THE HISTORY of the Life and Reign of RICHARD The Third.  
Composed in five Books By GEO: BUCK Esquire.  
Honorandus est qui injuriam non fecit, sed qui alios eam facere non patitur, duplici Honore dignus est.  Plato de legibus. Lib. 5. 
Qui non repellit a proximo injuriam si potest, tam est in vitio quam ille qui infert.  D. Ambros. offic. Lib. 3. 
LONDON, Printed by W. Wilson, and are to be sold by W. L. H. M. and D. P. 1647.   


The true Portraiture of Richard Plantagenest, of England and of France King Lord of Ireland the third King Richard    

TO THE FAVOURABLE ACCEPTANCE Of the Right Honourable PHILIP Earl of Pembroke and Mountgomery, etc.  
Sir,  
HAving collected these papers out of their dust, I was bold to hope, there might be something in them of a better fate (if mine obscure pen darken not that too.) Please your Lordship to let your name, make them another witness of your nobleness, it may redeem and improve them, to a clearer opinion and acknowlegedment of these times, in which I am to meet every Critic, at his own weapon, who will challenge the Book at the very Title: The Malicious and Malevolent, with their blotted Comments; the Captious & Incredulous, with their jealous praecisian●sines, whose inclinations shows them of envious perplexed natures, to look at other men's actions and memory by the wrong end of the perspective, and (me thinks) I fancy them to our shadows, which at noon creep behind like Dwarves, atevening, stalk by like Giants; they will haunt the noblest merits and endeavours to their Sunset, than they monster it▪ but to the Common-rout, they are another kind of Genius, or ignis fatuus; leads them into dark, strange, wander, there they stick: for to persuade the opinionated vulgar out of their ignorant selves, is of as high a belief to me, as to transpeciate a Beast into a man; I (therefore) shall crave favour, to protest these papers beyond their Censure, and humour: But to those they are wished (I hope) their weak accesses may be the more pardonable since they are the kindle and scintillations of a modest Ambition, to truth and gratitude, which gives me the encouragement to assure your Lordship, that if mine Authors be sincere and faithful, my penis free and innocent, having learned, that a story (as it ought) must be a just, perspicuous Narration of things memorable, spoken, and done. The Historiographer, veritable; free from all Prosopolepsyes, or partial respects, and surely his pen should taste with a great deal of Conscience, for there is nothing leaves so an infected a sting, or scandal, as History, it rankles to all posterity, wounds our good names, to all memory & places, by an Authentic kind of prejudice: I am with his opinion, in his excellent Religio Medici, who holds it an offence to Charity, and as bloody a thought one way, as Nero's in another; My Lord, under these humble addresses, this sues to your honoured hand, Presented by the unfeigned wishes of  
your Honours avowed and humble Servant, GEO: BUCK.   

The ARGUMENT and CONTENTS of the First Book. The Lineage, Family, Birth, Education, and Tirociny of King Richard the third.  
THe Royal house of Plantagenest, and the beginning of that name; What Sobriquets were: The antiquity of Surnames; Richard is created Duke of Gloucester, his marriage, and his issue; His martial employments; His journey into Scotland, and recovery of Barwick; The death of King Edward the 4 th'. The Duke of Gloucester made Lord Protector, and soon after, King of England, by importunate suit of his Barons and of the People, as the next true and lawful heir. Henry Teudor Earl of Richmond practiseth against the King; He is conveyed into France. The Noble Lineage of Sir William Herbert, his Employment; He is made Earl of Pembroke. King Edward the 4 th'. first, and after King Richard, solicit the Duke of Britain, and treat with him for the delivery of the young Earl of Richmond his Prisoner. The success of that business. The quality and title of the Beaufort's or Sommersets. The Lineage and Family of the Earl of Richmond. The solemn Coronations of King Richard, and of the Queen his wife, his first at Westminster, the second at York. Nobles, Knights and Officers made by him; Prince Edward his Son invested in the principality of Wales, and the Oath of Allegiance made to him; King Richard demandeth the Tribute of France; His Progress to York; His careful charge given to the judges and Magistrates; He holdeth a Parliament, wherein the marriage of the King his Brother with the Lady Grace is declared and adjudged unlawful, their children to be illegitimate and not capable of the Crown: The Earl of Richmond and divers others attainted of Treason; Many good Laws made; The K. declared and approved by Parliament to be the only true and lawful heir of the Crown. The King and Queen dowager are reconciled; He hath secret advertisements of Innovations and practices against him; Createth a vice-Constable of England. His sundry treaties with Foreign Princes. Doctor Morton corrupteth the Duke of Buckingham, who becometh discontent, demanding the Earldom of Hereford, with the great Constableship of England; He taketh Arms, is defeated and put to death by marshal Law.  
THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF RICHARD THE THIRD, OF ENGLAND, AND OF FRANCE, KING, AND LORD OF IRELAND.  
RIchard Plantagenet, Duke of Gloucester, and King of England, and of France, and Lord of Ireland, the third of that name, was the 
The House and Title of York.  younger son of Sir Richard Plantagenet, the fourth Duke of York of that Royal Family, and King of England, designate by King Henry the sixth, and by the most noble Senate, and universal Synod of this Kingdom, the High Court of Parliament. The Mother of this Richard Duke of Gloucester, was the Lady Cecily, Daughter of Sir Ralph de Nevil, Earl of Westmoreland, by his wife joan de Beaufort, the natural Daughter of john Plantagenet (alias) de Gaunt, Duke of Guiene and Lancaster, King of Castille and Leon, third Son of King Edward the third, for in that order this Duke is best accounted, because William of Hatfield, the second Son of King Edward the third died in his infancy, and this Duke of York, and King designate, was propagated from two younger sons of the same King Edward the third, whereby he had both Paternal and Maternal Title to the Crown of England and France: But his better and nearer Title, was the Maternal Title, or that which came to him by his Mother the Lady Anne de Mortimer, the Daughter and heir of Phillippa Plantagenet, who was the sole Daughter and heir of Lionel Plantagenet, Duke of Clarence, and second Son of King Edward the third, according to the account and order aforesaid.  
And this Lady Philip was the Wife of Sir Edmond de Mortimer, the great and famous Earl of March, and that Duke Richard, King designate, by his Father Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York (surnamed also the Conningsb●rrough) issued directly, and in a masculine line from Edmond Plantagenet, alias de Langley, the first Duke of York, and the fourth Son of King Edward the third, who was the most renowned 
The Lineage of Edward 3.  and glorious Progenitor to those Princes of York and Lancaster, and the first King in a Lineal descent from that great Henry, surnamed Plantagenet, famous for his great Prowess and many victories, King of England in the right of his Mother the Empress Matil●●, or Maud, daughter and heir of King Henry the first, and styled Angl●rum Domina, sometime wife of the Emperor Henry the fifth, by which he was also surnamed, filius imperatricis: The French men called him, Henry du Court Manteau, or Court Mantle, because he wore a cloak shorter than the fashion was in those times. By his Father Galfride, or Geoffry Plantagenet, he was Earl or Duke of Anjou (for then Dux, & Comes, and Ducatus & Comitatus, were Synonomies & promiscuous words,) he was also Earl of Maine, of Torraine, and hereditary Seneschal, or High Steward of France, and by his marriage of Elinor Queen of France Repudiate, Daughter and heir of William Duke of Gascoigne and of Guiene, and Earl of Poictou: He was Duke and Earl of those Principalities, and Signiories, also by the Empress his Mother Duke of Normandy: He was Lord of Ireland by Conquest, and confirmed by Pope Adrian. But these were not all his Signories 
The Empire of K. Henry. 2.  and Dominions; for after he was King of England, he extended his Empire and Principate in the South to the Pyrerean mountains, (The Confines of Spain and France) in the North to the Isles of 
Girald. in Topog. Hibernie. Sari●bur. in Pol. Newbrig. Lib. ●.  Orkney, and in the East and West with the Ocean, as Giraldus Cambrensis, G●l. Neubrigensis, & joannes Sarisburiensis, grave and credible Authors affirm, who styled him, Regum Britanniae maximus; and doubtless he was the greatest King of Britain since King Arthur.  
But it is controverted amongst the Antiquaries and Heralds, which Earl of Anjou first bore the surname and Sobriquet of Plantagenest, or Plantagenet after the vulgar Orthodox, by what occasion, and for what cause it was taken and borne, and from what time and age it had beginning: Some would have the forenamed Geoffry Plantagenet, Father of this Henry, the first Earl of Anjou, which bore it. But we shall find stronger reasons to derive it from a much more ancient Earl of Anjou, and better causes than can be found in him, if we step but a little back to their stories, and compare the men and their times. Geoffry Plantagenet being a man of a gallant and active fire, disposed to the Courts of Princes, to Justs Tournaments, etc. and to the Courtship of fair Ladies, those of the highest rank, and had so amorous a Star, That Philippe le Grosse K. of France, suspected him for too familiar commerce with his bed. But it was of better influence when he archieved and married the Empress Matilda, by which we may very well calculate, he neither had, nor would be intent or at leisure for such a mortified and perilous Pilgrimage to Jerusalem. But 
Fulk Earl of Anjou.  if we would know the man, let us look upon the first Fulke, Earl of Anjou, who lived about an hundred years before the Norman Conquest of England, and was Son of Godefray, or Geoffry Grisegonell the first Earl of Anjou (according to du Haillon) Ancestor and Progenitor to the foresaid Geoffry Plantagenet, some seven or eight degrees in the ascending Line, as Paradin accounteth, a man raised upon the foundation of a great courage and strength (two of the best Principles when they have good seconds, and make too a glorious man, where they serve his virtues, not affections, as in this Prince they did) whose disposition on the other side being let out into as vast an ambition and covetousness, ne'er looked upon the unlawfulness of his desires, how horrid soever (which amongst the many rest) run him upon the shelves of wilful perjury, and murder; the one for defrauding & spoiling a Church of certain Rights, and the other for contriving the Tragedy of his young Nephew, Drog●, Earl of Britain, to make himself Lord of his Country and principality. The secret check and scourge of those crimes had a long time to work upon his conscience, and of a great sinner made a great Penitent, being old and having much solitary time, and many heavy thoughts (which naturally accompany old age, and suggest better considerations of our former and youthful sins.) he opens the horror of them, and his afflicted mind to his Confessor, (as great Constantine to AEgyppus) who enjoined him to make the same confession before the holy Sepulchre, at Jerusalem, which Pilgrimage the Earl performed in all lowly and contemptible manner, passing as a private and unworthy person, without train or followers, save two of his meanest, which he took rather for witnesses than servants, whose service was, when they came near Jerusalem, the one with a cord (such as is used for the strangling of Criminals) thrown about his Master's neck, to draw or lead him to 
Acoustre in criminal & condemn. Paradin.  the holy sepulchre, whilst the other did acoustré and strip him as a condemned person, and with extremity scourge him until he was prostrate before the sacred Monument where he gave evidence of his unfeigned 
From this example Henry 2. submitted his body to be scourged by the Monks of Canterbury for the death of Tho. Becket.  contrition and sorrow. Amongst other devout expressions, uttering this, Mon dieu & Signeur rec●y a Pardon le perjure & homicide & miserable Foulque; And after this pilgrimage he lived many years of prosperity in his Country honoured of all men. To justify this, there be many Examples of other Princes and Noble Persons, who lived about the year of our Lord one thousand, and somewhat before, and in three or four ages after, who under went the like Pilgrimages imposed under base and mechanic nicknames and persons, as of a Carpenter, a Smith, a Fisherman, a Mariner, a Shepherd, a Woodman, a Broom-man, etc. In my Inquiry after that of Plantagenet, I met with an ancient Manuscript, that afforded me a large Catalogue of many such, by the French▪ called Sobriquets, from whence I have transcribed these few for a taste.  

Sobriquets.  
Berger, Shepheard. 
After this manner and long after K. H. 2 the heir and successor of this Earl, Fulko was enjoined by the Pope to go to the Holy-Land, and to fight against the Infidels, Hovend. Rival. etc.   
Grisegonnelle, gray-coat  
Teste de Estoupe, Head of tow.  
Arbuste, A Shrub.  
Martell, A Hammer.  
Grande boeuf, Ox-face.  
LaZouch, Branch upon a Stem.  
Houlette, a sheephook.  
Hapkin, Hatchet.  
Chapelle, Hood.  
Sansterre, Lackland.  
Malduit, Ill taught.  
Geffard, jeuvencas, or Heifer.  
Filz de Fleau, Son of a Flail.  
Plantagenest, the Plant or stalk of a Broom.   
And under the name and habit of a Broom-man our Pilgrim performed this Penance, and took the Sobriquet of Plantagenest from wearing a stalk of Broome, or plant of Genest; this is generally received, but the time and reason neither set down nor rendered by any of our Heralds and Antiquaries, French or English; for the time when he performed this, I observe it about the year of our Lord, one thousand certainly. But for the particular relation, this Count had to choose the genest plant, or Broome stalk before any other vegitall or thing, I shall lay down that opinion which is mine own noting for a circumstance by the way, that the Broom in hieroglyphical Learning is the Symbol of humility, and the Poets, particularly Virgil the best of Poets, give it the Epithet of humilis, humilis genista; and the Etymologists derive it from genu the knee, the part most applied, and as it were dedicated to the chief Act of Reverence, kneeling, to which the natural Philosophers say, there is so mutual a correspondency, and so natural a sympathy between genu and gen●sta, 
Leon. Fuchius.  that of all other plants or vegitals, it is most comfortable and medicinable to the pains and diseases of the knees. Pliny a great Master amongst them saith, Genista tuscae, cum, etc. genua dolentia sanat. 
Plin. Lib. 24. cap. 9   
But the considerable reason is, as I conceive it, from the use he was constrained to make of the twigs of Broome when he came to be scourged at Jerusalem, the place necessitating the use of them to that purpose, being (as Strabo relates) a stony, sandy, and barren soil, only 
Strabo, Lib. 16.  natural and grateful to the genest, as the watery and moist to the Birch, Willow and Withy, of which there could be none there, for that reason. And from hence it must most conjecturally take the beginning of that Honour, which afterward his Princely and Noble Posteries continued for their surname, who became Dukes & Princes in sundry places, and some of them Kings of England, France, Scotland and Ireland; and (as the pious people of that Age verily believed by their observation) were the more prosperous and happy for his 
Du Haillon.  sake.  
For the continuance of the Name, some (who pretend to see further and better in the dark than others as clear sighted) would have it taken of late time, and not used by the Kings and Princes of England, of the Angeume race. But there are many proofs to be adduced against them; Let us look into Master Brooks genealogies of England, 
In his Catalogue of Honour.  we shall find nothing more obvious and frequent in the deductions of those Princes of the House of Anjou, than the addition and surname of Plantagenet; Edm. Plantagenet, Geo. Plantagenet, john Plantagenet, Edward Plantagenet, Lionel Plantagenet, Humphrey Plantagenet, etc. In the French Historians and Antiquaries, jon de Tillet, Girard du Haillon, Clande Paradin, & jean Baron de la Hay, we shall often meet with Geoffry Plantagenet, Arthur Plantagenet, Richard Plantagenet, and divers the like, all of the first Age, when the Angeume Princes first became English, and some before. Master Camden also in his Immortal P●●tannia, mentioneth some very ancient, as Richard Plantagenet, john Plantagenet, etc. And witnesseth, that the forenamed Geoffry Plantagenet used to wear a Broome-stalke in his Bonnet, as many Nobles of the House of Anjou did, and took it for their chief surname. It might be added, that these Earls of Anjou were descended out of the great house of Saxon in Germany, which hath brought forth many Kings▪ Emperors and Dukes; and that they were of kindred and alliance to the ancient Kings of France, and sundry other Princes. But I will close here for the high Nobility of King Richard, as the good old Poet did for another Heroical Person: 
— Deus est utroque parent.  Ovid. 
Deus. i. Rex.   
And come to the other matters of his private story. And first for his Birth and native place, which was the Castle of Fotheringay, or as some write, the Castle of Birkhamsteed, both Castles and Honours of the Duke his Father, about the year of our Lord 1450, which I discover by the calculation of the Birth, Reign, and death of King Edward his brother, who was borne about 1441, or 1442. and reigned two and twenty years, died at the age of one and forty, Anno 1483. The Duchess of York their Mother had five children betwixt them, so that Richard could not be less than seven or eight years younger than King Edward, and he survived him not fully three years.  
This Richard Plantagenet, and the other children of Richard Duke of York, were brought up in Yorkshire, and Northamptonshire, but lived for the most part in the Castle of Midelham in Yorkshire, until the Duke their Father, and his Son Edmund Plantagenet Earl of Rutland were slain in the battle of Wakefield, Anno Dom. 1641, upon which the Duchess of York their Mother (having cause to fear the faction of Lancaster, which was now grown very exulting and strong, and of a mortal enmity to the House of York) secretly conveyed her two younger sons, George and Richard Plantagenet (who was then about some ten years old) into the Low-Countries, to their Aunt the Lady Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy, Wife of Charles Duke of Burgundy and Brabant, and Earl of Flanders. They continued at Utrich, the chief City then in Holland, where they had Princely and liberal education, until Edward Earl of March their eldest Brother had revenged his Father's death, and taken the Kingdom and Crown (as his right) from Henry the sixth, when he called home his two Brothers, and enters them into the practice of Arms, to season their forwardness and honour of Knighthood which he had bestowed upon them; and soon after invests George into the Duchy of Clarence, and Earldom of Richmond, which Earldom he the rather bestowed upon him, to darken the young Earl of Richmond, Henry Teudor. Richard had the Dukedom of Gloucester, and Earldom of Carlisle, as I have read in an old 
Lib. manus. in quarto apud D. Rob. Cotton. Comes, i. Praeses●.  Manuscript story, which Creation the Heralds do not allow. But whether he were Comes thereof after the ancient Roman understanding, that is, Governor▪ or Comes, or Count, after the common taking it by us English, or others; that is, for a special Titular Lord, I will not take upon me to determine, but affirm I have read him, Comes Carliolensis.  
And after the great Earl of Warwick and Salisbury, Richard de Nevil, was reconciled to the King's favour, George Duke of Clarence was married to the Lady Isabella, or Elizabeth, the elder Daughter of that Earl, and Richard Duke of Gloucester to the Lady Anne, which Ladies by their Mother the Lady Anne de Beauchamp, Daughter and heir of Sir Richard de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, were heirs of that Earldom. But Anne, although the younger sister, was the better woman, having been a little before married to Edward Plantagenet, Prince of Wales, and Duke of Cornwall, only Son of King Henry the sixth, and was now his Princess and Dowager, by whom Duke Richard had a son called Edward, created Prince of Wales when his Father came to the Crown.  
The employment of this Duke was for the most part in the North, as the Country of his birth, so more naturally affected by him according to the Poet: 
— Natale solum dulcedine cunctos mulcet.  Ovid.  
And there lay his Appanage and Patrimony, with a great Estate of the Duchess his Wife, of which the Signiory of Penrith, vulgò, 
Camden▪ in Cumberland.  Perith in Cumberland was part, where he much resided, and built or repaired most of the Castles, all that Northern side generally honouring and affecting his Deportment, being magnificent, (to apply Sir Thomas Moor something above his ability which he expressed 
Sir William Haward.  most in his hospitality. And surely, if men are taken to the life best from their actions, we shall find him in the circle of a Character (not so commaculate and mixed, as passionate and purblind pens have 
purblind Quasi part blind.  dashed it) whilst we squint not at those virtues in him, which make up other Prince's absolute; His wisdom and courage, had not then their nicknames and calumny, as now, but drew the eyes and acknowledgement of the whole Kingdom towards him; and his brother had a sound experience of his fidelity and constancy in divers hazardous congresses and battles, through which he had faithfully followed his fortune, and returned all his undertake successful: as at Barnet, where he entered so far and boldly into the Enemy's Army, that two of his Esquires, Thomas Parr and john Milwater being nearest to him were slain; yet by his own valour he quit himself, and put most part of the Enemies to flight, the rest to the sword. With the like valour he behaved himself at the battle of Exon, Doncaster, St Alban, Blore-heath, Northampton, Mortimer's Cross, and Tewksbury. And it was then confessed a very considerable service to the State, his taking of the famous Pirate, Thomas Nevil▪ alias, Faulkonbridge, 
The Bastard Faulconbridge.  Earl of Kent, with whom complied Sir Richard de Nevil, Earl of Warwick, a near kinsman to the Earl of Kent his natural Father, which ●●●d him up in the better esteem, and whetted him to any Attempt ●or this haughty Earl, who had drawn him from the House of York (to which he had done valiant service not long before) to the party of Henry 6. and his Lancastrian faction; and fearing what forces and aid King Edward might have from beyond Sea, provides a warlike Fleet for the narrow Seas, of which this Faulconbridge was appointed Admiral, with Commission to take or sink all Ships he met, either of the King's friends or Subjects; who did not under act it, but made many depredations on the Coasts, and put many to the Sword becoming an Enemy, the more considerable, King Edward finding (as the case stood then with him) his Attempts by Sea would be of too weak a proof to surprise him, which the Duke of Gloucester contrived by an advertisement he had of his private stealth into several of the parts, sometimes where he had recourse to some abetters of that Faction, and coming too shore at Southampton, by a ready Ambush seized and apprehended him, from whence he was conveyed to London, so to Middleham Castle, and after he had told some Tales, put to death. And whilst he continued in the Northern parts, he governed those Countries with great Wisdom and Justice, preserving the Concord and Amity between the Scots and English, though the breaches were not to be made up with any strength and continuance, the borders living out of mutual spoils, and common Rapines, ever prompt for any cause that might beget brawls and se●ds. And in the last year of the Reign of the King his brother, the Quarrels grew so outrageous and hostile, that nothing could compose them, but the Sword and open War arising from an unjust detaining the Tribute, King james was yearly 
An Army sent into Scotland under the D. of Gloucester.  bound to pay, as Polidore thus writeth.  
King Edward took it very ill at the hands of james fourth King of Scotland, that he refused to pay the Tribute whereunto he was bound by Convenant; And therefore resolved by Arms to compel him to it: But King Edward being distracted with a jealous care and watching of France, neglected that business of Scotland, and in the mean time Alexander Duke of Albany, Brother to King james, pretending earnest business in France, makes England in his way, and instigates King Edward to put on Arms against his Brother, promising to return shortly out of France, and raise a power in Scotland for his aid: Hereupon the King resolved it, and sent the Duke of Gloucester with a good Army into Scotland, who marched master of the field near to Berwick, having a little before sent thither Thomas Stanley to besiege it, and soon after took it himself. But the Duke of Albany failed him, and had underhand struck up a peace with his Brother of Scotland; yet Richard of Gloucester accomplished the expedition 
Anno 24. Ed. 4.  very honourably and happily: Thus Polidore. But to enlarge what he reporteth desertively, and abridgeth; King Edward, notwithstanding that negligence (noted by him) levied strong forces (the King of Scotland being as vigilant in that business) and made the Duke of Gloucester his General, under whom went Sir Henry Peircy Earl of Northumberland, the Lord Stanley after Earl of Derby, the Lord Lovel, the Lord Grace of Grestocke, the Lord Scroop of Bolton, the Lord Fitzhugh, Sir William Parr of Rose a noble and valiant Gentleman, Father of the Lord Parr of Rose, Kendal, and Fitzhugh, and Grandfather to Sir William Parr Earl of Essex, and marquis of Northampton, Sir Edward Woodville Lord Rivers Brother to the Queen Elizabeth, with many other of Eminency and Noble quality. The Duke marched first with his Army to the borders and frontieres' of Scotland, giving the overthrow to such as resisted, then made up to the strong Town of Berwick, which at that instant the King of Scotland possessed by the surrender of Henry 6, and had the like success with those Troops of the Enemies he met and found about the Town. After a short siege the besieged upon Summons and Parley (finding themselves too weak to make good the opposition) were easily persuaded to be at quiet, and safely rendering the Town and Castle upon very slender conditions, as is recorded in the Chronicle of Croyland. Having placed a Governor and Garrison in the Town, he 
Chron. Croy.  continued his march towards Edinburgh, with a purpose to besiege and sack it, but was met in the half way by Ambassadors from thence, who (after a favourable audience and access craved) in the name of their King and Nation implore a League, or at least a Truce between the Kingdoms, offering so fair conditions for it, that the General after a deliberate consultation, granted to suspend or intermit all hostile proceedings, with a fair entertainment to their persons, and a public Edict throughout the Army, that no English should offer any violence or offence to any Scot or their goods, and by this provident truce, that ruddy storm (which seemed terrible to impend) was diverted and made a calm preface to the famous League, afterward concluded by him when he was K. and james the 4 th'. of Scotland. But whilst these employments stayed him there, news arrived of King Edward's death, and was muttered very doubtfully by some who had confidence and ground to suppose it hastened by treachery. The 
The doubtful death of K. E. 4 vid. lib 4.  Nobles at London, and in the South parts speedily call the Duke home by their private letters and free approbation, to assume the Protection of the Kingdom, and two Princes committed unto him by the King. Rex Edwardus 4. filios suos Richardo Duci Glocestriae, in tutelam 
The Duke of Gloucester made Lord Protector.  moriens tradidit: as Polidore testifieth.  
The Army and affairs of those parts disposed, he came to York, where he made a few days stay to pay some religious Offices and Ceremonies to the manes and exequys of the deceased King, so hastened to London, having in his Train (besides his own ordinary Retinue) six hundred voluntary Gentlemen of the North parts, brave Horsemen and gallantly mounted, upon the way he dispatched certain seguall messengers to the young King (who was then at Ludlow Castle in Wales) to provide for his honourable Conduct of London where he arrived not long after the Lord Protector, and was magnificently received and lodged at the Bishop's Palace; his Brother the Duke of York was then with the Queen Mother in the Palace at Westminster, who out of a pretended motherly care (rather indeed her policy) would not let him stir from her to see the King, who had desired his company, but instantly takes Sanctuary with him in the Abbey. The Lord Protector solicits her by some Noblemen to send or bring him to the King, which she peremptorily stood against, until Cardinal Bourser, Archbishop of Canterbury, was made the Messenger, who so gravely and effectually persuaded with her, that she delivered him the Duke: After some day's respite in London-House, the King (according to ancient custom) was to remove Court to the Tower of London, the Castle Royal, and chief House of safety in the Kingdom, until the more weighty affairs of the State, and such troubles (if any happened, as often intercedes the alterations of Reigns were well dispatched and composed (some threatening evils of that kind being discovered and extinguished before the Protector came to London.) And until all things proper to his Coronation were in preparation and readiness, the Lord Protector still being near unto 
Phil. de Comines in Lud. 11.  him with all duty and care, and did him homage, as Honourable Phillippe de Comines, Le Du● de Glocester avoit fait homage á son N●ph●n Comme á so● Roy & souverain Seigneur; but this Testimony being a vouched by one who loved not the Protector may leave more credit; who says, when the young King approached towards London, the Lord 
Sir Tho. Moor.  Protector his Uncle road barehead before him; and in passing along, said with a loud voice to the People; Behold your Prince and Sovereign, 
Chronic▪ Abbot. Croy.  to which the Prior of Croyland, who lived in those days, reporteth, Richardus Protector nihil reverentiae, quod capite nudato, genu Flecto aliove quolibet corporis habitur insubdito exigit, regine potisuo facere distulit aut recusavit; And why should these services and his constancy be judged less real to the Son then to the Father, his care & providence looking pregnantly through all turns that concerned him and his State; and therefore timely removed such of Danger as were vehemently suspected for their Ambition and insolent assuming Power and Authority not proper to them, and so stood illaffected to their Prince, and turbulent Maligners of the Government. And thus his strict justice to some, begat the envy of others, as it fell out in the time of King Edward, between those of the blood Royal (with whom the ancient Barons sided) and the Reginists, who being stubborn, haughty, and incomputable 
The insolency of the Queen's Kindred.  of the others nearness to the King, stirred up Competitions and turbulencies among the Nobles, and became so insolent and public in their pride, and Outrages towards the people, that they forced their murmurs at length to bring forth mutiny against them: But finding the King's inclination gentle on that side, they so tempered it, as they durst extend their malice to the Prince of the blood, and chief Nobility, many times by slanders and false suggestions, privately incensing the King against them, who suffered their insinuations too far, whilst his credulity stood abused, and his favour often alienated from those, whose innocence could understand no cause for it. The Engines of those intrusions and supplantations, were the Gray's, the Woodvills, and their kinsmen, who held a strong belief, to have bettered their power with the young King their kinsman, and then they might have acted their Rodomontades and injuries in a higher strain, removed the Prince of the blood, and set up what limits they pleased to their Faction and Power during the minority of the King, and after too, whilst the Queen Mother could usurp or hold any superintendency upon the Sovereignty, or her Son. These things, and the mischiefs that seemed to superimpend the State, equally poised, and consulted, by the Lord Protector, and others of the principal Nobility, it was resolved, to give a timely remedy or period unto them; all which Sir Thomas Moor acknowledgeth, 
Sir Thomas Moor, in Edward 5. Rich. 3.  and confesseth, the Nobles of the Kingdom had reason to suspect and fear the Queen's Kindred, would put their power more forward when their Kinsman came to be King, then in his Father's time, although then their insolences were intolerable. And this Author further acknowledgeth there had been a long grudge & heartburning between the King and Queen's Kindred in the time of King Edward; which the King, although he were partial for the Queen's Faction, was earnest to reconcile, but could not: And after he was dead, the Lord Grace, marquis Dorset, the Lord Rich. Grace, and the Lord Rivers, made full account to sway the young King; and having learned, it was best fishing in a troubled stream, threw all occasions of dissension amongst the great men of this Kingdom, that so, whilst the other Nobles were busy in their own quarrels, they might take an opportunity to assault and supplant where they hated. And for provision towards the Design, the marquis had secretly gained a great quantity of the King's treasure out of the Tower, and the Woodevills made good preparations of Arms; of which, some were met with by the way as they were conveyed close packed in C●rts. It was therefore high time for the Protector and ancient Nobility to look circumspectly about them, and fasten on all occasions that might prevent such growing Treacheries, which could be no way but by taking off their heads. Which being resolved, the marquis of Dorset, the Lord Richard Grace their Uncle, Sir Anthony Woodeville, Lord Rivers, and some other of that kindred and Faction were apprehended, and at Pomfret executed (only the marquis, by some private notice given him, fled, and took Sanctuary) At the 
Lord Hastings.  same time the Lord Hastings (who much favoured the Queen and her party, especially the marquis (therefore the more to be suspected dangerous) was Arrested for High Treason, and in the Tower upon the Greene had his head chop't off, an Act of more strange and severe appearance than the other, having the esteem of a good Subject, and generally supposed much affectionate to the Protector, and the Duke of Buckingham. And Sir Thomas Moor, reporteth, 
Sir Thomas Moor.  that the Protector was most unwilling to have lost him, but that he saw him joining with their Enemies, and so his life had ill requited them and their purpose; this was a Dilemma; But what that purpose was, and what they had in Agitation at that instant is not disertly said only from other places of the Story. And those which follow Sir Thomas Moor, it may be conceived, they doubted him for his affectation of the Sovereignty, & some practice against the King and his Brother for those be the charges they press upon him, although it is neither said, nor made good by any direct and just proof. But admit he was now grown jealous of him, and sent Sir William Catseby, a man in great credit with the Lord Hastings, to ●ound what opinion he held of that Title and Claim he might lay to the Crown, who (presuming upon Catsebies' gratitude and trust that had been advanced by him) without circumstance, and even with indignation expressed an utter mislike thereof, and engaged himself, his uttermost power and ability against it, peremptorily adding, he had rather see the death and destructions of the Protector and Duke of Buckingham, than the young King deprived of the Crown: Which reply, Catseby, (being more just to his employment then honour in this point) returns the Protector, who laid hold upon the next occasion to seize his head, which is the greatest and bloodiest Crime that brings any proof against him; and yet not so clear, but that there may be some other State-mistery or fraud suspected in it. Let us leave it up on that account, and but consider how much more we forgive the fames of H. 1. E. 3. H. 4. E. 4. H. 7. because they had their happy Stars and success; and then, Prosperum scelus virtus vocatur, there is applause goes with the Act and Actor: julius Caesar, was, and ever will be reputed a wise and a great Captain, although his Emulation cost an infinite quantity of excellent humane blood, and his Nephew, Octa. Augustus, never ceased proscribing banishing and massacring, until he had dispatched all his proud Emulators: julius Caesar thought it, Crimen sacrum vel crimen Regale; or, Crimen sacrum Ambitio: 
Ci●. lib 3. de offic. & Suet. in vi●a Iul●i Caesaris.  who●e rule was, 
Si violandum est jus, regnandi gratiâ  
Violandum est, all is rebus piet atem colas.  
If right for aught may e'er be violate,  
It must be only for a Sovereign State.   
Drawing it from that rule (though Apocrypha) in Euripides. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Eurip. in Phoeniss.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   
Si injust agere oportet, pro tyrannide (aut regno) pulcherrimum est injuste agere, in aliis pietatem colere exped●t.  
And Antonius Caracalla, alleged the Text to justify the kill of his Brother Geta his Colleague, in the Empire. Polynic●s, the Brother of Eteocles was of the same Religion, and said, A Kingdom could not be bought at too high a rate, put in Friends, Kindred, Wife, and 
Axiom. Polit.  Riches. Via ad potentiam est tollere ●●●ulos & premere Adversarios, which the great M●ster of Axioms allowed, hath been countenanced by many great examples of State-reason, and policy in all times, even since the Ogygian Age for an old observation, and general in all foreign Countries saith, 
— Regnum furto 
Senec. in trag.   
Et fraude ademptum antiquum est specimen imperii.   
So King Atreus, by his own experience could say; 
— Vt nemo doceat fra●dis & sceleris  
vias, Regnum docebit.   
But what those Ages called Valour, Wisdom, and Policy, in those great Scholars of State, who with credit practised their Arts 
Artes imperii.  Imperii, and rules of Empire, comes not under the licence or warrant of our Christian times; yet we may speak thus much for Richard (to those who cry him so deep an homicide) that he had either more conscience or less cruelty than they attribute to him, that by the same Act of power could not secure himself of others he had as just cause to fear; especially jasper Earl of Pembroke, his Nephew Richmond, and the subtle Doctor Morton, who was extremely his Enemy, and the Chief Instrument that secretly moved against him. And although the King had no certain notice which way his Engines wrought, yet he knew enough to suspect him for, and to remove him from the Council-table unto the custody of the Duke of Buckingham, the man he had reason to suppose nearest to his trust, though his expectation leaned on a broken Reed there; for the Duke was now secretly in his heart defected from the King, and become malcontent; Morton but touched his pulse, and knew how the distemper lay, which he irritated into such sparklings as gave him notice where his constitution was most apt and prepared; yea, so subtly mastered it, that he had leave to steal from Brecknock Castle to Ely, so for good store of Coin found safe passage into France whither his desires vehemently carried him, in hope to fashion the Earl of Richmond to his Plot; and under pretence of a Lancastrian Title, to stir him to take up Arms and invade England, with the Assurance of many mighty friends here, which would make the Design of an easy and quick dispatch; nor forgot he how much Artificial and Eloquent persuasions add to the Blaze of Ambition, knowing the Earl's temper like other men's in that, and observing him with a kind of pleasure listen, he gave such a studied gloss and superlation to the Text, that the Earl was now so full of encouragement and hope for the invasion, that their purposes spread as well into England as in France. The Protector having also certain intelligence of some particular Designs, disposed himself in his actions more closely, and knew what Friends and Confederates had engaged themselves to Richmond, who yet kept a face of love and fidelity towards him, as did the Duke of Buckingham, and the Countess of Richmond, who appeared at this instant an earnest Suitor to reconcile her Son into favour; and that the King would be pleased, to bestow on him any of King Edward the fourth his Daughters. But this took not the vigilancy of his eye from him and his party, the cause being of greater danger and apprehension now, then in King Edward's time; for the Earl had drawn unto him many of the English Nobility and Gentry; and some Foreign Princes had in favour to him promised their aids. But in the time of King Edward, his Title and he, was so little understood by his blood of Lancaster, that the better judging-sort of the English Nobility and Gentry, King Lewis the eleventh of France, Francis the second Duke of Britain, and other Foreign Princes looked very slightly upon it. And yet, as john Harding observed, the King might be jealous of him, being given out for an Heir of the House of Lancaster, and Nephew to Henry the sixth: With this he considered, that some Foreign Princes stood not well-affected to him; or that some at home, envying his House and Posterity, would catch at any spark to trouble his peace, and kindle a Sedition; therefore he had good reason to think, that as his liberty might make these beginnings more popular, so their ends more dangerous and ingrateful (the vulgar tasting all things by the ear, and judging by the noise) which he sought early to prevent. For Philip Comines reports, When he first came to know this Earl, he was then a Prisoner in Britain, and told him, he had been either in Prison, or under strict command from five years old▪ which is not unlikely; for I find him but young when he was committed to the custody of Sir William Herbert, Lord of Ragland Castle in Montmouthshire, where he continued not long; for jasper, Earl of Pembroke, who was Uncle unto Him (being then in France, whether he had fled after the overthrow of the Lancastrians at Tewksbury, (as john S●ow) having advertisement that his Nephew was under Sir William Herbert's custody, with whom he had Alliance and friendship, came secretly out of France into Wales, and at Ragland Castle found only the Lady 
The flight of Richmont with his Uncle Pembroke.  Herbert, her Husband being with the King; in whose absence, the Earl practised so cunningly with her, that he got his Nephew from thence, and conveyed him to his own Castle of Pembroke, (the young Earls native place) presuming upon the strength of it 
The Earl of Rich. borne in Pembroke Castle.  and the people's affection, but over-weaned in his opinion and hope. For so soon as the King received notice of the escape, Sir William Herbert was commanded to Levy Forces, and make towards them, a man of a wise and valiant disposition, descended from Herbertus, who was Chamberlain and Treasurer of the Kings, William Rufus, and Henry Beauclerke, and was created Earl of Pembroke afterward; from this Noble Herbertus, are descended the Epirotes, Earls of Pembroke and Montgomery, and many other Wel●h Gentlemen of that Sir name and Family.  
The two Earls being informed of his approaches and strength, distrusting their own, fled by night, and posted to the Port of Timby, where they kept close until a fit opportunity, offered them transportation for France, intending to see the Court there, where 
This slight of theirs was in Anno 11. E. 4. john Stow.  the Earl of Pembroke had not long before received very favourable entertainment. But a violent storm diverted their course, and run them upon the coasts of Little Britain, which fell out as a sad disaster, and cross to them and their Design for a long time after, the Duke of Britain being no friend to it; but at the Port of St. Malos they must land. What success they met with in this flight (and other Noble Englishmen which followed the unlucky party of Henry the sixth, being constrained when he was overthrown by Edward the fourth to fly) will fall into our discourse hereafter: there is this memorial in the Stories of Britain.  
Plusieurs du Seigne●rs d' Angleterre qui tenoyent la partie du Roy H. 6. sen fairent par mer h●rs du Roya●lme & enter▪ autres le Conte du Pembroke peasant sawé un jeune Prince de Angleterre nommé Henry Conte du Richmont.  
Whilst these Earls made some stay in Saint Malo to refresh 
Earl of Rich. Prisoner in Britain.  themselves, Francis the second, Duke of Britain had notice of their landing, who sent as speedily a Command to the Governor to arrest them both into safe custody, an act, as it appeared, both strange and injurious, being subjects to a Prince with whom the Duke had league. But for a better gloss, he had found a considerable clause to detain the Earl of Richmond until he had received satisfaction of him for usurping and holding the Title and Estate of Richmond, belonging 
The last D. of Britain, who was Earl of Richmond, & possessed of the Earldom, was john de Montfort, who flourished An. Dom. 1440, & had sons, but not Earls of Richmond, as Rob. Glou. writeth, & now this Francis 1. renewed the claim which was about 30 years after john de Montfort, Duke of Britain.  to the ancient Dukes of Britain (whose heir and successor he was) though diseised by the space of thirty years, now he would expect either restitution or compensation for it; and the better to assure himself, he conveys them with a good guard to the Castle of Vanes, where himself often resided, continuing a more cautious and strict eye upon the Earl of Richmond, as Nephew to Henry the sixth, and he that laid claim to the Title and Crown of England, by the blood of Lancaster: For which he made their imprisonment more honourable, as Philip Comines saith, Le Duc les traict'e do●cement pour Prisonniers. And jean Froisard calls it, Prison Courtoise; for the Duke had well considered what expectation and use he might raise by them, and knew the news could not be distasteful to the King of England, whose Throne had been threatened so much by the Earl of Richmond's liberty; and therefore, from hence he hoped an answerable benefit, and to contract the King in a firm amity and acknowledgement unto him; nay, which is further, (if we may believe jac. Nyerus) he thought by this occasion to bear the reins so hard upon King Edward, as that he should not dare to make any breach with him, 
jac. Nyerus in Annal. Fland. lib. 17.  propter Henricum Richmontiae Comitem non audebat Anglus ab amicitia Brittani discedere.  
Nor was this Author much mistaken, for the King would have accorded to any reasonable thing to purchase the Earl into his hands, and it was no little perplexity to him when he heard of their flight, but was the better calmed when he understood where they were, the Duke of Britain being his friend and Ally, in whom he supposed so near an interest (set off by some other conditions) that he saw a fair encouragement to demand and gain them both; whereas had they fall'n into France, he must have expected the greatest disadvantage 
King Edward treateth for the delivery of Richmond.  could have been contrived out of such an occasion. For Lewis, though he were then in truce and league with him, was merely a Politician, and studied only his own ends, yet fears him as a King famous for his Prowess and Victories, and as ably supplied in his Coffers for all undertake: But (which did equally quicken the hate aswell as fear of France) had threatened to enter it with fire and sword, for the reconquest of the Duchy of Normandy and Aquitaine, the Counties of Poictou and Turaine; wherefore we may believe that bears the credit of an Oracle, which good Ennius said: 
— Quem met●unt ●derunt, 
Ennius' apud Cicer. ta Offic.   
Quem oderunt, periisse expetunt.   
And doubtless in his heart he was favourable to any chance that might have ruined or infested England, and could have wished the Earl of Richmond and his Title under his Protection. King Edward seasonably prevented this, that such attempts, though at first they appeared but like the Prophet's Cloud, might not spread after into spacious storms. And to prevent all underhand Contracts with the Duke of Britain, dispatched Letters unto him, further interpreted 
K. ●. 4 sends for Richmond.  by a rich Prssent, and richer promises. The Duke receives both with as Honourable Compliment, protesting none could be more ready to do the King of England's Commands than he. But where he treated for t●e delivery of the Earls, he hoped to be lawfully excused▪ being an Act would cast a stain and scandal, not only upon his credit and honour, but upon all Princely and hospitable Privileges, and could appear no less than a mere impiety to thrust such distressed persons as fled to their protection, into the Arms of their enemies; and it was his opinion, if any malice or violence should be acted upon them, the guilt must reflect on him. But that the King might believe he was forward to come as near his desires, as in honour could be, he engaged himself to keep so careful and vigilant a watch upon them, that they should have no more power to endanger him, then if they were in strict Prison. This being returned, though not agreeable to the King's hope and wishes, yet bearing such a Caution of Honour and Wisdom, he remained satisfied; and so it paused for the space of eight years, (as I conjecture) for the King made this demand in the twelfth year of his Reign 1472, all which time he was very intent to preserve the League with good Sums of Money, and costly Presents. In the twentieth of his Reign 1480, he received intelligence▪ that the Earl of Richmond had stirred up fresh Embers, and new friends in the French Court to blow them, and that the French King had dealt by solicitation of the Earl of Pembroke, and others privately, to get the Earl of Richmond, and offered great Sums 
Hist: de Brit.  to the Duke of Britain. This gave new disturbance, and the King must now by the best means he could, renew his former s●te to the Duke of Britain; for which employment, he entrusts Doctor Stillington Bishop of Bath, his Secretary, a man of a Wise, Learned, and 
D. Stillington sent for Richmond.  Eloquent endeavour, of good acquaintance and credit with the Duke of Britain, who gave him an honourable and respective entertainment. The Bishop (after he had prepared him by the earnest of a very rich present) tenders the Sum of his Employment, not forgetting what he was now to Act, and what to promise on the King's part. And (for a more glorious insinuation) tells him how the King had elected him into the noble Society of St. George's Order (as the most honourable intimation he could give of his love;) to qualify all exceptious too, and jealousies, assures him, the King had no intent to the Earl of Richmond, but what was answerable to his own worth, and quality of the King's Kinsman; having declared a propensity and purpose, to bestow one of his daughters upon him. The Duke well mollified and persuades, delivered the Earl by a strong Guard to the Bishop at St. Maloes' Port: a change of much passion and amazement to him, whose sufferings took hold upon the affable disposition of the Noble Peir de Landois Treasurer to the Duke, who had the Earl in Charge and Conduct, to St. Malo. He urges the cause from him of his so altered and present condition, with Protestation of all the aid he could: The Earl thus fairly and happily provoked (and perceiving the sparkles of his sorrow had happed into a tender bosom) freely exposed himself, and with such an overcoming Countenance, of tears and sighs, framed his own Story, and pressed Landois, that it so wrought upon his temper, he persuaded the Earl to put on clearer hopes, assures him there should some means be found to shift the Tempest; thereupon writes a sad Relation to the Duke, to move his compassion and favour, and knowing the Baron Chandais, (a great man in credit with him) well affected to the Earl by a long and reciprocal affection, he repaired to his house near Saint Malo, and prevailed with him to use his power with the Duke, for returning the Earl; who posted to Vanes, where the Court was then, and took the Duke at such an advantage, by suggesting his credulity abused, and cunningly drawn into this contract by the King, that there was a Post dispatched to stay the Earl. In that interim, Landois had not been Idle, to find a way to let the Earl escape into the Abbey Church of St. Malo, where he claimed the benefit of the holy Asyle, which was easily contrived, by corrupting his Keepers. But the Duke to stand clear of the King's suspicion, sent over Maurice Brumell to satisfy him, that the Earl according to promise was sent to Saint Malo, there delivered to his servants deputed, whose negligence let him escape; and that he had demanded him of the Covent, who denied to render him without security & caution; & that he should be continued a prisonerin Vanes, with as much courtesy as formerly. Now being it was fall'n into those strict and peremptory terms, and within the contumacy of such lawless persons, where he could not use power, he yet faithfully protested no suit from the French King, or any other, should draw him from his former promise: All which, he religiously performed, whilst King Edward lived, the space of twelve years (after Philip de Comines) in which circle of time, it may with admiration be observed, through what changes and interchanges of hazards, dangers, and difficulties, he was preserved. Soon after King Edward's decease, King Richard renewed and continued the Treaty by Sir Thomas Hutton of 
K. R. reneweth su●t to the D. of B. for the Earl of Richmond. E. 4. Fulmen ●elli, ut Seleac. Rex inde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. fulmen dictus.  Yorkshire, receiving the same satisfaction in Answer, but was failed in the performance, and so dishonourably, that it then appeared, the Duke had kept in with Edward, more for fear, then for love or honour (the name of Edward, and the Earl of March, being (indeed) accounted terrible, where his victorious sword was drawn) which breach of the Dukes was not left unpunished (at least as that age then guessed) by a divine revenge; for having married Margaret, Daughter 
claud. Paradin  and Coheir of Francis de Mountford, Duke of Britain, she dying without issue, he married Margaret, Daughter of Gaston de Foix, King of Navarr, by whom he had one only daughter Anne, married to the French King, Charles' 8. Thus Duke Francis died without issue male, the Duchy being swallowed up, and drowned in the Lilies or Crapands of France, and with his Family of Britain irrecoverably lost and absorpted.  
Thus much for the jealousy and fears of those two Kings, now to the progress of ou● Story, where the Barons and Commons with one general dislike, and an universal negative voice, refused the sons of King Edward, not for any ill will or malice, but for their disabilities and incapacities; the opinions of those times too, held them not legitimate, and the Queen Elizabeth Grace, or Woodvill, no lawful Wife, nor yet a Woman worthy to be the King's Wife, by reason of her extreme unequal quality. For these and other causes, the Barons and Prelates unanimously cast their Election upon the Protector, as the most worthiest, and nearest, by the experience of his own deservings, and the strength of his Alliance, importuning the Duke of Buckingham to become their Speaker, who accompanied 
B. Mort. Sir Th' Moor, Hollingshed, Graston, Stow, Hall, Virgil, etc. Parliament.  with many of the chief Lords,, and other grave and learned persons, having Audience granted in the great Chamber at Baynard's Castle (than Yorkehouse) thus addressed him to the Lord Protector.  
SIR, May it please your Grace to be informed, that after much 
The Duke of Buck. to the L. Protector in the behalf of the 3 Estates.  grave Consultation amongst the Noble Barons, and other worthy persons of this Realm, it stands concluded and resolved, that the sons of King Edward shall not reign; for who is not sensible, how miserable a fortune, and dangerous estate that Kingdom must be in, where a child is King, according to the Wise man, Vaetibi terra cujus Rex est Puer. But here, Sir, there is exception of further consequence against them, That they were not borne in lawful Marriage, the King 
The common published stories have Eliz. Lucy, but that is false.  having than another Wife living, Dame Elizabeth Butler. Besides, the great dishonour and reproach he received by disparaging his Royal blood, with a woman so far unmeet for his bed. These Considerations have resolutely turned all their eyes, and Election towards your Grace, as only worthy of it, by your singular virtues, and that interest in the Crowns of England and of France, with the Rights and Titles, by the high Authority of Parliament, entailed to the Royal blood, and issue of Richard Duke of York, whose lawful begotten Son and heir you are; which by a just course of inheritance, and the Common Laws of this Land, is divolv'd and come to you. And unwilling that any inferior Blood, should have the Dominion of this Land, are fully determined to make your Grace King; to which, with all willingness and alacrity, the Lords and people of the Northern parts concur. And the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of this City of London, have all allowed, and gladly embraced this general Choice of your Grace: and are come hither to beseech you to accept their just Election, of which they have chosen me their unworthy Advocate and Speaker. I must therefore again crave leave in the behalf of all, to desire your Grace will be pleased, in your noble and gracious zeal to the good of this Realm, to cast your eyes upon the growing distresses and decay of our Estate, and to set your happy hand to the redress thereof; for which, we can conceive no abler remedy, then by your undertaking the Crown and Government, which we doubt not shall accrue to the laud of God,, the profit of this Land, and your Grace's happiness.  
This speech of the Duke is recorded by Doctor Morton, Sir Thomas Moor, and other Chronicles and Historians, to which the Protector gave this reply:  
MY most noble Lords, and my most loving friends, and dear 
The Answer of the Lord Protector to the 3 Estates.  Countrymen, Albeit I must confess, your request most respective and favourable, and the points and necessities alleged and urged, true and certain; yet for the entire love and reverend respect I owe to my Brother deceased, and to his Children, my Princely Cousins, you must give me leave, more to regard mine honour and fame in other Realms; for where the truth and certain proceedings herein are not known, it may be thought an ambition in me to seek what you voluntarily proffer, which would charge so deep a reproach and stain upon my honour and sincerity, that I would not bear for the world's Diadem, Besides, you must not think me ignorant (for I have well observed it) there is more difficulty in the Government of a Kingdom, than pleasure; especially to that Prince, who would use his Authority and Office as he ought. I must therefore desire, that this (and my unfeigned Protestations) may assure you, the Crown was never my aim, nor suits my desire with yours▪ in this; yet I shall think myself much beholding unto you all, in this Election of me, and that hearty love I find you bear me, and here protest, that for your sakes it shall be all one, whether I be your King or no; for I will serve my Nephew faithfully and carefully, with my best counsels and endeavours, to defend and preserve him and this Kingdom; nor shall there want readiness in me, to attempt the recovery of that hereditary right in France, which belongs to the Kings of England, though of late negligently and unhappily lost. There the Protector became silent, and thought it not safe in his discretion, or policy, to open all the disgusts he had of the Sovereignty, for that would have been matter of Exprobration of the Barons, and touched too near the quick, though he had well observed, by sundry experiences of the leading times, and modern too, the inconstant ebbing and flowing of their dispositions, how variable and apt they were, to take up any occasion of change pursuing their Kings (if once stirred) so implacably, that many times they never left without death or deposing. Examples he had in the Reigns of King Edward his Brother, and Henry the sixth; not long before that in the time of Richard the second, and his Grandfather Edward the second; more anciently the extreme troubles and distress of King john, and Henry the third, all by the Barons, being dreadful warnings and insolent monuments of their haughtiness and Levity; and this was Altament repostum with the wise Prince.  
But the Duke of Buckingham, thinking the Protector set too slight a consideration upon so great a Concernment, and the affection tendered by himself and the Nobility (and over hearing something, he privately spoke to the Lord Maior and Recorder, tending to his mislike) for an Epilogue or close to his former Oration, he thus freely adds.  
SIR, I must now, by the Privilege of this Employment, and in 
The bold and round conclusion of the D. of Buck.  the behalf of those and my Country, add so much freedom unto my duty, as to tell your Grace, It is immovably resolved by the Barons and people, that the Children of King Edward shall not Reign over them. Your Grace hath heard some causes▪ nor need I intimate, how these Estates have entered and proceeded so offensively to other men, and so dangerously to themselves, as is now too late to recall or retire. And therefore, they have fixed this Election upon you, whom they think mostable and careful for their safety. But, if neither the general good, the earnest Petitions of the Nobility and Commonalty, can move you, we most humbly desire your Answer, and leave to Elect some other that may be worthy of the Imperial Charge; in which, (we hope) we shall not incur your displeasure, considering the desperate necessity of our welfare and Kingdom, urges it. And this is our last Suit and Petition to your Grace.  
The Protector touched by this round and braving farewell, which made him very sensible: For (as Sir Thomas Moor disertly confesseth) the Protector was so much moved with these words, that otherwise of likelihood he would never have inclined to their Suit: And saith, That when he saw there was no remedy, but he must either at that instant take the Crown, or both he and his heirs irrecoverably let it pass to another; paradventure, one that might prove an Enemy to him and his, especially if Richmont stepped in; betwixt whom, and this Prince, the hatred was equally extreme: Therefore, it behoved the Protector to Collect himself; and fixing his Consideration upon the effect of that necessity they last urged, gave this Reply:  
MY most Noble good Lords, and most loving and faithful friends, 
The Protectors Reply to the Duke's last Suit.  the better sense of your loves and most eminent inconveniencies insinuated by your Noble Speaker, hath made me more serious to apprehend the benefit of your proffer and Election. And I must confess, in the meditation thereof, I find an alteration in myself, not without some distraction, when I consider all the Realm, so bend against the Sons of King Edward. And therefore being certain, there is no man to whom the Crown by just Title can be so due as to ourself, the rightful Son and Heir of our most dear and Princely Father, Richard Duke of York; to which Title of blood and nature, your favours have joined this of Election, wherein we hold ourself to be most strong and safe▪ And having the lawful power of both, why should I endure my professed Enemy to ●surpemy right, and become a Vassal to my envious Subject? The necessity of these causes (as admitting no other remedy) urges me to accept your offer, and according to your request, and our own right, we here assume the Regal Praeheminence of the two Kingdoms; England and France, from this day forward, by us and our heirs, to Govern and defend the one, and by God's grace, and your good aids to recover and establish the other, to the Ancient Allegiance of England; desiring of God to live no longer than we intent and endeavour the advancement and flourishing Estate of this Kingdom; at which they all cried, God save King Richard: And thus he became King. But yet his Detractors stick not to slander and accuse all that was said or done in these proceedings of State for mere dissimulation; by which justice they may as well censure (At si● Reverentia dictum) all the Barons, worthy and grave Commons, which had their Votes therein▪ which would fall a most impudent and intolerable Scandal upon all the High Court of Parliament; for in short time after, all that was alleged and acted in that Treaty and Colloquy was approved, and ratified by the Court of Parliament, so that their Cavils only discover an extreme malice and envy. For it was not possible, therefore not credible, he could upon such an instant (as it were) by any practice, attain to that power and credit, with all the Barons, Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, to procure and persuade them from the Sons of King Edward, so unanimously to become his Subjects, and put the Crown upon his head with such Solemnity and public Ceremonies. Whilst those matters had their current, the Northern Gentlemen and his Southern Friends joined in a Bill Supplicatory to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, earnestly expressing their desires for the Election of the Lord Protector, with the former causes urged; Also, that the blood of the young Earl of Warwick was attainted, and his Title confiscate by Parliament. This Bill was delivered to the Lords, Assembled in the great hall at Westminster, the Lord Protector sitting in the Chair of Marble amongst them, upon the 26 of June, some six or seven days after he was Proclaimed; the tenor of the Bill was thus written in the Chronicle of the Abbey of Croyland: 
Lib. Abb. Croyl  
PRotector eodem die, quo Regimen sub titulo regii nominis sibi vendicarit (viz) 26o die junii, Anno Dom. 1483. se apud Magnam Aulam Westmonasterii in Cathedram Marmoream Immisit & tum mox omnibus proceribus tam Laicis quam Ecclesiasticis & Caeteris assidentibus, astantibus etc. ostendebatur rotulus quidam, in quo per modum supplicationis in nomine procerum & populi Borealis exhibita sunt, Primum, quod silii Regis Edwardi erant Bastardi, supponendo, illum praecontraxisse matrimonium cum quadam Domina Elianora Boteler, antequam Reginam Elizabetham duxisset in uxorem: deinde quod sanguis alterius Fratris (Georgii Scil: Clarensi● ducis) fuisset Attinctus. Ita quod nullus certus incorruptus sanguis Linealis ex parte Richardi Ducis Eboraci poterat inveniri, nisi in persona Richardi Protectoris, Ducis Glocestriae, & jam eidem Duci suplicabant, ut jus suum in Regno Angliae sibi assumeret & Coronam acciperet.   
But the Barons were all accorded before this Bill came, both sides moving with an equal and contented forwardness; And in July next following 1483. was Crowned and received, with as general Magnificence and Acclamations, as any King in England many years before. For as a grave man writeth, (Fuit dignissimus regno etc. non 
Cambden.  inter malos sed bonos principes Commemorandus; That he was most worthy to Reign, and to be numbered amongst the good, not bad Princes. The Queen his Wife was Crowned with him, and with no less State and Greatness; Accompanied him from the Tower to Westminster, having in their Train, (besides the Nobility of the South parts) four thousand Gentlemen of the North. Upon the 19 of June 1483. in the 25. year of Lewis the French King, he was named King of England, the morrow Proclaimed, and road with great Solemnity from London to Westminster, where in the seat Royal, he gave the Judges of the Land a strict and religious charge for the just executing of the Laws; then departed towards the Abbey, being met at the Church door with Procession, and the Sceptre of King Edward delivered to him by the Abbot; so Ascended to Saint Edward's Shrine, where he offered; the Monks in the mean time singing Te Deum: From thence he returned to the Palace, where he lodged until his Coronation.  
Upon the fourth of July he went to the Tower by water with the Queen his Wife, and the next day, Created Edward his only Son, (about ten years old) Prince of Wales: He Invested Sir john Howard 
Monstrolet. Co●ine●. Anglici scriptoret.  (who was made Lord Howard, and Knight of the Garter, 17. Edward 4.) in the Dukedom of Norfolk, in a favourable admission of the right of the Lady Margaret his Mother, Daughter of Sir Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, and an heir general of the 
Style of the D. of Norff. In rotuli● in domo convers.  mowbray's, Dukes of Norfolk, and Earls of Surrey, descended from the Lord Tho. Plantagenet of Brotherton, a younger Son of King Edward the first, and Earl of Norfolk. This King also made him Marshal and Admiral of England; he was as rightfully Lord Mowbray, Lord Segrave, Lord Bruce, as Lord Howard, as I have seen him Styled by Royal Warrant, in a Commission for Treaty of Truce with Scotland.  
His eldest Son, Sir Thomas Howard, was at the same time Created Earl of Surrey, and made Knight of the Garter; Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, was made Constable of England for term of life, but he claimed the Office by inheritance.  
Sir Thomas Moor writes, That Sir Thomas Howard Executed the Office of Constable that day; William Lord Berkley was Created Earl of Nottingham, Francis Lovel Viscount Lovel, and Chamberlain to the King; the Lord Stanley restored to liberty and made Steward of the Household, Thomas Rotheram Chancellor and Archbishop of Canterbury, having been committed for delivering the Great Seal to the Queen Widow, received to grace, and many Knights Addubbed of the old Order, and some of the new, or habit of the Bath, whose names I have set down, to show what regard was had of their Family, and in those times accused of so much Malignity.  

