THE Painted-Harlot Both Stripped and Whipped, Or the Second Part of NAKED TRUTH, Containing.  
A further Discovery of the Mischief of Imposition, among the People called Quakers, by reason of a certain Law or Edict, made by G. Whitehead, S. Crisp, and others of the Leaders and Preachers of G. F's Party, at a Yearly-Meeting, or General Council, held at London, the 27th. of the 3d. Mo. 1675; strictly requiring us neither to FORSAKE, DECLINE, nor REMOVE our Meetings, like WORLDLY, FEARFUL, and POLITIC Professors: Whereby their Usurpations are manifest, and how they begun to exercise Dominion over the Consciences of their Brethren, like the Gentiles of Old, contrary to the Example of Christ Jesus, his Holy Apostles, and the whole Current of Scripture Testimony; and like the fair-pretending, fair-saying Pharisces, are laying heavy Burdens, and cruel Yokes of Bondage on the Disciples Necks, but will not ease with one Finger, as this Treatise will fully manifest.  
BEING ALSO A Brief Answer to a part of G. whitehead's Book, called, Judgement Fixed, etc. and S. Cators Narrative: Of which R. Sandiland's Book gave Advertisement, that it was long since in the Press, Entitled, The Lib. of an Apost. Cons. etc. Wherein the Liberty and Freedom that the said S. C. for bimself and his Brethren [the Preachers of G. F's Party stand for and vindicate] is manifested to be both , Immoral, and Injurious, and as great an Oppression to many of their Hearers, as that of Tithes, so much by them disclaimed. By a Lover of Justice, F. BUGG. Mildenhall, the 16th. of the 5th. Month, 1683.  
Therefore have I also made you to be despised, and vile before all the People, because ye have not kept my Ways, but have been partial in the Law, Mal. 2.9.  
Hear this, I pray you, ye Heads of the House of Jacob, and Princes of the House of Israel, that abhor Justice, and pervert all Equity, Micah, 3.9.  
LONDON, Printed by J. Gain, for the Author, Anno, 1683. and are to be sold by F. Smith, at the Elephant and Castle in Cornhill: where also may be had the Author's former Book, Entitled, De Christiana Libertate, etc. which was Printed, Anno, 1682.   

THE Preface to the Reader.  
Friendly Reader,  
I WOULD not be understood to write against the People called Quakers in general, for I know that many of our Ministering Friends, as they have not concerned themselves at these Monthly, Quarterly, Yearly, nor Second-day-Meetings in making Laws, Orders, Directories, and Prescriptions to bind the Consciences of their Brethren to the Observation of this, that, or the other Ceremony or Practice in Religion; nor to impose doubtful Things upon them, contrary to their Faith and Persuasion, as knowing what is not of Faith is Sin; SO ALSO in Suffering Times I have observed them to be as ready to Suffer and bear their own Burden, as to exhort others to Constancy and Patience, and thereby have been good Examples to the Flock, etc.  
Neither would I be understood to charge G. F's Party with the grosser sort of Popery, held by some Papists, that I may quote; as very unfairly and unjustly G. W. would insinuate W. R. to have done: See Judgement Fixed, etc. pag. 53, 54, 55. Viz. Bloodsuckers, etc. No, W. R's words will bear no such sense, as to compare them to these or the like Practices; neither would I be understood to intent any such Comparisons; nor yet that they hold any Personal Correspondency with the Church and See of Rome, or any of their Priests, Jesuits, etc. Or that they have any design to advance the Interest of a Pope at Rome. But if that which hath been reproved as Popish-like Doctrines by such called Quakers, with whom my Adversaries were at Unity, be practised by them, than I may safely charge and reprove G. F. and his Party, as guilty of Popish-like Practices.  

Now see what such have told the Church of England, and others, to be both Romish and Antichristian.  
First, To accept any Principle (or Practice) as fundamentally true, or Orthodox, that is not laid down, and avoucht to be such, by the plain Text of Scripture. See W. P's Caveat against Popery. p. 37. more at large.  
Secondly, Jo. Cole says The Church of Rome doth not admit that every one should walk & act as they are persuaded in their Consciences: which is a Popish Practice. (See the Whore Vnvailed, pag. 71, 72.  
Thirdly, R. Hubbertborn says, That to impose any thing upon another Man's Conscience, either to do, or Practice, is not to do unto another, as he would have another do unto him, and therefore is contrary to Christ's Doctrine, and Antichristian. See his Works; pag. 188. And many such Places I could quote out of our Ancient Friends Writings.  
