavery and thraldom more than it was in the blindest times; which will be kept up with all might and slight, so long as is possible; and the abused King, who is the chief Agent in this business, will be kept to it and not suffered to give over the work, but go no so long as they who set him about it, can furnish him with any encouragement, by hopes, counsel, and intelligence, moneys, arms, or by any other assistances whatsoever, to keep life in the business.  
Now, if you will ask who be those who have set this great design afoot, and have engaged the King in it, I will tell you, Rome, France, and Spain: The Pope, to have all under him, at least, as formerly: The Spaniard and French, first, both in respect of the Holy Father, as Christian and Catholic Sons; then, each of the two hath his own private interest besides: The Spaniard, by the means, hopes for a number of good Friends here, (the work succeeding) by reason of the common Catholicity, and to have Ireland absolutely at his devotion, to side with him upon such occasion as he shall require; for it is everywhere remarked, that the Popish of those Dominions have a double dose of Catholicon in their bellies, and to be Spanish, and as they are addicted to the tyranny of Rome over the inward man, also they are affected to the tyranny of Spain over the outward man; so ingrate are they towards God, and so unnatural towards their own country.  
The French hath his particular interest in the work; for, since he could by no means get the King to side with him in opposing the Austrian, and to help his nearest Allies and Confederates against his and their Enemies; in spleen and revenge, hath put many Irons in the fire to give work at home, to undo himself and his people.  
Next, The French, by the putting the King to work at home, and by keeping him to it, goes on with his own work against the Austrian, namely in Flanders, wherein these Dominions have the most interest to look to, by reason of the nearness and the narrow Seas.  
Then, the French hath a further drift, who when he hath any leisure from his Wars with the Austrian, either by an accommodation, or by an absolute Victory, he may send hither a party to make the Hola, with a vengeance, little to the content of either Prince or people; yea, to seek by a strong hand that which the Norman offered to the than French King, and he refused.  
These are the shares and parts that Rome, Spain, and France take in our troubles, howsoever they give out otherways, for prove of this, to lay aside many things which might be here alleged:  
First, for Rome, I pray you put before your eyes the constant and near commerce the corrupt Court and the wicked clergy have had with Rome, and have to this day, with the Letters betwixt the King and the Pope, and the sending Agents hence to Rome, and from thence hither, and a Nuntio into Ireland, who is now so far as the nearer coasts of France, in his way for Ireland.  
Next, for Spain and its adherents in the Catholic Cause, to say nothing of what is past in the kindling of the fire among us, by several underblowings: I pray you to consider the Residents now of Castille, Portugal, of Venice, Florence, Lorraine, &c. what their carriage is, how inclined to the Court, and how adverse to the Parliament.  
As for France, The late Factotum of that Court, did acknowledge it to be one of his masterpieces, to have kindled the fire in all those Dominions, first in Scotland, next in Ireland, and last, a little before his death, in England; whereabout he had above a dozen of Agents at one time, acting their several parts in this act here with us. Those who have succeeded in his place, carry on things his way very near, namely, in what concerns us, as may appear by the sending into Scotland, to hinder the Scots joining with the Parliament, and by the continual supplies which are sent from France to the Enemies in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Residents of France their expressions in favour of the Enemies.  
All this is done really, albeit not avouched by public Authority.  
Notwithstanding that both Spanish and French give out they will keep fair with the States of both Kingdoms, and indeed the commerce in some kind is continued; but, they receive in their Sea-Towns pirates with the spoils they take from both Nations, who are now confederate in this Common Cause.  
Then some others, who, at first, although they had not perhaps put their hands to cast us in those troubles; yet, seeing us inclining thereunto, have put them forward, and have given help to our miseries. Such are some of Holland, who, against the principles and grounds of their own State, have by their late ambassador, declared themselves to be enslaved to our corrupt Court, for their own private interests, and for that of him who namely set them a-work.  
When I spoke of Holland, Spain, France, yea, of Rome itself, I do not mean the common people; but of those who have chief hand in affairs and in Government: for, God knows, the people of those countries are as innocent of any evil office done unto us now, as our people were free from doing harm to the Protestants of France and Germany.  
The King of Danemark would fain have had his hand in the business; but he hath found other things to do.  
Yet, after all this, since we constantly pray for our King both in public and in private, if it were God's will, to reclaim him unto himself; and then that we might have godly, sober, and quiet life under him; I see no reason why we should not try upon all occasion to regain him, leaving the event and success to God, as the favourable hearing of our prayers for the King, to God his sacred will; which not being declared unto us upon the point, we demand it upon the condition of his good will and pleasure, and not absolutely as the salvation of our souls, concerning which he hath manifested his will, in his word, unto us.  