Sir Edward De-la-Poole, Son to the Duke of Norfolk.  
George Grace. Son to the Earl of Kent.  
William Souch, Son to the Lord Souch.  
Henry Nevil, Son to the Lord Abergaveny,  
Christopher Willowby.  
Henry Bainton.  
Thomas Bullen.  
William Say.  
William Enderby.  
Thomas of Vernon.  
William Barkley.  
Thomas Arundel.  
Gervoise of Clifton.  
Edmond Beddingfield.  
Tho. Leukenor.  
john Browne.  
William Berkley.  
i. Another Berkley.   
The fifth day of July he road from the Tower through the City in Pomp, with his Son the Prince of Wales, three Dukes, and nine Earls, twenty two Viscounts and simple Barons, eighty Knights, Esquires and Gentlemen, not to be numbered, besides great Officers of the Crown which had special service to do. But the Duke of Buckingham carried the Splendour of that day's Bravery, his habit and Caparisons of blue Velvet, embroidered with golden Naves of Carts burning, the trappings supported by Footmen habited costly and suitable. On the morrow, being the sixth of July, all the Prelates Mitred in their Pontificalibus, received him at Westminster-Hall towards the Chapel; the Bishop of Rochester bore the Cross before him, the Cardinal and the Earl of Huntingdon followed with a pair of guilt Spurs, and the Earl of Bedford with Saint Edward's Staff for a Relic. After the Precession, the Earl of Northumberland bears a poyntlesse Sword naked, the Lord 
Signifying mercy.  Stanley, the Mace of the Constableship (but waited not for Constable) the Earl of Kent bore the second Sword naked with a point, 
Signifying justice to the Temporalty. justice to the Clergy, Peace. Monarchy.  upon the right hand of the King, the Viscount Lovel another Sword on the King's left hand with a point. Next came the Duke of Suffolk with the Sceptre, the Earl of Lincoln with the Ball and Cross, than the Earl of Surry with the Sword of State in a rich Scabbard, in place of the Constable of England, the Duke of Norfolk on his right hand with the Crown: After him immediately, the King in a SurCoat and Robe of Purple, the Canopy borne by the Barons of the five Ports, the King between the Bishop of Bath and Durham, the Duke of Buckingham bearing up his Train, and served with a white Staff for Seneschal, or High Steward of England.  
In the Front of the Queen's Train, the Earl of Huntingdon bore the Sceptre, Viscount List the Rod with the Dove, the Earl of Wiltshire her Crown, and next to him followed the Queen herself (in Robes like the King) between two Bishops, the Canopy borne by Barons of the Ports, upon her head a Coronet set with precious Stones, the Lady Margaret Somerset, Countess of Richmond, carried up her Train, followed by the Duchess of Suffolk, with many Countesses, Baronesses, and other Ladies. In this manner the whole Procession passed through the Palace, and entered the West door of the Abbey, the King and Queen taking their seats of State, stayed until divers holy Hymns were sung, then ascended to the high Altar shifting their Robes, and putting on other open and voided in sundry places for their Anointing; which done, they took other Robes of Cloth of Gold, so teturned to their seats, where the Cardinal of Canterbury and the other Bishops, Crowned them, the Prelate putting the Sceptre in the left hand of the King, the Ball and Cross in his right, and the Queen's Sceptre in her right hand, and the Rod with the Dove in her left; on each hand of the King stood a Duke, before him the Earl of Surrey, with the Sword as aforesaid; on each hand of the Queen stood a Bishop, by them a Lady kneeling, the Cardinal said Mass and gave the Pax; then the King and Queen descending were both hous●ed with one host parted between them at the high Altar: This done, they offered at Saint Edward's Shrine, where the King laid down Saint Edward's Crown & put on another, so returned to Westminster-Hal in the same State they came, there dispersed, and retired themselves for a season. In which interim, came the Duke of Norfolk, Martial of England, mounted upon a brave Horse, trapped with Cloth of Gold down to the ground, to submove the press of people and void the Hall. About four of the clock the King and Queen sat to Dinner, the King at the middle Table of the Hall, and the Queen on his left hand; on each side a Countess attending her, holding a Cloth of Plaisance (or rather of Essuyance) for her Cup: On the King's right hand sat the Archbishop of Canterbury, and all the Ladies were placed on one side of a long Table in the middle of the hall against them, at another Table, the Lord Chancellor, and all the Nobles; at a Table next to the Cupboard, the Lord Mayor of London and the Aldermen.  
Behind the Barons of the Kingdom sat the Barons of the Ports; there were other Tables for persons of quality. After all were seated, came the Lord Martial again, the Earl of Surrey Constable (Pro illa vice tantum) the Lord Stanley Lord Steward, Sir William Hopton Treasurer of the Household, and Sir Thomas Piercy controller, they served the King's board with one dish of Gold and another of Silver. The Queen was served all in guilt Vessels, and the Cardinal Archbishop in Silver Dishes.  
As soon as the second course was served in, Sir Robert Dimock the King's Champion makes Proclamation, That whosoever would say, King Richard the third was not lawfully King, he would fight with him at all gutterance, and for gauge thereof threw down his Gauntler, than all the people cried, King Richard, God save King Richard; And this he acted in three several parts of the Hall, than an Officer of the Cellar brought him a guilded Bowl with Wine which he drank, and carries the Cup away as his ancient Fee. After that, the Heralds cried Largesse thrice, and returned to the Scaffold. Lastly came the Mayor of London with the Sheriffs, with a Voider, serving the King and Queen with sweet Wines, who had each of them a covered Cup of Gold for reward: By which time, the day began to give way to the night, the King and Queen departing to their Lodgings.  
And this is a brief and true Relation of his Coronation, testified 
Moor. Graston. Polidore. Hall. Croyland. Hollingshed. Stow, etc.  by all the best Writers and Chroniclers of our Stories, public and allowed, which may confute the boldness of that slander that says, he was not rightfully, and Authentically Crowned, but obscurely and indirectly crept in at the Window. But all times have Detractors, and all Courts their Parasites, and many that have admired Princes to their graves, even there have turned from them, with ingratitude and murmur. Soon after this the King dismissed, and sent home all the Lords, Spiritual and Temporal, with a strait charge and direction to them, the Judges of Oyer and Terminer, with all other Magistrates and Officers in general and particular, for the Equitable and just Government of their Jurisdictions and Circuits▪ And it is observed, those times were under as happy an expectation of Law and Justice, as those, either before or after more flattered; which john Hide (a Learned man, and Doctor of Physic) implies in a Manuscript Poesy of his. 
— Solio juris rectique Minister,  
Ille sedens alto, tali sermone profatur;  
Moses concilio soceri persuasus jethro,  
Solus quod Populi nequijt componere lights,  
Constituit populi praefectos atque tribunos;  
Sic cum me praecelsa premant fastigia Regni,  
Ardua magnarum teneatis muner a rerum;  
Et primùm, à vobis pravos secludite motus  
AEquis justitiae trutinis appendite causas;  
Ob paupertatem miseros ne spernite cives,  
Nec vota in cassum fundat pupillus in auras,  
Denique largitio, nè vos Corrumpat iniqua, etc.   
All things thus in a happy presage and good order, the King with the Queen departed from London, and makes Windsor the first gift in his Progress for some few days: From thence to his Manor of Woodstock, then to the University of Oxford, where the Muses Crowned their brows with fragrant Wreaths for his entertainment. Next he visited the circular City of Gloucester, and gave the Citizens, (for the love and loyalty they expressed, in holding the Castle and Town so constantly against Queen Margaret and the forces of Henry the sixth, for him and his Brother the King) large Privileges and Immunities.  
And here the Duke of Buckingham takes his leave for Brecknock, constantly disposed and affected in all outward appearance. The King making small stay any where, (save at Coventry) until he came to the goodly and ancient City of York, the scope and goal of his Progress, which received him with all honour and festivity, and was there the second time Crowned by Dr. Rotheram Archbishop of that Sea, in the Cathedral Church, and his Son invested in the Principality of Wales, as the Prior of Croyland reporteth; Eodem die quo Richardus Coronatus est Rex in Ecclesia Metropolitana Eboracensi, mox filium Edwardum in Principatum Walliae eum insigntis virgae aureae etc. evexit & Pomposa & sumptuosa festa & convivia ibi fecit.  
And indeed, it was a day of great state; for (as Polidore saith) There was then three Princes in York wearing Crowns, the King, Queen, and Prince; In acclamation whereof, there was Stageplays, Turneaments, and other Triumphal Sports, as Sir Thomas Moor relates. At this time the King Knighted Richard of Gloucester 
Chron. M. S. in Quar. apud. D. Ro. Co●ton, and Rob. Fabian. Rich. the Bastard of the D. o● Gloc. Captain of Calais.  his base son, who was after Captain of Calais, and many Gentlemen of those parts. But (albeit this was an intermission as it were of all busy and serious agitations) yet the King, still where he travalled had a just regard to the Administration and Execution of Justice and the more facinorous Malefactors: And surely these respective inclinations of his had their solemn affections and desires Naturalised in him, witnessed by the scope and integrity of those just Laws which after followed.  
The Progress thus spent, he returns to London; and having consulted some matters of State, declares his first resolution for the Tribute detained by France, which he had formerly by a friendly Message demanded, but now sends stout menaces and threats for it. The French would not have it called a Tribute, but a Pension, as Philip de Comines insinuates, though it had been raised and paid to King Edward the fourth, in lieu of the Duchy and Countries of Aquitaine, Normandy, Poictou, and Maine, etc. whereof the the French had deseised the Crown of England, which King Edward the fourth forced Lewis to acknowledge, and to Covenant and agree, That he, his heirs and Successors, should pay unto the Crown of England, the sum of fifty thousand Crowns, with caution and security to be paid in the City of London, or after jean Tillet and john Maierus, seventy five thousand Crowns to be paid into the Tower; with which the French King also granted, in the name of Annual Pension, sixteen 
john Maierus. jean Tillet. d● Tillet saith, That that tribute or Pension was 75000 crowns, or, Escus & chacun Escu vallant. trois souls.  thousand pounds to some Noblemen and others of special credit with the King: As to Sir Thomas Grace, marquis of Dorset, William Lord Hastings, Chamberlain to the King, Doctor Thomas Rothram, Bishop of Lincoln, and Lord Chancellor of England; john Lord Howard, Sir john Cheyney, Master of the Horse; Sir Thomas Mountgomery, Master chaloner, and to the Master of the Rolls; The chiefest of these had two thousand Crowns apiece per annum. Besides which Pensions, he gave rich Presents, and sent rewards to such Lords as stood most for this accord. Eugueraunt de Moustrolet avoucheth, that the Lord Howard, and the Master of the Horse, were the chiefest of the mediators in it; his reason is, that they were the men most in favour with King Edward. jean Tillet, with Philip de Comines, tells us, the Lord Howard in less than two years had the value of twenty four thousand Crowns in Plate, Coin and Jewels, over and above his Annual Pension; the Lord Hastings at one time to the value of two thousand marks in Plate, besides his Pension. And if their own Stories speak truth, Richard de Nevil, the great Earl of Warwick, had of the Kings of France much more than any other English Nobleman, which the Chronicle of Britain seconds. And doubtless, King Richard had still compelled him to continue it, had not eruptions of State and tumultuary practices fatally deterred his Sword: For as Kings have vaster limits, they have higher bounds than others. If our vulgar paths be rugged, theirs are slippery, and all their mighty resolutions and ambitions have their fate and circle, hither they must, and no further; yet as envious as fortune showed herself, he brought King Lewis to terms of fair promises and mediation for time of payment, as Comines obscurely implies.  
This year the King kept a very magnificent Christmas at Westminister, 
The Q. Mother & King Rich. reconciled.  and was reconciled to the Queen Dowager, who left Sanctuary, and to congratulate the King's favour, sent her five daughters to Court, where they were received with all Princely kindness.  
On the three and twentieth day of January, in the first year of his Reign, he summoned a Parliament to be holden at Westminster, i● which (after the enacting of many good Laws) the marriages o● 
The Parliament of R. 3.  King Edward were debated, that with the Lady Grace adjudged unlawful, and her children illegitimate, there being proof of a former Contract and Marriage with the Lady Elinor Talbot, daughter of the old Earl of Shrewsbury, and Relict of the Lord Butler of Sudely then and long after living, and all that had been inferred by the Duke of Buckingham, or contained in the Bill supplicatory, demonstrated, was again consulted, and judgement given against that Marriage, and incapacity of the Children also, of the Earl of Warwick and his sister, the Lady Elizabeth Plantagenet, all decreed and confirmed by Act of Parliament; so that here to tax so general an Assent, were to say there was not one honest nor just man in that High Court, and what greater scandal to the whole Kingdom?  
There was likewise notice taken of the Earl of Richmond's pretence to the Crown, by a Title derived from the House of Lancaster, who was at that time in France, labouring to engage the King and the Duke of Britain in the quarrel. Oh the infinite windings, and perplexed sleeps we labour through, to get that we must bid goodnight to to morrow; And yet the true and rightful Lancaster had no finger in it, for this Earl was not then granted to be of the House of Lancaster, until the Pope by his Bull had given him that stile, and himself (after he was King) by his Prerogative assumed it. In this Parliament he was attainted of High Treason, and with him john Earl of Oxford, Thomas marquis of Dorset, jasper Earl of Pembroke, 
The friends & confederates of the E▪ of Rich.  Lionel Bishop of Salisbury, Peirce Bishop of Exeter, the Lady Margaret Countess of Richmond, Thomas Morton Bishop of Ely, Thomas Naudick by the stile of Thomas Naudick of Cambridge Conjurer, William Knevet of Buckingham smeared with the same pitch, George Browne of Beechworth, Thomas Lukenor of Tratton, john Cuilford, john Fogg, Edward Poinings, Thomas Fieries of Cherstmonceur, Nicholas Gainsford, William Clifford, john Darrell, with others of Kent and the West Country. There was further enacted for the approbation and confirming the true and lawful Title of King Richard, this clause or sentence.  
It is declared, pronounced, decreed, confirmed and established by the Authority of this present Parliament, that King Richard the third is the true and undoubted King of this Realm, as well by right of Consanguinity and Heritage, as by lawful Election and Coronation, etc. And in a place of the Roll of this Parliament, there are 
The sons of K. E. living in Jan & Febr▪ after the death of their Father.  Arguments to be gathered, that the two sons of King Edward were living in the time of this Parliament, which was at the least nine months after the death of their Father, and six months after King Richard; which will import thus much, That if King Richard then, lawfully and quietly possessed of the Crown, suffered them to live so long, there is no reason why, he should after make them away, for their lives could not rectify their Blood, or Titles, nor their death's advantage him, neither can Bastards be dangerous, or prejudicial to the true and titular Lord, or lawful proprietary, be he Prince or Subject; Witness Foreign Countries, and England itself, which holds Bastards uncapable of Heritage, Honour or Offices: In the Month of February, towards the end of this Parliament, the King in his providence to establish the Regal fortune and Succession in the Prince his Son, and to fasten the affection of the Nobility and People unto him with the Crown, procures them to meet him in the Palace at Westminster, and there (Interiori Caenaculo, as mine Author saith) tendered by the Duke of Norfolk unto them, an Oath of Fealty and Allegiance in writing, to be taken to the Prince of Wales; which they took and subscribed most willingly; the occasion of this, was his jealousy of that new League struck up between the Earl of Richmond and the Duke of Buckingham, who was now discovered more apparently, and the rest of the engagement: To oppose and suppress them therefore, and stifle the Confederacy before it should grow more threatening; The King makes a Commission by Letters Patents, in the name of the Vice Constable of England, unto Sir Ralph 
Vice Constable of England.  Ashton, A Copy whereof (the Precedent being unusual, and the Office great) I have Transcribed verbatim from the Records in the Chapel of the Convertits.  

Vice Constabulario Angliae Constituto.  
REX dilecto & fideli suo, Rudolpho Ashton militi, salutem. 
Patents de anno 1 Richardo 3. part. 1. me●. 2.  Sciatis, quod nos defidelitate, circumspectione, & probitate, vestrâ plenius confidentes, assignavimus deputavimus & ordinavimus vos hac vice Constabularium nostrum Angliae, ac Commi●sionarium nostrum, dantes & concedentes vobis tenore presentium potestatem & authoritatem generalem, & mandatum speciale, ad audiendum & examinandum ac procedendum, contra quascunque personas de crimine laesae nostrae regi● majestatis suspectas & culpabiles tam per viam examinationis testium quam aliter prout vobis melius visum fuerit ex officio vestro; nec non in causis illis judicialiter & sententialiter juxta casus exigentiam & delinquentium demerita omni strepitu & futura judicij appella●ione quacunque remota, quandocunque vobis videbitur procedendum, judicandum et finali executione de ma●dandum cum omnibus etiam clausulis, verbis, et terminis specialibu● ad executionem istius mandati et authoritatis nostrae de jure vel consuetudine requisitis, quae etiam omnia hic expressa habemus, assumpto vobiscum aliquo tabellione fide digno, qui singula conscribat unà cum aliis quae in praemissis vel circa ●a necessaria videbuntur seu qualitercunque requisita; mandantes & firmiter vobis injungentes, quod aliis quibuscunque praetermissis circa praedicta quoties & quando opus fuerit intendatis, caus as que antedictas audiatis, examinetis, & in eisdem proced●tis ac eas judicetis & finali executione ut praefertur demandetis. Damus etiam omnibus & singulis quorum interest in hac parte tenore praesentium firmiter in mandatis, quod vobis in pr●missis faciendis pareant, assistant & auxilientur in omnibus diligenter, in cujus, etc. Teste Rege apud Covent. 24. die Octobris, Anno regni primo; per ipsum Regem oretenus.   
What success this Commission, and new Office had, I find not reported, but it might come too late, or the new Officer forget what he was to execute, for the faction lost none they could corrupt or win; yet surely, the institution of it was very politic and important, as a plain Image and portrait, of the Office and Authority of the great or High-Constable of England, which in the execution of a wise and valiant person, is of a high and great use.  
Having made mention of these Offices, it shall not be a Parergue, 
Other Officers of King Richard 3.  between these Acts, to interadde the rest of this King's Officers, both Chief and others; at the least such as were of Honour or Dignity: I have before named the High-Constable, the great Marshal, high Admiral, Lord Chamberlain, the rest were Sir john Wood the Elder, L. Treasurer the first year, and Sir john Touchet, Lord A●dley during the rest of his Reign, Doctor Russell Bishop of Lincoln had the great Seal, Thomas Barrow was Master of the Rolls, (which place Henry the seventh continued to him, and made him a Privy Counsellor) john Kendal was principal Secretary, Sir William Hopton Treasurer of the Household, Sir Thomas Peircy controller, after him Sir john Buck, john Gunthorpe Keeper of the Privy Seal, Sir William Hussey Chief Justice, Thomas Tremaine and Roger Townsend the King's Sergeants, Morgan Kidwell Attorney General, Nicholas Fitz-William Recorder of London.  
For matters of Treaty, betwixt this King and Foreign Princes, I have seen a memorial of one, for intercourse and commerce, between 
Treaties for League and commerce with Flanders, etc. In Thesauro Scaeccarij 1 R. 3.  him and Philip Duke of Burgundy, and the Estates of Flanders, who in the Record are called Membra Flandriae: These Princes and States had each of them their Commissioners to treat and determine the Affairs, which I find they dispatch● with approbation of the Princes their Masters.  
There was also a Commission about these times, to hear and redress 
In Rowles A●. 1 R. 3.  the complaints made to the King, by the Subjects of the King of France and of Denmark, which was well expedited.  
Anno Regni 2. That Treaty of Peace and League with Scotland, 
An. Dom. 1484.  (began before) was continued, and finished by Commissioners sent from james the fourth King of Scotland, and by other Commissioners delegate for the King of England; those for Scotland, were Coli: Earl 
E●gile in Record.  of Argile, Chancellor of Scotland, N. Bishop of Aberdene, the Lord Lisle, the Lord Dromonde of Stobhall, Master Archibald Quhitlaw, Archdeacon of Lodion, & Secretary to the King, Lion King at Arms and Duncan of Dundas; they came to Nottingham in September Anno Domini 1484, and were honourably received in the great Chamber of the Castle, the King sitting under his Royal Cloth of State; Master Archibald Quhitlaw stepping before the rest, addressed a very Eloquent Oration unto him in Latin, which reflected upon the praise of Martial men & Art Military, including much to the honour and praise of King Richard. This Treaty aimed partly at a Truce and Peace, partly at a Marriage, between james the Prince of Scotland and the Lady Anne, Daughter of john de la Poole, Duke of Suffolk, and Niece to King Richard.  
Commissioners for the King of England, were john Bishop of Lincoln, Richard Bishop of Asaph▪ john Duke of Norfolk, Henry Earl of Northumberland, Master john Gunthorpe custos privati sigilli, Sir Thomas Stanley, Lord Stanley, Sir N. Lord Strange, Sir N. Lord Powis, Sir Henry Lord Fitz▪ hugh, Sir Humphrey Lord Dacres, Master Thomas Barrow Master of the Rolls, Sir Richard Ratcliff, William Catesby, and Richard Salkeld: The other for the Treaty of Alliance and Marriage, were Thomas Archbishop of York, john Bishop of Lincoln, john Bishop of Worcester, john Duke of Norfolk, William Earl of Nottingham, john Sutton Lord Dudley, N. Lord Scroop of upsal, Sir William Hussey, Chief Justice of the King's Bench; Sir Richard Ratcliff, and William Catesby: But the success of that, and many other good intendments, were interposed by the inconstancy and contraste of the times. The Lady Anne de la Poole, upon the 
The Lady Anne de la Poole a Nun.  the breach thereof, (resolving to accept no other motion) forthwith took a religious habit in the Monastery of Zion.  
There was another Treaty of Peace and Truce in this second 
Treaty with the Duke of Britain.  year, between him and the Duke of Britain, or at the least given out for peace, yet was indeed but a part and pretext of the Treaty: for the main negotiations on the King's side, was, how to get the Earl of Richmond out of his custody into his own, or be as well secured of him there as his Brother King Edward was: And for this Treaty, the chief Negotiators, were the Bishop of Lincoln and Sir Thomas Hutton for the King, the Bishop of Leon and others for 
Ib. in Scaccaer.  the Duke. The Treaty began Anno Domini 1484. and was finished and ratified in the year following, but the Duke violated his part immediately by giving aid to the King's Enemies.  
In the same year there were Letters made (which are yet extant in the Treasury of the Exchequer) that moved a Peace and Truce beweene King Richard, and Charles' the eighth King of France; 
Treaty with the King of France.  wherein it must be understood, the tribute before mentioned was Articled.  
Also in this year, and the year before, there was a private Treaty, which we must not pass by, for the Marriage of the Lady Elizabeth with King Richard himself: what the success of it was, and 
Treaty of marriage of King Rich. with the Lady Eliz.  how far it proceeded, will more aptly present itself in another place.  
We are now to take notice of the Duke of Buckingham's revolt, 
Revolt of the D. of Buck.  for this was the preparative and fourrier of the rest: And to give it the more taking feature and specious pretence, it must be given out▪ That the cause was the Reformation of an ill Government and Tyranny, under which species, (for Treason is ever fairly palliated, and seldom wants the form of some plea, though at the Bar) they must take up Arms against the King. And here (as some Rivers derived from the Sea, cannot suddenly lose their taste of saltness) they discovered their ancient taint and inconstancy which the Prince wisely suspected from the first. For the Duke of Buckingham (how affably 
The Duke of Buckingham first riseth in Rebellion. The quarrel of the Duke of Buck. against the King.  soever he trimmed his countenance) it should seem departed malcontent from Court, yet made not that general public pretended cause of the King's Crimes all his quarrel, but challenged him by some private grudges, as denying to give or restore to him the Earldom of Hereford, and Constableship of England, (for they went together a long time) which he alleged belonged to the Partage that fell to his great Grandmother the Lady Anne, Daughter and Heir of Thomas Plantagenet, alias Woodstock, created by King Richard the second Duke of Gloucester, and Earl of Buckingham, and of his Wife Elinor, daughter and coheir of Humphrey de Bohun Earl of Hereford, and Constable of England: Which claim, had he considerately looked upon, could not rightly revolve to him, but 
The Title of the Earldom of Hereford, & of the Constableship of England.  rather was for the King's part; For Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, of Essex and Northampton, Lord of Brecknock, and Constable of England (in the time of King Edward the third, and the last Earl of the Family of the Bohuns) had by the Lady jane his Wife, Daughter of Richard Fitz-Allan Earl of Arundel, two Daughters and Heirs, Elinor and Mary: Elinor was Married to the same Thomas Plantagenet, alias de Woodstock, youngest Son of King Edward the third, Duke of Gloucester and Earl of Buckingham: Marry the second Daughter was Married to Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lancaster, and after King of England by the name of Henry the fourth, and the Earldom of Hereford fell to his Wife: In favour whereof, he was Created Duke of Hereford by King Richard the second, and the Earldom (now a Duchy) and the rights thereof, remained in the King, and in the King's Heirs and Successors until the death of King Henry the sixth, who died without Issue, & then all the Estate of Lancaster (especially that of the Royal Family of Lancaster) escheated to King Edward the fourth, and from him it came to King Richard, as Heir to his Brother and all his Ancestors. But the Duke of Buckingham pretended Title to that Earldom by his said Grandmother Anne, who was one of the Daughters and Heirs of the aforesaid Lady Elinor (Wife of Thomas de Woodstock Duke of Gloucester) and the Wife of Edmond Stafford Earl of Stafford, and Grandfather to this Henry Duke of Buckingham, who the rather presumed to make this Claim, because the Issue of the other Sister Mary, being extinct, he took himself also to be her Heir.  
But King Richard relishing something in this, near the disposition and inclination of Bullingbrooke, answered, That the Earldom of Hereford was of the inheritance of Henry the fourth, who was also King of England (though by tort and usurpation) and will you my Lord of Buckingham Claim to be Heir of Henry the fourth? You may then also happily Assume his spirits, and lay Claim to the Crown by the same Titles.  
This was as bitter as short, and doubly ill taken: First, because it came with a Repulse: Next, because it seemed to proceed from a suspicion, and as a tax of his Loyalty, and begets another pretence of exception in the Duke's bosom, which he called a breach of promise in the King, for not joining the Prince his Son in Marriage with the Lady Anne Stafford his Daughter; but all those Colours were but to give complexion to the face of his defection, the true cause was well devined and found out by the King, his Ambition and aim to be Sovereign, raised by an overweening of that Royal Blood he supposed to be in his descent from the said Thomas de Woodstock, etc. Son of a King; and yet he was not resolutely determined to make his Claim to the Crown this way, nor to attempt the Kingdom by Arms, until those embers which (as it were) lay but lukewarm in his thoughts, were quickened and revived by the animation of Doctor Morton Bishop of Ely then a Privy Counsellor though he stood in some umbrage and disgrace in the Court with the King, for his practices against him, and was at this time in the custody of the Duke of Buckingham as a Prisoner; more expressly, for that being a Privy Counsellor, he had given secret advertisement to the Earl of Richmond of what passed in the secret Counsels of the King; To this advantage, he applies that which he had wittily drawn from the Duke's discontent and passionate discourses at times passed. By which, perceiving the glance of his Ambition, and that derived from the great opinion of his Royal Blood, he pregnantly tickles and feeds that humour, until he had soothed him past his own strength or retirement; for his secret drift was, to apt and prepare the Duke to a Rebellion at any hand, though not to set his own Title on foot, yet lays open the advantage of the present times to it, proposing flat usurpation and tyranny against the King Regnant, and the strong likelihood of his Deposing. This lifts the Duke something higher in his own opinion. But coming to a pause, (and perceiving Richmond was the man they had aimed at for this great blow (who had conditioned by Oath to marry the Lady Elizabeth, (for the Countess of Richmond, had by the means of Doctor Lewis, conciliated the 
Sir Tho. Moor.  friendship of the Queen Mother to that Alliance, and to draw as many of the House of York into the Action as were at her Devotion) that many Potent Lords and some Foreign Princes had promised their aids) he began to retreat, and conceive he had taken the wrong path to his journeys end, for his Title and Claim must be nothing, if those of York and Lancaster were united: And that the Earl (who stood between him and his Aims) was not only resolute to attempt, but strongly aided for it, himself not able upon such an instant to raise a power able to encounter, much less give check unto his violent Ambition, therefore concludes all against himself, and that it would fall out farte better to side with the times; a consideration which doubtless would highly stir a spirit where so much greatness of opinion and ambition was. And the Doctor discerning this disgust, and that he was startled in his hope and resolution, to recover him an entire man, & not let him stand by, an idle spectator in so meritorious an action, he opens a private way of honour and satisfaction, suggesting him the first and greatest man, the Kingdom was to know next the King: And finding his particular distastes to King Richard, of quickest sense and argument to him, he freshly urges (and as it were) refricates each particle, to the greatness of his spirit and discontent; the Duke replies not much at that time, but busy in his thoughts leaves him, and presently fashions a visit to the Countess of Richmond, (a Lady of a politic and contriving bosom) to know the credit of his intelligence, which she insinuates 
This Margaret Countess of Richmond, was Daughter and Heir to john Beaufort Duke of Somerset, & Margaret de Beaufort, Mother of the D. of Buck. was Daughter of Edmond D. of Somerset; and thus were the E. of Rich. and the D. of Buck. a Kin. Rob. Glov. in cattle. etc. The Conspirators with the D. of Buck. for the E. of Rich.  with arguments so full of circumstance and honour, besides her Son's indearment to him, their hearnesse of blood, affirming the Duke's Mother a Somerset, the reciprocal affinity between her Father and his, and then the bravery and Religion in the Cause, that the Duke now forsakes himself, and fully gives up his resolution and promise to her; thus prepared, he finds out the Lord Stanley, the marquis of Dorset, Edward Courtney Earl of Devonshire, and his Brother the Bishop of Exeter, Sir john Bowrchier, Sir john Wells, Robert Willowby, Edward Woodvill, Thomas Arundel, who had severally raised forces, and intended their Rendezvous near Gloucester, so to march for Dorsetshire, there to receive the Earl and the Duke, with his Welshmen: But the King was early in his preparation, to prevent them before they could unite, or the Earl of Richmond arrive there, else they had fastened a most dangerous Blow upon him. And at this full stop, in these progresses (me thinks) we may observe, how uncertainely, in our strongest valuations, we are our own; and that our greatest Confidences, and humane Policies, are but heavy weights hung at trembling Wires, while our expectations are apt to be flattered, and outgo themselves, but are overtaken in their Success, and Fates, as was this great Man's; for their Forces neither met by Sea nor Land, the English being scattered by a sudden and huge inundation that so dangerously over-flowed all passages, they could not join nor pass the River Severne, while the suddenness and strangeness of it struck the Soldiers with such alteration, that most part of them forsook the Duke and left him to 
The overthrow of the Duke of Buckingham.  himself: The Earl of Richmond was as unfortunately met at Sea by a great tempest, upon the coasts of England.  
The King took the advantage this accident offered, and pursued the 
Polidore lib. 25  Duke, not only with a galloping Army, but with Edicts & Proscriptions, that promised a thousand pounds in money (whereunto some Writers 
King Richard sharply reprehended Banister for betraying his Master, which argued a noble mind.  add, so much Lands as was worth one hundred pounds per annum) to any that should bring in the Duke, who was betrayed and brought to the King then at Salisbury, by Humphrey Banister,) an eternal brand) having lived by this man's service, and now thought treacherously to subsist by his Ruin. The Duke being examined, freely confessed all, and for it lost his head in the field according to Marshal 
The D. execucuted by Martial Law.  Law used by Armies, in November An. Dom. 1484. An. 2 Rich. 3.  
And here, if we view him in the figure of his Ambition or Fate, we shall find Doctor Morton his Caput argol, or the malignant Planet of his fortune; who, as Sir Thomas Moor confesseth and affirmeth, by his Politic Drifts and Pride, advanced himself, and brought the Duke to this ruin. The rest fled, some into Sanctuaries, others into Britain to the Earl of Richmond, and some into Flanders, all their Plots being now how to be safe.  
And thus far King Richard, in the Voyage of his Affairs had a promising Gale; we will therefore here cast Anchor a while, and clasp up this first Book, with the Relation of his better Fortunes.  
Explicit Lib. I.   

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF KING RICHARD THE THIRD.  
The Argument of the Second Book.  
THe Earl of Richmond practiseth with Foreign Princes, and with the English Nobles for assistance and Forces to make his first and second invasions of England, He came first to Pool with ill success, secondly to Milford cum bonis avibus.  
What Bastards are, and whereof they are capable, who be of the House of Lancaster, how Lancaster and Beaufort or Somerset differ.  
Bastards of Kings must not take the Surnames of the King or Kingdom.  
The honourable privilege of the name of Plantagenet.  
Prince Edward, and Queen Anne, John de la Poole proclaimed Heir of the Kingdom by Richard the Third.  
Bastards of John Duke of Lancaster made legitimate, and capable of Offices, Honour, and of Heritage by Richard 2, and the Parliament.  
What the Legitimation of the Pope is.  
Arms and Names of Prince's Bastards.  
The Nobility of King Henry 7 th'. He affied not much in the Titles of York and Lancaster.  
The Pope giveth to him the Title, de jure belli, & de domo Lancastriae.  
The greatness of the Title of York, of Counsel, and Connsellours.  
The Prerogative of the King in judgements and Controversies.  
The Earl of Richmond landeth at Milford Haven; His entertainment there, and in Wales; His aptness for divers wives; he marcheth to Bosworth; King Richard and he sight, Richard is overcome and slain, also the Duke of Norfolk by the Earl of Oxford (ut Creditur.) The Earl of Richmond is strait Crowned King in the field; The fatal Error of King Richard; Kings loved Combat; The Titles of King Henry 7 th'. King's go not now to war●; Cruelties committed upon the body of King Richard; He was attainted of Treason, though against the Laws of Nature, and of Royal Majesty, with many of his followers and servants; The Earl of Surrey how released out of prison, his Geneology from Hewardus walter de Buck, and his Progeny.  
The Second Book.  
WE left King Richard the Third in the growth of a flourishing and promising Estate, and his fate now, in the rise of a peaceful and prosperous Reign, of a calm and hopeful presage; But Fortune that lends her smiles as Exactors do money, to undo the Debtor, soon called for the Principal and Interest from this Prince, to whom she was merely Novercall, and he might well call her with the expert Heros in Euripides fortuna diurna, i. e. fortune of a day's life, 
Eurip. in he●a.  for in her best mood, she is most slippery in her favours, and redious 
Valer. Max. l. 7  in her mischiefs, as was aptly considered by a grave man: Fortuna adversas res cupido animo inducit, secundas parco; she is a mother but a little while, a stepdame a long time, and for ever to some; here then, we are aggressing into the turbulent and luctuall times, which were towards the end and period of his Life and Reign; the formal and final causes, happening from the invasions attempted by the Earl of Richmond; I will begin the Second Book there, and may say invasions, because he twice invaded the Kingdom, though by error or ignorance of our Vulgar Historians, they are confounded and made one, which corruptly maims the Story, and conceals and pretermits some very remarkable agitations: particularly, the true cause of the Duke of Buckingham's ill success and defeat, is misunderstood, or not at all known. To come to it therefore more certainly, we must take notice of the first preparation by the Earl of Richmond, who was resolved to advance his claim that way, and unbosomes himself to the Duke of Britain, his possibility and advantage by friends, if he could raise but sufficient strength to set him safely in England. The Duke gives him all good wishes to his undertaking, but opposes (against all Arguments of drawing him in) first, his Amity and League with England, which in honour and justice he was not to violate: Then his wants by the long Civil and cruel Wars, with his Barons, that had so exhausted his Coffers, as durst he dispense with the former cause, yet that might render him excused, being unable to furnish him, at least in so short a time as his expedition required; beyond which answer, for the present, the Earl thought not fit to press him: But having a prompt and strong affiance in his good fortune, makes up to some of the Duke's most honourable and powerful Friends, to lay siege that way to him by private advantages, for by his ingenious demeanour, he had won the inclinations of many great ones, being Master of a pleasant acute wit, which was well supplied in him by the strain of all Courtly Acts; to those he had the help of the French Tongue, which he spoke excellently well, and (to give all the more plausible access and influence) he was (as Philip de Comines, who knew him, testifies) a very complete and well featured Gentleman which makes the rule certain, and well animating 
Gratior est pulchro veniens e corpore virtus.  
Virgil.  
The beauties of the mind more gracious are,  
When as the body's features are more fair.   
In the number of those eminent persons he had gained during his fair imprisonment: more fortunately he had applied himself unto the Lady Margaret, Duchess of Britain, Daughter of Gaston de Foix, (a great man in the Western parts of France, whose Ancestors were well affected to the English) and Madam de Bevier; the Duchess, 
john Froisard Paradin. Hist. de Brit. The Duke had by this Lady his daughter and heir Anne, who brought the Duchy of Britain to France.  so far countenanced him in his design, that she became an earnest suitor unto the Duke her husband, and prevailed both for his liberty and aid; for caution and pledge herein, he was only to kneel at the High Altar, before the blessed Sacrament, in the Cathedral Church of Saint Vannes, there to make his religious Vow, justly and truly to observe what restitution he privately had promised to the Duke and Duchess; which protestation made, he had three Ships well rigged and furnished with Men, Arms, and Victuals, as my Author relates. 
Hist. de Brit.   
Au Conte de Richmond furent aux despens du duo trois grosses Navires de Brittannia, charges de gens de Arms, etc. & qui se misent in mer.  
But, by the favour of this British Writer, the Earl stayed many days at Saint Malo, to receive and send intelligence, and made it the beginning of October 1484, before he came to Saint Poole in Dorset, where he lay some time at Anchor, to send his Boats a shore as Explorers or Spies, for discovery of the Coasts, where the King's Army, or his friends lay, who returned without any particular satisfaction, but that there was many Armed men about the Country. The Earl (who in all things was circumspect, and cautiously rimerous) resolved immediately to lose from thence; but the night following, a terrible tempest constrained them with all haste to weigh Anchor, and make into the Maine, the Storm and darkness of the night severing and dispersing their Ships, some to the Coasts of Britain, but the Earl himself to the Coasts of Normandy. And this was the success of his first invasion, which, though it bore an inauspicate face, it proved of a friendly event: For had he landed about Poole, or but stayed till the King's Ships had come in, that lay waiting not far off, he had been a lost man every way, the King being not only active to meet their contrivements, but had some advantage upon them, by the close intelligence of a friend, and knew that the Forces of the Duke of Buckingham, with the Earl of Devon, and others, were to meet near Gloucester, and march in their full and united strength, towards the seacoasts of Dorset, there to receive the Earl: But the King encountered with the Duke of Buckingham's Army, beat him, and cut off his head, before any of the rest could come at him daily putting the ordinary bands of these West Countries in a ready posture for guard of their Coasts; and that if the Earl of Richmond, or any of his French Forces came a shore, they were to be entertained courteously by them pretending themselves of the Duke of Buckingham's Army, who had routed the King's Party, and were sent thither to receive and conduct the Earl with his men to London. This was the projected end: But it is of remarkable note, to look into the various paths of this Earl's fortune, and how they brought him to his journey's end, when they appeared most doubtful and threatening, not only gave him advantage by the good success of his Enterprises, but made the most adverse accidents serve as prosperous unto them; for was it not happy the storm at Poole drove him from the Coasts of England, and no less fortunate, that the Duke of Buckingham was defeated, whereas, had the Duke atcheived that day, the Earl of Richmond not being there, (who was to be present in person, and General of the field) we may with reason conjecture his Emulation and Policy, would have accumulated the honour and fortune of the Conquest to his own pretended Title: such Spirits like the Sea, where they intrude or win, making their advantage their right, and not easily surrender, so much is the engagements of Ambition, too strong for all ties of faith and right.  
The example is observable in the Earl of Richmond himself; who although he knew the Children of the Duke of Clarence and others, had better right to the Crown, yet once possessed, would not resign, no not to his own Son, whilst he could hold it; nor did he want his Precedents, as all men know, who know any thing. And to take all Relations in our way, that may be level with our Story; betwixt this and his second Invasion, some other passages offer themselves, as an interim, and not impertinent to supply the Readers observation.  
Amongst other, the Death of the King's dear and only Son (at least Legitimate) who died in the Castle of Middleham in Yorkshire, 
The death of Edw. Prince of Wales, Son of Rich. 3. Chron. Croyland.  in the Month of April, Anno Dom. 1484 which news gave such a passionate Charge upon the Nature and Affections of the King and Queen (being then in the Castle of Nottingham) that as mine Author saith, Subitis doloribus insanire videbantur. 
Ibidem.   
Yet the King, being a man of an equal moderation to his courage, puts it into the Scale of his other worldly encounters, and as it was said of julius Caesar, that he soon passed the death of his only daughter julia (most precious in his affection) Et tam facile dolorem hunc, 
Seneca.  quam omnia vicit; So King Richard tempered his grief and business so together, that the one made him not unsensible, nor the other negligent; but as the Prior of Croyland telleth, did all things gravely and discreetly as before.  
Rex Richardus nihilominus tamen suam partem defensione vacaverit. although the Queen could not hold so proportioned a temper over her grief, the tenderness of her Sex, letting it break upon her in a more passionate manner, and with such an Impression, that it became her sickness past recovery, languishing in weakness and extremity of sorrow, until she seemed rather to overtake death, than death her; which was not long after the Princes, and added not a little to the King's sufferings and sorrows, (though traducing Spirits have charged him with shortening her life by poison, or some other practice, which are prestigious and black Comments, falsely placed in the Margin of his Story, and may mere nearly touch the credit of the Authors than his, if we judiciously take a view of him and his Actions; and look upon the indulgent and active care for his Country, which he gave a constant and sincere expression of, instantly after his Son's 
john Earl of Lincoln, and after Duke of Suffolk proclaimed Heir Apparent.  death, when by the deliberation and consent of the Barons, he was industrious to think of a Successor, and to nominate such an one whose blood and worth might make him equally Heir to the Crown and the people's affection, (with the highest approbation of the Kingdom) and none more near to either, than Sir john de la Poole Earl of Lincoln, Son and Heir of john de la Poole Duke of Suffolk, and of the Lady Elizabeth Plantagenet, Duchess of Suffolk, the Sister and Heir of this King Richard, who was declared and proclaimed Heir apparent to the Kingdom. This was a Contrecarre to the Faction of Richmond, and (indeed) what greater affront could thwart them, if those of the House of Lancaster or Beaufort, were next Heir to the Crown, (as the pretenders affirmed for the Earl of Richmond) who would likewise have him to be Caput gentis Lancastriae, & Princeps familiae, though they could scarcely prove him (not without question I am sure) Membrum illius familiae, until he came to be King, for it was a question in those times, and much disputed, whether the Beaufort's or Sommersets were of the House of Lancaster, or no: most true it is, the Children of the House of Lancaster being lawfully borne, and after Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lancaster, had Conquered and deposed Richard the Second, were to be held Princes of the Blood Royal, and capable of the Crown in their natural and due Order. But those of Beaufort or Somerset, were as the Vulgar hath it, filij populi, or as the Imperial Juris-consults say, liberi vulgo quesiti, who by the old Greeks were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. sine Patre, the Doctors of the Spiritual Law, drawing the Originem of such children, ab illicito & damnato 
john Sarisburiensis Ep. 85.  coitu, of the polluted adulterous bed (and so those Beaufort's, three males and one female, begotten by john of Gaunt (as he believed) according to the Laws were to be reputed, the children of Sir Otho Swinford, begotten upon Katherine his Wife in his life time, who was daughter of Sir pay Rovet a Frenchman, dwelling in Beaufort's, and was Guienne Herald to the Duke of Lancaster. His Duchess Dona Constantia, (a most noble and virtuous Lady, daughter of Don Pedro King of Castille) was living also in the time he kept this Katherine, and had those Beaufort's, who were Sir-named so from the place of their birth, a Town of his own in Anjou. But to note transitu, how obnoxious this Duke made his frailties, that (thinking to put a smother face upon his sin) gave it but the same blush, by making this Katherine Swinford his Duchess, against the liking of the King & all his noble friends, & direct Tenor of the common Laws, which pronounce 
Sir Tha. Walsin. in Rich. 2.  marriages between such as have lived in Aldutery unlawful: Nay, to make him the more marvel and smiling discourse of the Court, the glass of his age was turned to his last year when he sacrifieed these scattered embers of his desires and passion. But he obtained those children to be legitimated: First, by the Pope Vrbanus the sixth; next by the Charter of King Richard the second, and had both these indulgences afterward enlarged and confirmed by Parliament. Yet neither 
Parl. ann. 20. Rich. 2.  these four legitimate children, nec qui nascebantur ab illis, were permitted to the Princely familiar Title of Lancaster, so long as that ●ame flourished, much less of Plantagenet, for that was the peculiar Surname in chief of the Kings of England, and Princes of the blood Royal, since the time of the second Henry, Son of the Empress Matilda, the first founder of that name in the Royal Family of England. Of which honour were partakers, the Princely Family of Wales, of Brotherton, of York, of Lancaster, of Clarence, of Woodstock, of Gloucester, etc. And there are yet some Noblemen in Portugal, who descended from john Duke of Lancaster, and are called and written the Lancastro, others of the like Origine 
Don Duart de Lancastro a Noble Gen. of Portugal, averred himself descended from the D. of ●●●. Valodolid.  and Title may do as much. Neither would King Henry the fourth, Henry the fifth, nor King Henry the sixth, all Kings of the Lancastrian race endure to let the Lineage of Beaufort (though they respected them as kinsmen, and advanced them to many honours) Assume the the Surname of Lancaster, holding it an Arrogation and Usurpation of Royalty and Royal Rights, wherein they followed their Ancestors, who devised other names for their base children: As Fitz. Roy, 
The peculiar Surnames of the Bastards of the an●● in Kings of England  Oxenford, Fitz-Herbert, Clarendon, Fitz-Henry Longuespee Cornwall; and so they continued the name of Beaufort and Somersets until the Earl of Richmond came, and this was in imitation of the Kings of France as I conceive. For within the reach of my observation, since the time of Hugh C●●●t they never vouchsafed any of their base sons to be capable of the Crown of France, or to have the Adven (as they call it) nor the Surname of France; but the illegitimate daughters may take the Surname France, or de France; because they can make no claim to the Crown by a pretended permission of the Sa lik-law, which john de Tillet witnesseth.  
La troisiesme lignèe a du tout rejectè, les Bastards non seulement de la Coronne mais aussi de l'aduen, et Surnom de France, qui Concession est permis 
Arms of Bastards of the Kings of England.  aux Bastards de roy ' etc.  
And as the Bastards of the Kings of England had other names, so they took differenced Arms; or elsewhere permitted to bear their mothers (if of any Family.) If tolerated to bear the arms of England; then they were diversified in a Checking, Debasing and Rebating manner, with Bastons, Bends, Sinister Bars, Bordutes, Marks of Baseness, Obscurity and Novelty, which any new Gentleman might bear, such as the Learned call filios terrae & novos homines; and we vulgarly, upstarts. But to object against the use of this in England, the example of Hamelin is brought in; and to credit it, his Arms forged by some weak and negligent Heralds, who call him Hamelin Plantagenet, when the truth is, this Hamelin (base son of jeoffry Plantagenet, Earl of Anjou) was simply called Hamelin, and his son William took the Surname of his Mother Dame Isabel de Warren, daughter and heir of William de Warren Earl of Surrey, which their Posteri continued; as joannes de Warrena the first, and joannes de Warrena the second, both Earls of Surrey; and Isabel de Warren, and Elinor de Warren etc. mentionedin the Charters and Records, but never Plantagenet, which is acknowledged by our best Heralds and Antiquaries; Master William Campden hath these words: Isabel filla 
Camd. in Surr.  sola Gulielmi de Warrena Comitis Surreiae Hamelinum Nothum Galfredi Plantageneti etc. titulo Comitis Surreiae maritum exornavit. Hamelinus Gulielmum Surreiae Comitem genuit, cujus posteri à Scito Warrenorū nomine eundem titulum gesserunt. And that the base son of King Edward the fourth, was commonly called Arthur Plantagenet proves nothing neither, well considered: For in the times when this Arthur lived, the name of Plantagenet, being only left in the house of York (the Lancasterian Plantagenet being more extinguished) had not the former honour and reputation, but was darkened and setting, rather drawing a contempt and hate to them that bore it, the White Rose daily fading and withering; and so malignant was their Planet then, that, as a Learned Gentleman hath further observed, It was not safe 
The. Gainsford.  in that time to be a Plantagenet; therefore the permission of those times can be no warrant for the objections, nor the ignorance of the Poetical Heralds, who have strained this fable of Hamelin. Yet farther, not only giving him and his Posteri a false Surname, but assigned him by the like Fabulous Art, a shield of familiar Ensigns, the Arms of France bordered with an Orle of Normandy or Guienne: which he, nor yet any of the Antique Lineage of Anjou, or their Progeny ever bare, or could by just Title bear, either simply, or compounded, or the Progenitors of our English Kings the Lilies of Gold in an azure field, until King Edward claimed the Crown of France, and assumed them in the right of Queen Isabel de Valois his Mother, who was the first that bore them quarterly with the Arms of England.  
But the Arms of the ancient Earls of Anjou were a Scarboucle, 
Scarboucle, falsely called Carbuncle.  (that is, a Golden Bucle of a military Scarf or Belt, set with precious Stones) not a Carbuncle or more precious Ruby, for the term is erroneous and absurd, if considered: The Princes of Anjou bore this Scarboucle in a shield party per Chief, Argent and Gueules; and the Heirs of this Hamelin (who took the Surname of Warren) bore also the Arms of the house of Warren in their Shields and Caparisons, but bare the Scarboucle of Anjou for their Crest, as they were descended out of that House, as I have seen upon a Seal of joannes de Warrena Earl of Surrey, at a Charter, dated 20. E. 3. An. Dom. 1346. apud Dom. Rob. Cotton, which hath given me occasion to speak thus much to cure the Blemish that mistake hath thrust into History, such absurdities having their infection, and passing by an Age or two upon the easy and common judgements, after grow up for tall and undeniable truths: For some merely reading the complexion of things, as they do men by their outsides, or as boy's Poetry, with a tickled faith; through such wide ears and observations, crept in that Parasitisme on the one side, and Pride and Usurpation on the other side, that made the house of Lancaster and the Beaufort's, 
Difference between the house of Lancaster and Somerset.  alias Somersets, all one; which (whilst the house of York flourished) was held to differ as much as Royal and Feudall, Sovereignty and Suzeraignty; for their modesty at first was very well pleased with that of Beaufort, and it seemed honourable enough until the children of john de Beaufort, the eldest Brother (being Earl of Somerset) assumed the name of their Father's greatest honour and Earldom for their Surname, and the rest following, quite left the name of Beaufort, and made the other Hereditary. From this, john de Beaufort Earl of Somerset, and marquis of Dorset, descended Henry Duke of Somerset, Father natural to Charles Somerset, created Earl 
The Earls of Worcester, from whom.  of Worcester by King Henry the eight. And it is worth the noting that this Duke Henry left the Faction of Lancaster to follow Edward the fourth. The first Beaufort's legitimated by the Pope, and Richard the second have no other Surnames, but Beaufort in either of the instruments Apostolical, nor any words to give or emure them to any capacity of Royal Title, or state of Sovereignty in the Crown, only purged them by the Pope's spiritual power from the foulness of Bastardy, allowing them as children legitimate and lawfully born, but gives them no other title than joanna de Beaufort miles, Henricus de Beaufort Clericus, Thomas de Beaufort Domicellus, joannus de Beaufort Domicella, and more the Pope cannot do. As the Doctors of Sorbone, and some of the best Canonists hold, who peremprorily affirm, That the Pope cannot make Bastards capable to inherit the Hereditary Lands of their Father; neither can give them power to Constitute Successors or Heirs, or hold Offices, Dignities, or Titles, without the Princes special dispensation, to which the Civil and Imperial Laws agree, and is Authentic in England, as a 
The civil and imperial Law against Bastards. Sir Edw. Cook.  Learned and eminent Judge reports, though others think it of too severe a nature, and moderately agreeable to reason and Law (the Law much observing reason) That Bastards being honest and worthy men (the rather if they be avowed by their Fathers) may be admitted to Honours, Dignities, Titles, Feuds, and other Ornaments of rewards and virtue. Of this indulgence and connivance, we have examples 
Doctor Stephen Gardiner. Sir Tho. Eger. Chancellors of England.  in England by two worthy and deserving men (flourishing in this Age) who, though Bastards held the greatest Offices in England. So Richard the second, in his Charter for the legitimation of the Beaufort's, would have men of desert (and avowed by their Fathers) capable of Advancement and Honours. The Tenor of which Charter and Confirmation of it by Parliament I shall exhibit, as it is taken out of the Archives and Tower Records, opening the way by a short advertisement, That in this Act of Parliament, there is an Induction to the Charter, made by Doctor Edmond Stafford, Brother to the Earl of Stafford, and Bishop of Exeter, Lord Chancellor of England in the twentieth year of Richard the second; which intimateth, that Pope Vrbanus the sixth, at the earnest request of the King, vouchsafed to legitimate these Beaufort's, the base sons and the daughter of the Duke of Guienne and Lancaster: That the King also, having power to legitimate and enable Bastards in the same kind, and in as ample manner as the Emperor hath or had, for so he pressed and avowed in the Act, was pleased at the humble request and suit of the Duke their Father, to make them not only legitimate, but also capable of Lands, Heritage's, Titles, Honours, Offices, Dignities, etc. And that the King for the more authority thereof, craved the allowance and favourable assent of the Barons in Parliament, which was granted: The Charter runs thus.  