Now in this place, and at this time, I know it will be expected to have somewhat said of the present condition of Scotland: So, to discharge this duty in some measure, I give you this Discourse in few words, and as near the truth as I can, being at such a distance not having so full intelligence; which I pray you to take thus.  
The Common Enemy seeing himself disappointed of effectuating, to his mind, his wicked design by his enterprises of War, and his failing Plots in Scotland; then the Scots refusing in England to serve him in this design, as thereafter their helping the Protestants in Ireland, and last of all, their aiding England when they were very low, against his bloody Agents; finds if it had not been for the Scots, he had not had such rubs and obstacles, and so had gone more freely on with his work: Wherefore, since the Scots were the only, in a kind, hinderers of his compassing of his design, he thinks how to be revenged of them, and to make them leave off this active opposing of him and his design. After many things proposed and tried to small purpose, at last it is resolved by the Court to send home the Malignant Lords, to see what they can do; whom, according to orders, go home, submit to the State, and take the Covenant. Divers other Malignants who had been lurking in and about the country, do the same, and so they make all their peace. More, there were other double minded Lords, who hitherto had carried themselves so warily, albeit they were known to be disaffected, yet the Laws of the Land could not lay hold on them, receiving a favourable interpretation by the help of their kindred, Friends and Allies.  
At this time, a good part of the best affected men were employed abroad, either in England or in Ireland, what in action in the Field, and what in counsel; and the military men, who had been most stirring in their own last troubles, were employed in either of these two places, and some were gone to France to serve that King in his Wars.  
The country being thus emptied of men of counsel and of business, as also of men of War; the Agents for the Common Enemy bethink themselves that they have fair occasion to do somewhat for the design they in their heart affect and follow: but to go more smoothly to work, they must be employed in the service of the country, which being emptied (as is said) of honest and able men, did admit them, and was in a manner of necessity constrained to make use of them in the counsel of State, and in divers others Assemblies, and in all Committees almost.  
This point being gained, resolution is taken to make a party of some stirring men to go into Scotland, and the West Islands are designed to be the only fit place, the chance being tried so often before to no purpose, because they were negligently kept; the Lords and chief men of those parts being in England, with divers of the prime men of the country: they pitch upon an Alexander Macdoneld nicnamed Kilkitterch, that is to say, Little thief, an Epithet fit for a man who lives on spoil and prey. This man as an outlaw had left Scotland, and gone over to Ireland, where he joined with the Rebels, and fought for them against the Protestants for a time; and after some dislike he leaves them, and joins with the Scots, and bringeth some few hundereds of such men as himself with him. The general receives him, and he serves the Scots against the Rebels for a while: he tells the general that he had a great mind to have pardon for his former errors, and make his peace with his native country: the general undertakes it, but finds not the thing so easy to be done, and so soon, as he expected, by reason (as is given out) of the naughtiness of the man; others say more; truly there was a particular spleen that stopped it. At this, Macdoneld frets, and goes back again to the Irish Rebels, who received him kindly, partly by reason of his activity, partly in regard of his new kindred with the Earl of Antrim. To be short, resolution being taken to send over into Scotland, and that into the Isles, choice is made of him, who having chosen out, from among the Rebels, some few hundreds of desperate fellows what native Irish, what Scots habituated in Ireland, what Islanders and highlanders of his own humour and Friends, goes for Scotland, and lands in the West among the Isles and hills, where he finds but little, if any opposition. At his thus arrival without any rub, divers of his old acquaintance and outlaws with him, repair unto him; so he increaseth his number: at the first, the business was laughed at: But, seeing the number did increase by those men, it is thought fit to look after them. He that had most interest, was in England for the time, who upon the news, goes home, and takes Commission, with divers other Noble Gentlemen, to pursue the Enemy; but the pursuit was with such slackness, that the Enemy gains daily ground, and his number increaseth.  
By this time, Montrosse who had secret correspondence with Macdoneld, upon advice, goes privately from the North of England, where he had bestirred himself as in the South of Scotland, but he had been repulsed by the English and Scots forces in those parts, with few men incognito, and joins with Macdonald.  
The two being joined, Montrosse declares himself general of the party, and showeth his Commission, with many fair pretences to stand for the Covenant, and to continue the Government of the Church as it is now settled, and also, to ease the people of the burdens laid upon them by some factious men: This he promiseth, assisted with Papists, Atheists, forsworn men, and outlaws; which he performeth much at the rate of him who set him a work, spoiling, burning, and slaying men, women, and children; in a word, using all kind of barbarous dealing where he could be Master; yea, divers were not spared upon their beds.  
Then, those Nobles and Gentlemen who had Commission from the States of Scotland, go against the despicable Enemy, and the first rencontre was about the bridge of Jerne, where some betraying the Commission they had, run to the Enemy, others astonished fled away, and others sell their lives at the dearest rate they were able to do: so with a few, he had the better of a great number. The Enemy had another rencount a while thereafter, by the same way, and with the like success: After which his courage and number increased so, that the people began to apprehend and fear him.  