Charta Legitimationis Spuriorum Ioannis Ducis Lancastriae.  
RIchardus dei gratia Rex, Angliae, Franciae, Dominus, Hiberniae, charissimis Consanguineis nostris, Nohilibus viris joanni de Beaufort Militi, Henrico de B. Clerico, Thomae de Beaufort Domicello & Nobili mulieri joannae Beaufort domicellae praeclarissimi patrui nostri Nobilis viri joannis Ducis Aquitaniae & Lancastriae Germanis natis & liegis nostris salutem.  
Nos pro honore & meritis &c. Auunculi nostri, Proprio arbitratu & meritorum suorum intuitu vos, quia magno probitatis ingenio, ac vitae ac morum Honestate fulgetis, & ex regali estis prosapia propagati etc. hinc est quod joannis etc. avunculi nostri genitoris vestri precibus inclinati vobis (cum (ut asseritur) defectum natalium patimini) hujusmodi defectum & ejusdem qualitates quascunque abolere praesentes, vos haberi volumus, pro sufficientibus, ad quoscunque honores, dignitatis praeeminentias, status, gradus, & officia, publica, & privata, tam perpetua quam temporalia, atque judicialia & Nobilia, quibuscunque nominibus nuncupentur, etiam si, Ducatus, Principatus, Comitatus, Baroniae vel alia feuda fuerint, etiamsi mediate vel immediate, à nobis dependeant seu teneantur praefici, praemoveri, eligi, assumi & admitti, illaque recipere pro inde libere ac licite valeatis, ac side legitimo thoro nati existeritis, quibuscunque Statutis, seu Consuetudinibus regni nostri Angliae in contrarium editis seu observatis quae hic habemus pro totaliter expressis, nequa. quam obstantibus, de plenitudine nostrae regalis potestatis & de assenssu Parliamenti nostri tenore praesentium dispensamus, vosque & quemlibet vestrum natalibus restituimus & Legitimanus, Die Feb. Anno regni 20. R. 2.   
Here we find large Graces, Honours, and Privileges, conferred upon those Beaufort's; for the King calls them Consanguineos sous, and not only confirms their Legitimation, but makes them (by the help of the Parliament) capable of Baronies, Earldoms, Dukedoms, and Principalities, enableth them for all Offices public and private, temporary and perpetual, to take hold of and enjoy all Feuds, as well noble as other, all Lands and Signiories Hereditary, as lawfully, firmly and rightfully, as if they had been borne in lawful matrimony, but yet confers no Royal Title nor interest in the Crown, at the least, to the observation of those who allow not the claim of the Beaufort's and Somersets, and say, that to reach that, there must be words of a higher intent, words of Empire, Majesty, and Sovereignty, such as Regni summa potestas; Corona; Sceptrum, Diadema, Purpura, Majestas, and the like: Neither of these, nor any importing their extent, being in this grant, so no Title to the Crown nor Sovereignty could pass to them.  
To which the other side replies, That there is a word in the Charter that comprehendeth Empire, Reign, and Sovereignty, that is, 
Principatus, Princeps.  Principatus; whereof the King and Parliament make the Beaufort's capable, Principatus being the State of Princeps, a Title of the most absolute Sovereign Power; for the Roman Emperors in their greatest height, were called Principes, therefore Princeps is thus defined; Princeps est penes quem summa Reip. potestas est, & qui primus omnium dominatur; And Principatus, and Dominatus are used, as Synonomies. But it is conceived an error now, to take Principatus for Regnum, O● Supremus Dominatus, being the word Principatus long before, and in the age of Richard the second, also ever since, hath been restrained to the Estate of Primogenitus and Heir apparent, not only of Kings, but also of Dukes and Marquesses, as well Feudall as Sovereign. And the next King Henry the fourth, a wise, discreet, and wary Prince, though he was much inclined to those Beaufort's (as being his natural Brethren by the Paternal side, and willing to advance them all he could) yet he discovered clearly enough by that certain Charter in which he entailed the Crown successively to his 
The Charter▪ of H. 4 for entailing the Crown.  sour Sons, and to the Heirs of their bodies, that he reputed not the Beaufort's to be Lancastrians, or near the Crown. Neither is there the least clause or mention to leave any remainder therein to them: First, he entailed the Crown to his eldest son Henry Prince of Wales, after him to the Heirs of his body; If they fail, then to Thomas of Lancaster his second son, and to the Heirs of his body, so to his third son john of Lancaster, and to the Heirs of his body. Lastly, to the fourth son Humphrey, and to the Heirs of his body for still, and for every estate: the words are, Post ipsum successive Heredibus suis de ipsius Corpore legitime procreandis, which is all, and implicatively an express exclusion of the Beaufort's. This Charter 
This Charter I saw in the hands of Sir Rob. Cotton, & from it took these Summary notes. The Nobleness and Family of H. E. of Rich.  was confirmed by Act of Parliament holden at Westminster the two and twentieth day of December, in the eight year of Henry the fourth, and sealed with his own Signet. Upon the Dexter side of that, hung the seals of sundry Lords Spiritual; on the left side, the seals of the Lords Temporal witnesses. And albeit, the Earl of Richmond could not so well and rightly bear the name of Beaufort or Somerset, being a Teador by his Father, and so to be Sir-named, or of some other Welch-name (if there were any in his Family) by his Mother he was descended from the Beaufort's; for the Lady 
Glover. 1413.  Margaret, Countess of Richmond, was daughter and heir to Sir john de Beaufort Duke of Somerset, and Grandchild to john of Gaunt by Katherine the wife of Otho de Swinford, which john de Beaufort was created Duke of Somerset by Henry the fifth, his Wife was the daughter, and at length the heir of Sir john Beauchamp of Blet so 
Poli l. lib. 25. So King R. 2. called john of Gaunt Auunculum nostrum, Rec. in Tower; But that was the fault of the barbarous Latin Clerks, not knowing the difference between patruos & avunculos.  and the widow of Sir Oliver Saint-Iohn when he married her: But the Earl of Richmond, by his Grandmother Katherine Queen of England, was descended from the Kings of France, and I have seen him in a Pedigrce (drawn after he was King) derived from the ancient Kings & Princes of Britain. Polidore saith, he was Ex fratre Nepos to King Henry the sixth, who called him Nephew, and he the King, Auunculum nostrum (our Uncle) instead of Patruum, as it is in the Records of Parliament, Ann. 1. of Henry the seventh, but not his Nephew, as we erroneously now take it, that is his Germane younger Brother's Son, for than he had been a true Masculine Issue of the house of Lancaster and Royal blood of England.  
But he was Nephew to him by his Brother Uterine, Edmond Teudor Earl of Richmond, the son of Owen Teudor or Meridock, and of Queen Katherine, daughter of Charles the sixth King of France, and widow of Henry the fifth King of England, which the French well knew, and gave him the better esteem for it, but those Honours were obscure Additions to him that must not go less then for a Prince of the house of Lancaster, and so of England, which passed with such vulgar credit in France, that Du Tillet mistook john Duke 
In his Book Le Recuerl. des Ranges, etc. Part 2.  of Somerset, Father of Margaret Countess of Richmond, for the true and lawful Son of john de Gaunt, etc. by his first Wife Blanch Plantagenet, Daughter and Heir of the Earl and Earldom of Lancaster. Philip de Comines Lord of Argent, had better intelligence of his Pedigree and Title which he gives us thus.  
Iln' avoit croix, ny pile, ne null droit (Come je croy) a la Coronne d'Angleterre: And this expresses, he had no great opinion of either, though he were then King when this was writ. But let us suppose him lawfully from that Duke of Lancaster, his claim must stand excluded whilst the house of York survived, for Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, and King of England designat, by Act of Parliament holden 39 year of King Henry the sixth, to whom these Titles of Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, Earl of Chester, and Protector of England, were given by the three Estates in that Parliament, descended from the Daughter and Heir of the second Son of King Edward the third. (For as before, so still I leave the Infant 
Philip Plant. Lyonel Plant. D. of Clarence  William of Hatfield without the Catalogue) and King Henry the fourth and his Progeny, descended from the third Son; and King Henry the sixth; being the best of the house of Lancaster then living, did acknowledge in that Parliament, the Title of Richard Duke of York, the only lawful and just Title, so consequently next and better than that of Lancaster or any other; and before any Beaufort or their Heirs, the Issue of the two daughters of john Duke of Lancaster, Philip and Katherine (married to the King of Portugal and Castille) were to be preferred if Foreign Titles be not excluded by Parliament. But the Earl of Richmond, measuring his own height, by the advantage of a tumultuary and indisposed time, and finding his Lancastrian pretence, began to have a popular retinue, he was now incompatible of any others precedency and propinquity for those great ones that led him by the hand unto the Action, laid the line by their own corrupted hopes and fears of the success, therefore would not let the fortune of their expectation faint in him. Bishop Morton steered much in the course of their Affairs, and was a great Oracle to the Earl, who was noted too partial and credulous, especially where he believed the persons of any honesty, virtue, or learning, for which his fame yet bears some stains of Morton, Dudley, Empson, Bray, Vrswike, Knevett, etc. for there be two extremes observed in the Counsels of Princes, one when the Prince is subject to follow the counsels of evil men; the other, when the Prince is too opinionated to consult with Counsel, such an one as was Charles, the hardy Duke of Burgundy, so opinionated and overweening of his own wisdom and judgement, that he under-thought all men's else, which wide conceit of his hath left this Monument.  
Carolus pugnax altorum consilia & rationes (ne dicam) sequi vix audire 
Pe. Henterus. joh. Megerus.  volebat, ignominiae loco habens ab aliis discere, & judicavit, se proprio cerebro omnia concilia habere recondita.  
And to give us yet further character of Bishop Morton, Sir Thomas Moor (sometimes his Master) tells us, his best inclinations were swayed to the dangerous positions and rules of policy, and Doctor john Hird in his metrical History of England, brings him in an Ambidexter and observer of fortune, one while yorkeizing another while Lancastrizing, thus delivering himself: 
Si Fortuna meis favisset partibus olim,  
Et gnato Henrici sexti diadema dedisset,  
Edwardi nunquam venissem regis in aulam,  
Sed quia supremo stetit haec sententia Regi,  
Henrico auferre, ac Edwardo reddere sceptrum,  
Tanta mea nunquam lusit dementia mentem,  
Vt sequerer partes regis victi atque sepulti.  
Adversus vivum, etc.   
Which may be thought well said by a mere Politician, But from a friend it wants something of a Christian, for true friendship and piety will own us in the blackest adversity and silence of the grave, as the divine Ariosto hath something near observed in this elegant Stanza. 
Nessum puo super du chi sia amato 
Ariost. cant. 19   
Quando felice in sula ●rota si ede;  
Pere ch' haiveri, & ifiniti amici alato,  
Chi mostran tuti, una medessima fede,  
Se poi si cangia in tristo il he'sto stato,  
Volta laturba adulatrice il pied,  
Et quel di cu or ' ama riman' fort,  
Et ama il suo amico doppola morte.  
No man whilst he was happy ever knew  
Assuredly of whom he was beloved,  
For than he hath both feigned friends and true,  
Whose faith seems both alike till they be proved,  
But he is left of all the flattering Crew  
When from his happy state he is removed,  
But he who loves in heart, remains still one,  
And loves his friend when he is dead and gone:   
Doctor Mortons' aims were drawn from other rules which with good Alacrity, made him Archbishop, and Lord Chancellor of England, and put him the next list into a cardinalship, and then he stood on tiptoes by the King, according to the Roman Marshalling of states for in the Pope's list of ranges and presence, his holiness is the first, than the Emperor, next a Cardinal, than a King▪ and in this▪ Sir Tho. Moor notes the extremity of his pride, to abuse his wisdom and piety, which otherwise might have kept him and his memory unfullyed in these preferments, so much our vices impostumate our fames, hypocrisy leaving the scar but of a deformed cure upon it at best.  
But Doctor Goodwin Bishop of Hereford, presents him nearer (as 
Fra. Goodwin in Catalogo Episcoporu●.  it were) in his Domestic nature, and reports when Doctor Morton was Archbishop of Canterbury, he exacted and exrorted a far greater Sum of money from the Clergy of his Diocese then was ever before, and for his private Commodity (which he covetously sought) brought certain Leams or bigger Ditches to his own grounds about Wisbitch, from the River Nine, which was before navigable, and of much public use, but hath since served for little or none. And john Stow says he was the stirrerup of those great and grievous taxes 
john Stow.  which raised the people to Arms and Rebellion: These notes of his natural dispositions stuck like wens upon the face of his Religion, and from that mind, where by affections justle Religion and conscience out, how hazardous may the Power and Counsel of such be▪ to the inclinations of a wise Prince: but this Prelate made his so Canonical, and fitted them to the times, and his Mr temper, that they deceived not his expectation, but brought him home to his ends, and to the favour of aprovident & wise Prince; that he was so, the world must justly avow, and in all his actions, we may see-him, of a safe and contracted wisdom, governed by a most cautelous spirit, as great a husband of those virtues he had, as of his Glory, not too modest, (if I be not much mistaken) to hear of either; of both which he hath left us pious tastes. But the most surviving addition of memory, is that great example of Majesty, and her Sex, Queen Elizabeth, who was said to be like 
Qu. Elizabeth.  this King her Grandfather, as well in composition of qualities, as favour, and lineaments, that she was his lively and perfect Image; and to use an even hand in the extension of himself and his power, it must not be denied, (how far off soever he was at first) after the Crown yielded to him, he was the true proprietary of all the Rights and Titles which carried it, or had dependency thereon; and to colleague all in a full and perfect strength, the Title of York was confirmed to him by marriage of Elizabeth Plantagenet Eldest Daughter of Edward 4, Prince or head of that Family, to whom the Title of Lancaster instantly escheated as he was King, which before was in controversy, or in nubibus, or Abeyance (as our Lawyers say) for no man being a Subject, how Capital and chief a Judge, or of what judicatory power soever, could give a definitive Sentence, in any ambiguous cause or Act of the King: but the King himself which is an ancient and Authentic paragraph in the Laws of England, as learned Judge Bracton affirmeth.  
De Chartis Regijs, & de factis regum non possunt justiciarij disputare, 
●ra●. li. 2. Cap. 16.  nec si disputatio oriatur, possunt eam interpretari, sed in dubijs & obscuri●, & ubi aliqua dictio contineat duos intellectus, domini Regis erit expectand● interpretatio & voluntas, etc.  
The reason is given in the Books of the Civil and Imperial Laws peremptorily, quia de principali judicio non est disputandum. So that Controversy, whether the Beaufort's or Sommersets were of the House of Lancaster, and capable of the Crown or no, could not be determined until there came a competent Judge, a King, and King of England, who by that virtue and power decreed to himself, the Title of Lancaster, with all the Royal Apurtenances confirmed by the Pope, as proper to him, and then the Writers both English and French, had some colour to say he was de la ligne de Lancastre, & caput gentis regalis & Princeps familiae Lancastriensis.  
But the Chancellor Morton, by a more happy & plausible insinuation, termed the Marriage an union of York and Lancaster, and not improperly, nor without a very favourable acceptance to the King (at least in the beginning of his Reign,) though after (as may be observed,) he thought those attributions, but small wires to hold the weight and consequence of his Crown, nay, so slender was his Affiance, (or rather none at all) in his Titles of York and Lancaster, 
King H. 7. only affected the Title de jure Belli.  much less of Somerset, that he seemed tacitly to wave and quit them, and stuck to that of his Sword and Conquest; For the more public vote and knowledge whereof, there was at his Coronation, Proclamations made with these Titles, Henricus Rex Angliae jure divino, jure humano, & jure Belli, etc. which the Barons could not fancy, no● condescend to, thought the King peremptorily avowed and maintained he might justly assume and bear it, having as a Conqueror entered the Land, fought for the Crown, and won it; they answer as peremptorily, that he was beholding to them, both for his Landing and Victory, and by their permission had that fair and prosperous foo●ing upon their Coasts, not by any stroke of his French, which were not so many as the least Legion of the Romans, and had found but bloody entertainment by the valiant English, if ever they had landed, besides the instigation of a mortal hatred against the Invader, never to be extinguished, but with an utter expulsion and destruction, which they humbly prayed might be worthy of his consideration, and not to take from his loving people the just due of their Affections, by ascribing so much of his victory to the French, or his Welsh Sword, Sith, they voluntarily opened their Arms and Country, to receive him and put the Crown upon his head, that this was their free and voluntary Act they hoped he could not forget: and if so, why would he make such an Achievement, a Conquest, or a purchase of the Sword, terms of a most harsh and disonant sound to the English, who reputed them as Barbarous and Tyrannical, their ends and events to enslave them, their Goods and Fortunes, under a Licentious power that might Act 
Sene●.  and will any thing: Quicquid Victor audet, aut Victus timet? The examples of the conquering Goths and Vandals, Longobards, in Italy and Spain, Saxons and Normans in England; and lately the Spaniards in America, with many other cruel Lords estated only by their unjust Arms and Swords, being fresh and bleeding instances, that when but mentioned, stir up thoughts of horror and detestation of the Swords Title. But the more they opposed it, the more he is constant to have it assented by the Pope with his Title of Lancaster, which he thought would be a stronger bridle to check all murmurs, but yet endeavoured it not directly and disertly, but under a close and borrowed pretext, the outside of his Embassage being only to obtain a dispensation and pardon for his marriage, praetending a fear of Incest, his Wife being his Kinswoman; Et quarto Co●sanguinitatis 
An. Dom. 1 486.  & forsan affiinitatis gradu, which Pope Innocentius the eight granted the first year of his reign, and afterward (upon what occasion I cannot say) he renewed the same suit to Pope Alexander 
An. Dom. 1490.  the sixth, who confirmed and ratified the pardon and dispensation made by his Predecessors in the fourth year of this King's Reign,  
But it is observable that the Pope herein taketh not upon him to confer or give any new Titles; neither did the King publicly solicit the Pope to confirm these two Titles, his Ambassador had that particular in his private instructions: So that by this, the Pope seemeth only to make a rehearsal of those Titles as due and proper to him before, 
I have seen this Bull in the Cabinet of Sir Rob. Cotton.  and the Titles de jure Belli, & de jure Lancastriae, seemed not as any matters or subject of the Bull, but rather some desire the Pope had, to express a love and honour to the King, and that he was pleased, Ex proprio & mero motu & certa scientia sua, to make such honourable memorial of all the Majestical Titles in the King's right, as the more stately embroideries to his glorious Letters of Apostolical indulgence, for the dispensation of the said marriage conveyed, and in these words:  
Hic Rex Angliae, de domo Lancastriae originem trahens, ac qui notorio 
The Pope's Charter▪ for the Title of Lancast. E● de jure Belli, etc. for the dispensing with the King's incestuous marriage.  jure, & indubitato proximo successionis titulo & Praelatorum & procerum Angliae Electione & concessione etc. Etiam de jure Belli est Rex Angliae.  
After, for the more clear repairing and curing all flaws and defects of Titles, the Pope addeth this gracious clause; Supplemusque omnes, & singulos defectus, tam juris, quam facti, si qui intervenerint in regno dicto.  
And then in the end, not in the front, this Bull is entitled, Pagina confirmationis nostrae, approbationis, pronunciationis, constitutionis, declarationis, suppletionis, monitionis, requisitionis, prohibitionis, Benedictionis, inhibitionis, & excommunicationis, & Anathematizationis in quos●unque, qui p●esumpserint, infringere, vel ausu temeritatis, contravenire his literis Apostolicis.  
For all this must be held, and thought to be done Autoritate Apostolica, i. by the Authority of the Apostles, Saint Peter and Saint Paul.  
And thus the King received of the Pope the two Titles, De Domo Lancastriae, and De jure Belli, without any seeking or solicitation (as we are led to credit) for there appeareth not any express suit or motion by the King to that purpose, though by circumstances and probability it was preferred under hand, for the other things were but of slight request and no necessity, nor obnoxious to any danger; when those two Titles were the present marks, his aim was strongly and mainly directed to. Though I must confess, after a while, he was a lightly satisfied in these (notwithstanding the Pope's thunder and lightning, added to them,) as in the Titles of York and Lancaster, which he discovered, and not obscurely, when he moved the Estates in his first Parliament, to grant an Estate Hereditary and entailed of the Crown and Kingdom, with all the Appurtenances, to the Heirs of his body: beyond this he could not require much, nor they give, which was unanimously condescended unto, as a gift of a new Title confirmed by their Act; the Copy whereof I have transcribed (where I come to rehearse the Titles of our Sovereign Lord the King that now is.) Nor is the Divination of this piece so dark, but that the cause may be guessed at, why he held himself not safe in the Titles of York and Lanacster, of Beaufort and Somerset already touched at, but may fall more seasonably elsewhere into our Stories, without confounding it with Historologies, and presenting matters out of their time and place; my purpose only being, to take so much light from the Story of Henry the seventh as shall but properly conduce to the true shadowing and proportioning of King Richards, being necessarily enforced to inculcate such matters as may seem of no present conclusion; yet losing their observation, we shall want the knowledge of many things much pertinent to the credit and honour of King Richard and his Actions: To which, according to the Order and Affairs of time, I am now to come again.  
And here, upon our account, we shall find it near upon ten months since the Duke of Buckingham was suppressed, and the Earl 
The second invasion of the E. of Rich.  of Richmond driven from Poole with the storm, who was now again very busy raising fresh preparations in France, and King Richard upon the intelligence, as stickling to Levy Soldiers, and reinforce all his Havens and Frontier places. But the Earl of Richmond found it not so easy a matter now as at first, to draw a party and concurrence from France, having sped so ill in his former undertake, which indeed struck a great discouragement in the expectation of all his Favourers, and made his welcome the colder to the Duke of Britain; the rather also, because he had been with the French King before he came to him, which was taken but ill, although the Earl could not otherwise do, being forced upon the Coasts of Normandy; And coming into the Road at Deipe landed, to refresh himself and company: From thence he intended to Rouen, which being so near Paris, engaged him thither to the King, being (as Philip de Comines saith, followed in a very honourable Port by 500 Englishmen) In his stay there (to show us how much interest a provident and active spirit hath in fortune) he so heightened and sweetened his behaviour to the Court, as conciliated the favour and respect of the Greatest and Noblest Persons to him. But most happily, the fair opinion and esteem of the Princely Lady Anne de France, eldest Sister to King Charles the eight, who had such an influence upon him in his minority, that she out-pitched Lewis Duke of Orleans, chief Prince of the Blood. In envy or mis-like whereof, he took Arms, and raised a Civil War in France (as john Tillet and others write) she was wife to Pierce de Bourbon Lord of Beaujen, after Duke de Bourbon, but Beaujen being his most stately and honourable Signiory, he was called Moun●ieur de Beaujen; and this Lady had so flexible an inclination to the Earl of Richmond's Cause, that she importuned the King to aid him with a good sum of money and 3000 men, but odd fellows. For Philip de Comines saith, they were trois mille 
Comines pag. 536.  hommes les plus meschants que lux peut trouver, no better than Rogues and Trewans, men of base quality and as low courage. Whilst these were Levying, the Earl (thrifty of all opportunities, and as diligent to add what advantage of time and aid he could) visits the Duke of Britain to the same purpose. The Duke propounds it to his Council, which Peter Landois, his Treasurer and chief Counsellor objects against, with this reason, That if the Enterpize succeeded well, yet the event must fall out unhappily and ill to him, the Earl having now interested himself to the favour and assistance of Charles King of France: And this would be the first link of so strong an engagement, that the Earl and his Confederacy must be lost to Britain when he came to be King, being respectively tied to lend the King of France aid against them, if any cause should happen, which the King of France had a prepared stomach for, and had not been nice to seek any provocation that might countenance a Quarrel against the Duchy of Britain, which was beyond his span, so long as they continued in League with England; that being untwisted, and France and England Contracted, how easy was it for the French to envade and swallow up both him and his Dukedom. To make the present advantage (therefore) as profitable, as safe, his advice was to stay the Earl; the Duke knowing his Coffers at that time very lank, and that the King of England would offer well for him, approved the Counsel, and resolved to be led by Landois (whose respects (notwithstanding) were very affectionate to the Earl) But whether by the secret caution of some friends, or suggested to him by his better genius, Sure it is by some unknown means he had knowledge of it; and yet this was determined but at night, and designed for the morning; But before midnight, or the knowledge of their flight, he and twelve Gentlemen his followers, had left Vannes, and recovered Anjou (under the French Kings protection) from thence to the French Court again, the King being still very pliable and constant to his promise concerning those French forces under his own charge. The next thing he works at, is how to enlarge the Earl of Oxford out of the Castle of Hams, committed thither by Edward the fourth (and in this he uses, or rather followed indeed) the contrivement of Doctor Morton, who held good quarter with the Earl of Oxford, and by his frequent visits had a familiar and easy door opened, which the Earl readily took the opportunity of, lest it might be shut again by some miscarriage, for Richmond thought or found the constitution of his Design not a little strengthened by the Earl of Oxford's confederacy: nor did he mistake himself in his account, when he set him down of special use, knowing him a man of an eminent power; wisely and valiantly tempered: And to give him the stronger presumptions and confidence) one that most mortally hated Edward the fourth, and all the house of York: To begin therefore an Obligation, the Earl of Richmond makes a Complemental journey to Hams, where the Earl of Oxford was then, under the charge of Sir james Blound; He finds all honourable and respective entertainment with fit liberty, and occasion to propound himself unto the Earl, who had been partly prepared by Doctor Morton, and therefore met him the nearest way, engaging himself solely to the premises, and (by virtue of an indefatigable confidence) sets upon his Keeper, wins him to the Faction, and to Paris with them. By which time, all preparations were in readiness; and whilst they make this stay in the French Court, the Earl of Richmond receives a fair excuse and protestation from the Duke of Britain, with offer of Auxiliary Forces: This supply came very acceptably, and however he resented the Duke's late purpose upon him, his wisdom told him, he must now convert his anger into thanks, which he returns with a reciprocal Protestation and Order, to send the Troops to Harflew where his Shipping lay, and was the Rendezvous for his Soldiers.  
In the end of July 1485. he took leave of the King and his most Noble Cousin Madam de Beaujen, departing for the ●ort of Harflew in Normandy, where he met with two thousand Britons from the Duke honourably accommodated. But by the way he made some stay at Roven, and had news which much distempered him, That the Lady Elizabeth was forthwith to be married to King Richard, this quickened his haste for England, presuming, his landing would forbid the Banes, otherwise he might sit down with folded hands, for upon this marriage insisted the main hope and consequence of his Fortune; without her, all his great praetexts would faint, yet seemed to hear it, as a thing that could not concern him so much, having so present and provident a wit, that in any chance he wanted not Council and determination in himself for all Fortunes; instantly resolving, to apply his suit to her Sister the Lady Cecily: but ere he could perfectly fashion these intents, they were also counterchecked, by the next packet, which assured him the Lady Cecily was lately married: neither did that (after some Collection) seem much to discompose him, but quickly, varying his disposition to his fortune, he would now fix himself upon some choice in Britain, Amongst his nobler friends (for the most part Welsh-men) and treats about a Daughter of Sir William herbert's, a Gentleman of a Noble Alliance and principal power in the South part of Wales: who had married the Eldest Daughter not long before to the Earl of Northumberland, to whom the Earl of Pembroke (by a new created friendship betwixt them) imbosomes the whole design, and presses his Comprobation in it; for by this means it was presumed, the greatest part of Wales would fall under their Command: which had been no small addition to a Banished man's fortune. Whilst those things were in their mould, Doctor Morton gave him such assurance (by Letters) of the Country's readiness to receive him, that it was thought best to take the advantage of landing there, and in the Month of July, they lose from Harfleu, and safely arrived at Milford Haven in Pembrookeshire, his native Country: after some refreshing, he Marches to a Town called Haverford West, and was entering amongst his British kindred, who welcomed him as a Prince, descended from their ancient Princes of Wales, (the Country generally very Noble and loving to their friends); whilst he continued amongst them, Sir Rice ap Thomas, Sir Walter Herbert, Sir john Savage, Sir Gilbert Talbot (who drew his young Nephew the Earl of Salop into this Action with him) and divers others of all qualities, brought, or sent their Forces; his Army thus strong and united, he passes the Severne, and Marches to Lichfield, purposing to hold on to London, if the King had not interposed it, who though he lay at Nottingham when the Earl landed, and while he marched through Wales, had constant Spies upon him. But as no Policy, or Law can secure their faith, that think they may dispense with it, so all Benefits are too narrow, where Ambition and Ingratitude urges merit; and to show there is not much of our Fate in our own providence, when this King thought the Nobility most firmly cemented to his side, and was to put himself upon their constancy, they make a present and general defluxion to the other; But he had heightened and contracted his Resolution and judgement, to the greatness of his Cause, and was not now to be outbid by Chance, or danger: The next day (which was Sunday about Evening) 
Leicest. inquit, Rex Richardu●, cu● maxima Pompa portant d●adema, in capi●e. Chron. Croy.  passing through Leicester in open Pomp, the Crown Royal on his head, with him john Duke of Norfolk, Martial of England, the Earl of Surrey, the Earl of Westmoreland, the Viscount Lovel, and other of the Nobility and Gentry at Redmore Heath, the Armies came to an Interview, and put themselves in Array; the next morning early, there was some conference held in the King's Tent, by those Peers, and others of principal trust, who gave him particular information of all those, secretly revolted; and it much amazed him: the Earl of Northumberland was one, to whom he had ever been most constant and forward in his respects and favours; therefore, where he had conferred so much, he suspected little. But no Obligations are Religious, if not held so: and although in the conflict he stood but as neutral, yet the suddenness and example of it, drew many from the King, even at the instant, when he was ready to Arm himself, yet this was not of so great and sensible amazement unto him, as the Lord Stanleys' defection, who in pledge of his faith, had left his Son George Stanley, whilst his wife (the Earl's mother) had made her subtle persuasions of stronger tye, and subinduced him to the Lancastrian since, which he aided with 26000, men, if Philip de Commines be not mistaken: for our stories have but five thousand. But it was a very great defection, and made the Earl's Army far stronger, so that the chiefest point of Consultation now, was how to preserve him by flight, and the recovery of some strong hold, until the tempest had scattered, or spent its violence, which they conceived could not be long, if the Camp broke up, and once dissolved. But no Argument could fasten on him, though the benefit of a swift Horse was offered at his Tent door, nor the fatality and portent of Prodigies, related by his friends, as presaging some inevitable Calamity, and that Prophetical Prediction. 
jack of Norfolk be not too bold,  
For Dickon thy Master is bought and sold.   
These things aggravated, the weakness of his Army objected, Counsels, Persuasions, Terrors, Prodigies, Prophecies, could not make him hear, so fatally resolute he stood in the jealousy and reputation of his Honour and Valour, peremptorily protesting he would rather adventure Life, Crown, and Fortunes, than his honour to a cowardly and sinister construction; this might taste of a desperate will, if he had not afterwards given an apodixis in the battle, upon what platform he had projected and raised that hope, which as ●t had much of danger in it, so of an inconcusse and great resolution, and might have brought the odds of that day to an even bet; for knowing the Earl to be thirsty and Appetent after Glory and Renown, but of an unpractised skill in War, and as inferior in courage to him, he had projected (in manner of Stratagem) so soon as the Armies approached ready for the Charge, to advance himself before his Troops, and give the Earl, being General of his Forces, the signal of a Combat. And to provoke and single him with a more glorious invitation, he wore the Crown Royal upon his head, the fairest mark for Valour and Ambition; Polidore says he wore it, thinking that day should either be the last of his life, or the first of a better, 
Why K. Rich. wore the Crown at Bosworth.  which may aswell be a reason of his wearing it three days before at Leicester, when he road from thence to Bosworth. But doubtless, by it he intended chiefly, that the people might see & know him to be their King: and those that stood Armed against him, looking upon that Imperial evidence, where their own hands and voices had set it, should by the awe and Sovereignty of it, consider how lately they had avowed him their Lawful King, and by what Pledges of their Faith and Allegeances, they stood solemnly bound to defend him and his Title in it, against all other: what ever was his mystery, it rendered him a valiant and confident Master of his Right; and in the constancy of hope and resolution, he gives order for the Battle: The Armies confronted, and whilst the Alarm, and every blow, began to be hot and furious, forth breaks King Richard towards the Earl, wafting him by a signal, who seemed readily to accept it, and pricking his Horse forward came on very gallantly, as if but one Genius had prompted their Spirits, and Ambition: for a good Author testifieth that Comes Richmondiae 
Chron. Croy.  direct super Regem Ricardum, etc. But his career soon faltered, and Mars became Retrograde, it being but a nimble train, to draw the King on to some disadvantages, or else he liked not his furious approach, for suddenly he makes a halt, and with as much credit as he could (& no harm) recovered the Vanguard of his Army, whither Richard pursued him, with so much speed and fierceness, that he forced him to his Standard: And now, high in blood and anger (to see his Valour deluded by such a politic Bravery) with his Sword makes way, and with his own hand slew Sir Charles Brandon Standerd-Bearer, 
S. Wil Brandon Father to Charles Brandon, afterward Duke of Suff.  thinking to have made the next blow as fatal to the Earl, but the confluence of Soldiers interjecting, rescued him, Sir john Cheney being one of the foremost, whom the King stroke from his Horse to the Earth; But Charged and environed, with multitudes (that like a storm came on him) Valiant Richard falls, the Sacrifice of that day, under their cruel Swords, so rabious in their execution, as if his body must suffer more, because they could not kill his better part, mangling and wounding his dead Corpse, whilst it lies drentcht in gore. 
Et Lupus, & turpes instant morientibus ursi, 
Ovid. tr●st. l. 2. E●eg. 5.   
Et quaecunque minor nobilitate fera est.   
As Curs in their kenells will bite and tear the skin of those beasts which in the fields they durst not bark at: 
Occidit in bello miseranda caede Richardus, 
Dr john Hird. in Hist. Angl.   
Crinibus attractus, dum ferro saeviat hostis.   
And after all (to complete their barbarism) threw his body behind one upon a Jade, and so conveyed it to Leicester. A story to be thought incredible, at least to charitable and modest ears, and highly upbraided by the happier and Christian fame of William the Conqueror, who severely punished a Soldier, but for hacking the thigh of King Harold after he was dead, though an Usurper and his perfidious enemy; with all nobleness causing the body to be delivered to his Mother for an honourable interment, which was solemnly 
Matthew Paris Henry ●untington.  celebrated in his own Abbey at Waltham.  
The Battle thus fought and won, the Victor was Crowned in the field, with that Crown K. Rich. wore, which the L. Stanley put upon his 
Henry of Richmond Crowned in the Field.  head, & salutes him King, by the stile of Hen. 7. K. of England, etc. And Henry Earl of Richmond, Son of Edmund ap Meredith ap Teudor (alias of Hadham) Earl of Richmond, and of Margaret Daughter and Hei●e of john Beaufort Duke of Somerset, attained to the Crown, and had the easier ascent by the oversight and remissness of Richard, in that Catastrophe of his Reign, who gave too much opportunity and scope to the actings of his Enemies, when they were under his power, and arm. And in the Fortune of his judgement (at the closing Scene) that did not better presuppose his Enemy too prudent, and reserved to trust the advantage he had, upon so sharp and single an hazard; But Richard believing he had the odds in courage and monomachy of him, which probably might make him Master of the Combat, and so of the Field, (the straight being so desperate too) resolved rather to trust to the Fate of his own Valour, than the chance of an uncertain escape; a resolution not so rash and overweening, as commendable, if we look upon the very aims and necessity of it, neither is it new or improper for Princes to demand the trial of camp fight, or single Combat, personaly in their Armies, and to the Generals in their absence; William the Conqueror challenged King Harold; Before that, a Combat was fought between Edmund Ironside, and Canute the Danish King, for the whole Kingdom of England; our Richard the first, and Edward the first, in Palestine proffered the like to some of the Pagan Princes; so did Edward the third, Henry the fifth, with the Kings of France.  
In the last Age, the valiant Prince, Ia●es the fifth of Scotland, in Person challenged Thomas Lord Howard Duke of Norfolk, General 
The Challenge of the 5 King of Scots to The. Duke of Norfolk.  for the King of England, who accepted it, But the King into his Demands, would have the Country or Lands then in Controversy, to be made Brabium victoris, which was without the General's power to engage, being the Inheritance of the King his Master, but proffers better Lands of his own upon the Combat, which was not accepted, so that concluded nothing.  
The better end of these Challenges and Combats, being at first, leveled from Mercy, and Piety, for by this single adventure, the Innocent blood of Armies was (more than staunched) preserved▪ Foreign Stories brings this home to us, and highly Characters their Kings and Generals in the like examples, which this Age draws a Curtain before, as not fit for imitation, making too desperate a wound in a settled State and Succession; the (first who rendered that or some more Politic reason) for Princes not to adventure themselves, was Phi. the 2 K. of Spain, (as a late writer ascribeth) but is mistaken: For the more ancient Histories of Syria and Persia, mentions some Kings that refrained from Wars long before; as Herodotus, Diodorus, 
Princes go not to Campe.  Trogus Pompeius tells us: But let us take measure from that, Times, Wisdom, Valour, Policy, etc. to this, and we shall find them but tottering foundations of States which cannot uphold themselves, or obvert the least Decree of God when he intends to scourge or alter kingdoms; for where such vicissitudes are destined, the Counsels and faculties of men must be darkened, and there will fall out all concurrences and advantages to further that purpose▪ So in the extirpation and transferring of Families, the Potter in jeremy, breaking one Jarre to make another, whose fatal commutations should extimulate the piety of our natures, and make us modest censurers of their events: For as we see things but through a Cloud, whilst we measure them by accidents, so we intrude on God's providence, judging men's actions in their success, while we overact our own. Of such a composition was the ill-wishers of King Richard, who forgot him not in his grave, but endeavoured to be equally cruel 
Cruelties done to the body of King Richard. Noble persons attainted by Parliament.  to his memory: And in November following a Parliament was holden, in which he was attainted of High Treason; a strain very high to make him guilty of that, being a King, he could not commit. By the same figure may others, who were styled chief aiders and assistants of King Richard in the Battle of Bosworth, as Sir john Howard Duke of Norfolk, etc. though some would have him retired from the Court all King Richard's reign. But Sir Thomas Moor affirms, 
Sir Tho. Moor.  He was constantly with him and near his Counsels, Sir Thomas Howard Earl of Surrey, Son and heir apparent to the Duke; Francis Lovel, Viscount Lovel, Sir Walter Devereux, Lord Ferrer of Chartley, Sir john de la S●uch, Sir Robert Harrington, Richard Charleton, Richard Ratcliff, William Berkley, William Catesby, Thomas Broughton, john Buck, Humphrey Stafford, Robert Midleton, Robert Brokenbury, john Kendal, Secretary to the King; Walter Hopton, jeoffry Saint-German, Roger Wake, Thomas Billington, William Sapcoate, William Brampton, all Knights, and some Heralds at Arms, with divers other; an Act of Parliament being made, to disable and fore-judge 
Parliament ann. 1. H. 7.  them of all manner of Honour, State, Dignity; Also to forfeit all Manors, Castles, Lordships, Hundreds, Franchises, L●berties, Advowsons', Privileges, Nominations, Presentations, Tenements, Rents, Suits, Reversions, Portions, Annuities, Pensions, Rights, Hereditaments, Goods, Chattels, and Debts. These be the words of the Act, and if jus, than jus summum in all extremity.  
Those of note that were taken, lost their heads at Leicester two days after, being Saint Bartholmews day, and had a glimpse like that▪ Bartholomew in France in our time; all such slaughters from thence called Bartelmies, and Bartelemies, simply in a perpetual Stigma of that Butchery.  
It is suggested, the Duke of Norfolk was slain in the Battle 
The Duke of Norfolk slain by the Earl of Oxenford.  by the Earl of Oxford, and the Story of Croyland seemeth to say as much; Comes Oxoniae valentissimus miles in eam alam ubi Dux Norfolciae constitutus erat in agro (de Redmore) tum Gallicorum tum Anglicorum militum Comitatu stipatus tetendit, etc.  
Amongst those that escaped the sad destiny of that day, was the 
The Earl of Surrey escapeth at Bosworth.  Earl of Surrey, Sir Thomas Howard, Viscount Lovel, Sir Thomas Stafford, and his Brother N. Stafford, with many other Nobles and Gentlemen that got into Foreign Countries and Sanctuaries, obscuring themselves till the storm and smart of that day's memory were passed. But some would maintain Thomas Earl of Surrey to be one of them that submitted to the new King at Bosworth immediately after the overthrow which must not be believed, if we understand the composition of those times & affairs: for certain it is, the Earl Richmond had peremptorily proscribed all those he had cause to fear or hate, whose names are partly in the Rolls, kept in the Chapel of the Convertites in Chancery-Lane, and partly omitted by the Scribes.  
Now the Earl of Surrey, of all the rest, was so terrible and distasteful to him, there could be no excuse left for his life. And therefore let no man think he was taken or submitted, but took a● happier season some months after. The Relation and truth is (by the warrant of one that well knew him, and the inter-passage of his Fortune) the Earl opportunely left the Field, but so wounded, that faintness and night constrained him to the house of a Gentleman not far from Nottingham, and one that bore a faithful respect to the Earl and his Family until he was well recovered. In the mean time, that terrible Parliament held in the next November was concluded, and the King's desires reasonably well appeased, in seeing the execution of his new Laws passed upon some of them. After which, (some small distance of time) followed a gracious pardon to all the offenders in that Cause, which proffered mercy, this Earl laid hold on, hoping to restore himself (by his submission) his offence, considered, being but an Act of Loyalty to his Master. But this confidence sent him to the Tower, for though the violence of the storm appeared well calmed, yet the King retained some heave of it in his thoughts: And this Imprisonment continued from his first year of reign unto the fourth; and towards the beginning of that, being in the Tower with the Queen Elizabeth (to whom he was shortly after to be married) he took occasion to call for the Earl, (bearing still a gust of the same tempest in his brow) and challenged him upon the old quarrel, his service to the late Usurper & Tyrant, (as he usually termed King Richard) the Earl humbly moved his pardon, and more favourable consideration to the nature of his offence, which thousands more conceived to be but a due effect of their Liege duties, and Allegiance to a Prince so lawfully, and with all general sufferance Crowned, whose Title he held himself bound to defend by the law of God and Nations, and would die in defence of him and that Crown, though he should find it upon a Stake: The King left him with a stern and ruffling reply, but in cold blood better acknowledged his integrity, and thought he would come of no less value to him, having the advantage to merit him by his pardon, which soon after he granted him; nor did the Earl lose aught 
Scots 〈◊〉 thrown by the E. of Surrey.  of that opinion: Shortly after, being made of the Privy Council, than Lieutenant or Governor of the North, and General against the Scots, whom he overthrew; as fatal was he to them at Flodden field, where he took their King in the time of Henry the eight, who made him High Marshal and Treasurer of England, and restored him to his Father's Dukedom, the Inheritance of his Grand mother Mowbray, being a man of such a happy direction in his carriage and wisdom, that all his Actions came home with prosperous success, and accumulated what was sometime spoken of his great Ancestor Hewardus, of whom it was questioned, Vtrum faelioior an fortior esset, 
jugulsus.  so Fortunate and Honourable hath that house been in the Service to this State; and in the infinite Alliance and Cognation, it holds with the most Ancient Families, the Extractions and propagations from Mowbray, Warren, Bruce, Dalbery, Martial, Segrave, Plantagenet, Brotherton, Bigot, Fitz-Alan, Matraver, Buckingham, Oxford, and Dacres: The Father of which Haward, was Leofrick Lord of Burne, and the adjacent Country in Lincolnshire; his Mother was the Lady Edina, descended from the great Ostac, a Duke amongst the Easterlings in King Edgar's time: In whose Family, I also find a Noble 
Lib. Eliensis.  Kinsman of his called Haward (to note obiter) This Haward was of a Noble and Magnificent note, a goodly Personage, answered with an equal Strength and Valour; Et nimium Bellicosus, much, or too much devoted to Mars. He served in the Wars of Northumberland, Cornwall and Ireland; and after in the lower Germany, where he made up much of his Fame, and married a fair Lady called Turfrida, the Daughter of a Noble man in Flanders, where he continued until the death of his Father called him home. About which time, William Duke of Normandy made his Conquest of this Kingdom, and had gratified johannes Talbois the French Count, now Earl of Holland, with Leoffricks' Country of Holland, in the Marshand; and the Count very rudely had expulsed the Lady his Mother, out of her Possessions and Dower. Hawardus set upon him with such forces as he could speedily raise, took, and held him prisoner, in despite of the Conqueror, until he redeemed himself, and accounted for what he had done with a large sum of money. This drew those of the Nobility to the protection of his sword, which the Conqueror had chased out of their Country, who had fortified themselves in the Isle of Ely, and made Hawardus their General, where he built a Castle that a long time after had his name. But the Normans took that advantage to infest his Country, and put him again to the recovery of it, which he so fortunately settled, that the Conqueror was contented to make him his, and hold him in good favour whilst he lived. He was buried in the Abbey of Croyland; Concerning his Issue by the the Lady Turfrida, there is mention only of a Daughter named Tarfrida, married to Hugo Enerm●a, Lord of Deeping: But circumstance will persuade us, he had other Issue, if we consider him in the likelihood of his strength and ability, and that divers continued of his Surname in that Country along time after him, which makes it probable, he had a natural Son, (at least, bearing his own name of Heward) that next to him was the Original Ancestor of this house of howard's. And let it not be thought any disparagement, for a Noble Family to be raised from a 
The honour of Bastards.  natural Issue; for many Princely Families have been derived and propagated from natural Sons, as was Aeneas, Romulus, the Founders 
Homer. Livy.  of the Roman Families; so was Theseus and Themistocles, as Plutarch writeth; others say as much of Hercules, etc.  
The King of Spain descended from Henry de Trastamara, base son of Alphonsus the Justicer, King of Castille. And who doth not honour the Princely Race of William the Conqueror, Bastard son to the Duke of Normandy? where was a more Heroical man than Robert Earl of Gloucester, base son of King Henry the first? The Earls of Warren descended from Hamelin, a base son of Geoffry Plantagenet, Earl of Anjou: The Noble Epirotes are also said, to come from a base son of Henry the first.  
And the Duke and Earls of Somerset (which followed the Red Rose) were the Offspring of the Beaufort's, natural sons of john de Gaunt.  
For a further conjecture, why these Howards must be descended from Hewardus or Herewardus (for so some Writers call him; but (jugulfus, who best knew him, constantly calls him Hewardus) both names may signify in the Saxon or old Dutch, a chief Captain of an Army, whom the Romans called Imperator.) And that the Titles and names of great Offices have given Sir-manes to many Noble Families, we have examples in plenty; Particularly the Visconti of Milan, the Chamberlains of Normandy, the Stewards of Scotland, the Butlers of Ireland, and divers others, who had their Surnames from the Offices of their Ancestors and Fathers; and the same presumption or argument may be for taking the Surname of Howard, and the Origine of their Family from Hewardus, the Howards from the time of Heward, dwelling in these Countries of Holland and Marshland▪ and were Lords of some Lands belonging to him, until by their matches, with the Daughters and Heirs of Fitton, tendering, Mowbray, Tillney, etc. they became possessed in Norfolk, suffolk, and Berkeshire, and were Lords sometime of Sunning-hill near Windsor, and bore the Surname ever since (or with small interruption) the old Surname written Heward, or Hereward in Charters and Records, and Howard in Stories. But descend we through the succession of those times to William Haward, Chief Justice in the Reign of Edward the first, Grandfather to Sir john Howard, Admiral of the North Fleet, in the Naval Wars of Edward the third; his Son Sir Robert Howard married the Daughter of the Lord Scales, and Sir john Howard (who lived in the time of Henry the fourth, and died Anno 16. Henry the sixth) had two Wives, Margaret Daughter and Heir of Sir john Plais Knight, by whom he had Eliza: an only Daughter, married to john de Vere Earl of Oxford, who brought him a goodly part of the Howards Lands: Her Heirs were married to Latimer and Winckfield, very fruitful Families. His second Wife was the Daughter and heir of Sir William Tendering of Stoke-Nayland in Suffolk, by whom he had Sir Robert Howard his eldest Son, who married Margaret Mowbray, Daughter of a Cadet of the house of Lancaster, who became Coheir with her Sister the Lady Berkely, Wife to Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolk, dead in Venice, and left his Son Henry Haward heir to Haward and Mowbray; and john Howard, the son of john Howard, was created Earl of Norfolk by King Richard the third, in the right of his Mother Mowbray, he married the Daughter of the Lord Moulines, and by her had Thomas Howard, the first Howard Earl of Surrey; this is he who survived the danger of Bosworth Field, and became afterwards Duke of Norfolk, from whom all the Howards now living are descended, whose Family hath been so fruitful to furnish this Kingdom with four Dukes, many Earls, Viscounts, and Barons, three high Treasurers, six high or great Marshals, ten high Admirals, with some honourable Custos of the Privy Seal, and sundry Chamberlains of the King's house; and one lately lived who had borne the Offices of high Constable, 
Sir Charles Howard.  Lord Lieutenant, Lord high Steward, Martial and Admiral of England, Lord Chief Justice in Oyer of the better part of this Kingdom, and Chamberlain of the Royal house, a man honourable in his deportments, and fortunate in his undertake; as at the great Marine Battles against all the Naval powers of Spain, the Pope, and Princes of Italy, Anno Domini 1588. and in the siege of Gadys, Anno Domini 1596.  
And this is the Grandchild of that Thomas Lord Howard, who for his better distinction and perpetual honour is styled Triumphator 
Camden in Octad.  Scotorum.  
I have strayed into this digression, as a grateful tender of an acknowledgement I owe to that Illustrious Family, for their Noble Patronage and Favour to my Ancestors, especially to that unfortunate Buck and his Children, who withered with the White Rose, (bearing an Ancient and Hereditary love to the House of York, and stood in good Credit and Favour with the King his Master) no● let this remembrance of him, and his obscured Family, seem ostentation or vainglory, whilst I say no more than what other Historios dictate, which give him an able Character. Master Camden Clarentius 
Camd●n Octa.  (in his Immortal Brittannia,) deriveth this Sir john Bucke, from Sir Walter de Bucke of Brabant, and Flanders, who had that Surname of great Antiquity from the Castle de Bucke in Lis●e, a City and Frontier Town in Flanders, where the Ancient Earls were accustomed much to reside, the ruins of this Castle remained in the late time of Lodowick Guicciardine, who saith, he saw the Carcase 
Lodow. Guicci. du Paes. Baess. The Ancientry of Buck.  thereof: And this Walter Buck was a Cadet of the House of Flanders, employed and sent by the Prince (than Duke of Brabant, and Earl of Flanders) to King john, with Auxiliary Troops: Roger Wondover saith, Walter Bucke, Gerardde Scottigni, and Godescalius, venerunt 
M. Paris. M. Westminst. Redulphus de C●geshall. Tho. Walsing.  in Angliam cum tribus legionibus Flandrensium & Bra●antianoru● militum, etc. and he did the King excellent service here (as many of our Historians report, for which the King bountifully rewarded him with Lands in Yorkshire, and Northampton shire: And in Yorkshire (where he made his Seat) he found an Ancient Family of the Surname of Buck of Bucton, in the Wapentake of Bucrosse, where that Family had anciently been, (for the name is a Saxon or Dutch word, and signifieth a Beech Tree, or Beech Wood) here Walter contracted alliance, and Married Ralph de Bucke his Eldest Son, to the Daughter and Heir of G●celinus de Bucke, Grandchild to Radolphus de Bucke, who was a part Founder and Benefactor, to the Abbey of Bredlington, (as is mentioned in the Charter of Henry the first, made for the foundation of that Monastery) and from this Walter, descended john Buck Knight, who married a Strelley, and was so constant in his Affection, that (although she died in his best Age) he made a Religious Vow, and became a Knight of the Rhodes, his Arms are yet to be seen in the Ruins of the Hospital of Saint john's nea●e Smithfield, and in the Church of Alhallows at the upper end of Lombard Street, which was repaired and enlarged with the Stones brought from that demolished Caenoby: he lived, sub rege Edvardo filio Regis Henrici: as I have seen by the date of his deed in Herthil●, Anno 1 Ed. 1. & Anno 22. Ed. 1.  
From this Knight of the Rhodes descended Sir john Bucke, who for his too much forwardness in charging a Fleet of Spaniards (without the leave of the Earl of Arundel Lord Admiral) was committed to the Tower, (testified by the Records there) Anno 13. Richard the second, Lawrence Buck his Son, followed Edward Plantagenet Duke of York, and was at the Battle of Again Court with him, when he was slain: john Bucke Knight, the Son of this Laurence, married a Daughter and Heir of the House of Staveley, out of which are descended the Barons Parres of Kendal and Rosse, Queen Katherine (the last wife of King Henry the eighth) the Lord Parr marquis of Northampton, and the Herbert's Earls of Pembroke and Montgomery.  
These Bucks residing for the most part at West-Stanton, and Herthill in Yorkshire, and matched into the Families of Strelley or Stirely of Woodhall, Thorpe, Tilney, (then of Lincolnshire) and Savill, by which we have much Noble kindred; Sir john Buck for his service to the House of York, especially at Bosworth, lost his head at Leicester, he married the Daughter of Henry Savill, by whom he had Robert Buck and other Children, who were brought into the Southern parts by Thomas Duke of Norfolk, where they have remained ever since; for the Children (being Orphans) were left in miserable estate by the Attainder of their Father; But the Duke bestowed two Daughters in marriage, one with the Heir of Buck, The other, with the Heir of Fitz-Lewis, very Ancient Families, from which Matches divers honourable and Noble Persons are descended. The Sons were, one a Soldier, the other, a Courtier, the third, a Priest; afterward the Duke bestowed Robert Buck, the Eldest Son at Melford Hall in Suffolk, and married him into the Families of Higham and Cotton, as also did the Blounds of Elwaston, the Talbots of Grafton, from whom the Barons of Monjoy, and the late Earls of Shrewsbury descended; one of the Daughters of this Buck Married to Frederick Tilney of Shelley Hall in Suffolk, his nearest Kinsman by the Duchess his Mother's side) But some perhaps, must call this my vanity, I shall but answer them, that I think myself bound (by all the blood and memory I claim from them,) to pay them my best Relations and endeavours, acknowledging with the great Consulare Philosopher, Parents charissimos habere debemus, quod ab iis vita, patrimontum, libertas, Civit as tradita est. And I should think there is none, who hath an interest in the quality of Gentile, or Noble, (for all is one) but looks back (which some delight) to their first Commemoration; and finds a strong engagement due to the Virtues and worth of their first Fathers, for that express charge, to honour Father and Mother, is, not to be understood, only of our Parents superstits, and living here with us, but our forefathers: that is, beyond our great Grandfather, for we have no proper word for them above that degree (but Antecessours, vulgò Ancestors) whom the Romans called Majores, and comprehendeth all our progenitors departed sooner or later) for the word Pater and Mater, as also, Parens & Parents, extend very largely, and reach up to the highest Ancestors. The Ancient Roman Jurisconsults, deliver in their Law for an Axiom, that Appellatione Parentum omnes in infinitum majores utriusque sexus significantur; and the word Parents yet spreadeth further, comprehending all Kinsfolks, and Cousins, of our Blood and Lineage, being used in that sense, by AElius Lampridius, by julius Capitolinus, and other the best Writers in the times of the declined Empire, as Isaac Causabonus hath well observed in his Annotations.  
The Italians, Spanish, and French (whose Language is for the most part Romanzi (mongrel Latin)▪ and broken and corrupted Roman Language (use Parenti, Parents and Parents for all their Kinsfolks and Gentilitious Cousins.  
We Englishmen (being more precise) follow the Ancient and Classic Latin Writers, holding Parent strictly to the simple signification of Pater, and Mater, the present and immediate Parents▪ But the using of the word Parents, as those Imperial Historians use it; serveth better for our purpose here: And I could (most willingly) imitate the Pious Gentlemen of Italy, Spain●, and France, in their Religious and Charitable endeavours, to advance the happiness of their Parents defunct, if those desires could besteed them, But where I should crave pardon, I become more guilty and extravogant, it is time therefore to know good manners, and return home to our proper task, which will be, to refel the gross and black Calumnies, thrown unjustly upon the Memory and Person of King RICHARD, And falls within the Circle of the next Book.  
Explicit Liber Secundus.   

THE THIRD BOOK OF KING RICHARD THE THIRD.  
The Contents of this Book.  

THe Defamations of King Richard examined and answered.  
Doctor Morton and Sir Thomas Moor malevolent to the House of York, Their frivolous exceptions against his gestures, looks, teeth, shape and birth, high virtues depraved.  
The death of King Henry the sixth and his Son Edward Prince of Wales.  
The Actors therein.  
The offence of killing an anointed King.  
Valiant men hate treacheries and bloody acts.  
King Richard not deformed.  
The Slanders of Clarence translated to King Richard.  
The Cause of Clarence's execution.  
How the Sons of King Edward came by their deaths.  
King Richard Exculpable thereof.  
The story of Perkin Warbeck compared with Don Sebastian, King of Portugal, who are Biothanati.  
Counterfeit Prince detected, young Prince marvellously preserved.  
Many testimonies for the assertion that Perkin Warbeck was Richard Duke of York; his honourable entertainment with foreign Princes vox populi.  
Reason's why it is not credible King Richard made away his two Nephews; the force of Confession.  
The evil of Torture, the guilt of attempting to escape out of prison, what an escape is.  
The Earl of Oxford severe against Perkin, and his end.  
The base Son of King Richard the third secretly made away.  
The Son of the Duke of Clarence put to death.  
The power of furies, Demons & Genii. Apollonii Majestas.   Quid tibi non vis alteri ne feceris. 
THE THIRD BOOK OF KING RICHARD THE THIRD.  
THere is no story, that shows the planetary affections and malice of the vulgar more truly than King Richards: and what a tickle game Kings have to play with them; though his successor Henry the seventh played his providently enough (with help of the standers by) yet even those times (which had promised the happiest example of a State, and best of a King) both groaned and complained; but had not the sting and infection of King Richard's adversaries who did not only as the proverb 
Erasmus in Chiliad.  saith, cum larvis luctare, contend with his immortal parts, but raked his dust, to find and aggravate exceptions in his grave; 
Terentius in Adelph.  having learned their piety from the Comical Parasite, obsequium a●nicos, verit as odium parit, and finding it as well guerdonable as grateful, to publish their Libels and scandalous Pamphlets, (a piece of policy and service too) to the times, (and an offence to resent any thing good of him) they gave their pens more g●ll and freedom, having a copy set by Doctor Morton, who h●ad taken his revenge that way, and written a 
* This Book was lately in the hands of Mr. Roper, of Eltham, as Sir Edward Hoby who saw it told me.  Book in latin, against King Richard, which came afterward to the hands of Mr. Moor (sometime his servant) so that here the saying of Darius, (which after became a proverb) hath place 
Herodotus.   
Hoc Caleeamentum consuit Histiaeus, induit, autem Aristagoras, Doctor Morton (acting the part of Histiaeus) made the Book, and Master Moor like Aristagoras set it forth, amplifying and glozing it, with a purpose to have writ the full story of Richard the third (as he intimateth in the title of his Book;) but it should seem he found the work so melancholy and uncharitable, as dul●d his disposition to it; for he began it, 1513. when he was Undersheriff, or Clerk to one of the Sheriffs of London, and had the intermission of twenty two years (which time he took up in studies, more natural to his inclination, as law and poetry, 
* He wrote many Poems and Epigrams, sundry petty Comedies, and Interludes, often times personating, with the Actors, as his so ving and familiar friend ●▪ rasmus reports.  for in them lay his greatest fancy) to finish it, before he died, (which was in, 1535. but did not, yet lift himself so happily into the opinion of men, that his commendations had more fortune than observation:) and past him under the attributes of learning and religion; though in both he came short of what was ascribed to him; for if he understood the Latin and Greek, (than held great learning) yet was he so far under the desert of an excellent Scholar, as the learned censured him a man of slender reading, and Germanus Brixius, Irruditus, i unlearned; 
Brixius Antimore.  for the sanctity of his life, john Baleus who took not up his knowledge of him an age off, (as some of his admirers,) but from the original, thus gives us his draught. 
joan. Baleus de scriptoribu● Brit. ●ent. ●8 cap. 69.   
Hoc nos probe novimus qui eramus eidem Thomae Moro vi●iniores, quod pontisicum, & pharisaeorum crudelitati ex avaritia subservi●ns omni tyrāng truculentior ferociebat, imo insaniebat in eos qui aut Papae primatum, aut purgatorium, aut mortuorum invo●●tiones, aut imaginum cultus aut simile quiddam oliabolicarum imposturarum negabant, a vivisi●a▪ Dei veritate ita edocti. Consentire hic Harpagus noluit ut Rex Christianus in suo Regno primus esset, nec quod ei liceret cum Davide, Salomone, josaphato, Ezechia, & josia s●cerdotes, & Levitas rejects Romanensium Nembrodorum tyrannide in proprio ordinare dominio etc.  
Adding the attribute of tenebrio, of veritatis evangelicae perversissimus os●r, of obstina●us ●alophanta, of impudens Christi adversarius; 
Richard Grafton saith he died mocking and scoffing as he lived.  and saith of his end that decollatus suit in Turre Londin●nsi sexto die julij Anno Dom. 1535. Capite ad magnum Londini pontem (ut proditoribus fieri s●let) s●ipiti imposito, & nihilominus a Papistis pronovo Martyre colitur.  
Thus he became a Martyr and a Saint; but we shall find other cause of his condemnation by his own testimony; for when he stood at the Bar arraigned, some exceptions having been urged against him, for seeming to uphold and maintain the Pope's supremacy in England, his reply was, he could not see quomodo laicus vel secularis homo possit vel debeat esse caput status spiritualis aut ecclesiastici; yet insinuated, that this opinion was taken hold off but for a pretext to supplant him; the greatest cause of the King's displeasure being for his withstanding the divorce, between him and Katherine of Castille his wife, and his second marriage with the Lady Anne Bullen Marquesset of Pembroke: And his own words (spoken to the Judges, as they were set down by his dear friend, George Courinus, in 
Courinus.  a short discourse upon his death) are, non me pudet quamobrem a vobis condemnatus sum (videlicet) ob id, quod nunquam voluerim assentiri in negotium novi matrimonij Regis, which uttered, after sentence of condemnation, (when no evasion or subter●ugies would avail) must proceed surely from his conscience; and before this, he wrote a letter to Mr. Secretary Cromwell; (which I have seen) wherein he protested, he was not against the King, either for his second marriage, or for the Church's supremacy: But wisheth him good success in those affairs, etc. which renders him, (well looked upon) not so stout a Champion for the Pope, as many of his partial friends and Romanists 
In scrinijs div. Ro: Cotton.  supposed; neither so sound in his Religion; for I have seen amongst the multitude of writings, concerning the conference about the alteration of Religion, and suppressing of Churches and Religious houses, that his connivance and consent was in it; nor could he excuse it, with all his policy and wisdom, neither had the King ever attempted it, had not the Pope and his Agents opposed that second marriage, an error and insolency Rome hath ever since repent. But it proved a happy blow of Justice to this Kingdom, cutting of him and his authority, which else had hazarded the best Queen that ever was, the sacred and eternally honoured Elizabeth, to whose growing glory and virtue Master Moor became an early and cruel adversary, even before she was in rerum natura. To know him further, let me refer you to the Ecclesiastical History of Master john Fox, in the reign of Henry the eight, who describes him graphically; for his historical fragment, it shows what great pains he took to item the faults and sad fortunes of King Richard the third; and how industrious he was to be a time observer, it being the most plausible theme his poetical strain could fall on in those times,, and could not want acceptance nor credit, well knowing in what fame he stood, and that the weaker Analysts and Chroniclers, (of mean learning and less judgement) would boldly take it upon trust from his pen; who tanquam ignotum & servum pecus, have followed him step by step without consideration, or just examination of their occurrents and consequents. And the reputation of him and Doctor Morton (being both Lord Chancellors of England) might easily misled men part blind, who have dealt with King Richard, as some trivial clawing Pamphleteers, and Historical parasites, with the magnificent Prelate, Thomas Wolsey Cardinal and Archbishop oh York, A man of very excellent ingredients and without Peer in his time; yet his values had the sting of much detraction, and the worth of his many glorious good works interpreted for vices and excesses; to such it must be said, quod ab ipso 
Terent. Phorm.  allatum est, id sibi relatum esse putant. And if their injustice suffer under the same lash, they must know this doom hath 
Iliad. 20.  the credit of an Oracle, quale verbum dixisti tale etiam audies.  
But so much gall and envy is thrown upon King Richard's story, as cannot possibly fall into the stile of an ingenuous and charitable pen; all his virtue is by a malicious Alchemy substracted into crimes, and where they necessarily fall into mention, either scornfully transmitted or perverted, with injurious constructions, not allowing him the resemblance of goodness or merit: If his disposition be affable and courteous, (as generally it was, which their own relations cannot deny) than he insinuates and dives into the people's hearts, so where he expresses the bounty and magnificence of his mind; it is a subtle trick to purchase friendship; let him conceal the knowledge 
The virtues of King Richard maliciously censured.  of his jujuries, and his patience is deep hypocrisy; for his mercy and clemency extended to the highest offenders, (as to Fog the Attorney, who had made a Libel against him, besides the counterfeiting of his hand and seal) they were but palliated, and his friendship merely a Court brow. They have yet a more captious and subtle calumny, reproaching the casting of his eyes, motions of his fingers, manner of his gesture, and his other natural actions.  
I confess with Cicero that status, incessus, sessio, occubatio, vultus, 
Cicero de Ossic. lib. 1●  oculi, mannum motio, have a certain kind of decorum; but he makes it not a vice to err in any of them, nor that any error committed in them was a vice; although in him it must be so defined by the Laws of Utopia: nay, they will dissect his very sleeps, to find prodigious dreams and bugbears, (accidents frequent to themselves) which they dress in all the fright and horror fiction and the stage can add, who would have sung Paeans to his glory, had his sword brought victory from Bosworth field: but now, their envy is borne with him, from his mother's womb, and delivers him into the world with a strange prodigy of Teeth; although (I am persuaded) neither Doctor Morton, nor Sir Thomas Moor ever spoke with the Duchess his Mother, or her Midwife about the matter.  
But if true; it importeth no reason why those early and natalatious teeth should presage such horror and guilt to his birth; when we shall remember those many Noble and worthy men, who have had the like, (without any imputation of crime) as 
* Pliny, Livy, valel. Maximus, Plutarch.  Marcus Curius surnamed thereupon Dentatus, Cu. Papiene, King of the Epirots (a Prince much renowned for his victories and virtues) Monodas Son of Prusias King of Bythinia, borne with an entire semicircular bone in their mouths, instead of Teeth; then they aggravate the pangs of the Duchess in her travail with him: which had not been 
This Duchess of York died about the 1● of King Hen. 7. at Berkhamsted and was buried at Totheringam, john Stow. Seneca.  sufferable without death, if so extreme and intolerable, as they would have them thought for, 
Quod ferri potest leve est; quod non, breve est.   
But she overcame them and lived almost fifty years after; others have died in that Bed, yet the children not made guilty of murder; julia the daughter of julius Caesar, Wife to great Pompey, juliola the dear daughter of Marcus Cicero, Wife of Dolabella, and junia Claudilla the Empress, and Wife of Caligula, died all of the difficulties and extremity of their child-bearing; so did Queen Elizabeth Wife of King Henry the seventh; and since the Mother of that most towardly and hopeful Prince Edward the sixth in travail of his birth; with many thousands more, whose deaths (much less their pains) were never imputed to their children.  
The next objection is somewhat of more regard, (but as far without the certainty of a proof) which is the pretended deformity of his body, controverted by many; some peremtorily 
King Richard not deformed.  asserted he was not deformed, of which opinion was john Stow, a man indifferently inquisitive (as in all their other affairs) after the verbal relations and persons of Princes, and curious in his description of their features and lineaments, who in all his inquiry could find no such note of deformity in this King: but hath acknowledged viva voce, that he had spoken with some ancient men, who from their own sight and knowledge affirmed he was of bodily shape comely enough, only of low stature, which is all the deformity they proportion so monstrously; neither did john Rouce who knew him and writ much in his description, observe any other: and Archienbald Qhuitlaw, Ambassador unto this King from Scotland, in his Oration says, he had corpus exiguum; not otherwise; so (to my conceit) Philip de Comines and the Prior de Croyland (who had seen and known this Prince) seem to clear him implicatively; for in all their discourses of him they never directly nor indirectly, covertly or apertly, insinuate this deformity which (I suppose) they would not have passed; And by his sundry Pictures which I have seen, there was no such disproportion in his person or lineaments, but all decently compacted to his stature; his face of a warlike aspect, (which Sir Thomas Moor calleth a crabled visage) of 
Rot. in an. 2 R. 2.  all the children being said to be most like his Father in favour and composition of shape, who though not tall was of an even and well disposed structure.  
And Sir Thomas Moor himself, doth not certainly affirm 
Sir Thomas Moor apud Harli●gton.  the deformity, but rather seems to take it as a malicious report; for saith he, King Richard was deformed as the fame ran by those that hated him; habemus reu● consitentem, and surely, it had been a strange kind of confidence and reason in Doctor Shaw, to disclaim a thing which must be so 
Doctor Shaw.  palpable, openly in the Pulpit at Saint Paul's Cross, whilst the Protector was present, before many hundreds of people, (who had seen and known him before) and might then better view and note him; In these words, the Lord Protector is a very noble Prince, the special pattern of Knightly prowess, as well in all Princely behaviour as in the lineaments of his body and in the favour of his visage, representing the very face of the Noble Duke his Father; this is the Fathers own figure, this is his own countenance, the very sure and undoubted Image and express likeness of that Noble Duke.  
Now, what can malice extract out of this, to upbraid or stigmatize 
Socrates. AE●opus. Epictetus. Gal●a a great and excellent Captain of the Romans, all of deformed stature.  his honour; if men of blemished persons may contain a wise, valiant, learned, liberal and religious soul, and be in every part most absolute, exampled to us in many famous men; and at our home (as well in this present age, as in the more ancient) we have had men of a harsh fabric, most nobly furnished in the composures of their minds.  
But because these cavils could not fetch blood from him, they will make him guilty of other men, and first of King Henry the sixth, whose murder they say (and very favourably) his Brother Edward contrived, but wrought him to act it; an accusation of very harsh credit, that either King Edward, so truly noble and valiant a Prince, should put a Prince and his own Brother, upon so horrid a thing, or he endure to hear it: Sir Thomas Moor holds King Edward would not engage his Brother in so butcherly an office, there being many reasons that he durst not, neither do his adversaries charge him directly by any credible Author of that time, or discover by whom this murder was; only the Prior of Croyland maketh it somewhat suspicious.  
Hoc tempore inventum est corpus regis Henrici sexti exanime 
Chron. Croyland.  in turre Londinarium. Par●at Deus, & spatium poenitentiae ei donet qui●unque sacrilegas manus in Christum Domini ausus immittere, unde & agens tyranni & patience gloriosi martyris titulum mereantur.  
Tyrannus in the proper construction, being Rex, for whosoever is Rex is Tyrannus, according to the ancient signification▪ for amongst the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was used for a King simply, good or bad, and this (some hold) makes against King Edward; Richard being Duke of Gloucester then, yet so doubtfully as may be refelled by good authority; for it is the opinion of very grave men, Henry the sixth was not murdered, but died of natural sickness, and extreme infirmity of body.  
Rex Henricus sextus, ab annis jam multis ex accidente sibi aegritu●ine 
Idem Croyland.  qua●dam animi incurreret infirmitatem, & sic aeger corpore & impoes mentis permansit diutius; this considered with the aggravation of his grief and sorrow, in the loss of his Crown and liberty (being then a prisoner) the overthrow of all his friends and forces in the Battle of Teuxbury, but (above all) the death of his Son the Prince, might master a stronger heart and constitution than his, in a shorter time; which opinion is received and alleged by a learned and discreet Gentleman.  
The occasion of the murder of King Henry the sixth, hath 
Anonymu●. M. S.  no other proof but the malicious affirmation of one man; for many other men more truly did suppose that he died of mere grief and melancholy, when he heard the overthrow of his cause and friends, with the slaughter of the Prince his Son: And johannes Majerus saith it was reported, King Henry the 
Rex Hen. 6. in custodia ut alij referunt, glad●o, & alij me●ore, deperijt. joan Majerus, Annual Flandr. lib. 17. The slaughter of the Prince sonn● of H. 6.  sixth died of grief and thought. Concerning the slaughter of the Prince his only Son, it is noted to be casual, and made sudden by his own insolence, not out of any pretended malice, or premeditated treachery, and so it cannot be called wilful murder; for the King demanding him why he invaded his Kingdom, his reply was, he might, and aught to do it, in defence and preservation of the right, which the King his Father and his heirs had in the Crown, and maintained this lofty answer so peremtorily and boldly, the King in rage struck him with his fist, (as some say armed with a Gauntlet) and instantly the Noblemen attending, as George 
Polidor. Virgil. lib. 24.  Duke of Clarence, marquis Dorset, the Lord Hastings and others, drew their swords upon the Prince and killed him; which they would make the particular fact of Duke Richard. 
Chron in quarto M. S. apud Dom. Regis. Rob. Cotton.   
But to the contrary, I have seen in a faithful Manuscript Chronicle of those times, that the Duke of Gloucester only of all the great persons, stood still and drew not his sword; the reasons to credit this are, first it might be in his mere sense of honour, seeing so many drawn upon him, there was no need of his, or in his respects to the Prince's Wife, who (as johannes Majerus saith) was in the room and near akin 
Anna. uxo● Ed. filij reg. H. 6. capta est cum marito. joan. Majerus in Annal Fland. l. 17.  to the Duchess of York his Mother, and to whom the Duke was also very affectionate, (though secretly (which he soon after demonstrated in marrying her; nay, this Duke bore such a sense of noble actions in his bosom, that mislikeing the obscure and mean burial of Henry the sixth, this Prince's Father, he caused his corpse to be taken from Chertsey, and to be Honourably conveyed to the Royal and stately Chapel of Windsor, ordained for Kings.  
And Sir Thomas Moor saith further, he was suspected to have the contriving part in the Duke of Clarence his Brother's death, 
Richard not guilty of the Duke of Clarence.  yet confesseth it was commonly said Richard opposed himself against the unnatural proceedings of the King, both privately and publicly; and the truth is, it was the Kings own immovable and inexplorable doom who thought it justly and necessarily his due; for Clarence stood guilty of many treasons and great ones, and by his ingratidude had so forfeited himself to the King's displeasure, that no friend durst move in his behalf; this the King did afterward acknowledge with some discontent, when his wrath had cooled, as we may guess in this expression of his: O infaelicem ●ratrem, pro cujus salute ne●o 
Polidor. Virgil.  homo rogavit; yet Polidor Virgil doth not rightly understand here as I conjecture by the sequel; but let us interpret that a little, and take up another accusation which puts into the way.  
That Richard Duke of Gloucester should scandal the birth of the King his Brother with basterdy, and allege it for a special matter in Doctor Shawes' Sermon, that he should fame King Edward the fourth a bastard, and that the Duchess his Mother had wanton familiarity with a certain Gentleman; this he might erroneously scatter in the Pulpit, and take it up▪ on 
●rrour of Dr. Shaw.  the like intelligence, by which (in the same Sermon) he called her (to whom King Edward was betrothed before his marriage with the Lady Grey) Elizabeth Lucy, whose name was for a certain Ellenor Butler, alias Talbot, so called by King Richard, 
That the Duke of Gloucester raised not the slander against the Duchess his Mother, nor of his Brothers basterdy.  and written in the Records.  
This drift had been too gross for King Richard, to lay an imputation of whoredom upon his own Mother, (a virtuous and honourable Lady) being it cast also a shame and basterdy upon himself; for if she offended in one, she might as likely offend in another, and in the rest.  
And to quit him of it, Sir Thomas Moor, Richard Graf●on, Mr. Hall, say that King Richard was much displeased with the Doctor, when he heard the relation, which the Duke of Buckingham also affirmed in his speech to the Lord Mayor of London. That Doctor Shaw had incurred the great displeasure of the Protector for speaking so dishonourably of the Duchess his Mother.  
That he was able of his own knowledge to say, he had done wrong to the Protector therein, who was ever known to bear a reverend and filial love unto her: and to cut of all farther doubt and question, it was proved and is testified upon records that George Duke of Clarence only raised this slander in an extreme hatred to the King his Brother, many jars falling between them) by which the King had a just cause to take notice of his malice.  
Visus est dux Clarentiae magis, ac magis a regis praesentia desu●trahere, in consilio vix verbum proffer, neque libenter bibere aut manducare in domo Regis.  
When Richard even in that calamitous time Henry the sixth had overthrown King Edward in a battle, 
* Anno. 10. Edward. 4.  recovered the Kingdom, and proclaimed Edward an usurper; so faithful was his Brother, that 
a Lib. M. S. in quarto. apud Dom. Rob. Cotton.  he was proclaimed traitor for him; and 
b Chronicle, Croyland.  when Queen Margaret besieged the City of Gloucester with the King's power, the Citizens stood at defiance with her Army, and told her it was the Duke of Gloucester his Town, who was with the King, and for the King, and for him they would hold it; his Loyalty bearing a most constant expression in this motto 
c Loyalty bindeth men.  Lovalto melie; which I have seen written by his own hand and subscribed Richard Gloucester. The other was as constantly undermining at him, after confederate with the Earl of Warwick his Father Ally, who 
Father ally. Quod vulgo & corrupt Father in law dicitur.  had turned faith from the King, and went into France, soliciting for force against England; which they brought in, fought with the King and overthrew him, and so fiercely pursuing the victory, that the King was forced to fly out of the Land: Clarence not so satisfied, (unless he might utterly supplant him) studied that slander of basterdy, to bring in himself an heir to the Crown, which was proved and given in express evidence against him, at his trial and attainder by Parliament, amongst sundry other articles of high Treason.  
Videlicet That the said Duke of Clarence had falsely and untruly 
In Parliament, anno. 17. Ed. 4. Iu. Stow. vidit & legit.  published King Edward a bastard and not legitimate to Reign, that himself therefore was true Heir of the Kingdom, the Royalty and Crown belonging unto him, and to his▪ Heirs; these be the very words of the Record, and enough to tell us who was the Author of that slander, and what important cause the King had to quit himself of Clarens: a bitter proof of the old Proverb, fratrum inter se irae acerbissimae 
Erasmus C●iliad.  sunt; and all the favour Clarence could at his end obtain, was to choose it, (as john de Serres reporteth it) so that it was 
joan de Se●res. Invent.  not the Duke of Gloucester, but the King's implacable displeasure for his malice and treasons that cut him off, who could not think himself secure whilst he lived: Witness Polidor Virgil, Edvardus Rex post mortem fratris se a cunctis timeri animadvertit, & ipse jam timebat neminem.  
Next for the murder of the two sons of King Edward 
Who made away the sons of King Edward the fourth.  the fourth, Edward the fifth King in hope, and Richard of Shrewsbury Duke of York and Norfolk his younger Brother, they allege it in this manner.  
That King Richard, being desirous to rid those two Princes his Nephews out of the world; employed his trusty servant john Greene to Sir Robert Brackenbury Lieutenant Constable of the Tower, about the executing of this murder; and by reason that plot took no effect, (Sir Robert not liking it) The Protector suborned four desperate Villains, john Dighton, Miles Forrest, james Tyrrell, and William Slater to undertake it, who, (as they further allege) smothered them in their beds, which done, they made a deep hole in the ground, at the foot of the stairs of their lodging, and their buried them, hiding the place under an heap of stones, (not after the ancient manner of tumulus testis;) others vary from this, and say confidently, the young Princes were embarked in a Ship at Tower wharf, and conveyed from thence to Sea, so cast into the Black deeps; others aver they were not drowned, but set safe on shore beyond Seas. And thus their stories and relations are scattered in various forms, their accusations differing in very many and material points▪ which shakes the credit of their suggestion, and makes it both fabulous and uncertain, one giving the lie to the other, their malice having too much Tongue for their memories, and is worth the noting how opposite (and as it were) ex Diametro repugnant they are. 
Poodir, Virgil. l. 2. 6.   
In vulgus fama valuitfilios Edwardi Regis aliquò terrarum parte●migrasse, atque ita supestites esse.  
Thus Pollidor, with which Dr. Morton and Sir Thomas Moor agree in one place: The man (say they) commonly called 
Dr. Morton, Sir Tho. Moor.  Perkin Warbeck was as well with the Princes, as with the people, English and foreign, held to be the younger Son of Edward the fourth, and that the deaths of the young King Edward and of Richard his brother, had come so far in question, as some are yet in doubt whether they were destroyed or no, in the days of King Richard; By which it appears they were thought to be living after his death. And as the act of their death is thus uncertainly disputed, so is the manner of it controverted.  
For, Sir Thomas Moor affirmeth (as before reported) they were smothered in their beds with Pillows; but Pollidor saith peremptorily it was never known of what kind of death they died.  
Another Author and more ancient agreeth with them.  
Vulgatum est Regis Edwardi pueros concessisse in sata, sed qu● 
Prior Croy. land.  genere interitus ignoratur; one reason of this may be that they who held Perkin Warbeck and Richard Duke of York to be all one, give another account of his death, whereas if it had been certain these four before named for Assasines had murdered them, than the place, time and manner had been easily known upon their strict examination, they living freely and securely, (and without question) long after this murde● was said to be done; Therefore there can be no excuse for this neglect of Examination, much less for the suffering such to go unpunished, and at liberty, which me thinks maketh much for the clearing of King Richard.  
As for the burying of their bodies in the Tower, if that be brought in question, certes, the affirmative will be much more hard to prove then the negative.  
For true it is▪ there was much diligent search made for their bodies in the Tower: all places opened and digged, that was supposed: but not found; Then it was given out a certain Priest took up their bodies and buried them in another secret place not to be found; hereunto (but with better decorum for the more credit of this assertion) they might have added it was done sub sigillo confessionis, which may not be revealed.  
Sir Thomas Moor seeing the absurdities and contrarieties of these opinions, (as a man puzeled and distracted with the variety and uncertainty thereof) concludeth their bodies were 
Moor, Hallingshed Graston, Hall, Stow.  bestowed God wot where, and that it could never come to light what became of them; Hall, Hallingshed, Grafton and the rest, confess, the very truth hereof was never known; And (if there be a stricter inquiry into the mystery) we shall discover, that they were neither buried in the Tower nor swallowed in the Sea; for the testimony and Relation of sundry grave, and discreate persons (and such as knew the young Duke of York) will resolve us how he was preserved and secretly conveyed into a foreign Country; also alive many years after the time of this imaginary murder; to which may be added strong authorities having laid down some conjectures that may answer the iniquiry after the other. And first whereas it is said the Lord Protector before his Coronation procured this murder: To refel and contradict that, there be certain proofs that the Princes were both living in the month of February following the death of their Father, which was ten months after; for King Edward died in April before, and this is plain in the Records of the Parliament of Anno 1. Rich. 3. where there is mention made of this Prince, as then living; and Sir Thomas Moor confesseth that they were living long after that time before said; But I conjecture Edward the Eldest brother lived not long after, but died of sickness and infirmity, being of a weak and sickly disposition, as also was his Brother, which the Queen their Mother intimated in her speech to the Cardinal Boursier; and the weak constitutions and short lives of their sisters may be a natural proof to infer it probable enough this Prince died in the Tower; which some men of these times are the rather brought to think, certain bones like to the bones of a Child being found lately in a high desolate Turret, supposed to be the bones of one of these Princes; others are of opinion it was the ●a●r●asse▪ of an Apekept in the Tower, that in his old age had happened into that place to die in, and having clambered up thither, according to the light and idle manner of those wanton Animals, after when he would have gone down, seeing the way to be steep and the precipice so terrible, durst not adventure to descend, but for fear stayed and starved himself, and although he might be soon missed, and long sought for, yet was not easily to be found, that Turret being reckoned a vast and damned place for the height, and hard access, no body in many years looking into it.  
But it is of no great consequence to our purpose, whether it were the Carcase of a Child or of an Ape, or whether this young Prince died in the Tower, or no: for wheresoever he died, why should it not be as probable he died of a natural sickness and infirmity, as for his young Cousin german the son and heir of King Richard? many reasons conducing why the qualities and kind of their death might be the same, and near one time, being even parallels almost, and in their humane constitutions and corporal habitude sympathising, of one Lineage and Family, of one blood and age, of the same quality and fortune, therefore not unlikely of the same Studies, Affections, Passions; Distemperatures, so consequently subject to the same infirmities, to which may be added equal and common constellations, the same compatient and commorient fates and times, and then there is reason and natural cause they might both die of like Diseases and infirmity, and were not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, taken away by violence, secret, or overt: for it may with as much Argument be suspected the son of King Richard, (being in the like danger of secret violence for the same cause as his Cousin was) might suffer so.  
But to open the circumstance a little nearer: what danger could the lives of those two Princes be to Richard? who was accepted King by a just title, and his Nephews declared illegitimate, by the high Court of Parliament, and whilst they were reputed such by so great and general a conclusion, why should he be less secure of them, than Hen. 2. was of Robert E. of Gloucester, base son to Hen. 1.? or Richard the first of his base Brother Geoffrey Plantagenet? So although john of Gaunt left base sons, aspiring enough, yet they were of no danger to the Lancastrian Kings▪ neither did Henry 7. or Henry 8. stand in any jealousy of Arthur Plantagenet: and surely Richard the third was as valiant, wise and confident, as any of his predecessors, and had as little cause to dread his Nephews, as they stood adjudged, or be more cruel and bloody; neither hath my reading found any Bastards of France or Spain, who have aspired so publicly, only except Don Eurique E. of Trastamara▪ who was drawn into that action by the violent rages of the people, and by the persuasions of the revolted states of Castille, to put down a monster of Sovereignty the hateful tyrant, Don Pedro & Cruel. But being Sir Thomas Moor and our best Chroniclers make it doubtful, whether these two Princes were so lost in King Richard's time, or no, and infer that one of them was thought to be living many years after his death; that might be enough to acquit him; which opinion I like the better, because it mentioneth the survivance but of one of them.  
Neither do our most credible stories mention the transportation of more than one, into Flanders, nor had they reason; it will be sufficient, if one of them survived him, more, or less time; we will follow therefore the examination of his story, under the opinion of those times, and the attestation of grave and credible men, because it will be more conspicuous in the true and simple narration of this one Brother; every story being fraught with reports concerning him, and few or none of his brother finding no mention of the Elder Bothers being in Flanders; but of the youngers much, and of his other adventures: The prudent and honourable care of sending away this younger Brother, by some is ascribed to Sr. Robert Brakenbury, by others to the Queen his Mother, and it may well be the projection of them both, though no doubt there was the advice and assent of other well affected friends. And it is the more credible, the Queen wrought in it; for the story of Sr. Thomas Moor saith she was before suspected to have had such a purpose, which was objected to her by some of the Lords; and the Cardinal Boursier told her the main Reason which made the Protector and Nobles so urgeing to have him sent to his Brother (being then in the Tower) was a suspicion and fear they had she would convey Him forth of the Realm.  
So then, it may be clearly supposed: he was sent into a foreign Country, and that Flanders (as all our stories testify) there commended to a liberal education, under the curature of a worthy Gentleman in Warbeck, a Town in Flanders, but kept very privately all the life time of his Uncle, his Friends not daring to make him of the council. After his death, knowing Henry Richmond a cruel enemy to the house of York, for his better safety was committed to the care of Charles of Burgundy, and his Duchess the Lady Margaret Aunt to the Prince, as formerly the Duchess of York upon a like cause of fear and jealousy had sent thither her two younger sons George and Richard.  
The Duchess being very tender to let this young Duke have all Princely and virtuous education in Tornay in Antwerp and after in the Court of the Duke of Burgundy, as he had been in Warbeck, etc. And with the greater circumspection, because the Duchess of Burgundy had as jealous an opinion of Henry the Seventh, as the Queen Widow had of Richard 3. Therefore, as yet, it was advised to conceal his Name and Quality: being not come to the growth nor age to have experience in his own affairs, much less to undertake an attempt so consequent and mighty as the recovery of a Kingdom: neither were the times and opportunity yet ripe, or propitious to fashion such an alteration, as was projected and must be produced, though there was pregnant hope of an induction to a change of Government stirred by the King's covetousness, and some acts of Tyranny, Grievance and Rebellions in the North and West parts; not long after (which lent a seasonable hand to these designs) great unkindness fell out betwixt Charles the French King, and Henry the 7. who so far provoked the French, that he besieged Boulogne, with a great army by land and Sea, the quarrel was of good advancement to the Duchess of Burgondy's Plot, and brought the Duke of York better acquainted with foreign Princes and their Courts; who was sent into France, into Portugal, and other places where he was received and entertained like a Prince.  
In which time such of the English Nobility as were interessed in the secret, and knew where this Prince resided, found some opportunity to give him assistance, and sent Sr. Robert Clifford and Sr. William Barley into Flanders, to give him a visit and intelligence of what noble friends he had ready to serve him: though their more particular errand was, to take a strict observance of him, and such private marks as he had been known by from his Cradle: there had been some counterfeits, encouraged to take upon them the persons of Edward E. of Warwick, and Richard Duke of York; But here, the certainty of their knowledge found him they looked for, by his Face, Countenance, Lineaments and all tokens familiarly and privately known to them; observing his behaviour, naturalised and heightened with a Princely grace, and in his discourse able to give them a ready account of many passages he had heard or seen whilst he was in England; with such things as had been done and discoursed very privately, speaking English very perfectly, and better than the Dutch, or Wallonish: by which Sr. Kobert Clifford and the rest, found themselves so well satisfied, and were so confirmed, That they wrote to the Lord Fitzwater, to Sir Simon Mountford and others (who had a good opinion towards him;) the full account of what they had observed ex certa scientia, & supra visum corporis. About this time (to intermix the Scene with more variety, and fill the Stage) some principal persons, well affecting the E. of Warwick, and hoping to get him forth of the Tower in purpose to make him King) had enticed a handsome young fellow, one Lambert Simonell of Lancashire, bred in the University of Oxford to become his counterfeit, and so instructed him in the royal Genealogy, that he was able to say as he was taught; maintained and abetted, chiefly, by the Viscount Lovel, the E. of Lincoln, Sir Thomas Broughton, and Sir Simon Priest, etc. who being presented to the Duke and Duchess of Burgundy and by them honourably entertained, drew to him in Flanders one Martin Swartz (a Captain of a very eminent fame) and some forces, with which he made over into Ireland where they received him as Edward Earl of Warwick, as he was of many here at home: and when the deceit was discovered, the excuse was, those Lords but used this counterfeit of the Earl for a Colour, whilst they could get him out of the Tower to make him King. But the veil is easily taken from the face of such impostors, examples giving us light in many; for though some men may, all cannot be deceived: so Speudo-Agrippa in the time 
Dion, Tacitus, S●eionius. Counterfeit Princes.  of Tiberius was soon found to be Clemens the servant of Agrippa, though very like to him, and Puesdo-Nero in Otho's time, who took upon him to be Nero revived, was quickly unmasked.  
Valerius Paterculus telleth of a certain ambitious counterfeit in Macedonia, who called himself Philip, and would be reputed the next heir of the Crown, but was discovered and nicknamed Pesudo-Philippus; Also in the 
It's written by some of the old Historians that King Harold was not shine at the Battle of Hastings, by the Conqueror; but that he survived & went to jerusalem, etc. But it not importeth whether He were the true Harold, or Pseudo Harold, because he never came to claim any thing in England.  Reign of Commodus one pretended to be Sextus Claudianus, the son of Maximus; with many such that are obvious in old stories; and many of the like stamp have been here convicted in England; which bred the greater jealousy of this Richard, when he came first to be heard of, Though those jealousies proceeded not from the detection of any fraud in him, but of the late imposture of the said Lambert the Shoemaker's son, and the abuse of the Complotters; for the Kingdom having been abused with those Pseudo-clarences', had reason to be doubtful of every unknown person, which assumed the name of greatness; in regard whereof, many shrunk in their opinions from this Perkin, or Richard; many others suspecting their belief, were very curious to inform themselves who the further they inquired, were the more confirmed, that he was no other but the second son of Edward the Fourth, against whom those of the harder credulity objected it as an impossibility, that this young Duke could be conveyed out of the Tower, so long, and so concealed; which the wiser sort could easily answer by many ancient examples, which give us divers Relations of Noble Children preserved more admirably: and this young Duke himself, in his own behalf, when such objections were made against him, did allege to james King of Scotland the History of joah mentioned in the Book of the Kings, and that most special one of Moses: which the Duchess his Aunt Sister German to his Father, was strongly confirmed in, giving him all answerable and honourable accommodation: so did the chief Nobility of those parts, and as an heir of the house of York, there was rendered him the Title of La▪ Rose-Blanch, the proper and ancient devise of the house of York; with all, a gallant Guard of Soldiers was allowed him for attendance, and much was he favoured by the Archduke Maximilian King of the Romans, by Philip his Son Duke of Burgundy, Charles the French King, the King of Portugal and Scotland, by the chiefest of Ireland and many Personages in England, who at extreme peril and hazard avowed him to be the second son of Edward the fourth.  
The Princes aforementioned readily supplying him with Coin and assistance, towards his achievements. King Henry actively apprehends what it threatened, and bestirs himself to take of their inclinations, dispatching Doctor William Warkam (after Archbishop of Canterbury) with Sr. 
The practice of Hen. 7. with the Duke of Burgundy.  Edward Poynings a grave and worthy Knight, to under-rare his credit with those Princes; and such strong persuasions were used That Philip Duke of Burgundy (for his Father Maximilian was before returned into Austria) utterly declines himself and his subjects from his first engagement, but excepted the Widow Duchess of Burgundy, over whom he had no power of command, because she had all justice and Jurisdiction in those large signories whereof her dowry was composed.  
And thus Richard was supplanted here; what hope of aid he had, or did expect by his voyage into Portugal, I cannot say, though his entertainment there was honourable: but by reason of the distance of the Country ●it may be thought he was to build little upon any from thence; his chief con●idence and refuge being in England and Ireland, where he had a good party, and sailed with a pretty Fleet into Ireland; there he was welcomed, and received as the 
The means used by Hen. 7. to prevent the practices of Perkin in Ireland.  the second Son of King Edward; some of the Geraldins and other great Lords in Ireland, purposing to make him their King; To overtake him betimes there too, Doctor Henry Deane, Abbot of Lanthory (a very wise able man) was sent and made Chancellor of Ireland; with him went the said Sr. Edward Poynings, who so actively bestirred themselves that in short time they drew the Irish from Perkin, so that now he must return home, but by the way was encouraged, to apply himself to james King of Scotland, whither forthwith he directs his hopes, and found his entertainment answerable to them: the King receiving him very Nobly by his title of Duke of York, calls him Cousin, with promises to give him strong▪ footing in England, and (in 
This Lady was so rarely fair and lovely that King H. 7 wondered at her beauty, and was enamoured of her sending her to London to be safely kept till his return out of the West Countries, where he then was and first saw her.  earnest of his better intents) bestowed in Marriage upon him, the most Noble and fair Lady Katherine Gordon his near kinswoman, Daughter of Alexander Earl of Huntly: This came home very sharply to King Henry, who knew King james to be a Prince so Wise, and Valiant, that no easy delusion could abuse him.  
And true it is, King james was very precise in his consideration of this young Duke: but very clearly confirmed before he would acknowledge him. King Henry is very Studious how to thwart the event of this scene, and unfasten the King: but casts his con●idence again, upon the fortune of his judgement, and sends many Protestations with rich promises, to King james for Perkin (for now we shall so call him with the times) which took small effect at first; but King Henry (being a man pregnant to find any advantage, and one whose providence would not let it die) remembers the stung affinity and friendship betwixt King james and Ferdinando King of 
The practice of H. 7. to the King of Scots, and of Castille ●o get or supplant Perkins.  Castille, (one of the most Noble Princes then living.) At that time too, it happened so happily, there was a Treaty and intelligence betwixt Henry the Seventh and Ferdinando, for proposition of a Marriage of Arthur the Prince of Wales, and Katherine Daughter of King Ferdinando: this occasion no sooner offered itself to his consideration, but a Post was dispatched to Castille, with Letters and Instructions to give the King to know what had passed between him and King james of Scotland, urging him to use the Power and Credit he had with him, for the delivery of Perkin to himself: which Ferdinando undertook; and 
Don Pedro, Aylau.  sends Don Pedro Ayala (not one Peter Hialas, or Peter Hails) as our vulgar stories have (a wise and learned man and of a very Noble house) who so ably used his Brain in this employment, that King james passed to him his promise, to dismiss Perkin to his own fortunes; But would by no means deliver him to the King.  
Thus Perkin was again supplanted Virtute vel dolo, and of necessity driven into Ireland, where he was formerly received and entertained; whilst they were agitating their first Plot of settling him King, Charles' the French King sends to him Lois de Laque and Estiene Friant, to offer him 
Hall in H. 7.  his friendship and aid; with this good news Perkin hasted into France, where he found his welcome very honourable, as befitting a Prince, a Guard appointed to attend him, of which Monsieur Congre-Salle was Captain; before this King Henry had threatened France with an Army, but now upon a better view and deliberation, foreseeing what this had in it, He propounds very fair Conditions for a Peace with the French King, which the French King was as willing to entertain, and so it was concluded; Perkin after this began to think the King shortened his respects, and looked upon him (as it were) but imagine lusca, with half a Countenance, and fearing there might be some capitulation in this new League, that might concern his liberty, privately quits Paris, returning to his Aunt of Burgundy. Although Perkin was thus shortened in his foreign expectations, he had those both in England and Ireland, that much favoured him and his cause, making another voyage into Ireland, but returned with his first comfort; for though they stood constantly affected and were willing, the King's Officers kerbed them so, they could not stir.  
From Ireland he sailed into England, landing at Bodmin in Cornwall, the Cornish and Western men thereabouts receiving him very gladly, proclaiming him King of England and of France, &c, by the Title of Richard the Fourth (as He had been proclaimed before in the North parts of England, by the Council and Countenance of the King of Scots.) Out of Cornwall He marches into Devonshire to Exeter, to which He laid Siege, having then about five thousand men in his Army; but the Kings being at hand and far stronger, He was forced to rise from the siege, upon which those few friends He had left (finding His want, and the King with greater strength approaching) forsook him to provide for themselves: thus abandoned, no way before him but flight, and being well mounted, with a train of some forty or fifty resolute Gentlemen, recovers the Abbey of Beanely in Hampshire, where He took Sanctuary, from which the King's party who pursued Him would violently have surprised Him;  
Which the Abbot and Religious persons would not endure as a thing too foul against their Privilege. The King after sends to him proffers of favours and mercy, 
Perkins Entertainment in the Court.  with promises of such Honour and Condition as drew Him to the Court, where the King looked upon him with a very Gracious and Bountiful usage as a Noble person; But his prompting Jealousies and Fears soon east a dulness over this first favours and promises; Then a Guard must be set upon Perkin and his usual freedom restrained; these were harsh presages (He thought) which so justly moved His suspicion and discontent that he thought Sanctuary again must be his best safety, and passing by the Monastery of Shrenes, he suddenly slips into it from his Guard, whither the King sends unto him with persuasions of the first Courtly and Honourable tincture; But Perkin that had discerned the Hook, was not easily to be tempted with the bait this second time.  
Then the King dealt with the Prior for him, who would not yield him, but upon faithful promise from the King to use him with all favour and grace, which was protested, although Perkin no sooner came into his power again but he was sent to the Tower, where his imprisonment was made so hard and rude, that it much dejected and troubled him, oftentimes in private and with piercing groans, having been heard to wish himself borne the Son of any Peasant. And indeed, every one could tell he fared the worse for his Name, it being an observation of those times that there was three men most feared of the King.  
Edward Plantagenet Earl of Warwick, Perkin, alias Richard Plantagenet, and Edmond de la Poole Son of King Edward's Sister, all of the Family of York, but most of all Perkin, being of a more active spirit, so more sensible of his wrongs then the other; and cost the King more Consultation and Treasure in the working him into his hands; Therefore answerably aggravated his miseries and disgraces which now began to exceed; for he was not only sharply restrained in the Tower, but the fame was the Question or 
* Ra●k.  gehenna was given Him: sometimes he was taken forth, and carried in most ignominious manner abroad, to be set in the Pillory, otherwhile in the Stocks; after all these bitter and cruel punishments (to pull down his stomach) there was sent some unto Him of purpose to persuade his submission to the King's mercy, and by renowncing His Blood, Birth, and Title, to confess himself no other but Perkin Warberk the Son of a base Fleming▪ which He scorning and denying, His sufferings were made more rigorous, and He lodged poorly and basely, as meanly fed, worse clad, until at length by Torments and Extremities, He was forced to say any thing, and content to unsay what they would have Him, to accuse Himself by a forced Recantation of his Family▪ Name, and Royal Parentage; this must be compelled too under His hand, then to be brought by the Officers unto the most public places of London and Westminster, to suffer as before related, and with a loud voice to read the same, which might pass at present with the multitude 
The force and mischief of Torture.  for current, who knew not how it was forced from Him, nor had judgement enough to know and consider that Racks and Tortures have made very able men accuse themselves and others unjustly: Seneca telleth of a man who being suspected of Theft was enforced by torture to confess the theft and his fellow Thiefs; but having none, he accused the good and just Cato, to avoid the torture; nay (which is a thing of more horror) it maketh men by false Oaths to blaspheme God; Therefore Saint Augustine inveigheth sharply against the cruel use of it, and amongst many other sins, which he findeth in it, this is one, Tortus si diutius nolet sustinere Tormenta, quod non 
August. in Civitate Dei.  commisit, se commisisse dicit.  
The tortured gladly doing this the sooner to exchange those torments with death as the far less pain.  
And therefore this young Man may be excusable in what he did against himself, his youth being ignorant of these high points of Honour, and could not yet be confirmed in any brave and firm resolution, nor happily in Religion, and the worse also by the reason of his long imprisonment and heavy trouble, having no Council to strengthen him, nor so much as in Charity to comfort Him, but left a miserable desperate forlorn Man, and feared to be so for ever, and at the best. And if learned grave Men, Men of grace, having large Talents of Spirit and Science, for fear of such punishments have denied some chief points of Christian▪ Faith, yet have been excused for the torture sake, (of which we have testimony in the Ecclesiastical Stories) what may a tender and unexperienced youth do? For which just causes the best Doctors of the Civil Law, and also of Theology condemn and aborre the use of Torture, as having a further mischief in it, and is Arcanum Gehennae a secret of Torture or of 
The French ●all torture la Gehenne.  Hell.  
For when the Prisoners body by exteame toment is brought into any mortal State, or symptom of death, or made incurable and deadly, then to avoid the imputation of Murder, the prisoner by a short and private process is condemned of some capital crime, and presently executed, whilst there is yet some life in him; And to that censure Perkin at last came; for nothing could serve but his blood, his confession being only extorted from him to persuade the People he was an impostor, and because they could not lay hold of his Life by the Course of Law or Justice (being not attainted nor condemned of any capital crime.) This scraple being a little considered, there was found out a way to remove that, and matter enough to make him guilty of a capital offence, for which purpose it was devised there should a practise of escape be offered him; and because the case of Edward Plantagenet, Earl of Warrwicke, was like unto his, and as well wished, being not attainted of any crime, he also must desire to escape, that devise being the only matter of guilt, or capital crime, which was wanting, and might be (as it were) created for them the more colorably to effect their executions; there not wanting instruments for that purpose to betray their innocent confidence, whose inprisonment had laid so heavily and cruelly upon them, that they were easily persuaded to catch at any hope of liberty.  
Some say the Earl of Warwick at his arraignment was charged with persuading the other to make this escape, but sure it is they both gladly harkened to the motion of it; And were (soon after) accused as guilty of practice and Conspiracy, to escape out of the Tower, so for the same arraigned and condemned to die: though great difference was put in their process, and execution; 
York and Warwick, parallels.  for the Earl of Warwick was tried by his noble Peers, and had the supplice of a Noble man, in an honourable place, the Tower of London: Perkin alias Richard, by a Common Jury, who are men (many times) of little honesty, and to suffer at the common and infamous place, Tyburn, by the name of Perkin Warbeck, to confirm the People He was what they condemned him for; For this Nickname was supposed to have utterly disnobled Him, and (as it were) divested Him of all his Noble Blood and Titles, the condition of an impostor serving best for a cloak against that purple shower, which was at the fall and cruel usage of this miserable Prince.  
It may be thought, the Earl of Warwick had as shamefully suffered, if the Wit and Malice of the Cardinal could have reached to have made him a counterfeit; But all men knew He was not only a true and certain▪ Prince, but free from all practice, yet He was restrained of his liberty, and a prisoner the most pa●t of Hislife; from the time of his Father's attainder until He Suffered; this was after they had survived King Richard their Uncle about fifteen years.  
Now for their Offence, the learned Judges will 
Of escape.  tell us of what Nature and Quality, it is called in Law.  
Some holding an escape to be but an error, a natural 
The French word escape, is to seek to be free, and the French men transl●●e escape in to the Latin Salvus.  dislike of bondage, or a forfeit of simplicity, proceeding from a natural and very tolerable desire of liberty, which opinion is contingent to right; And the cause of these two Princes may also be the better received, if it be well considered, that this Plot of their escape▪ was not projected by themselves, but cunningly 
Escape what.  propounded to them by proper instruments (being young and unexperienced) to entangle▪ them in some capital offence, and so of Death, of which kind of offences they stood clear before, not once accused, having never been indicted, or attained of any thing Capital. Therefore now their innocence must be made guilty; And in this I say no more than all our H●storians, or others say, who agree in one opinion that The KING could not take away the lives of Perkin Warbeck and this Earl of Warwick, until this practice of their escape was laid to them, and they made guilty thereof. Therefore they were not Traitors before, neither was Perkin now to be thought a Counterfeit, but a Prince of the Blood, claiming the Crown; for otherways, He was Perkin of Flanders, a base fellow and a most culpable and notorious Traitor: then what need they look further for a Crime to put him to Death?  
And if He were not a Traitor, surely it was a Tyranny to make of an Innocent and guiltless Man a guilty Folon, and by Trains, and Acts, to forge an offence out of nothing.  
For doubtless an Innocent and a true man may seek freedom, and purpose an act of escape, also commit in, and yet be still an honest Man, and a faithful good subject; for nature and reason teacheth and alloweth all men to eschew injuries and oppression.  
Besides this Practice of those young men, to escape, was found (as Pollidor well observeth) Crimen Alienum, and not Crimen proprium: then how much greater was the wrong, to take away their lives.  
But however it may be laid upon them, it was nothing but a desire of liberty out of durance, in which they were kept for a small, or no offence.  
The Civil law holdeth suspicion of flight or escape, to be no crime. Suspicio fugae quia, non solet detrimentum, reipublice ad far, non censetur crimen; so ulpian. And by the Laws of England, if a Prisoner do escape, who is not imprisoned for Treason, 
Just: Stanford, in pleas de la Corone. lib. 1. cap. 26, 27.  or felony, but some lesser fault of trespass according to the old Law of England.  
Escapae non adjudicabitur versus eum, qui Commissus est prisonae, pro transgressione. Escape shall not be adjudged for Felony, or other crime, in one who is committed for trespass.  
For the offence of the escape is made in the common Law, to be of the same nature and guilt with the crime whereof the Prisoner is attainted; And certainly neither the Earl of Warwick, nor Richard alias Perkin were attainted of Treason or Felony, etc. before.  
But to close this dispute and tragedy, not long after some of the Instruments which betrayed them into this, as Walter Blunt, Thomas Astwood, servants to the Lieutenant of the Tower, finished at Tyburn because they should tell no tales.  
And to this succinct relation, there can be no better testimony than the hands of those witnesses, who have sealed their confession and knowledge with their bloods.  
Men of all conditions and estates, all maintaining at the last gasp, that Perkin was the true Duke of York, whose Affirmations I will produce, give me but leave by the way, to answer one Objection or Cavil brought against this Duke called in scorn, Perkin Warbeck. A new Writer affirming him to be an Impostor, 
Whether Don Sebastian of Portugal were a Counterfeit or not.  whose learning may be as much mistaken in this, as other things, though he laid a great pretence to knowledge, especially in the History of England and other Countries: indeed his judgement and reading are much expressed alike, in his Pamphlet which he calls the History of Perkin Warbeck, wherein he forfeits all his skill, to make him a parallel in advers fortunes, and supposed base quality, to the unhappy Don Sebastian late King of Portugal, who he also protests an Impostore. And to arrive at this huge knowledge, (he would have us think) he took much pains in the sifting of Authors (and indeed I think he did sift them) concerning his ignorance in the case of Don Sebastian (if he be not too wise to have it informed) I will urge some reasons on Don Sebastian's side, who was King of Portugal: and invading the Kingdom of Barbary, Anno Dom. 1584. was overthrown in a fierce & bloody Battle in the fields of Alcazer, by the King of Morucco, where it was thought he was slain, but escaped and fled secretly, traver sti●e or disguised: travailing in that manner through many parts of Africa and Asia some 30. years, in which time and travail he suffered much, lived in Captivity and misery, but at last got away into Europe with purpose to have got into Portugal (if possible) to repossess the Kingdom.  
In this return he came to Venice, there discovered himself, and desires aid of the Venetian States: they entertained him as a Prince distressed, gave him good words, but durst not lend him Assistance, fearing the King of Spain; Yet the chief Senators, and many of the wisest of the Sigmory, made no doubt of him.  
Among them Signieur Lorenzo justiniano's of the Senators Order, (a man of wise and great abilities) was appointed by the States, a Commissioner (with others) to hear and examine this cause of Don Sebastian, in which they took much pains. And this Signieur Lorenzo (being lieger Ambassador in England) affirmed and 
162.  protested solemnly, he and all the other Commissioners were clear and very confident he was Don Sebastian King of Portugal, notwithstanding 
Hi● legatus haec Domino Baroni Darcey retulit.  they durst not give him aid, but counselled him for France, where the King favoured right, without fear of another's displeasure. But taking Florence in his way, in the habit of a Friar, he was observed and discovered by some spies which the Grand Duke of Tuscany had set upon him from Venice: who to in sinuate with the King of Spain, Philip the second, and for some other commodious considerations, delivered Sebastian to the Governor of Orbattelli (a Spanish Port in Tuscany) from thence sent him by Sea to the Count De le Mos, Viceroy of Naples, who conveyed him into Spain: there for a while his entertainment was no better than in the Galleys: what other welcome he had I know not; but the fame went certainly he was secretly made away after Philip the third was King. The said Viceroy of Naples confessed in secret to a friend of his, he verily believed his prisoner was the true Sebastian King of Portugal, and was induced to be of that opinion, by the strong Testimonies, and many strange and peculiar marks, which some Honourable Portugesses did know him by, all found about the body of this Sebastian. And the French King, Henry the 4th it should seem, was persuaded no less: for when the news was told him the Duke of Florence had sent this Sebastian to the King of Spain, he told the Queen what an ill deed her Uncle had done in these words; Nostre Uncle a faict un act fort indigne de sa Person.  
Doctor Stephen de Sampugo, in a letter to joseph Texere, Counsellor and Almoner to the most Christian King, writes thus. The King Don Sebastian is here in Vonice, etc. So soon as he arrived here (where he hoped to find support) the Ambassador of Castille persecuted him very cruelly, persuading the Signory that he was a Calabrois, etc. I swear to your Fatherhood by the Passion of Jesus Christ, this man is truly the King Don Sebastian, he hath all the marks on his body, without failing in any one as he had in his infancy, only the wounds excepted which he received in that Battle at Africa, he gives the reason of his life, & account of all his passages, etc. He is known and re-known by the Conciergres, by the Judges, by the greater part of the Senate, and by his own Confessor, etc. and a great deal more of him upon knowledge he justifies: as much witnesses jon de Castro, Son to Don de Alvaro de Castro, one of the four Governors that ruled the Kingdom Conjunctly with the King Don Sebastian, who in his letter the same man says thus. The King Don Sebastian (whom the enemies call a Calabrois) is the very same which is detained here, as certainly as you are Friar joseph, and myself Done jon. He departed alive from the battle, but very sore wounded: God having so delivered him with some other of his company, amongst whom was the Duke Anegro, etc. as for the Exterior marks of his body he wants not one of them, he is wounded on the brow of the right eye and on the head, as many witnessed when they saw him in the Africa Battle. His hand-writing is still the same, observing the very same method, as is very well remembered by divers.  
There might much more be instanced in the behalf of this Sebastian, but this may serve for better intelligence, to which I may add, that men experienced in the Affairs and policy of State, know it a rare thing to find in any History the examples of a Prince being seized and possessed of any Signiory or Principality (how unlawful soever) who hath resigned them or any part to the true heirs. Have we not instances at home, where the Son hath taken the Kingdom from the Father, and would not let it go again, but rather endeavoured to hast his Father's fate? Much after 
Edward 2. and Edward 3.  that manner when Henry Duke of Lancaster had got the Kingdom, he held it and would not resign to the right heir Richard the second, nor after his death to the Earl of March, though these were no Impostors; neither was Edward Earl of Warwick: yet King Henry would not let his hold go: and the Cardinal Favourite, finding he could not compass his aims one way, contrived it another. By the Machivilian advice he gave to Ferdinand King of Castille, not to conclude the treaty of the Marriage between Prince Arthur and his Daughter Katherine until this Earl and Perkin were disposed of, which Ferdinando followed and urged the King, pretending it the security of his Estate and Issue.  
In brief, it is not possible to persuade a private man, though wrongfully possessed to acknowledge the true proprietary hath a better title than he.  
How unjustly have the Kings of Spain detained sundry Signeuries and Principalities from the lawful Heirs: yet if the wrong done by such another disseising Lord, be put to this former Usurper, Malafide (as the Imperial jurisconsults will term him) his sentence will be, such a Rapinous Prince doth wrong.  
But let us now take a more particular view of those witnesses who stood for Perkin. And having formerly mentioned Sir Robert Clifford, a Knight of the Noble Family of the Barons Cliffords, I will proceed with that which may be the more remarkable in him, because he was of a Family that long hated the House of York, 
Moor, holinsh. Stow, Gainssord.  from the Battle of Wakefield, when and where they resolved an enmity so deadly, as was not to be reconciled or satisfied whilst one of them remained; yet became followers again of the White Rose family; and this Sir Robert Clifford served King Edward very near, and in good credit, so could not but have an assured knowledge of the King's Sons, and was therefore the more particularly sent to certify his knowledge, who certainly affirmed him to be the younger son of Edward 4. and confirmed many with him, such as had likewise served King Edward, and had been acquainted with the Prince his conveying beyond Sea, though much was done to alter Sir Robert's opinion: the Lord Fitz-Walter was of the same belief, and avowed Perkin the true Duke of York, 
Moor, holinsh. Stow, Grafton, Gainsford, Hal.  most constantly unto death; as resolute was Sir William Stanley, though he were Lord Chamberlain to Henry the seventh, and in great favour; with Sir George Nevil Brother to the Earl of Westmoreland, Sir Simon Mountford, Sir William Daubeny, father to the Lord Daubeny, Sir Thomas Thwaits, Sir Robert Ratcliff of the house 
Idem Author.  of the Baron FitzWalter, Sir john Taylor, Sir Thomas Chaloner, Thomas Bagnall with many other Gentlemen of quality, all maintaining him to be the Duke of York, son of Edward the fourth, & sundry of the Clergy who had been Chaplains to the King his Father, or otherwise occasioned to attend the Court, as Doctor Rochfort, Doctor Poynes, Doctor Sutton, Doctor Worsley Deane of St. Paul's, Doctor Leyborn, Doctor Lesly, with many other learned Professors of Divinity, who would not endure to hear him called Perkin. 
a He was the Noble progenitor of the Earls of York.  The Lord FitzWater, Sir William Stanley, Sir Simon Mountford, Sir Robert Ratcliff, Sir William Daubeny (as martyrs of state) confirmed their Testimonies with their bloods. So did the King's Sergeant Ferrier, who left the King's service, and applied himself to Perkin, for which he was executed as a Traitor; and one Edward's who had served this Duke Richard, was cut in pieces for the same cause, also Corbet, Sir Quinton Betts, and Gage, Gentlemen of good worth, with 200. more at least, put to death in sundry Cities and Towns, particularly in Kent, Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, and about London for their confidence and opinions in this Prince.  
There were some great men (though they made no profession of their knowledge of him,) could whisper it one to another 
Hollinshed, Grafton, Hall, Stow.  which in general words, is confessed by all our better writers; who say, that as well the Noblemen, as others, held the said Perkin to be the younger Son of King Edward the Fourth.  
And Sir Thomas Moor after Doctor Morton, thus writeth, 
john Morton. Thomas Moor. Grafton.  The man commonly called Perkin Warbeck, was as well with the Prince, as with the people, held to be the younger Son of King Edward the Fourth.  
Richard Grafton affirmeth the same, in Flanders (saith he) and most of all here in England, it was received for an undoubted truth, not only of the people but of the Nobles, that Perkin was the Son of King Edward the Fourth. And they all swore and affirmed 
Mr. William Cambden.  this to be true; The learned and famous Mr. Cambden averreth, there were many wise, grave and persons of good intellis gence, (who lived in that time and near it) That affirmed confidently this Perkin was second Son to King Edward, then both the Brothers were not made a way by King Richard, and sarely it was little reason, or policy, to cut off the one & spare the other, neither indeed was there ever any proofs made, by Testimony, Argument, or Presumption, nor by Reason, Honour, or Policy, that this crime could be his, though many to the contrary; for he not only preserved his Nephew the young Earl of Warwick, but in his confidence (a special note of his magnanimity) gave him liberty, pleasure, and the command of a Stately house of his own.  
Now if he had been so Ambitious and bloody, he would have provided otherwise for him, knowing his Title was to take place, if his blood had not been attainted in his Father; in regard whereof King Richard when his own Son was dead, caused his Nephew john de la Poole, Eldest Son of the Duke of Suffolk, and 
Some think he died unnaturally.  of the Duchess his sister, (than the next lawful heir to the Crown) to be proclaimed heir apparent, an Argument of respect to his kindred & next title to the Crown, in whomsoever it was; which other men regarded not so much as the unhappy Sequel showed: (& there was an impious necessity in that) for whilst the Prince of York survived, (Especially the males) no other titular Lord, or pretender could be King by his own right, or by colour of right, nor by any other means: unless he had married a daughter, and the Eldest Daughter of King Edward the Fourth.  
And although the deaths & manner of taking away these Princes (the Sons of King Edward) is held by our writers uncertain and obscure, It is manifest (at least for the general manner of their death) to be either by the Public sword, that is the sword of 
Public sword. Private sword.  Justice, or of Battle as were King Richard, the Children of the Duke of Clarence and the Duke of Suffolk, &c▪ or by the private 
The arts of treachery.  sword, that is, by secret and close slights, treachery (which the Romans called Insidiae, dolus, by Smothering, Strangling, Poison, Sorcery, etc. And that the sword was used against the family of York, there is more than conjecture, both by Testimonies of writers, and records▪ King Edward himself, (as Credible Author's report) died of poison. In the Parliament Anno. 1. Richardi tertij there was accused and attainted of sorcery and such other devilish practices. Doctor Lewis, Doctor Morton, William Knevitt, of Buckin gham, the Countess of Richmont, Thomas Nandick, of Cambridge Conjurer, with others; There was also an Earl accused of the same hellish Art, and an old Manuscript Book, which I have seen, says, that Doctor Morton and a certain Countess, contriveing the death of King Edward and others, resolved it by poison.  
Which are conjectures and proofs more positive and strong against them, than any, they have against King Richard▪ but it was a great neglect in their malice, making King Richard so politic and treacherous as they did, not to charge him also with these Prince's Sisters, For it could not serve his turn, to rid away the 
Reason's why King Richard should not destroy his Nephews.  Brothers, and not them; who were capable of the Crown and had their turn royal, before any Collateral males. Then he had, the children of his elder Brother, George Duke of Clarence, Edward Plantagent Earl of Warwick, & the Lady Margaret his sister, after countess of Salisbury to make away; for they without their Father's corruption of blood (which might easily have been salved by Parliament, the Lords and Commons affecting them) had a Priority of blood and precedency of Title before the Protector.  
I would ask the reason too why King Richard might not endure his Nephews (being by Parliament held and adjudged illegitimate) as well as the Kings Henry 7. and Henry the eight, endured Arthur Plantagenet, the Bastard of the same King Edward their natales and cases being alike, or why Sir Thomas Moor and Doctor Morton should in one place, say it was held in doubt, when or how they were made away, and in another place, to aver that tirol and Dighton being examined, confessed plainly, the murder of them and all the manner of it.  
These be contraries which with a great disadvantage, draws their allegation into another argument, Bicorne, or Crocodilites; For in revealing the confession of these men, it is implicatively granted, their fault was not then to be punished, and so it appears no fault: or not worth the consideration, the confession of a man being the greatest evidence, can be produced against him. Then in regard the confession of those was such as might not be opened, nor the crime called in question (as the same Authors acknowledge) it was but a feigned confession, and they had done better not to have mentioned such a thing, which begot but a jealousy in the falsity thereof, or privity of some great ones in it; 
Other great ●ones privy to the deaths of those Princes, especially of King ●●●●●●ds Sons.  & a just imputation of injustice upon the Magistracy. For if Digh●on, Tirroll, Forrest and Slater, confess the murder in Act and manner, King Richard being dead (who was said to suborn and protect them) necessarily and in due course of justice, (especially in the Act of so high a nature, and notice as this was) The punishment should have been expected with all extremity.  
But being for some unknown causes deferred, and after a while quite omitted and pardoned, it may be thought such strange Clemency and impunity proceeded from a singular high indulgence, or else, those examinations and confessions, werebut Buzes and acquaint devises, to amaze the people, and entertain them with expectation of a justice, to be done in some more convenient time (which was never.) This was after the death of King Richard. All that was done before, was to make him the Author of that horrible crime and no body else; For Dighton and the rest were in security and liberty, yet it stood in good steed with the Lancastrians, to draw the people's hate upon King Richard, not unlike that story of great Alexander, and a noble man in his Court, who stood so high in the favour of his Nobles and people, that the King grew jealous, and fearful of his Popularity, studying how he might decline it and him to contempt, but could find no colour or apt occasion, because he was so strongly fixed in the people's liking and was a man of so great a desert, that no crime could be charged upon him. The King unbosoming himself to the council and care of a friend one Medius (of his Country, as I think) had this advice.  
Sir (quoth he) let not this man's greatness trouble you, cause him to be accused of some heinous crime, (though falsely) and we will find means to make him guilty, so formally and firmly, that the brand of it shall stick up on him ever, which he delivered in these terms, though divers, yet the same in effect. Medeatur licet vulueri, qui morsus, aut dilaniatus est, remanebit tamen Cicatrix. And it is truly approved by an Ancient Christian Poet, thus, 
Paulum distare videntur, 
Ausonius.   
Suspecti verèque rei.  
The guilty and suspected Innocent,  
In man's opinion are little different.   
For there is no more dangerous or fatal destiny to greatness, then to be entangled in the multitudes contempt, Odium et Contempt us, being the two evils that overthrew Kings, and Kingdoms, the one, that is, Contempt, proceeding from the vanity and obstinacy of the Prince, the other from the people's opinion of him and his vices, And then he must neither reign, nor live any longer: Ennius said with Cicero, quem oderunt perijsse expetunt: 
Ennius' apud Ci ceronem offic. lib. 2.  And so all that was practised upon the fortune, fame, and person of King Richard was by this rule (though in the judgement and equity of the most knowing in those times) their cunning translatio Criminis could take no hold of him, neither appears it probable, that the Earl of Richmond himself (when he had got all justice and power in his hand) did hold King Richard guilty of the murder, and Subornation of those fellows: nor them the Assasines; for doubtless then, being so wise and religious a Prince, he would have done all right to the laws divine and humane, And that I believe in the extremest and publick'st way of punishment, to make it more satisfactory; and terrible to the people and times: but they freely enjoyed their liberty with security 
Sir Tho. Moor. Edward Hall. Ralph H●llinshead. john Stow, etc.  to natural deaths without any question or apprehension, Tirrell excepted, who suffered for treason not long after committed by him, against King Henry himself. Neither was john Greene (named a party in this murder) ever called in question, nor do the Historians of those times (though mere temporizers) charge him with this practice against his Nephews, until after his Coronation (some say they survived King Richard) and giving this respi●e of time, there was no cause, why after that, he should make them away being then secure in his Throne and Title, and they long before pronounced uncapable; First by the ecclesiastical judges, then by the Barons and Parliament: and where was the cause of fear? but if King Richard had been of that bloody constitution, the man whose life could be most prejudicial unto him, was the Earl of Warwick lawful Son of George Plant agenet Duke of Clarence, Elder Brother to King Richard: now there was a necessity for the Lancastrian faction (if they must have a King of that family) to take those Princes away, not to leave King Richard or his Son, nor yet any legitimate issue of Lancaster, for all those were before any of the house of Beaufort's in the true order of Succession, and stood in their way, so did the Progeny of Brotherton, of Woodstock, of both the Clarencies, Gloucester, etc. Though they feared few, or none of those Titulare Lords being modest men, not affecting Sovereignty, but content with their own private fate and feudal estate, when all was one with the Lancastrians, who were so vehement in their royal approaches, that besides King Edward the Fourth and his two Sons, King Richard and his Son, the Prince of Wales, there was afterward (and as occasion served) The Earl of Warwick and Duke of Suffolk and others, both male and female, of that princely family, laid in their cold urns, and it must be so, else, there could be no place for the Beaufort's and Somersets, their turns being last (the Kings of Portugal, of Castille, and other being before them, if not excluded by Act of Parliament.)  
In this Tragedy there was a Scene acted by john de Vere Earl of Oxenford, which may be worthy of our observation for example 
The Earl of Oxen persecutor of Perkin.  sake, and makes not against the cause of Perkin.  
This Earl of Oxenford much affected and devoted to King Henry the Seventh, was a great enemy to this Richard (Alias Perkin) and I think the only enemy he had of the great Nobility, how this dislike grew I cannot say, whether out of ignorance, or incredulity, or out of malice, hating King Edward, and all that had a near relation to that family, or else to applyhimselfe to the honour of the King, but he and the Cardinal are said to be the chief urgers of Perkins dispatch and he being high constable pronounced the sentence against the young Earl of Warwick; (which much distasted the Country) and ne'er to Heveningham Castle, (that was his chiefest Seat) there lived in the woods an old Hermit (a very devoute and holy man as the fame of those times admit him) who seemed much troubled to hear this news, for the love he bore to the ancient and Noble family of Oxenford, of much anguish of Spirit, saying, the Earl and his house would repent, and rue that guilty and bloody pursuit of the innocent Princes, for the event of which prophecy this hath been observed.  
Not long after the Earl was arrested for an offence so small, that no man (considering his merit and credit with the King) could have thought it worth the question, for which he was fined at thirty thousand pounds (in those days a kingly sum,) 
a This Earl john, died Anno. 4. H. 8. 1512 Domin●s de Arundel viva vo●e  after this he lived many years in great discontent: and died without issue, or any child lawfully begotten by him, and in much shorter time than his life time, that great and 
b I may call it a stately earldom, for the Earl of Oxenford, when he came to the possession of it, was offered by some 12000 pounds per Annum. and leave to his occupation all Man nors, Houses Castles, Parks, Woods, Forests, & all the Demesn lands thereto belonging, which might be more worth by yearly value then many Erldoms in this age.  stately Earldom of Oxenford, with the opulent and Princely patrimony, was utterly dissipated, and como sal in agna (as the Spaniard saith in the refran) yet this Earl was a very wise, magnificent, learned, and religious man in the estimation of all that knew him, and one more like to raise, and acquire a new earldom. 
c The Mathematicians that calculated, the Nativity of this Earl Edward, told the Earl his Father, that the Earldom would fall in his Son's time.  But it thus fell and was wasted, the Castles and Manors dilapidated, the Chapel wherein this john de Vere and all his Ancestors lay entombed with their monuments quite defaced to the ground, their bones left under the open Air in the fields, and all this within less than threescore years after the death of the said Earl john; about the same time these unhappy Gentlemen suffered, there was a base 
d Bastards of King Richard. Grafton & Chron. M. S. in quarto apud Dn. Rob. Cotton.  soon of King Richard the Third made away, having been kept long before in Prison. The occasion as it seemeth was the attempt of certain Irishmen of the West, and South parts, who would have got him into their power and made him their chief, being strongly affected to any of the house of York were they legitimate, or natural, for Richard Duke of York's sake sometimes their viceroy, and thus much in brief of that.  