Upon this, the States send more men to help, and think fit to employ an old Officer to command in Chief against those Rebels, who seeing this preparation made against them, retire to the hills, and seeing the Army of the country could not stay altogether in one place, but must be divided into divers squadrons, the Enemy, from the hills, upon intelligence given him by Malignants of the country in the Army, falls now and then upon gentlemen's houses, Villages, and Towns, which he spoils and makes a prey of, and sometimes falls upon one quarter or other of the States Forces, where, although he found even honest men that fought most valiantly against him, and killed many of his men, yet, by the treason of some Commanders or others, for the most part, he hath come off with advantage; and now within these few days, he hath had the greatest with a handful of men. He never, to this day, could make up at one time three thousand men, when the country's forces were together near twice, thrice, yea four times his number.  
Although God be the Lord of Hosts, and it is he that giveth wisdom and resolution for Victories; yet since men have a hand in this business, we cannot but inquire if the men employed in the work have done their part according to their trust and abilities wherewith God hath enabled them.  
I know, that it is ordinary with people, (who rise little higher than to men) when there is any good success obtained by any, to adore him, and when things go amiss to lay the fault upon man, yea, perhaps, upon the same man whom they had a little before adored.  
Yet here, although I cannot say positively, there hath been a continued treachery in the carriage of things, by divers of the Officers, namely, by him that did command in Chief; there be shrewd presumptions to guess that there is a great deal of knavery; as,  
First, The great complaints of the honest and true Commanders, who, being nearest, could see best, and judge best of fair play or foul.  
Next, The posture of the country, when this party entered into the Land.  
Then, The correspondence the Enemy hath with some of high note and employment in the country, with the favour and connivance of others.  
Further, By the open treason of those who have run unto him, although employed against the Enemy; yea, there be who have run unto him in the Field, when they should have fought against him.  
More, The assurance that the Malignants had of Victory long before it came, at home, in the country, here in England, and beyond Sea.  
To this exigence, with the now unsuffering barbarous Enemy and of false brethren, have honest men brought themselves to; and the poor country, who had carried on their own business with such resolution and wisdom, & had kept under them the sons of Belial and children of falsehood and lies, that they durst not grumble, but submit quietly, for their kindness to their Neighbours, among whom they have dispersed themselves for their Service, and for overplus, they are paid with ingratitude, neglects, yea calumnies and affronts for their pains, by many of these people, for whom they have drawn all this upon them, and for whom daily they hazard and lose their lives, when they might all this while have sat at home quietly: but, they hope that the same God, who set them first about his Work, for all this, will enable them in mercy to be steadfast to his Cause, for which they now so much suffer; will, at last, free them from trouble, and end the business to his own glory and the good of his people, in despite of all malignancy and opposition whatsoever; for, when God hath chastised his own for a time, he will throw the scourge in the fire, and show them his great power in redeeming them from the hand of the wicked, upon whom the tempest of the Lord goes forth, and the whole wind that hangeth over shall light upon their heads; yea, the fierce wrath of the Lord shall not return until he have done and performed the intent of his heart upon his Enemies: and the Lord will say unto Israel, Thou People, who hast escaped the Sword, hast found Grace in the wilderness, and I will go before thee to cause thee to rest, for I have loved thee with an everlasting Love; wherefore, with Mercy have I drawn thee, and I will make a new Covenant with thee, thou hast broken the old which I made with thee when I brought thee out of Egypt; and this shall be the new Covenant I will make with thee, I will put my Law in thine inward parts, and write it in thine heart, and thou shalt be my People, and I will be thy God. Let us therefore wait upon the Lord with patience, who will not fail in his promise, if we return unto him with true repentance for our sins, and with a serious resolution to stick constantly close unto him, with our whole heart.  
There hath been of late a great blustering of some secret underhand dealings with the Common Enemy, by some few men, without the knowledge of the public; of which I have thought fit to say these few words; and to understand the thing more at length, we shall call to mind bow that the King, this last Winter, sends hither his cajeoling Commissioners, who, according to their Order, did cajeole the Scots and the Independents; but, how far they prevailed then with the Independents by their cajeolery, I cannot tell: but, I am sure, they did not gain of the Scots the least point of any thing, yea, not of any expression or thought of business, which could be in any kind interpreted to have an ill meaning in it against the Churches and state's advantage, in the three Kingdoms; as the Scots have made appear in their constant fair carriage, in all business of Church & State, maugre envy, namely in the last Treaty, where they did show really what honesty and faithfulness they had in their heart, as I have said before.  