e Why the pub lique justice deferred the death of the Princes.  Now to resolve a question, why the King deferred so long the death & execution of the Earl of Warwick & Perkin, and took so much deliberation after he had resolved it, one reason and the chiefest brought by some, is, That in regard Perkin was an Alien, and in the allegiance of a Foreign Prince, therefore he could not be condemned, nor executed for felony, nor treason by our laws: which is a ridiculous evasion, for we have frequent examples in our stories, that the natural subjects of France, of Scotland, Spain, Portugal, Germany, and Italy, have had judgement and execution by our laws, for felony and treason, as Peter de Gaveston a French man, Sir Andrew Harcley a Scot, and lately Dr. Lopez a Portugal, therefore apparently that was not the cause the King so doubtfully, and (as it were) timerously deferred their Arraignments & Executions. The Heathens perhaps would have defined it some inward awe or concealed scruple, such as they called Eumenideses, and Eurinnies, and believed haunted those men that had purposed or acted a wickedness: upon which the Poet 
Demons G●nij.  said well: 
— Patiturque unos mens saucia Manes.  And assigned to every man his protecting Spirit, whom the greeks called Doemones, the Latins Genios', concluding, that when the Genius of him against whom the mischief aims, is stronger and more active than his who is to act it, there the Plot hardly taketh effect.  
For example, produce the mortal enmity between Octavianus 
Pluta●●● in Anton.  Caesar, and M. Antonius, in which Anthony could never prevail by any Attempt: who consulting with his Soothsayers, they give the reason to beethe power of Octavians Genius above his. It is reported the great Philosopher Appollonius had 
Philostrat in vita Appollon.  such a secret protection, and so strong, that the Emperor Domitian had no power over his life, though he studied means to take it, Suidas adding that this Philosopher in confidence of his Genius when he left the Emperor, added this verse, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
Me non occides quia fataliter protectus sum: which is that Flamius Vopiscus calleth Majestatem Apollonij (as I guess) and with 
Vopiscus in Aureliano.  it the Profestors of Christian Religion agree in the effects, not in the causes, for those whom the Heathen call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Daemons, etc. Genios', the Christian Theologues call Angels or Spirits, 
Angels good and bad.  whereof they hold good and bad.  
But to return to the matters further Allegate & Probate. The industrious Antiquary Master john Stow, being required to deliver his opinion concerning the proofs of this murder, affirmed it was never proved by any credible evidence, no not by probable suspicions, or so much as by the Knights of the Post, that King Richard was guilty of it. And Sir Thomas Moor (being puzelled with his Equivocations) says, that it could never come to light what became of the bodies of these two Princes. Grafton, Hall, and Hollinshead agreeing in the same report, that the truth hereof was utterly unknown. Then where is their far seeing knowledge, that will have them transported into Foreign Countries, or drowned, or their gigantic proofs, that say peremptorily, they were both murdered and buried in the Tower by those four named before: if so, we need go no further for the truth. But these are splenitick reaches, and the Parachronisme is too groste as the Comedian said, 
Quod dictum, indictum est, 
Terentius in Phormio.   
Quod modo ratum, irritum est.   
Besides, if Perkin were not the second Son of King Edward, he must be nothing, for the Flemish, French, and Walloons acknowledged no such Noble young man to be borne in Warbeck, or in Tourney, but make honourable mention of a young Son of the King of England, who was brought to the Duchess of Burgundy his Aunt, being then in Flanders, and how he was in France and in other Kingdoms. And surely so many Noble and discreet English, if they had not known him to be the same, by most certain tokens, and evidence, would not so confidently have laid down their lives to confirm their knowledge of him, or hazarded their judgements and honours upon an Imposture, or vanity, especially those who had places of Quality and Eminency near the King then living, and were in favour at Court. Therefore I would be resolved from our Anti-richards', what aim those Noblemen could have, in averring him the Son of Edward the Fourth by the hazard of their lives and Estates (if the KING pleased) and how could they expect less; for though they were enough to justify it a truth, they were too few to maintain it against him, there could be no aim or hope to super-induce young Richard to be King: but merely I am persuaded in point of truth and honour, as they thought themselves bound to do, they freely tendered their lives to make good what their Conscience & knowledge witnessed, for it would be an Imposture of a miraculous Deception, so many worthy and wise persons both of the Nobility and Clergy, some of them having served the King his Father and himself, that they all in their particular and general intelligence and understandings, should be mistaken and cheated. I say it was a strange delusion if it could be so: but indeed those that would have it, so leave it in question, and know not well what to make of their own relations, or how to resolve his History, and if we mark Sir Francis Bacon in the life of Henry the Seventh (though his speculation be tender, and as favourable as he can that way) touching the History of this young Duke, he gently slides from it;  
Explicit liber tertius.   

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF KING RICHARD the Third.  
The Contents.  

UPon what occasion the sentence of Bastardy was given upon the Children of King Edward the 4th and why.  
The sundry Loves, Woo, Contracts and Marriages of King Edward the Fourth.  
His divers Concubines, His device of the Fetterlock, and the Falcon.  
His wooing the Lady Elinor Talbot alias Butler, the Lady Bona of Savoy, and the Lady Elizabeth Grace widow, & his marriage with her.  
His former Marriage or Contract with the said Elinor, her wrongs and her death. King's must not marry the daughters of their Vassals, nor other without the consent of their Barons, Doctor Stillington Bishop of Bath Imprisoned for speaking of King Edward's Marriage with the Lady Elinor Talbot, Spuria vitulamina.  
How King Edward might have salved those Errors and prevented all the mischiefs following them. The Children of King Edward the Fourth declared and adjudged illegitimate. King Edward's death suspected by poison; the mortality of the Plantagenets. The Authority of Parliament; Parliaments how so called and derived; Parliaments against Parliaments.  
The first Parliament of King Henry the seventh; what Treason is; whether Sovereign Princes may be said to commit Treason against their Subjects; The treaty of Marriage between K. Richard the third, and the Lady Elizabeth Plantagenet▪ and chiefly sought by herself and the Queen her Mother; The entertainment of the Lady Elizabeth at the Court; the first Libel of Divorce; the scruples of the Lady Elizabeth; King Richard never meant to marry her.  
The marriages of Nieces allowed by the Pope, and usual; the true cause of Sir Thomas Moor's Condemnation and execution.   
The FOURTH BOOK OF King Richard The Third.  
THe Title King Richard the Third had to the Crown, accrued to him by the illegitimacie of the Children of King Edward the Fourth, and the Attainder of the Duke of Clarence, with the Corruption of his Blood, and forfeiture of the Title in him and in his Heirs, of which there was no question: but of the forfeiture and disheritage of the sons of Edward the Fourth there hath been much. The true cause hath not nor cannot be well known, without the Narration of King Edward's sundry Loves and Woo, specially his Contracts and Marriages.  
I shall not need to intimate how amorous and wanton this 
How extreme his desires ' were, you may see in the Speech of the Duke of Buckingham, set down by Sir Thomas Moor.  King was, his many Mistresses or Amasia's he kept, in several private places; whereof the most famous was Katherine de Clarington, Elizabeth Wyatt alias Lucy, jane Shore, the Lady Elinor Talbot. And it is worth the remembering (in the Concourse of such matters as these) there was another fair Creature so dear unto him, that his too much Affection begat Suspicion; of which he gave her a kind expression, by a acquaint device sent unto her in a rich Jewel, fashioned much after the manner of the trivial Hierogliffs used in France, and called Rebus de Picardy. The device was, A Falcon encompassed with a Fetter-lock: The Mott, Au Falcon Serrure. The Caution lying in the ambiguity and double sense of Falcon: which being whole and proper, signifieth a Hawk; but divided, hath an obscene signification, and so Falcon becometh an aequivoque.  
The King afterward was so affected with this device, that he would have it carved and painted, in many of his Royal works yet to be seen at Fotheringhay and elsewhere.  
Yet although the King's Jealousy was thus particular to her, his Affection was as general to others; being a frank Gamester, and he that would cast at all, fairly set. Above all, for a time he was much spelled with Elinor Talbot, daughter of john Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury (called in the Act of Parliament 1 Rich. 3, The old Earl of Shrewsbury) her mother was the Lady Katherine Stafford, daughter of Humphrey Stafford Duke of Buckingham, and she the widow of Thomas Lord Butler Baron of Sudesley. Her beauty and sweetness of disposition drew his desire so vehemently, and with such respect, that he was suddenly Contracted, and after Married by Doctor Thomas Stillington Bishop of Bath, 
Philip de Comines, in Lud. 11. cap. 112. & 122.  Councillor of State (one much favoured by the King, and often employed by him in great Affairs.) This is witnessed by our English Writers, and veritable Philip de Comines, in these words: Le Evesque de Bath (lequel avoit este Conseillier du Roy Edward) disoit que le dit Roy avoit promis foy de Mariage a une Dame de Angleterre, & qu'il avoit nommè, & que le Roy avoit fait la promise entre les mains dudict Euesque, & dit aussi c'est Euesque, qu'il avoit apres espousè, & n'y avoit que luy & ceux deux.  
In English thus:  
The Bishop of Bath, a Privy Councillor of King Edward, said, That the King had plighted his faith to marry a Lady of England, whom the Bishop named the Lady Elinor Talbot; and that this Contract was made in the hands of the Bishop, who said that afterwards he married them, no persons being present but they twain and he, the King charging him strictly not to reveal it. Which Contract and Marriage are related in the Act of Parliament aforesaid, where it is disertly called a former Marriage, and the King had a child by her. But where desires are unlawful, they will be unlimited. We are ever young enough to sin; never old enough to repent: never constant, never satisfied in our nearest desires. Though to morrow show us the sting of to day, the third shall betray us again; and we are taken (like children in a shop of trinkets) by the eye, liking all things, from one to another, until pleasure dull pleasure, and we grow weary of them. As in the dotages of this King, who had now received others into the bosom of his fancy; especially the fame (which was then in every Courtier's ear and mouth) of an excellent Lady in the Court of France, with the Queen Chareltts, wife of King Lewis 11, and sister to this Lady whose name was Bona the daughter of Lewis Duke of Savoy. And so suddenly and strongly had he taken fire and apprehension of her report (the bend of his affection being merely wanton to every new object, thinking Love a cold Composition, without the privilege of Variety) that he strait falls into terms of engagement and capitulation of Marriage; to which purpose the great and renowned Richard Nevil 
The great Earl of Warwick.  Earl of Warwick and Salisbury, and Captain of Calais (then in the esteem of his best and most trusty friend) had a Commission of Treaty, and with all speed was sent Ambassador into France; who, with all honour and magnificence to his wish effects it; with the more noble and easy dispatch, the Earl of Warwick being a man eminent thorough all the parts of Europe, for his Valour, Wisdom, and Heroical virtues. Expecting a 
The Lady Bo na was afterward married to john Galeazo Sforza, Duke of Milan el Ruese●r.  welcome at his return, answerable to the period of his employment, but finds an alteration not only of the King's affection, but of his countenance: for in the interim he had (in an instant or particle of time as it were) wooed and wedded the Lady Elizabeth Grace, Relict of Sir john Grace, daughter of Sir Richard Woodville, and of jaquetta, sometime Duchess of Bedford and daughter of the Earl of St. Poole. Her husband was one Grace a Knight of Grooby, who became a very vehement Lancastrian, revolting from the House of York, and therefore the more hateful to those of that Family, and the wellwishers thereof (so to the Earl of Warwick.) He was slain at the Battle of St Alban: Of whom, and of this Lady his wife, as of this Marriage, Philip de Comines relates something, which I shall leave to the interpretation of the better knowing, and desire not to understand it in the words: Or de puis le dict Roy Eduart espousè la fille d'un Ch●vallier de Angleterre femme veufue, qui avoit deux filz & aussi per Amorrettes.  
But neither the despised state of widowhood, nor the meanness of her quality and condition, the earnest dissuasion of the Duchess his mother and best friends, could make him withdraw his affection, so deeply and obstinately he was surprised with her beauty: yet if he could have enjoyed his longings otherwise, he ha● not married her. But she was of so pregnant and reserved a wit, (seconded by the caution and counsel of the Duchess her mother) that his highest temptations and sweetest batteries could not win upon her; protesting never to yield to any dishonourable parley or unchaste motion, although it might warrant the safe●y of her life; and humbly implored his Grace not to think her so exorbitantly and vainly ambitious, to wish herself a Queen, or to have the hope and presumption to be any thing higher than what she was, His poor and humble vassal: nor was she of so low and lost a mind, as to violate her Chastity, or be a Concubine to the greatest King.  
When the King perceived there was no other remedy but that he must shift his sail to that scantling of wind, he complies with her, and protests it was his desire and ●uit to marry her, notwithstanding her inequality: for in his esteem, her love, her beauty, and her virtue, made her Fortunes and Dowry great, and high enough for any King. Nor did he defer it any longer than there was necessity; but marry her he did, and with such dispatch, that he stayed not for the advice of any, either Councillor, Kinsman, or other whatsoever.  
Nay, his speed admitted not the approved Ceremony of the Banes ask. And such was the want of Reverend Bishops then, that he was fain to take an ordinary Priest to marry them, in a Chamber too, in stead of a Church, and that in a Lodge or Foresthouse; no body being present but the Duchess, and some few 
This Marriage was in the Forest of Whichwood.  of her company. So where he first saw her (and by chance) there at the next interview he married her; an act of as high exception as improvidence. For his Barony thought it a most unworthy and unequal Match, distasting it the more, as done without their consent, which they as●ever'd the King ought to have by their ancient privileges: and were the more exasperated, considering the great inequality between her condition and the Imperial Majesty of England, being the Relict but of a poor Knight, his mortal enemy too▪ Above all, the Earl of Warwick took it for an high indignity and scandal to his Honour, which stood so far engaged in France to the Lady Bona and her Princely friends; knowing the French would be as sensible of the scorn, besides the great charge he had been at, to manage the employment. In the heat of these disgraces (for transcendent spirits have their answerable passions; and it is as dangerous to stand in their way, as in the reaches of an angry Tide) he forsook the King, and soon after takes up Arms against him; an Induction to those succeeding evils which pursued that inconsiderate Marriage: of which the judicious Polidor (lib. 24.) maketh this Censure.  
●ex Edwardus mutato Concilio de ducenda in uxorem Bona, 
L'indignete de ce Marriage du Roy Edw. avec un simple gentile femme, displaisant au Conte Warwick, & aux principaux Seigneurs de Angleterre, & offensa tellement le Roy Lewis 11. qu'ils font confederacon, contre le Roy Eduatt, etc. Jean de Tillet, Part 2.  filia Ducis Sabaudiae, Elizabetham viduam Johannis Grace Militis, in Matrimonium duxit; & de eo Matrimonio ob mulieris humilita tem non modo necessarios Principes, verum etiam Richardum Woodvillum Patrem mulieris celat: qua causa cognita cuncti protivus mirari, Principes fremere, Passimque voces emittere indignationis, & Regem non ex sua dignitate fecisse, easque nuptias se crimini dare & dedecori assignare, quod caeco amore non ratione ductus esset▪ sed inde initium profectum est simultatis ortae inter Regem Edwardum & Richardum Comitem Warwici, etc.  
But if you will not give credit to him, you shall hear an English Prelate living in those times.  
Edwardus Rex fret us propria electione cujusdam Militis relictam nomine Elizabeth, inconsultis Regni proceribus clandestino sibi destinavit Matrimonio; postea ipsam in reginam Coronari fecit: quod quidem Regni optimates aegrè tulerunt, quia de tam mediocri stirpe foeminam procreatam ad Regni Consortium secum praepropere sublimaret.  
Thus this amorous King lost his honour, with many of his best and great friends: yet escaped well, that he had no more real and present feeling of the error; being the first King of England that ever mingled his Royal Blood and Majesty in the Alliance of so private and mean a family.  
The Story of Arragon mentions a King deposed for marrying the daughter of his subject. And King Edward was somewhat ●●er it: for soon after, he was expulsed his Kingdom. But being a man that kept an industrious and invincible Courage above his troubles, he happily recovered that loss, never his honour and friends, which he might have preserved, and prevented all those calamities that overtook him in his issue, by the advice of the Duchess his mother, who upon the secret advertisement of his love to this Lady Grace, used all the persuasions and authority of a mother, to return him to the Lady Elinor Talbot his forme● love and wife (at least his contracted) to finish and consummate what he was bound to, by public Solemnity of Marriage; and pressed it with such ingenious engagements, that for the Arguments sake, I have transcribed the passage out of Sir Thomas Moor and the rest of our English Writers. Thus she dissuades him. 
MY Liege Lord, and my dear Son, It is very commonly reported 
The Speech of the Duchess of York, to King Edw. 4.  you are purposed to marry the Lady Grace, a widow, and a mean Gentlewoman; which you cannot but conceive will redound to your disparagement and dishonour; all the wise, great and noblest persons of your Kingdom, thinking it far more to the advantage of your Honour, profit and Safety, to seek the Alliance of a Noble Progeny, and rather in a foreign Country than your own, as well in regard thereupon may depend great strength to your Estate, and great possibility to enlarge your possessions by such Affinity. Also (if well considered) you may not safely marry any other than the Lady Bona, the Earl of Warwick having proceeded so far in the Current of that Match already, that it is likely he will not sit down contented, if his troublesome and costly negotiation should be so slightly blown off and frustrated.  
Besides (Sir) consider it is not Princely for a King to marry his own Subject, (at least no great and important occasion leading him thereunto, nor possessions or other commodity depending thereupon) but will be less tolerable to all opinion, then if a rich man should marry his maid, only for a little wanton dotage upon her person; in which kind of Marriages, many men commend more the maids fortune, than the master's discretion. Yet there must needs be more honesty in such a Marriage, then can be honour in this which you affect: for the difference is not so great betwixt a rich Merchant and his servant, as you must think between the King and the widow Grace; in whose person (albeit there be nothing to be mistiked) there is nothing so excellent, but it may be found in divers other women, much more noble and many ways exceeding her, and more comparatively to your Estate (those also Virgins, who must be thought of a much more honourable estimation than widows;) wherefore the Widowhood only of Elizabeth Grace (though in all other things she were convenient for you) were enough to restrain you, being a King, and so great a King.  
And it must needs stick as a foul disparagement to the sacred Majesty of a Prince (who ought as nearly to approach the Priesthood in Pureness and Cleanness, as he doth in Dignity (to be defiled with Bigamy, in his first Marriage.   
Thus far the King could with attention hear the Duchess: But being extremely far gone in love, or rather in the hot passion of Love, he was resolute to marry her; and partly in earnest, and partly in play (as one that well wist he was out of the check of a mother) yet reverently thus replied.  
MADAM,  
ALthough Marriage, being a Spiritual thing, ought rather to be 
The Answer of King E. 4. to the Duchess of York his mother.  made according to the Will and Ordinance of Almighty God, where he by his grace inclineth, either parties to love mutually and virtuously (as I hope and trust he doth work in ours) and not for the regard of any temporal advantage: yet nevertheless this Marriage (as it seemeth to me, being considered even after the world's account) is not unprofitable, nor without fruits: for I reckon not the Alliance and Amity of any earthly Nation or foreign Prince so necessary for me, as the friendship and love of mine own Subjects; who, as I hope, will be the more induced to love me, and acknowledge mine to them, seeing I disdain not to marry one of my own Land. When (if a foreign Alliance were thought so requisite) I could find the means of that much better by other of my kin (where all those parties would be content) but to marry myself to one whom I should (peradventure) never love, and for the possibility of more possessions, lose the fruit and pleasure of this which I have already: For small pleasure taketh a man of all he hath, or can have, if he be wived against his appetite.  
And I doubt not but there be (as you say, Madam) other women in every point comparable to the Lady Grace; therefore I let not other men to wed them, no more than have they reason to mystic where it liketh me.  
Nor doubt I my Cousin of Warwick's love can be so slightly settled to me, as to grudge at that which I affect; nor so unreasonable, to look that in my choice of a wife I should rather be ruled by his eye then mine own, that were to make me a Ward, and bind me to marry by the appointment of a Guardian; with which servile and hard condition I would not be King.  
As for the possibility you urge of more inheritance by new Affinity in strange Lands, that is not always certain; but chose, it is oftentimes the occasion of more trouble than profit. Besides, we have already a Title and Seisine so good and great, as may suffice to be gotten, and so to be kept, by one man, and in one man's days.  
For your Objection that the Lady Grace hath been a wife, and is now a widow, and hath already Children: Why (by God's blessed Lady) I that am a Bachelor have some Children too; and so, for our better comfort, there is proof that neither of us are like to be barren. And I trust in God (Madam) you shall live to see her bring forth a young Prince, and your pretty Son, that shall be a joy and pleasure to you.  
For the Bigamy objected; let the Bishop lay it hardly in my way, when I come to take Orders of Priesthood: for I confess, I understand Bigamy is forbidden to a Priest, but I never wist it yet forbidden to a Prince: Therefore I pray you, good Madam, trouble yourself and me no further in this matter.  
Then she urged his Contract with the Lady Elizabeth Lucy, and his having had a child by her, (as she said;) and thought herself bound in conscience to charge him with. Master Moor, Grafton, Stow and the rest, say, the King utterly denied that Contract, and protested it a slander; which well and justly he might do, and these Authors may retract what they have written.  
For the truth is, he was never contracted to her, though he loved her well, being of an affable and witty temper; nor did she ever allege the King was betrothed to her, but that he had entangled her by sweet and tempting language; And who knoweth not Credula res amor est? But true it is, he had a child by her, which was the Bastard Arthur, called commonly (but unduly) Arthur Plantagenet, afterward made Viscount Lisle, by H. 8.  
In this Relation, the Historians have much and foully erred, not only corrupting the story, but have injured the Duchess of York in her judgement and knowledge of these matters, and the tenor of her former Speech, making her to charge the King as contracted to this Elizabeth Lucy (of birth and quality much meaner than the Lady Grace, whom she conceived so basely of; for Elizabeth Lucy 
Elizabeth Lucy.  was the daughter of one Wyatt of Southampton, a mean Gentleman (if he were one) and the wife of one Lucy, as mean a man as Wyat. True it is, the King kept her as his Concubine, and she was one of those most famous three who had peculiar Epithets, being called his Witty Leman.) For that they would have her say, the King was never betrothed to her, it importeth nothing, and therefore I conceive it was never extracted from her. But truly to salve the story, and error of these Writers, we must know, That Lady to whom the King was first betrothed and married, was Elinor Talbot, daughter of a great Peer of this Realm, of a most noble and illustrious Family, the Earl of Shrewsbury, who is also called in authentic Writings the Lady Butler, because she was then the widow of the Lord Butler (a Lady of a very eminent beauty, and answerable virtue) to whom the King was contracted, married, and had a child by her. This is that Lady (not Elizabeth Lucy) the Queen spoke of to her son; and (to note Obiter) the King's breach with this Lady, was a cause the subtle widow would not listen unto him before Marriage, having learned, Credulitas damno solet esse puellae. This Marriage cast the Lady Elinor 
Ovid.  Butler into so perplexed a Melancholy, that she spent herself in a solitary life ever after: and how she died, is not certainly known; but out of doubt kindness was not the cause, he having a heart for every new face, and was so become exceedingly fancied to his new wife the Lady Grace, no Court or pleasure now, but where she is. In this continuance of his amorous Indulgence (which was many years, and rendered a fruitful issue to him) no question that party of her kindred made their best advantage from it. Yet the remembrance of that Precontract after a time, moved him by such sensible apprehensions, he could not brook to have it mentioned, which was the cause of his displeasure against his ancient Chaplain Doctor Stillington of Bath, because he did what his conscience urged, to God and the Kingdom, in discovering the Marriage, occasioned by the Lady's sudden indisposition and pressing sorrow; who not able to contain herself, had opened it to a Lady her sister, or (as some say) to her mother the Countess of Shrewsbury; she to the Earl her husband; he consults it with his noblest kinsfolks and friends, as it was a general scandal to them all: they, to inform themselves the better, had conference with Dr. Stillington, who affirmed the Contract and Marriage: with whom they advise, that as he was a Bishop and a Privy Councillor, it behoved him to prepare it to the King's consideration, for some redress and satisfaction. But the Bishop (though willing) durst not deal with the King in that manner; rather wished they would apply it to the Duke of Gloucester, as the man most inward with the King; whereof Philip de Comines thus 
Philip de Comines.  writeth. Cestuy Euesque d'Bath, mit en avant ace Dux de Gloucester, que le dit Roy Edovart estoit fort amoreux, d'un Dame, d'Angleterre, & luy promise de l'espouser pour veu qu'il couchat avec illa, else s'y consentit: & dit ceste Euesque, qu'il les avoit Espouses, & n'y avoit que luy & eux deux.  
The Duke of Gloucester, as they desired, pressed it to the King, who became more incensed against the Bishop, saying he had not only betrayed his trust, but his children; and upon that heat puts him from the Council Table, under a strict imprisonment for a long time, which at length he redeemed himself from, by a heavy fine, as is testified by Doctor Goodwin Bishop of Hereford, in his Catalogus 
1620  Episcoporum, who writeth thus: Philip de Comines, le Roy Edw. de supposé l'Evesque, & le tient in prison, & le Ranson d'un bon summe d'Argent. Which was taken for a piece of more passion than justice; the Bishop not deserving so to suffer in this case, where his conscience might very well excuse what he did.  
Not long after, King Edward died; of what disease, it is doubtfully 
How King Edward died.  suggested: Some thought, of an Apoplexy, or dead Palsy. Polidor Virgil saith, of a disease utterly unknown to all the Physicians; which leaves it to a further construction. The Author of 
Lib. 4. in Hist. de Britain.  the History of Britain delivers plainly, that King Edward was killed by poison (as the common report in France went.)  
Aucuns disopent que le Roy de Angleterre Edovart, avoit estè Empoisonné au mois d'Aurill en l'an. 1463. And Euguerrant de Moustrolet writeth, that some said he died of an Apoplexy: others, he was poisoned in Wine of Creu, which King Lewis the eleventh 
Moustrolet, part 3. de ce Chron.  sent to him. Philip de Comines (to that purpose) says, Aucuns disent que le Roy Eduart, mourut d'un Catarhe. That is, Some say that King Edward died of a Catarhe: for that is their phrase in France, when a great man is made away by Poison. Of such a venomous Catarhe died the young King Edward the Sixth. But by whose hand King Edward the fourth had his death, it is not said. Certain it is, he was generally beloved of all his Subjects, except those of the Lancastrian faction. As soon as he was dead, the silence broke into a general muttering against his Marriage; then into loud and public in veighing against it. All tongues were at liberty, and Pardons were hoped for all offences; the general and common opinion being quite against it, and the Children. And Doctor Morton affirmed, The Duke of Buckingham, with other 
Doctor Morton. Sir Tho. Moor, Grafton, Hollinshead, Stow.  noble Lords, saw and read certain authentic Instruments made and signed by learned Doctors, Proctors, and Notaries, with the Depositions of sundry credible persons, importing and testifying the Children of Edward the fourth were Bastards: with which opinion the City of London was also possessed; and Doctor Shaw, Friar Pinke, and other Preachers in the Pulpits declared them Spuria vitulamina. To this consented all the people of the North parts in their Supplicatory Scroll before mentioned; which the Court of Parliament adjudged and decreed to be so. A fault of Improvidence in their Father, who might 
How King Edward might have prevented all after-questions.  have prevented all quarrels and questions about that and future claims, repaired all flaws and defects of Titles; also have taken away the error and inconveniency of the post-Contract, or later Marriage, that gave the imputation of Bastards to his Children; and so have avoided all the ensuing mischiefs and calamities. If first he had procured a Divorce of the former Contract with the Lady Elinor, from the Pope, who was then held to have all power both of heaven and earth.  
Or if after the second Marriage (and while he flourished, which was by the space of Fourteen years) he had either by a due consideration, or counsel of his best friends, wrought the Pope's Pardon for breach of the Precontract with the Lady Elinor; then, his Apostolical Bull of Dispensation, for his Post-Contract, or Matrimony superinducted (as they call it) which might easily have been obtained at Rome, for money. And after that, to have summoned a Parliament, requiring the three Estates to have ratified and confirmed these Bulls, for the approbation of the said Marriage with the Lady Grace, and the Legitimation of his Children, and made them lawful by Act of Parliament (according to the Pope's Indulgence (which was then a sacred and most inviolable thing.) Lastly, to have Declared, Pronounced and Decreed in Parliament, That the said Children of the King, being so made legitimate, were also capable of all Honours, Dignities, Estates Public and Private, of which the King stood seized, or which were any ways appertaining and proper to the Kingdom of England, and of France. I say, If he had done this, he had composed all defects, and prevented all succeeding dangers of Claims and Practices, which might have been done with small or no trouble. A course by another afterward opportunely thought on.  
And surely (it may be conjectured) if this King had not been too secure, and lost in his sensualities, he would by the like Parliamentary power have rectified those errors, these great, high, and difficult works, being (indeed) proper to Parliaments, and pregnant and strong proofs of their great and transcendent power, 
The Authority of Parliament.  holding in themselves a just desert and claim of such power and authority (if assembled and held as they ought) being a General Assembly and Convocation of the most wise, honourable, just, and religious persons of the Kingdom. Therefore the word Parliament (saith one) is compounded of Parium and lamentmm, 
Parliament, how so called and derived.  because (as he thinketh) the Peers of the Country did at these Meetings complain each to other of the enormities of their Country. But the better opinion is, That Parliament is simply from the French word parlour (and that from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, both signifying to speak) and so by adding the termination, meant (which is common in the French Tongue, as well to many Nouns as Adverbs) do make up Parliament; meaning thereby an Assembly of men called together to speak or confer, etc.  
And it may not unfitly be called Parliament, for that each man should parlour, lament, speak his mind. But Laurence Valla 
Laurence Valla.  misliketh that Etymology.  
It may be guessed the word Parliament (being transported out of France) began shortly after the Norman Conquest. One of the first authentical reports of that name, is found in the Statute 3 E. 1. commonly called Westminster Parliament; that Assembly being said to be Premier general apres Coronament●le Roy. But that is not the first word: for in the Statutes called Articuli Cleri, published 9 E. 2, these words are read: Temporibus progenitorum nostrorum quondam Regum Angliae Parliamentis suis, etc. Which words Progenitorum & quondam, must needs reach higher than E. 1. that was but father to him that spoke it.  
But at what time soever after the Conquest this Court began to be called a Parliament, the same was before known to the Saxons or Englishmen, by the word Sinoth, and Micell Sinoth, of the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, now appropriated to Ecclesiastical meetings only; and sometimes by these terms, Micell, Gemote, Witengemott, and Calca Witengemott; that is, the meeting of wisemen, or of all the wisemen: for witona signifieth wisemen, Calca, all, and Gemott, a meeting: of which last words the names Shire-motts, Eolmotts, and Halymotts; that is, the meeting or assembling of the men of a Shire, of a Town, and of the Tenants of a Hall or Manor, had their beginning also.  
Now as Sinoth is more used in the Parliaments themselves; so Gemott is more familiar to the Historians.  
And this Parliament of Anno 1 Rich. 3. could be of no less power and virtue; witness the many and good Laws made in it, (albeit the second Marriage of King Edward was adjudged unlawful, and the Acts of that Parliament for the most part repealed and abrogated afterward) yet the evidence is clear enough, that the Judges and Lawmakers of that Parliament, were wise and religious men, and their Laws upright and just.  
Therefore whatsoever was adjudged by them, was to be received and held as authentic and inviolable (how roughly soever it was afterward handled.) And in this case of the disabling of King Edward's sons, there is least reason to suspect them, the cause being so new, so plain, and notoriously known, that no man could be ignorant therein: Therefore to have given any other Judgement, but according to the truth of evidence, and certainty of knowledge, it might justly have been censured an act of error and ignorance, or partiality and injustice.  
For it was not the opinion of a few, nor raised out of a weak judgement and perverted knowledge; but a strong and general evidence, by the ablest and best knowing.  
If it be objected, The case was obscure and doubtful: That cannot be; for the Estates had all substantial and ready means to inform themselves of the truth, and every circumstance whereby they might be fully satisfied and cleared in all the niceties and doubts: for all the witnesses and dealers in that cause, and such persons as were acquainted with it, were then living; and they must and would have truly and certainly informed the Court of Parliament: For the special and reverend care of this Court is, The advancing of Justice and Right. Therefore all Subjects (by nature or grace) are bound in their Allegiance, to give pious and religious credit to Parliaments, and to believe in their Authority and Power, as the former times did in Oracles. We must also confidently hold the high and transcendent quality and virtue of that Court, to have all power and authority: And no question to repeal a good and just Law made in Parliament, is a wrong and scandal to that General Council, and to the universal wisdom, providence, justice and piety of the Kingdom.  
In the Parliament 1 H. 7. there is an Act, attainting the King R. 3. of high Treason, for bearing Arms against the Earl of Richmond, entitled The Sovereign Lord (this was at his proceeding from Milford-haven into Leicester:) But when he came to fight the Battle, he was then no King, nor Sovereign, but a Chief of such as made head against their Sovereign. In which Paragraph there appears three gross faults.  
First, Certain it is, Richard during his Reign was a Sovereign, therefore no Subject.  
Next, there was no enemy in the field who was then a Sovereign, but all liege Subjects to the Crown.  
And Richard being the King and Sovereign, could not be adjudged a Traitor, nor lawfully attainted of High Treason. Then let it be considered whether a person of sacred Majesty (that is, an Anointed Sovereign) may commit the Crime of Treason. Also in this Parliament, all the Barons, Knights and Gentlemen that bore Arms in the field for the King, were attainted of Treason, their goods and lands confiscate: and one Thomas Nan dick● (a Necromancer and Sorcerer, who with others had been condemned to die, for using that hellish Art) was in this Parliament pardoned the horrible things he had committed. And it seemed he had not then left his black trade: for he hath in that Act of Parliament still the style of Conjurer: viz.  
Thomas Nandick of Cambridge, Conjurer: which had been a fitter style for his Gibbet then his Pardon; although he had not by his Sorcery or Enchantment hurt or destroyed any humane, yet for his renouncing and abjuration of Almighty God: for it is the opinion of a learned and religious Doctor:  
Magos & Incantores (saith he) hominum genus indignum, quod vel ob solam Dei, O. M. abjurationem capitali suplicio afficiatur.  
Other such things there be in that Parliament, which detract it in the opinion of some; those of the best and wisest repute.  
Now let us come to examine that Treaty the King had about 
The Treaty of Marriage between K. R. 3. and his Niece the Lady Elizabeth Plantagenet.  marrying the Lady Plantagenet; which is censured to be a thing not only detestable, but much more cruel and abominable to be put in agitation.  

Item, That all men, and the Maid herself most of all▪ detested this unlawful Copulation.  
Item, That he made away the Queen his wife, to make way for this Marriage; and that he propounded not the Treaty of Marriage, until the Queen his wife was dead.   
That there was such a motion for the marriage of this Lady to the King, is true; and (which is more, and most certain) it was entertained, and well liked by the King and his friends, a good while; also by the Lady Elizabeth, and by the Queen her mother; who received it with so much content and liking, that presently she sent into France for her son the marquis of Dorset, that was there with the Earl of Richmond, earnestly soliciting him to renounce the Faction, and return home to the King's favour and advancement, which she assured him: and sends the Lady Elizabeth to attend the Queen at Court, or to place her more in the eye, so in the heart of the King. The Christmas following (which was kept in Westminster-Hall) for the better colour of sending her eldest daughter, she sends her other four thither, who were received with all honourable courtesy by the King and Queen Regent; especially the Lady Elizabeth was ranked most 
Chronicle Croyland.  familiarly in the Queen's favour, and with as little distinction as Sisters. But society, nor all the Pomp and Festivity of those times, could cure that sad wound and languor in the Queen's breast, which the death of her only son had left. The address of those Ladies to Court (albeit the feigned wooing of the King was in a politic and close way) gave cause of suspicion to the Earl of Richmond's intelligencing friends, that the King had a purpose to marry the Lady Elizabeth; which must prevent the Earl both of his hope to her, and to the Crown by her Title: a clause that made them mutter very broadly against it (for indeed, what more concerned them?) therefore the King treats it more privately and coldly; but the Queen-widow and the Lady stood constant in their desires and expectation; only the Objection was, The King had a wife; as though he could not marry another whilst she lived; not remembering how usual it was, not only for Kings, but private men to put away one wife and marry another, for venial crimes, as well as Adultery and Treason.  
The Romans might repudiate their wives, for conversing with men that were not of their l●inred, and for going to see Plays and Cirque Spectacles (their husbands not being with them) or if the wife were unquiet or cursed of her tongue, etc. Henry the Eighth put away Queen Katherine of Castille, and Queen Anne of Cleve; the one, because she was too old and cold for pleasure; the other, because she was not fruitful or wanton enough. Sometimes men have put away their wives for being Sluts, for having unsavoury breaths, or some infectious disease, without a necessity of taking away their lives; and it was lawful for either of them to marry when they would.  
Pope Clement the Seventh so ratified the Divorce of King Henry the Eighth against Katherine of Castille, as he defied all Laws (Divine and Humane) that should contradict and impugn his Power and Dispensation, in these words:  
Non obstante jure Divino nec Humano, nec quibuscunque Constitutionibus 
Bulla Papae Clementis 5. apud D. Ro. Cotton.  repugnantibus, aut in contrarium Edictis.  
There was a formal Bill or Libel of Separation prescribed by Moses, with the manner of Divorces and Repudiations, in this tenor, as Andrea's Osiander (who translated it out of Hebrew 
Osiander in Annotation. in 4 Evang. Harmon. Evang.  into Latin) affirmeth: which for the rarity I have here transcribed.  

Die tertia Hebdomadis, 29 die mensis Octobris, Anno ab orbe condito, 4349.  
EGo Ioachim cognominatus N. filius Nathanis, qui consisto hodie in urbe N. in Regno N. Te. N. uxorem meam, cognominatam N. filiam N. quae fuisti uxor mea ante hac nunc demisi, & liberavi, & repudiavi te tibi, ut sis tui juris & domina animae tuae, & ad abeundum, ut ducaris abs quolibet viro, quem volueris, & ne vir quisquam prohibeat, quo minus sis in manu tua, ito hoc die & in aeternum. Et ecce, permissa es unicuique viro, & hic esto tibi a me datus Libellus repudii, & Epistola dimissoria, & Instrumentum libertatis juxta Legem Mosis & Israelis.   
But the Answer which was made in the name of the King to the Lady Elizabeth concerning his Queen, was, That she could be no impediment of long continuance, being a very weak woman in a Consumption, and past hopes of recovery; her Physicians giving their opinions, she could not live past the middle of February next following: nor guessed they much amiss; for the died in the next month, March. When the midst and last of February was passed, the Lady Elizabeth being more impatient and jealous of the success than every one knew or conceived, writes 
The credit of the Duke of Norfolk with King Richard, and with the lady Elizabeth; and her Letter to him.  a Letter to the Duke of Norfolk, intimating first, that he was the man in whom she most affied, in respect of that love her Father had ever bore him, etc. Then she congratulates his many courtesies, in continuance of which, she desires him to be a mediator for her to the King, in the behalf of the Marriage propounded between them, who, as she wrote, was her only joy and maker in this world, and that she was his in heart and thought: withal insinuating, that the better part of February was passed, and that she feared the Queen would never die.  
All these be her own words, written with her own hand; and this is the sum of her Letter, which remains in the Autograph, or Original Draft, under her own hand, in the magnificent Cabinet of Thomas Earl of Arundel and Surrey: by which it may be observed, that this young Lady was ignorant that a man having a 
The Cabinet of the Earl of Arundel, now Earl of Surrey too.  wife living, might marry another, and suffer her to live. But the truth is, the King had no real intent to make her his wife, from the beginning; only in policy entertained this Treaty, as it appeared afterward, when his Queen was dead, and he had all fit accesses without any impediment to marry her, yet did not; professing he wooed her not to that end, but for some other causes; and made Protestation (in the great Hall at Saint jones near Smithfield, before all the Knights of Malta, and a great Assembly of Noblemen; the Lord Maior, Aldermen, and many Citizens being present) that he had no purpose nor intent to marry the Lady Elizabeth: avowing, Quodeares (viz.) Voluntas contrahendi 
Chronicle of Croyland.  Matrimonium: cum Consanguinea Germana sua nunquam ●i venerat in mentem: for so it is testified by the Prior of Croyland. Yet it may not be denied, he pretended love to her, and a proffer of Marriage; which he projected in policy, to divert her affection from Richmond (whose party the King apprehended privately wrought that way; of which the said Author thus saith, Non 
Chronicle of Croyland.  aliter videbat Richardus Rex regnum sibi confirmari, neque spem competitoris sui aufferri posse, nisi in Matrimonio, cum dicta Elizabeth, contrahendo vel simulando. And it is most likely the King had no other aim but merely of Prevention: neither was there any cause (had he been so wicked) to do it by blood, nor any 
The Queen died 11 March, 1484.  just reason to frame so hard an argument against him, being always so affectionately inclined to his wife, that he was rather thought uxorious then otherwise; which appeared unfeignedly at her death, in the expression of sorrow and magnificent Exequys for her. Non eum immorte honore quam Reginam dicunt, as 
Prior of Croyland.  the Prior of Croyland testifieth. Let us look therefore with clearer consideration upon the motion or pretence of this Marriage: to call it detestable and cruel, is ignorant and malicious (though she were so near of kin to him) for Marriages between Uncles and Nieces, have been very frequent and allowed in other Countries by the Church. In our time, the daughter and heir of Duke Infantasgo in Spain, was married to his brother Don Old Mendoza: and more lately, the Earl of Miranda married his brother's daughter.  
In the House of Austria, Marriages in this kind have been very usual, and thought lawful, the Pope dispensing with them: for they say in Spain, Que el padre santo choir Dios loquire: Therefore how could it be so highly unlawful in King Richard? Or if his intents had been so forward, where was the Bar, when his wife was dead, and he absolute, unless the Lady's averseness? But that suggestion is answered by her own Letter, and other testimonies. So the Account will be (if rightly summed by what hath been produced) that he had never any serious determination of Marriage; only took the advantage of his gain, by looking into her hand; then no cause to make away his Queen; which his accusers themselves directly and peremptorily charge him not with; 
Sir Tho. Moor. Hollinshead.  but doubtfully say, The Queen (however it fortuned) departed out of this life the 16 of March, in the Lent season. But although he had the commendations of a loving and indulgent husband, I say not he lived always continently; for I find he had some bastards, two of them I have mentioned: yet peradventure he might have them before his Marriage, and then the fault was less. So then, let them that affect not blind and traditory opinion, more than justice and reason, but equally examine his slanders, they shall find, Malice and ignorance have been the King's greatest accusers, which can only lay Suspicion to his charge: and 
Suspitio est opinio mali ex▪ levibus signis. B. Th. Aquinas. Suspitio est actus per quem in dubitationem trahimur.  Suspicion in Law is no more guilt than Imagination: for, though Suspicion many times lay a great blame upon a man (men holding him to be guilty whom men suspect to be so, though injuriously) yet the Law holds it not a Crime, because Suspicion many times supposeth those to be culpable which are not: for an Instrument may as easily be condemned, as a Malefactor, being an evil grown from the error of men. Wherefore Suspicion of itself bringeth no sentence by Law Natural or Moral, Civil or Divine, according to that of the old Minographus, Suspitio grave est hominibus malum. And the Divine chrysostom saith, A good man hardly suspecteth another to be evil; but an evil man scarcely supposeth any to be good; far from the counsel of this Epigram. 
Culparem quoquam, quae non sunt nota malignum est;  
Presertim si quam cognita sint bona sunt.  
Non pateant faciles duris rumoribus aures  
Quae nescire juvat, credere non libeat.  
Linquantur secreta Deo, qui quicquid opertum est  
Inspicit, & nullis indiget indicibus.  
Accuse no man of faults to thee unknown,  
And much less him from whom good fruits have grown:  
Lend not thine ears to scandalous reports;  
Believe not that, which known, nought thee imports.  
Leave secret things to God, who knows all hearts,  
And hath no need of the Promoters arts. 
Meos tam suspicione quam crimine judico carere oportere. Suet. in vitâ J. Gaes.    
But as julius Caesar (who had many excellent Observations) was wont to say, Vir bonus tam suspicione quam crimine carere oportet: That a good man must be as well without suspicion as crime. Yet none so innocent, but may fall under the lash of the malicious; for such, like the Polypus, will take any colour, or make any tincture of a Crime, to serve their ends. Of such a virtue is the never-understanding Vulgar, that like Kites and Daws can digest nought but stench and filth; their Ignorance being their Faith, and that drawn from loose Pamphlets, and the vomits of mercenary and mimic pens; to which, and their uncurable fits, I leave them.  
Explicit Liber quartus.   

THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF KING RICHARD the Third.  
The Contents.  

WHat a Tyrant is, and how a Tyrant and King Richard differ.  
The destruction of the Plantagenets.  
The daughters of King Edward the Fourth, how bestowed. The death of the Queen their Mother.  
The Virtues of King Richard the Third.  
The Elegy of the three Brothers, King Edward the Fourth, George and Richard.  
The Magnificent, Public and Charitable Buildings of King Richard the third. His good Laws, and other good works.  
That to die in the Wars, is no Dishonour, but an Honour. Artes Regiae Crimen regale.  
His Comparison with other Kings accounted good.  
King James his gracious demeanour to his Cousins.  
A Character and Elegy of King Richard the third.  
The title of the Norman Race and of York defended.  
The sundry titles of King James.  
The Wedding King of England.  
Lapis Regno fatalis.  
King Richard's Sepulchre and Epitaph.  
The Author's Scope; Peroratio & Votum.   
THE FIFTH BOOK OF King Richard The Third.  
WE will next endeavour to understand that Vocable, 
What a Tyrant is.  or term Tyrannus (that is, a Tyrant, or an evil King) cast upon King Richard; which indeed comprehendeth all scandals and impieties whatsoever.  
Tyrannus est qui suis propriis Commodis studet, 
Aristot. in Ethic. idem.  & publicis adversatur. And, Tyrannus est qui dominatu crudeliter abutitur.  
A Tyrant is by another wise man compared to a Dragon, who becometh not a Dragon, until he hath devoured many Serpents: of which Conceit this Epigram was wittily framed. 
Post plures Coluber Serpents Dracosit esoes,  
Gust at â humanâ carne fit homo Lupus.  
The Dragon which doth many Serpents eat,  
Becomes a Dragon of huge shape and strength,  
And so the man which makes his flesh man's meat,  
Transformed is unto a Wolf at length.   
Another Philosop differeth not much from these, who saith, 
Bias apud Plut. Libel. de adulat. c. 37.  that of all tame beasts, the flatterer is most pernicious; and of all wild, the Tyrant, who forbeareth not for any respect of good or ill, but studies Oppressions, Wrongs, Exactions, Robberies, Sacrileges, Bloodshed, Murder, Adultery, Incest, Rape, Riot, Gluttony, luxuriousness, Prodigality, and all manner of Excesses: These be his arts of reigning, and these be his virtues. 
Invident Tyranni claris fortesque trucidant.  
Lucan.   
Another saith, 
Tyrannus miserum vetat perire, foelicem jubet.  
Seneca. H●r●ules. F●●●●●. Demosthines.   
So it was truly said by the famous Orator of Athens: Liberalitas Tyranni nihil aliud est quam translatio pecun●arum a justis Dominis, ad alienos idque indignos.  
His thirst and covetousness, for his largitious riots and lusts, are so inordinate, that nothing can quench it. 
Non Tartessiaris illum satiaret arenis 
Claudian in R●ss.   
Tempestas pretiosa Tagi, non stagna rubentis,  
Aurea Pactoli, totumque exhauserit Hermum,  
Arde bit majore siti, etc. 
juvenal Satire 4.   
Quicquid conspicuum pulchrumque ex Equore toto,  
Res sisci est, etc.   
These may serve for the notions of a Tyrant: to any of which Impieties, our King Richard was very little or not at all obnoxious.  
For first, Whereas a Tyrant imposeth many grievous Taxes 
Parliam An. 1 Rich. 3.  and Oppressions upon his Subjects, he took away such grievances, and particularly by Act of Parliament, a hateful Tax (though disguised with the name of a Benevolence) forbearing to impose 
The Duke of buckingham said, that the name of Benevolence, as it was taken in the time of K. Edw. 4, signified, that every man should pay not what he of his own good will list, but what the King of his good will list ●o take. Duke Buck apud T●o●am Moor.  any upon the people.  
Then, A Tyrant doth not only rapine his Subjects, but spoils and robs Churches and Churchmen. But King Richard did many good things both for the public good, advancing God's service, and maintenance of his Ministers and Churchmen.  
Tyrannum pium esse non est facile (as Sophocles well observed.) And the Oracle pronounced, Portae foelicitatis ad Tyrannidem clausae. Tyrant's be cruel and bloody: but this King, by the testimony of his enemies, was very merciful and mild; who confess he was of himself gentle, and assably disposed. These be their own words.  
Therefore, where tyrannical acts be objected against him, they must be conceived done by other men, or by their practice, or else before he was King; and what he did then, was not, nor could be properly called Tyranny.  
Amongst those they impute to him when he was King, which are called Tyrannies, the beheading Henry Stafford Duke of Buckingham was the chiefest: yet that act, the cause and just motives of it being well perused, cannot be censured Tyranny; rather, due and necessary Justice: for if the King had not put down the Duke, the Duke would have put down the King.  
Then it is objected, He bore a tyrannical hand over his nephew Edward Earl of Warwick. True it is, he sent him to Shery-Hutton, a goodly and pleasant house of his own, in Yorkshire, where he had liberty, large diet, all pleasure and safety; and if that were imprisonment, it was a prison Curtoise (as john Froisard saith) yet this must not be less than Tyranny, according to the style of Sir Thomas Moor. When King Henry the Seventh, as soon as he had got the Crown, sent this young Prince to the Tower, afterwards cut off his head; yet that was no Tyranny, after Sir Thomas Moor. But our King james (of ever happy memory) 
Comes Arund. vi. voce.  hath thought it an act of so much detestation, that particularly he protested against it, and showed another temper of Justice and Power in his Royal Clemency, to certain Noble persons 
King james.  in one of his Kingdoms, who being Regal Titulars, and pretending title to the Crown there (as descended from some King of that Country) his gracious and pious inclination was so far from seeking their ruin (or so much as the restraining them) that he suffered their liberty, with possession of what they had.  
Then they call the punishment of jane Shore a Tyranny: A 
jane Shore.  common and notorious Adulteress (as the Duke of Buckingham, who knew her very well, censured her) which she deserved so justly, that it was rather favourable, then severe or tyrannous.  
Next, the death of William Collingborn is made one of his 
Anonymous juris peritus in Apologia K. R. 3.  Tyrannies; who (as some trivial Romancers say) was hanged for making a Satirical Rhyme; when the truth is, he had committed Treason, and was arraigned and condemned of High Treason, as may be yet seen in the Record; and than it was Justice, and not Tyranny.  
Another proof against their gross Paralogisms, take from this observation made by Demosthenes: Tyrannus res est inimica Civibus, legibus contraria. But King Richard was ever▪ indulgent to his people, careful to have the Laws duly observed; his making so many good ones, being an evident argument of his love to Law and Justice. It is further observed, that Tyrants contemn good counsel, are opinionated of their own wisdoms, and obstinate to determine all matters by themselves.  
These Plaintiffs being called by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, 
Axiom. polit. cap. 219.  self-Councellors, who say they are natura plerumque occulti & insidiosi, & Art, & Astu, ea Tagere, & dissimulare conantur, quae agunt, non communicantes quicquid de suis Conciliis, aut rebus cum aliis, nec ab aliis Concilium petentes, neque admittentes, sed tantum 
Sententia Arabica.  sua Concilia sequuntur.  
Also Erasmus hath this Axiom: Nullo Concilio quicquam magnae rei aggredi, tyrannicum est.  
But King Richard nor did nor would do any thing of importance, without consultation with the wisest and noblest. And if in any matters he had delivered his judgement, yet his manner (as his detractors confess) was, to say in the end and conclusion, My Lords, this is my mind; if any of you know what may else be better, I shall be ready to change it: for I am not wedded to my own will. Thus Sir Thomas Moor.  
Eastly, Largition and excessive expenses, are thought vices proper to Tyrants; the rather, because the Roman Tyrants, for 
Caligula spent 230 millions of Crowns in less than a year. Nero said that there was no use of money but for riots and prodigal expenses.  their extreme excesses, were called Monstra & prodigia, & lues Imperii, pes●es reipublicae, etc. As Caligula, Nero, Vitellius, Domitian, Commodus, Heliogabolus, Caracalla, etc.  
King Kichard was ever held to be frugal, with the preservation of his honour; nor can they tax him with Palliardise, Luxury, Epicurism, nor Gluttony, vices following many Tyrants; but moderate and temperate in all his actions and appetites; which is confessed, and therefore needeth no further proof. Indeed it had been advantage and safety to him, in the event, if he had been a Tyrant a while; for than he might have preserved his life and kingdom, and given a timely check to the practice of Bishop Morton, the marquis Dorset, Earl of Devon, and his 
King Richard in this was like julius Caesar, who knowing by certain intelligence the conspiracy and conspirators against his life, also the time and place of execution, yet he seemed to slight and not regard it. King Richard's virtues.  brother the Bishop, the Lord Talbot, the Lord Stanley, and his brother Sir William Stanley, with the Countess of Richmond his wife, and the rest. But his remissness and patience bred his ruin, not his tyranny; that had been his protection.  
And now the black curtain of malice and detraction is drawn, let us see this King in his proper Royalty and virtues casting up the general and particular notions of A good King and happy Government; then peruse what was wanting in him.  
First then, There is necessarily required proper to Empire, Wisdom, Justice, Fortitude, Beauty, Magnificence, Temperance, and Piety.  
That he had Wisdom and Prudence, need no other witness, than his wise and provident managing both of his own private affairs, and Government of the Public. Also in the Military actions, in which he was tried, both as a Subject, and a King; his adversaries can allow him to be a wise, prudent, politic and heroical 
Justice Shelly commendeth the Laws of K. R. 3. to Card▪ Wolsey. Vide joh. Stow in H. 8. pag. 882. Chronic. M. S. in quarto, apud D. Rob. Cotton.  Prince; his Wisdom appearing, with his Justice, very clearly in the good Laws he made; acknowledged and honourably predicated by our Reverend and most learned Professors of the Laws.  
For his further knowledge and love of Justice, there can be no fairer argument, than his desire and custom to sit in Courts of Justice, hearing and distributing Justice indifferently to all men.  
And when he made his Progress into Yorkshire, being informed there of some extortioners and foul offenders, who were apprehended, not tried, he caused the Law to take the just current, giving strict charge and commandment to all Officers of Justice, for just administration to all men, without partiality or private respects.  
The Fortitude and Magnanimity of this Prince (though of low stature) were so great and famous, as they need no Trumpet or Praecony, being bred from his youth in Martial actions: and the Battles of Barnet, Exham, Doncaster, the second of St Alban, and of Tewksbury, will give him the reputation of a Soldier and Captain.  
Being made General of the King's Armies into Scotland, he prevailed happily in his Expedition, and particularly recovered that famous and strong Hold of Berwick, which King Henry the Sixth had so weakly let go.  
And in this you shall hear the Elegy of one that was loath to speak much in his favour, yet occasion forced him to speak his 
Sir Tho. Moor. Doctor Morton.  knowledge, though coldly and sparingly. King Richard was no ill Captain in the War: he had sundry Victories, and sometimes Overthrows; but never by his own default, for want of hardiness or politic order. Whereunto he addeth concerning his Bounty; Free was he called of dispense, and liberal somewhat above his power. To which I will add one Elegy more, above all for Credit and Authority, recorded in an Act of Parliament, and addressed to him in the name of the whole high Court of Parliament, in these words. We consider your great Wit, Prudence, justice, and Courage; 
Parl●anno R. 3.  and we know by experience the memorable and laudable acts done by you in several Battles for the salvation and defence of this Realm.  
Here followeth another general and memorable testimony of him, and of more regard and honour, because it is averred by one that knew him from his youth, the Duke of Buckingham, who (after Richard was made King, and this Duke became ill affected) acknowledged to Bishop Morton in private speeches between 
Morton. Moor apud Stow, p. 774.  them, That he thought King Richard, from his first knowledge even to that time, a man clean without dissimulation, tractable, and without injury; and that for these respects, he was very desirous to advance him, and laboured earnestly to make him Protector. Therefore whatsoever the Duke said after, in reproach of the King, it may justly be thought to proceed from spleen and malice.  
There is to this the commendation of his Eloquence and pleasing speech; which though no Regal virtue, yet it is an ornament 
Eloquentia Principibus maxime est ornamento. Cic. de finibus, l. 4.  to the greatest Princes, and commendable. The Prior of Croyland repeating the dispute of a Controversy between the two brothers, George Duke of Clarence, and this Richard of Gloucester, at the Councel-Table, before the King their brother, sitting in his Chair of State, relates it thus:  
Post suscitatas, inter Duces fratres, discordias, tot utrinque rationes acutissimae allegatae sunt in presentia Regis (sedentis pro Tribunali in Camera Concilii) quod omnes circumstantes, etiam periti Legum eam orationis abundantiam ipsis principibus in suis propriis causis adesse mirabantur, etc. Then speaking of the excellent wits, extraordinary knowledge and gifts of these three brothers, maketh 
The praise of the three princely brothers.  this honourable Praecony: Hitres Germani, Rex, & duo Deuces, tam excellenti ingenio valebant, ut si discordare non voluissent suniculus ille triplex difficilime rumperetur.  
Let us look upon his charitable, religious and magnificent 
The good works of King Richard. john Stow, Annal.  works.  
He founded a Collegiate Church of Priests in Middleham in Yorkshire; another College of Priests in London in Tower-street, near to the Church called Our Lady Berking. He built a Church or Chapel in Towton in Gloucester-shire; a Monument of his thankfulness to Almighty God, for the happy and great Victory his brother had upon the partisans of the family of Lancaster, and the sons of Henry the Sixth, who before slew Richard Duke of York, King designate, and father of these two Kings.  
He founded a College in York, convenient for the entertainment 
Polidor, lib. ●5.  of an hundred Priests.  
He disforrested a great part of the Forest of Wichwood, and 
Richard loved not Wichwood for his brother's unhappy Marriage.  other vast Woods between Woodstock and Bristol, for the good and benefit of the people of Oxford-shire and the places adjacent.  
He built the high stone Tower at Westminster (which at this day is a work of good use.) And when he had repaired and fortified the Castle of Carlisle, he founded and built the Castle of Penrith in Cumberland.  
He manumissed many Bondmen.  
For the better encouragement of the Easterling-hanses (their 
In Rot. in domo Conversorum, A●. 1 R. 3.  Trade being beneficial and profitable to this Kingdom) he granted them some good Privileges, as Polidor writeth.  
He also first founded the College and Society of Heralds, and 
Charles the Great instituted the College and Society of Armorists, calling them Heralds of Ehr & Halten, (Dutch or Franchish words) and not of Heroes.  made them a Corporation: and (as the words in the Charter are) he ordained it, Vt sint in perpetuum Corpus Corporatum in re & nomine, habeant successionem perpetuam, etc. (A taste of his love to Honour, and his Noble care for the conservation of Nobility, Chivalry and Gentry.) Which Corporation, this King established by his Royal Charter; and placed the Heralds in an ancient fair house, which was called Yorkime, sometimes; after commonly Coal-harbour, situate upon the Thames: ordaining Four Kings at Arms, by the names and Titles of john Writh, Garter; Thomas Holme, Clarentius; john Moor, Norway; and Richard Champney, Gloucester.  
For Wales, I have seen the Charter wherewith the King created first Richard Champney Esquire, King at Arms, by the Title and name of Gloucester, dated Anno 1 R. 3. at Westminster, in the month of March, when the Charter of the Foundation was granted.  
He further established, That these four Kings at Arms, and the rest of the Heralds, who are in the Charter called Heraldi & Prosecutores sive Pursevandi, should lodge, live and common together, in that house, where the Rolls, Monuments and Writings (appertaining to the Office and Art of Heraldry and Armoury) should be kept; giving also Lands and Tenements for the perpetual maintaining of a Chaplain or Chantry Priest, to say and sing Service every day, and to pray for the King, Queen and Prince, and for their souls when they were dead.  
Lastly, he gave sundry good Privileges and Immunities to the said Corporation: which Charter was kept continually in the Office until within these few years; but now is in another place: the want of it importeth nothing, being the Duplicate is upon Record in the Archives, kept in the Convert-house, now called the Rolls. It was confirmed by the Parliament, and dated 20 die Martii, anno regni primo, apud Westmonasterium, Baron: and underneath was written, Per Breve de privato Sigillo, de datu predicto, autoritati Parliamenti.  
He also built or repaired some part of the Tower of London towards the Thames: in memory whereof, there be yet his arms impaled with those of the Queen his wife, standing upon the Arch adjoining to the Sluce-gate.  
He began many other good works, which his sudden fate prevented; as Polidor thus witnesseth.  
Richardus Tertius multa opera publica & privata inchoavit, quae immaturâ morte praereptus non perfecit. Which works and monuments of Piety show not the acts of a Tyrant. Polidor Virgil, being neither Yorkist nor Lancastrian, speaks much in commendation of his pious and charitable disposition; to which I refer the Readers, and put it to their indifferent judgements, How many of those called Good Kings, have exceeded him in their longer and prosperous time, being in quiet possession too of their Crown and Kingdoms? Let me add for a Corollary, what that of the worthy Prelate Archebald Quhitlaw (chief Secretary, and a Privy Councillor of Scotland) in his Oration, when he was one of the Commissioners for a conclusion of a Peace and Marriage between Prince james, eldest son to the King of Scotland, and the Lady Anne, daughter to john de la Pool: from whence I have collected these.  