The Treaty being ended without any agreement, the Court, after a time, sends one hither; for, although he gives out that he stole away, yet he came with the knowledge of the Court; and things being tried really, it may happily be found that he came hither by Order express, with instructions; who is a great cajeolor to use the Courts own words, that is, in plain language, a mere cheater, who hath vowed to cozen, by his lies: This cajeolure, as the former two, endeavours, first, to cajeole the Scots; but, finding he had a cold coal to blow, he leaveth off the design with them, and makes his addresses unto the Independents; but how he hath sped with them, it is not as yet fully known, things not being manifested; but some fiddling businesses there have been betwixt him and them, whether or no, by the whole cabal, or by some few of the prime of the faction, it is uncertain.  
First, That there was some under-hand-dealing by them, the intercepted Letters of Digby unto Leg, give a shrewd proof of it.  
Next, The Papers found since in the cajolers friends closet, under the cajolers own hand.  
When these things are tried to the full, we hope the light of all will appear, which all honest men wish it may be done exactly and speedily: And till then, men's minds will not be satisfied, and they will hardly refrain to speak of these things, howsoever it be taken; for they conceive not only by the openness of the time they are free from the thraldom of the corrupt Court; but also, since they have interest in the business, and have hazarded all what they have or had for the public Service, they may express their thoughts freely of occurrences, so it be with discretion, sparing men's persons, till things be cleared: And sincerely I think, no innocent man can be angry at this; if any in conscience finds himself guilty in any kind, that he will do well to suffer it patiently, for fear he suffer more, if things go exactly on to a trial.  
The light that happily may be found out of this, will not be and cannot be by a mathematical or metaphysical demonstration, yet by so certain proofs as the nature of the thing can suffer or require; for, businesses of this nature take probable Arguments for demonstration, as we are taught by the Doctors of of the politics.  
I know some have suffered for their free expression of these things, yet, I am confident, it had been greater wisdom (under favour) to let go free speeches, rather than to examine them too nearly, namely, when they proceed, without malice or scurrility, from honest men, who in their zeal, perhaps, now and then, may exceed the exact terms of moderation; and this I am persuaded, hath been the constant practice of wise men, grounded upon this: if the discourse be groundless, it falls of itself. If there be any ground by stirring and ripping up speeches, things will appear openly, which otherways in a short time, would have been buried in oblivion.  
I forbear instances as in all my discourse, keeping myself to generals, although I could have furnished divers examples upon every point I have touched; for, albeit it be said, He that speaks in general of all and to all, speak of none and to none, yet every one may make use of what is said in general, and apply it unto himself, for the good of the public and of himself; which I wish every one that reads this discourse, may do in all singleness of heart, as it is set forth by him in sincerity, who hath no other end in it, besides the glory of God, the good of Church and State, and the true advantage of every honest man, without any wrong-meaning, but an earnest desire that every one who is right and honest in this Cause, without by-respects, may continue so till the end; and that those who have gone a wrong way may return into the true, to the glory of God, the advancement of his Cause and of his people, with their own praise and benefit.  
Before I conclude, I will say this in truth, There was never a People in any age, who, by God's blessing, did carry on the work of Reformation with more wisdom, and resolution, and success, than the Scots did in their own country, and no more compassionate of their Neighbours in distress, nor more forward to help them by action and counsel, and to carry on the work of Reformation amongst them, than the Scots have been and are to this hour: So, there was never a People so harshly used in divers kinds, by some of those for whose good they have been and are so earnest: If this coarse usage went no further than their own persons, means, and reputation, they could pass it with silence, and not so much as think of it, laying it aside in Christian charity and brotherly love, although they suffer much in all these by it, since they have joined with their Neighbours to help them: But, since, by the neglecting, opposing, and in a word ill-dealing with the Scots, the Service and work they are about is wronged, stopped, and delayed, which is mainly and namely to help the setting forward the Reformation of the Church of God, as it is expressed in the national Covenant; they cannot but take it heavily to heart for the Name of God's sake. Surely those factions ones, who have used, and, at this time, use thus their Brethren, who have ventured, yea, lost themselves in a manner, with all what is dear unto men, for their sake, and to do them 2 double good, that is, to help them out of trouble, and to settle 3 true and through Reformation amongst them; have much to answer, not only for their malice, unthankfulness, and ingratitude to those who have spent themselves for them; but also, for their stopping and hindering, so far as in them lieth, the good work of God, and by that means give occasion of the continuance of these miseries wherein we are all now involved, and almost overwhelmed. God forgive these men, and turn them truly unto him, if it be his will; otherwise let them have no power to hinder his good Cause.  
And thus, good Reader, I have thought fit to give a little touch of divers main passages of these our troublesome businesses, leaving a fuller Discourse of things to another time and another place.  
FINIS.