Serenissime Princeps,  
Una me res consolatur, & juvat, tua (scil.) in omni virtutis genere celeberrimafama per omnem Orbis terrarum ambitum disseminata, tuae etiam▪ innatae benignitatis clarissima praestansque humanitas, tua mansuetudo, liberalitas, sides, summa justitia, incredibilis animi magnitudo, tua non humana, sed pene divina sapientia, te non modo singulis facilem, verum vulgo & popularibus affabilem 
Pacem & uxorem neptem. Regis petit.  praebes & quibus virtntibus altâque prudentiâ cuncta & pronunciata & dicta in meliora commutas. Serenissimus Princeps Rex Scotorum, Dominus meus, qui te alto amore prosequitur, te desiderat, tuam, Amicitiam & Affinitatem affectat, supra captum cogitationis meae; si quid a me erratum erit, tuis & divinis virtutibus, quibus Commercium cum Coelestibus numinibus & societatem contraxeris, tribuendum putato.  
Faciem tuam summo Imperio & Principatu dignam inspicit, quam 
Richardus suit Statura parva.  moralis & Heroica virtus illustrat, de te dici praedicarique potest quod Thebanorum Principi inclytissimo statui Poeta his verbis attribuit.  
Nunquam tantum animum natura minori corpore, nec tantas visa est includere vires. Major in exiguo regnabat corpore virtus. In te enim sunt rei militaris, virtus, peritia, foelicitas, & autoritas, quae omnia in optimo exercitus principe Cicero requirit.  
In te (Serenissime Princeps) praeclari Regis & Imperatoris praecepta it a concurrunt, ut nihil ad tuam Bellicam, aut domesticam virtutem cujusquam oratoris verbis apponi possit.  
Tu igitur (Serenissime Domine & Princeps) de ineunda inter te & nostrum Principem charitate & amicitia, sic age, ut Angli & Scoti dilectionis respectu nullum penitus discrimen habeatur, sed in unum amoris & benevolentiae vinculum videantur esse connexi, sic numerabiles commoditates ex tui, & nostri populi dilectione, dulci connubio, unione, Matrimonio, & Affinitate consurgent. 
In freta dum fluvii current, dum montibus umbrae  
Lustrabunt, connexa polus dum sidera pascet.  
Dum juga montis aper, fluvios dum piscis amabit,  
Dumque Thymo pascentur apes, dum rore cicadae,  
Semper honos nomenque tuum, laudesque manebunt.    
But what is this, or more, to malice and detraction, that haunt him to his death; and after that, making the Catastrophe, or last Tragical act of his life at Bosworth-field, an immediate stroke of the divine vengeance, for such offences as they please to particular from women or superstitious Clerks, whose natures startle 
To be slain in War, is no evil or unhappy death.  at the noise of War and Martial trial, to whose fears and weakness, such reasons would sound tolerable. But if Bishop Morton and Sir Thomas Moor (although they were men of the long Robe) had considered with whom they conversed, and where they most lived; how could they forget, That to die valiantly in the field, for Country, life and friends, was always held a glorious farewell to the world; or what infinite numbers of virtuous and most noble Captains have fallen so by the Sword and fate of War.  
Lampridius affirmeth, that all the best men have died violent 
Optimes quosque violenta morte consumptos esse affirmat. Lam. Alexander.  deaths: and what higher Quarrel could call any Heroical spirit, than King Richard's, fight for a Crown, kingdom, and all his happy Fortunes here. God hath many times taken away Princes, and changed the Government of kingdoms for the iniquities of the people; why then should not King Richard's fate be held in a modest Scale, until we can better know or judge it? Nor can it be safe to inquire, or peremptorily to determine further after God's proceedings in such cases. He that owes him no malice (things looked upon thorough judgement and charity) may with more justice say he died valiantly, and in a just quarrel, when many of his enemies fell by deaths more vile, and shameful Executions.  
But he that hath but a reasonable pittance of Humanity, will 
King Richard was slain, Aug. 22. 1493. when he had reigned 2 years and 5 months, accounting his Protectorship; and about the 37th year of his age. King Henry 1.  censure no man's life by the manner of his death: for many good and holy men have suffered by violent deaths; though it be this Prince's fortune to fall under the ill affections of envious pens, more than many that committed more public and proved crimes than he, which wanted much of his virtues and desert.  
Examine him with Henry the First, the good Clerk, and learned Prince, but so covetous and ambitious, that he could not be content to usurp in this Kingdom the Right and Primogeniture of his elder brother, Robert Courthose; but by force took the Dukedom of Normandy from him: and to make his injuries more exact and monstrous, cast him into the Castle of Gloucester, there kept him in cruel durance, and caused his eyes to be put out; so wearied him to most miserable death.  
King john, by the general voice, is charged with the murder of 
King john.  Arthur Plantagenet the son of his eldest brother, and so the next Prince in right of blood to King Richard the First.  
And it is written by good Authors, that Edward the Third was 
King Edw. 3.  not only privy and consenting to the deposing the King his father (a King anointed) but also to his Massacre. And because Edward Plantagenet Earl of Kent, Protector, and his Uncle, moved him to restore the Crown to his father Edward the Second, he called him Traitor, and cut off his head at Westminster.  
How King Henry the Fourth caused King Richard the Second 
King Hen. 4.  (the true and anointed King) to be cruelly butchered at Pomfret, is too notorious: and this was Scelera sceleribus tueri.  
King Edward the Fourth is accused of the murder and death of 
King Edw. 4. Seneca de Clementia.  the King Saint Henry, and of Edward Prince of Wales his son. (Ut supra.)  
King Henry the Seventh (although amongst the best Kings in 
King Hen. 7.  his general character) is not thought guiltless of that Crimen sacrum vel regale, in cutting off Edward Plantagenet Earl of Warwick, an innocent.  
Edwardum, filium Ducis Clarenciae, puerum & infantem, in suam, 
Gul. Campden in Britan. & Corn.  & suorum securitatem capite plexit.  
And to secure his Estate, had more than learned other smart rules of Policy. That reach of State upon Philip of Ostrich, Duke of Burgundy, King of Castille and Arragon, is not the least memorable.  
This Prince Philip was by cross Fortune put into the King's 
Grafton. Hollinshead.  hands: purposing out of Flanders to go into Spain, with the Queen his wife, took shipping at Sluice, and passing by the coasts of England, was by a tempest forced for his safety to put into the Port of Weymouth in Dorsetshire: the Queen being ill, and distempered much with the storm, was compelled to make some stay there.  
Sir john Carew, and Sir Thomas Trenchard (principal men in those parts) gave speedy intelligence of this to the King, who was glad of the accident, and purposed to make good use of it, as speedily returning his command to give them all honourable entertainment; but not suffer them to depart, until he had seen and saluted them.  
The Duke ignorant of this, as soon as the Queen and the rest had recovered and refreshed themselves, thought he was only to give those Knight's thanks, and take his leave; which they by way of courtesy and request interpose, in behalf of the King's vehement desire to salute him and the Queen: a motion the Duke much pressed to be excused from, as the necessity of his journey stood: but the entreaty was so imperious, he must stay, and alter his journey for Windsor, to meet the King, who received him there in a magnificent manner; and at the height of a Feast, propounds a suit to the Duke for Edmund de la Pool (then in his Dominions) a pretender to the Crown of England, and not so sound affected to him: a suit of a harsh exposition, as the Duke apprehended it, and to the blemish of his honour and piety, as he nobly urged: but no argument had virtue, nor no virtue argument enough to excuse it; the King must have him, or the Duke must stay. Cast upon this extreme (and foreseeing what disadvantages were upon him, some honourable conditions granted, that he should neither lay punishment nor death upon him) he gave his promise to send him, and the King strictly and religiously bound himself to the exceptions.  
The Duke accordingly sent this de la Pool into England; who upon his arrival was delivered to the Tower; but his life not touched until the King lay a dying; then he equivocated his Vow by a Mental Reservation, enjoining his son after his death to cut off his head; which was done when he came to be King, and was held some taint to them both; though the son held himself acquit & warranted by the example of King Solomon, who was made the instrument of such another subtle slaughter by his father David, that thought he kept himself by equivocation: examples not to be imitated by any Christian Prince, being a sin; and sins are to be avoided, not imitated.  
The eldest brother of these de la Pools, john de la Pool, heir to the Duke of Suffolk, and Head of this Family, was slain casually at the Battle of Stoke; and is he who, as nearest kinsman to King Richard the Third, was proclaimed heir apparent. The sister of these Princely de la Pools, the Lady Katherine, was kept close prisoner in the Tower, until grief and sorrow bowed her to the grave.  
Nor is it much from our purpose to note, that the chief Plantagenets, 
Grafton.  namely, the children of King Edward the Fourth, had but cold influences then: for the Lady Bridget was thrust into a Nunnery at Dartford, chiefly (as it was thought) that she should live sterile, and die without issue. The Lady Cecily was 
Polidor. lib. 4.  married to a base fellow, that so her issue might be ignoble and contemptible; the wrong being the greater, in regard she was offered Matches to her quality; the King of Scotland propounding Prince james unto her; and the French King Lewis demanded her for the Dolphin Charles of France.  
It was observed too, that this King was but an unkind and 
Although the Lady Anne and the Lady Katherine were well married, that may not be alleged here; for they were bestowed in the time of Rich. 3. the one to the Lord Haward, after Duke of Norfolk, the other to the Earl of Devon. Robert Glover. joel, cap. 1.  severe husband to his Queen (indeed:) they had all but short lives; and our Stories report he picked a quarrel with the Queen-Dowager-Mother, for an old and venial error, because she delivered her son Richard to the Protector; for which there was a Confiscation upon all her Goods, Chattels and Revenues, and she confined to Bermondsey Abbey, where she lived not long, care and grief untwisting the thread of her sad fate. And when death had seized him from all the glories and policies of this world, his son succeeds; and then, Residuum Locustae, Bruchus comedit; & residuum Bruchi comedit Rubigo: for, what remained of the House of York, he gave the last blow to; and after the dispatch of the aforesaid Edmund de la Pool, caused the Lady Margaret Plantagenet Countess of Salisbury, than daughter and heir of George Duke of Clarence, to be attainted of Treason by Act of Parliament, and condemned unheard, being dragged to the Block barbarously by the hair of her head, though above Threescore years in age, Anno 33 Henr. 8. Not long after, Sir 
Dominus joh. Baro. Lumley, viva voce.  Henry Pool her eldest son was put to death, and her son Reynold Pool was attainted of Treason with her (no man knowing what the Treason was) but got suddenly out of the Kingdom into Italy, where he became much favoured by the Princes there, and by the Popes afterward made Cardinal, and highly renowned) in those times) for his Learning, Piety and other noble merits. Richard Pool, another son of the Countess of Salisbury, fled, and lived a banished man in foreign Countries; yet at the height of a good reputation, until he was slain at the Battle of Pavia.  
These be sad pauses, which my Pen but touches at, to note the Partiality of some on one side, and the malignity of some on the other side, who have made King Richard the worst of all Princes; when other of our own, have had as great an appetite of Empire, whose fames and sacred names we gratulate with honour.  
Nor let my just and plain meaning be mistaken, which urges nothing in dislike or exprobration that King Henry the Seventh had the Crown, whom our age must acknowledge a wise, provident and religious Prince, The restorer of the ancient Line of the British Kings to their Reign and Kingdom, Nephew of King Henry the Sixth by his Grandmother Queen Katherine, widow of King Henry the Fifth, and mother of King Henry the Sixth, and of his brother Uterine Edmund Teudor Earl of Richmond, the father of this King Henry the Seventh; and so he was Nephew also to Charles the Seventh King of France. I only conceive he took it by too violent a hand, not staying tempus bene placiti.  
And here I may fitly take occasion to make up a Defect or Brack covertly imputed to the Titles of the Normans, and Princes of York, by our vulgar Historians and Chroniclers.  
And first, we are to suppose, If there be, it grew by the error 
The sundry great Titles of our King to the Crown of England.  of King Edward's Marriage, by which they hold that Title was weakened (at the least blemished) but that could have no continuance, being made sound again as soon as King Richard came to reign, and after cured and confirmed by the mighty power of sundry Parliaments, by which it was made as strong and firm as ever; besides the aid of the Dispensations Apostolical (in those times sacred and authentic.) And without that (if need were) our King now reigning hath other Royal Rights▪ more than funiculusi Triplex; some more ancient, authentic and just, therefore more secured, and of more prosperous hopes then that Norman Title, which was a violent acquest of the Sword, and a purchase made by blood, so consequently none of the best; which was well conceived by that great Macedon, when he said, 
Alex. apud Curt●um, lib. 8.  Non est diuturna possessio in quam gladio inducimus. Neither would it avail in this behalf to cite or avouch the Donation of this Kingdom, which the Confessor is said to have made to William the Conqueror, being to no purpose, because that gift or Legacy was disclaimed and disallowed by the Barons of this Land, and found to be void.  
Yet time now, and prescription, have also made that Title good: for prescription hath power to ratify and confirm the Titles both of Princes and of private men.  
But our King is the immediate and sole lawful Heir of King Egbert (who first gave the name of England to this Land, and was absolute Lord of it) from him, by the glorious Kings, Edgar, Edmund, Athelstan, Alfred, and many others, as well Saxons and Angles, as Anglo-Saxons, the Right and Title of this Kingdom is duly descended and devolved to Edmund Ironside King of England, who was father to the most Noble Clyto, Edward 
Clyto, that is, A Prince of the blood.  surnamed Exul, whose fair daughter and heir (a religious Lady) the Princess Margaret of England, was married to Malcom Canmoire King of Scotland; from which ancient and happy Alliance, the King our Sovereign Lord is directly and certainly descended, and is the true and only Heir to the Rights and Titles which were without flaw; so the most ancient and famous Title, and Right of the first Kings of Britain are in him, being the next Heir of our last British King Henry Teudor, wose Genealogy I have seen derived from the antique Kings of Britain, and from divers other British Princes. And this Henry Teudor (or the Seventh) to confirm all the Titles of this Kingdom unto his claim, by the strongest and greatest authority, procured them decreed to him and to his issue (so established in himself and his posterity for ever) by Act of Parliament, in this manner and words.  

TO the Pleasure of Almighty God, and for the 
Anno 1. H. 7. in Parliament in Novemb.  Wealth, and Prosperity, and Surety of this Realm of England, to the singular Comfort of all the Subjects of the same, and for avoiding all Ambiguities and Questions:  
Be it Ordained, Established and Enacted by the Authority of this present Parliament, That the Inheritance of the Crown of the Realm of England, and also of France, with all the Pre-eminencies and Dignities Royal to the same appertaining, and all Liegances to the King belonging beyond the Seas, with the appurtenances thereunto in any wise due or appertaining, To be, rest, remain and abide in the most Royal person of our Sovereign Lord King Henry the Seventh, and in the Heirs of his body lawfully coming perpetually, with the Grace of God, and so to endure, and in no other.   
Which is also another Title to our King, Heir to Henry the Seventh.  
And this Act was renewed and firmly established, for our Sovereign Lord King james, Anno regni primo.  
Yet King Henry the Seventh obtained of the Pope another Title, jure Belli.  
All which Titles and Rights (which ever were appertaining to this Kingdom, and to the Empire of Britain) are coalesced and met in our Sovereign King; for he hath not only the claims of the ancient Kings of Britain, of the Saxons, and Anglo-Saxons Kings, and of the Norman Race; but also the Titles and Rights of the Royal Families of York, of Lancaster, and of Wales, etc.  
And (no● as the least, in reference with these) he hath in possession also, those singular and particular Monuments of Empire and Reign by some called Fata Regni, and Instrumenta 
The wedding Ring of England.  & Monumenta Regno, & Imperio destinata.  
One being the Ring of the accounted holy King Edward, the son of King Etheldred, which was consecrated and extraordinarily 
Edwardus Elthelredus d'Rivallis.  blessed by Saint john Baptist in Palestine, and sent back by the King (as old Writers tell) which hath been religiously kept in the Abbey of Westminster, and is (as Tradition goes) the Ring which the Archbishop of Canterbury at the Inauguration and Consecration of the Kings, puts upon their finger; called in our Stories, The Wedding Ring of England.  
The other Monument of the British Empire, is the Marble-stone whereupon jacob laid his head, when he had those celestial 
The fatal ●tone.  and mystical Visions mentioned in holy Writ; which stone was brought out of Palestine into Ireland, and from thence carried into Scotland by King Keneth; after translated to the City of Scone, and used for the Chair wherein the Kings sat at their Coronation; brought out of Scotland by Edward the First into England, as the best Historians of Scotland and England relate. 
Cathedram Marmoream Regibus Scotorum fatalem (in qua insidentes Scotorum Reges Coronare consueverant.) 
Hector, Boetius lib. 4. Et Geo. Buchan Gul. Cambden.   
Rex Edwardus primus e Scona Londinum transtulit, & in Westmonasterio (ubi hodie visitur) deposuit.   
It is set or born in a Chair of Wood, and for a perpetual honour (upon a Table hanging in the Chapel at Westminster) this is writ: 
— Si quid habet veri vel Chronica cana, sidesve  
Clauditu hac Cathedra, Nobilis ille lapis,  
— Ad caput, eximius Jacob quondam Patriarcha,  
Quem posuit cernens numina mirifica;  
Quem tulit a Scotis Edwardus primus, etc.   
George Buchanus saith, The people are seriously persuaded that in this stone (which he calleth Lapidem Marmoreum rudem) the state of the kingdom is contained, and that fatum Regni is 
In hoc lapide fatum regni Scotiae continetur. Geor Buchan.  thus understood; viz. What King of Scotland soever is Lord of that Stone, & Sovereignly possessed thereof, shall be King and reign in the Country where he findeth that stone: thus told in a prophetical Distich. 
Ni fallat fatum, Scotus quocunque locatum  
Inveniet lapidem, regnare tenetur ibidem.   
Which Prophecy was accomplished in King james, when he 
Scotus primus Rex Scotie, ut Anglus Gallus Hispannus etc. pro Rex Angliae Galliae Hispan. etc.  came first into England: for his Titles were not only funiculus triplex qui difficile rumpitur; but also funiculus multiplex qui nunquam rumpitur. And may those Titles for ever be established in his Loins, according to that of the heavenly Messenger, Regnum perpetuum. & cujus non est finis. Amen.  
Thus I have led you thorough the various Relations, and Tragical Interchanges of this Prince's Life, to his last act and place, where, after Revenge and Rage had satiated their barbarous cruelties upon his dead body) they gave his Royal earth a bed of earth, honourably, appointed by the Order of King Henry the Seventh, in the chief Church of Leicester, called Saint mary's, belonging to the Order and Society of the Grey Friars; the King in short time after causing a fair Tomb of mingled coloured Marble, adorned with his Statue, to be erected thereupon, to which some grateful pen had also destined an Epitaph, the Copy whereof (never fixtto his stone) I have seen in a recorded Manuscript-Book chained to a Table in a Chamber in the Guild-hall of London: which (the faults and corruptions being amended) is thus represented, together with the Title thereunto prefixed as I found it.  


Octob. 9 1646.  
Imprimatur,  
Na: Brent.   

TO give you him in his equal Draught and Composition: He was of a mean or low compact, but without disproportion & uneveness either in lineaments or parts (as his several Pictures present him.) His aspect had most of the Soldier in it; so his natural inclination (Complexions not uncertainely expounding our Dispositions) but what wants of the Cour●-Planet, effeminate Censurers think must needs be harsh and crabbed (and Envy will pick quarrels with an hair, rather than want Subject.) The Judgement and Courage of his Sword-actions, rendered him of a full Honour and Experience, which Fortune gratified with many Victories; never any Overthrows through his own default, for lack of Valour 
Sir Tho. Moor. Dake B●cking▪ in his speech to Mr. Morton.  or Policy. At Court, and in his general deportment, of an affable respect and tractable clearness. In his dispense, of a magnificent liberal hand, somewhat above his power (as Sir Tho. Moor sets down.) And surely the many Churches, with other good works he founded, (more than any one former King did in so short a time) must commend him charitable and religious, as the excellent Laws he made, do his wisdom and strain of Government, which all men confess of the best. So having (even from those his bitterest times) the esteem of a valiant, wise, noble, charitable and religious Prince, why should ours deprave him so much upon trust, & deny works their character and place?    

EPITAPHIUM Regis Richardi tertii, Sepulti ad Leicestriam, jussu, & sumptibus S ti Regis Henrici Septimi.  

HIc ego, quem vario Tellus sub Marmore claudit,  
Tertius a justa voce Richardus eram;  
Tutor eram Patriae, Patrius pro jure Nepotis;  
Dirupta, tenui regna Britanna, fide.  
Sexaginta dies binis duntaxat ademptis 
Annos 2. & 51. dies.   
AEtatesque, tulitunc mea Sceptra, duas.  
Fortiter in Bello certans desertus ab Anglis,  
Rex Henrice, tibi, septime, succubui  
At sumptu, pius ipse, tuo, sic ossa dicaras,  
Regem olimque facis Regis honore Coli.  
Quatuor exceptis jam tantum, quinque bis annis 
Anno Dominie 1484.   
Acta trecenta quidem, lustra salutis erant,  
Antique Septembris undena luce Kalendas, 
Die 21. Aug.   
Redideram rubrae jura petita Rosae.  
At mea, quisquis eris, propter commissa precarem  
Sit Minor ut precibus poena levata tuis.   
Deo O. M. Trino & Uno, sit laus & gloria aeterna.  
AMEN.   

EPIGRAMMA In Richardos Angliae Reges, ex vet. lib. M. S. transcriptum.  

TRes sunt Richardi quorum fortuna erat aequa,  
In tribus aescariis sua cujus propria sors est,  
Nam Concors horum finis sine posteritate  
Corporis, atque rapax vitae modus, & violentus  
Interitus fuerat; sed major gloria primi,  
Praelia terrarum qui gesserat & redeuntem  
Tela Balistarum feriunt apud extera regna.  
Alter depositus regno, qui carcere Clausus,  
Mensibus extiterat certis, fame velle perire  
Elegit potius, quam famae probra videre.  
Tertius exbausto statim amplo divitiarum  
Edwardi cumulo, proscribens auxiliares  
Henrici partes, post annos denique binos  
Suscepti regni, Bello confectus eisdem  
Mundanam vitam, tum perdidit atque Coronam:  
Anno milleno; Centum quater octuageno,  
Adjunctis quinque, & cum lux Sextilis adest  
Vndena duplex, dentes apri stupuerunt,  
Et vindex albae Rosa Rubra refloret in orbe.     
FINIS.  

A Table of the Heads contained in this BOOK.  

A.  
AMbition and covetousness, the cause of unnatural fends, murders, and infinite other mischiefs. Example, pag. 5. 12, 13, 14. 35, 36. 98, 99 104. 141. etc.  
Ambassador of Scotland his speech to K. Richard 3. p. 139. 140.  
Angel, Guardian. Genius. p. 106.  
Ann de la Poole, a Nun. 35.  
Anjou Fulke, Earl of Anjou, son of Geoffrey Grisegonnelle; p. 4. his purjury and murder of his Nephew Drogo. ib. his pilgrimage to the holy Sepulchre, his penance. ib. his great and famous posterity. p. 6, 7.  
Arms of France assumed by Ed. 3. p. 47.  
Arms of the ancient Earls of Anjou pag. 47.  
Arms of bastards differenced, 46.  
Arrogation of royal rights, 45.  
Arts Imperij and rules of policy in ancient times not warrantable, p. 14.  
Ancestors, or Antecestoures, the duty and respect we owe unto their memories, p. 69.  
Ambitious minds easily flattered, 35. a sour sweet, p. 30.   

B.  
Barons of England their great privilege, 118.  
Bastards, what they are, 44. cannot inherit, p. 45. not bear their father's name or arms, 46. without special indulgence, p. 48. Take the mother's name, 46. 47. The ancient custom of England and France herein, ib. Great families descended from bastards. p. 66. may be capable of offices and dignities, 48.  
Battle of Bosworth, 60. 61.  
Baynard Castle London, formerly York house, p. 20.  
Beaufort's, natural children of john of Gaunt, so called from a town in Anjou, 45. not permitted to the title of Lancas. ib. A charter of their legitimation, 48. 49.  
Benevolence, the meaning of that word in Edw. 4. his time, 133. in Margin.  
Barwick, recovered by the English. 10.  
Bucking▪ an ancient famly, 67. how descended, etc. 68 of the name, ib.  
Buckingham, Henry Stafford D. of Buck. his speech to the Lord protector, 20. 22. His revolt and rebellion, 34. his pretended title to the Crown, 35. retires & sides with Richmond, 36, his forces are scattered, himself betrayed and beheaded, 37.  
D. of Britain chose Knight of the Garter, 18.   

C.  
CHarter of Henry 4. entailing the Crown to his 4. sons successively, 50.  
Camp-fight, or single combats between Princes and Generals, and grounds of it, 62.  
Catarhe, to die of a Catarhe, what it means in France. 123.  
Censure and censuring, 63.  
K. Charles our most Gracious and dear sovereign Lord; his just, undoubted right, his many great and ancient titles to the Imperial Crown of England, 144, 145, 146.  
Clarence, G. D. of Clarence, rebels against his Brother Edward 4. is taken and beheaded, 82, 83.  
Clergy, pride of Popish Clergy, 53.  
Comeliness of personage adds a grace to virtue, 42.  
Comes, or Count two fold signification of it, 8.  
Constable-ship of England, joined to the Earldom of Hereford, 34.  
Vice-Constable, a new and politic institution, 31. A copy of their Commission, ibid.  
Cole Harbour London, at first Herald's Office, 138.  
Conqueror and Conquest, Licentious power of it, 54, 55. Titles by conquest not safe nor lasting, 144. distasted of the people as tyrannical, 54.  
Covetuonsness root of all evil, 5. etc. as in Ambition.  
Council and Councillors, 51, 52. 55. 103  
Sergeant princes, many examples. p. 89.  
Cowardice, Insolence over a conquered enemy a note of it, 61.  
Crown, little pleasure in it, 21.   

D.  
DEath, the best men have died violent deaths, 140. To die in battle a glorious death, ibid. We must not a man's life, by the manner of his death, 141.  
Decree of God, not to be prevented, 63.  
Deformity of body, no blemish to virtue, 80.  
Desire's unlawful, always unsatiable, 5. 116.  
Detraction, v. Slander.  
Dimock, Champion to K. Rich. 3. makes a challenge in defence of the King's title to the Crown, 27.  
Divorce of Wives, formerly usual upon slight occasions, 127. Copy of a Bill of divorce in use among the jews, 128.  
Dux and Comes, Ducatus and Comitatus were formerly Synonomies. 4.  
Drogo, Young Earl of Britain made away by his Uncle, 5.   

E.  
EDward 3. King of England his lineage, 4. thought privy and consenting to his father's deposition & massacre, 141.  
Edward Earl of March, obtains the Crown, 8. sends an army into Scotland to recover his tribute, 10. received tribute of France, 29. much feared for his prowess, 19 His wantonness and many loves, 115, 116. His witty Leman, 121. Had two wives at once, 116, 117. Ill consequences of his last marriage, 118. His answer to his mother, 120. Adjudged unlawful, & the children illegitimate. Parliam. Anno 1. Rich. 3. p. 30. And refused by the Barons and Commons as incapable of rule. 20. 22. His daughters mean fortunes, 143. His death supposed by treachery, 11. by poison, 102. 123. Appointed his brother Ric. D. of Gloucester protector, 11  
Edward 5. conveyed with an honourable conduct from Ludlow to London 11. reports of his death divers, but uncertain, 83, 84. most probable that he died of sickness and infirmity, 85.  
Edward, Prince of Wales son of Hen. 6. Murdered, 81. 141.  
Edw. Prince of Wales son of R. 3. died to the great grief of the K. & Q▪ 44.  
Elinor Talbot, alias Butler, married to Edw. fourth 116. her wrongs and death, 122.  
Elizabeth Grace, her witty strengths against K. Edward's amorous assaults, 117. Is married to him privately in a lodge, 118. Is confined to an Abbey by Hen. 7. and dies of grief, 143.  
Elizabeth, daughter of Ed. 4. desired by her letter to marry with Richard 3. 128. 129.  
Elinor Talbot, alias Butler, married to E. 4. 116. her wrongs & death, 122.  
Escape what the offence is. 100   

F.  
Falcon Serrure, a French devise of obseen signification, 115.  
Faulconbridge a famous Pirate apprehended by a wile, 9  
Flattery and Flatterers, 52. 133. 78.  
Fortune inconstant, 41. Virtuous Master of her, 57  
Fortitude, a notable example in Rio. 3. 59 60. 61.  
Friends and friendship, 52 best known in adversity, Ib.  
French King pays a tribute of 75000. crowns to K. Edw. 4. and rich pensions to divers Noble men. 29.   

G.  
GAston de Foix K. of Navarr, 19 Grace, Woodvile, and others of the Reginists executed at Pomfret for treachery, 13,  
Gloucester City rewarded by Rich. 3. for their loyalty, 28.  
G●mot, what it is, 125.  
Genius or Angel Guardian, 106.   

H.  
HAstings his affection to Edw. 4. his children, 13. Is betrayed and executed in the Tower, ibid.  
Henry 2. K. of England, his great descent and spacious Empire, 4. his penance for Tho Beckets death, 5. Surnamed du Court Mantea, & why, 4.  
Henry 4. King of England, caused his sovereign Rich. 2. anointed King to be Murdered, 14. Entails the Crown to his heirs, 50.  
Henry 6. K. of England, not murdered by Rich. 3. but died a natural death of grief and melancholy, 80, 81.  
Henry Te●dor Earl of Richm. borne in Pembroke castle, 16. His noble descent, 144, 145. by his mother, 50. by his Grandmother and Father, Ib. His escape into France, 16. And there detained prisoner, 17, 18, 19 His various and doubtful fortunes. Ib. & 43. 57 Is attainted of high Treason, 30. A description of his Person and qualities, 42, 58. 144. A wise, provident, a religious Prince, 58. 144. Lays claim to the Crown of England, 17. Made good by marriage, 53. And the Pope's Bull, 55. And act of Parliament, 145. His title de jure belli, or of conquest confirmed by the Pope, and distasted by the Barons, 54, 55. Invades England with ill success, 43. His 2. invasion by aid of the French, 56, 57 59 Overthrows K. R. 3. at Redmore heath, and is crowned by the name of Henry 7 th' 62.. His vow at the high Altar in Vannes, 42. Is very covetous, 88 too partial and credulous, 51. Unkind and severe to his Wife, 143. And to the Wife and Children of Edw. 4. Ib. His pretence against the Ea: of Warwick, 105. 141. And Perk. Warbeck alias Rich. Plantag. 95. His breach of promise, 93. He feared 3. men specially, Ib. His reach upon the Duke of Burgundy, 142. His charge to his son upon his deathbed, ib.  
Henry the first, K. of England, surnamed Beauclerke, 16. Or the good Clerk. His ambition and covetousness, 141. cruelty to his elder Brother, ib.  
Heralds, whence the name derived, 138. a College of Heralds founded by R. 3. ibid.  
Herbertus, Chamberlain to W. Rufus & Ancestor to the Epirotes of Pemb. and Mountgom. & founder of that name, 16.  
Historians, their great partiality, 134, 135. 143. The errors of vulgar Historians, 41.  
Howards, their great Nobility, alliance and descent: from Hewardus or Herewardus; the story of him, 66. signification of the name, ib. & of Hawardus, 67.  
Tho: Howard Barl of Surrey, escapes Bosworth field, 64. A notable speech of his showing his integrity, ibid. Is advanced by Henry 7. ib. Triumphator Scotorum, 67.  
Sir Charles Howard, Lord Admiral in 88 His noble fame, 67.   

I.  
james the 4th King of Scotland, denies his tribute to England, 10. An army is sent to recover it, ib. But a Truce concluded, ibid.  
James the 5 th'. of Scotland, challenges Thomas Earl of Arundel in Camp fight. 62.  
James King of Great Britain, his Noble clemency to some regal Titulars, 135.  
Jane Shore, King Edw. 4. his Concubine, 115. 135.  
Jerusalem a barren soil, 6.  
Imperial Ensigns of England, & their signification, 26.  
Ingratitude, ex. 59, 60.  
John, King of England, charged with the murder of his Nephew, 141.   

K.  
KAtherin, wife of Sir Otho Swinford, Mother of the Beaufort's, 44.  
King's have their bounds, 29. Their prerogatives in judgements and Controversies, 54. Cannot commit high Treason, 63. May not marry their Subjects, 119. A King deposed for so doing, ib. Kings and kingdoms in Gods disposing, 63. changed by him & why, 140. Two evils especially the overthrow of Kings and kingdoms, 103. To kill an Anointed King a sacrilegious offence, p. 80.  
Knights and Lords created, 25.   

L.  
LAncaster and Beaufort how they differ, 30. 44. 47.  
Legitimation. What the Pope's legitimation is, and what the Princes, 47, 48.  
Liars need of good memories, 84.  
Lancaster escheated to Edward 4. 35. 47. Don Duart de Lancastro, 45.  
Laws, good Laws made by R. 3.▪  
Laws against Bastards, 48.  
Loyalty, a rare example, 64.   

M.  
MArgaret Plantag. daughter of Geo. Duke of Clarence put to dearh, 143  
Matilda or Maud the Empress, daughter and heir of H. 1. 4. Anglor Dom. ibid.  
Malice, malicious, 130. Height of malice, 75.  
Marble stone, or fatal stone, prophesy of it, 146. Brought out of Scotland into England by Edward the 1. And placed at Westminster, ib. The stone that Jacob laid his head upon, ib.  
Marriage not lawful between those that have lived in adultery, 45. Between Uncles and Nieces frequent in other Country's, 129.  
Monasteries suppressed with the true cause of it, 77.  
Monuments of the British Empir●, 146  
Sir Thomas Moor a great enemy of R. 3. 76. Came short of the learning is ascribed to him, died scoffing, ib. Lord Chancellor of Eng. 77. And a sworn vassal to the Pope, 76.  
Morton Bishop of Ely a subtle man. 15. A great enemy of K. R. 3. ib. & 75, 76, 77. A temporizer, 52. His extreme pride and covetousness, 53. Lord Chancellor of Eng. 77.   

N.  
Names taken from Offices, & other occasions, 5, 6, 66.  
Nandick, a conjurer. Parl. 1. H. 7.  
Natural Father, natural sons & daughters, why so called!—  
Natural daughters may take the surname of France, 46.  
Nobleness of nature, Examp. 61. etc.   

O.  
OFficers of State, 25. 32.  
Oxford, john de Vene Earl of Ox. fevere against nicknamed Perkin Warbeck: 105. he gave sentence of death 'gainst the innocent Earl of Warwick, ib. Strange dissipation of a mighty estate, ib.  
Oppression: many examples of it, 99 141. and pastime, alibi.   

P.  
PArasites, the nature of them, p. 27. 78.  
Parliaments, their power & authority, 124. From whence the word is derived, ib. A Court of great antiquity, 125. Called by the Saxons Witengemot, the meeting of wise men, ibid. The honour and obedience due unto them, 126. Parl. 1. R. 3. Many good Laws enacted.  
Pater, mater, parents, or parents, words of larger signification, among other Nations then among us, 69.  
Perkin Warbeck his story, 84. Confirmed by many noble and learned men, 100, 101.  
Philip Duke of Burgundy, K. of Castille, driven by a storm with his Qu: upon the coast of England, 141, 142. His entertainment, ib.  
Plantaganest, or Plantagenet: original occasion of that name, 4, 5. borne by the Earls of Anjou, ib. Grows into contempt, 46. Geoffery Plantagenet Earl of Anjou a Courtly Prince, 4. Married Maud the Empress, ib. Who was first founder of that name in England, 45.  
Poole, Edmund de la Poole commanded to be put to death by H. 7. contrary to his promise, 142. Katherine de la Poole died in prison, ib. Sir H. de la Pool put to death, ib. All of the house of York. Reynold Poole after Cardinal, fled beyond Sea, ib.  
john de la Pool Ea. of Lincoln, proclaimed heir apparent to the Crown of England, 44.  
Popes, their power anciently very great, 124. Limited by Canonists, 47. Cannot legitimate Bastards to inherit, ib. That belongs only to the Magistrate, 48. Their intolerable pride, 53. Dispense with incestuous marriages, 55. Their dispensations held sacred, 144. Pope's Bull, 55. Their proud defiance to all Laws divine & humane, 1●8.  
Prescription, power of it, 144.  
Prince, formerly a title of Sovereign power, but now restrained, 49, 50.  
Prince of Wales, Son to H. 6. barbarously murdered at Tewksbury, 81. Rich. 3. clear of it, ib.  
Prophesy of a Hermit, concerning de Vere Earl of Oxford; the occasion & event of it, 105.  
Providence, Divine providence worketh by conrtary means, 43. Cannot be prevented, 63.   

Q.  
QUeen Mother, and Dowager of Ed. 4. reconciled to R. 3. 29. Confined to an Abbey, and dies of grief, 143.  
Quithlaw, Commissioner for the K. of Scots, an eloquent man, 33. 139, 140.   

R.  
Rack and torture, use of it condemned, 94, 95. and reasons, ib.  
Restitution of illgotten goods, a hard and rare thing, 43. 99  
Resolution a notable example in Rich. 3. 59, 60.  
Riot, and riotous Princes, 139.  
Richard 3. King of England, his great and Noble descent, page. 3. Time and place of his birth, p. 7. Brought up at Utricht in Holland, p. 8. Is Knighted, created Du: of Glost. & marries the Princess Dowager of Wales, ibid. & 81. His wisdom, courage & constancy to his brother, 9 makes a prosperous expedition into Scot 10, 11 & is made protector, ib. His care of his Nephews, and duty to the young K. in hope Edw. 5. ib. Is elected K. by the Lords and Commons in Parliam. 20. 22. Is crowned with his Queen, and anointed with great Magnificence, 24, 25, 26. Received at York in great honour and crowned the 2 time. ib. His title conferred, 30. Is cleared from the death of his Nephews, 21, 22, 23. 31. 84, 85, 86. 101. 102, 103, 104, 106, 107. Of his brother Clarence 82. Of H. 6. & Prince Edw. his son, 81 82 of his own wife, 107. 129. & from the slander raised upon his mother and brother, 82, 83. Was no Tyrant, 78. his mildness, his ruin, 61. 136 His great magnificence, wisdom, & justice, 8, 9 12. 15. 27. 28. His many eminent virtues, 136, 137, 138. His pious works, 138, 139. His virtues maliciously depraved, 78. The partiality of his accusers, 130. 135. His defamations examined and answered, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79. His description and commendation, 148. Was not deformed. His politic wooing the L. Eliza. his Niece, 126, 127. 129. His treaties with foreign princes, 32. 33. 34. His noble valour at Bosworth field Wears the Crown Royal and why, 59 60, 61. Invites Rich. to a single combat. ib. Is slain and barbarously mangled, 62. Is buried at Leicester under a fair Marble, 147. His Epitaph, 149. attainted of high treason with his followers, 126. Is compared with other Kings of England. 141.  
Three Richards Kings of England compared, an Epigram upon them, 150.  
Rolls, domus conversorum or house convertits, 139.   

S.  
SAnctuary, great privilege of i●, 19 92, 93.  
Sebastian King of Portugal escaped the battle of Alcazar, 97, 98. After long travel gets to Venice & is known, ib. Is betrayed into the K. of Spain's power, charged for a counterfeit, & made away, 99  
Slander and Slanderers, 77, 78. 103.  
Sotbriquets, nicknames or sir-n●mes, examples, 5, 6.  
Somersets Earls of Worcester, from whom descended, 47.  
Sorcery & witchcraft, divers accused of, 102.  
Subjects, men are Subjects to that Prin● under whose protection they live, 105.  
Suspicion, evil of it, 30. Note of an evil mind, ib. Honest mind nor suspicious, Ib.   

T.  
TAlbot. Elinor Talbot Widow of the Lord Butler, forsaken of Edward 4 th'. which caused her death, 122.  
Teeth, many worthy men borne with teeth, 79.  
Traitor, reward of Traitors, 37. 97:  
Treason and rebellion, their pretext, 34. Sovereign Princes cannot commit Treason, 126. K. R. 3. attainted of Treason, but unduly, ibid.  
Tyrant, what it signifies in the proper signification, 80. 133, 134.  
Torture vid. Rack.   

V.  
VAlour a notable example, 60, 61.  
Valiana minds hate treachery and bloody acts, 81.  
Vanity and uncertainty of humane States, 36, 37. 59  
Upstarts, 46.   

W.  
WAkefield battle, 7.  
War between England and Scotland, and the cause of it, 9, 10. 7.  
Warren, Earl of Surrey, 46.  
Warwick, Richard Nevil the great Earl of Warwick, 117. Distastes K. Edw. 4. and takes up arms against him, 118. Edward Earl of Warwick put to death, 96.  
Wedding King of England, 146.  
William Conqueror his nobleness toward his dead enemy, 61.  
Woolsey the great Cardinal, his just commendations, 78.   

Y.  
YOrke. Edmond Plantagen. alias de Langley first Duke of York, 4. The Title of that House to the Crown of England, 3. Richard Du: of York and Father of K. R. 3. designed King by H. 6. And the High Court of Parliament, 3. Crown entailed to his Issue, 20. 51.  
Richard Duke of York, 2d son of Edw. 4. sent beyond sea, and brought up privately at Warbeck in Planders, for fear of the faction of Lancaster, 85, 87. Discovers himself, 88 Is acknowledged by the English Nobility, ib. Favoured of Foreign Princes, 90, 91. His various fortunes, 92. Is proclaimed King, 92. Is taken and sent to the Tower, 93. His sufferings there, 94. His offence forged, for which he is hanged at Tyburn, 95.  
Duchess of York her speech to her Son King Edward 4. 119, 120. Cruelty showed to the remainers of the House of York, 143. A final subversion of that house and name, ibid.    

An Explication of some dark words and Sentences.  

SOtbriquets or Sobriquets; Nickenams, 4.  
Angeume, of or belonging to Anjou.  
Natural son; i. a Bastard, also a natural Father.  
Rodomantade, p. 12. a brag or bravado.  
Cloth of assuyance, 27. Towel or napkin that wait on the cup.  
Contrast, withstanding or repugnance.  
Parergum, 32. Something added that is not of the principal matter.  
Tort, 35. wrong, injury, and violence.  
umbrage or Ombrage, 35. Suspicion, also disgrace.  
Disgust, 36. Distaste.  
Contrecar, 44. A counter-strength, &c:  
Filij populi, 44. Bastard's so called, being children of common women, & in respect of the Father of uncertain Parentage.  
Ne Croix ny Pile, 51. Neither cross nor pile, not one title or jot of right▪ etc.  
Ambidexter, a jack on both sides.  
Brother uterine, 51. (1) by the mother's side.  
Abbayance. 53. In delay or dispute, such as Lawyers use, a term borrowed from another creature.  
Apodixis, 60. Plain demonstration of a thing.  
Jnconcuss, that cannot be shaken, undaunted.  
Bartlemies, 63. Meant of the great and general massacre of above 100000. Protestants in France, chiefly in Paris, and the Country adjoining on Saint Bartholmews Eve, Anno 72. whereupon S t. Bartholmews tears,  
Bartholomaeus flet, quia Gallicus occubat Atlas.  
Como sal in aqua, 105. Is meant of sudden wasting.  
Monomachy, 62. When two sight single without seconds.  
Cadet, 67. A younger brother.  
Guerdonable, worthy of reward, 75.  
Aneu, 45. An acknowledging, or taking for his own. Geus saus adneu, vagabonds, that none will own so Bastards, are not admitted to their adneu (1) not acknowledged by their Fathers.  
Rebus de Picardy, Devises and representations of odd things by words & mottoes, which present one thing, and by deviding the word, in pronunciation, signify another.  
Falcon Serrure, An abscene French device, and presents the use of Italian locks.    

Authors quoted in this History.  

AUgustine.  
Aristotle.  
Baleus.  
Boetius.  
Buchan.  
Cambden.  
Cicero.  
Cambrensis.  
Claudian.  
Croyland. Pryor  
Comineus  
Cook  
Demosthines  
Dion.  
AEsopus.  
Euripides  
Ennius  
Erasmus  
Epictetus  
Fabian  
Fuchius  
Froisard  
Grafton  
Glover  
Guinsford  
Goodwin  
Du Hailon  
Hall  
Hollinshead  
Hyrd  
Dele-Hay  
Harding  
Hist. de Brit.  
Homer  
Julius Capital  
Juvenall  
Justus Vulterius  
Lib. Manus●r.  
Apud D. Rob. Cotton.  
Lampridius  
Lucan  
Maximus.  
Moor  
Monstrolet  
Newbrigensis  
Nyerus  
Ovid  
Osiander  
Pliny  
Paradin  
Polidor virg.  
Plutarch  
Seneca  
Sarisburensis  
Stow  
Strabo  
Socrates  
Stanford  
Suetonius  
De Serces  
Tacitus  
Terence  
Tillet  
Virgil  
Valla  
Walsingham   
With many Parliament Rolls and Records.  
FINIS,