Now if I do not make it appear that such Orders have been made amongst us, as cannot be avouched by the plain Text of Scripture; and that G. F's Party, like the Church of Rome, will not admit that People should walk and act as they are persuaded in their Consciences; and not only so, but impose upon their Consciences both to do and Practice, than indeed I am blame-worthy, etc.  
First then, in order to prove: See the Cannon and Directory made at a Quarterly-Meeting at Hadenham, in the Isle of Ely, and County of Cambridge, the 1st. of the 10th. Month, 1675, about publishing the Intention of Marriage, as it stands Recorded in their Book Verbatim. Viz.  
It is ordered and agreed upon at this Quarterly-Meeting, that no Friends for time to come, may permit or suffer Marriages without the consent of Friends at two Men's and Woman's Meetings [they being distinct and apart] and the Man and Woman to come both to the said Meetings to receive the Answer of Friends; that so no disorderly or indirect Proceed may be carried on any more contrary to the Unity of Friends.  
Where is now the plain Text of Scripture to avouch this, or a Precedent for it, and the distinct Womens-Meetings, unless in the Pope's Nunnery? Where R. R. in his Few Ingredients, says, there is something like it. Do they not by this Order say plainly, That none shall walk or act as they are persuaded in their Consciences, who are not persuaded thus to publish the Intentions of their Marriage; and their Practice hath also declared the same. Do they not by this Law or Cannon declare plainly, that they impose both to do and Practice, which is at once both Romish-like, Papist-like, and Antichristian. And what we would not have the Church of England Men do unto us. And for a Proof of their Executive Power and Practice, as well as their Legislative; see the Condemnation of J. A. who could not conform to their Orders; who at Hadenham, in the Isle of Ely, and County of Cambridge, was tried, and by Vote adjudged worthy of this Sentence following, Viz.  
Hadenham, the 4th. of the 7th. Month, 1678.  
We at this Quarterly-Meeting, having the business of J. A. his taking his Wife contrary to the Orders of Friends, brought before us: and Friends having several times spoke to him about it; and he not giving Friends Satisfaction, we do testify that we have no Union with him in this his so doing. See my Book, De Chr. Lib. pag. 60, 61, 62, more at large.  
Here is Proof of your Popish like Practice; and Precedents, both of your Legislative and Executive Power in your Church-Government about this particular, namely, publishing Marriages. But by R. S' base way of Writing, his Reader that believes him, may think that J. A. did then marry, when the Woman was not with him, which was false; for he, about two months after his Publication, took her to Wife in a large Meeting, according to the Ancient Practice of Friends, of which hereafter I may speak more at large, as well as to other particulars, in the Books of R. S. and G. W. showing their fallacious Dealing, etc.  
And were I minded to draw a History of some of the Principles and Practices of some of the Papists, and compare them to some of the Practices of G. F. and his Party, I think I could do it to a Hairs breadth: but that would exceed the bounds of a Preface; so that I rather refer the Reader to the History of Malmsberry, Huntingdon, and Hovedon, which was Printed at Frankford by Wichelus, Anno 1601. The last Edition of Goodwin's Catalogue of Bishops: Fox his Acts and Monuments: The Complete History of Independency: Prin's Antip, etc. Where he may find mention made of T. Becket, Successor to Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, who was a great Innovator, an Enemy to Christian-Liberty, etc. Also Hubert the 42d. Bishop of Canterbury, who in Arrogance and Pride was Eminent: also S. Lang●hon, another Prelate, whose Treachery wass sufficiently manifest: as also Pandolf, the Pope's Legate, who whispered K. John to resign his Crown and Kingdom to the Pope, and of him to receive it again: Likewise S. Edm. another Bishop, who was Canonised by Pope Innocent the iv And what shall I say of Boniface, Stratford, Courtney, T. Arundel, Cuthbert, Tonstal, S. Gardener, Bonner, Cardinal Woolsy; together with the pranks of Hugh Peter, and his Brethren, who made their Pulpits ring with Curse ye Meros', Curse ye bitterly, etc. I say, what shall I say concerning these whom G. F's Party too much resemble; only take a short review of some of their Practices, and leave my Reader to observe what Coherence and Harmony they bear with the Practices of G. F's Party, etc.  
Did not the last rehearsed, by their Preaching, stir up Strife and Contention, and sow the Seeds of Division, Strife and Discord, & c?  
So have the Ministers of G. F's Party, who since the Orders for Womens-Meetings, and other Innovations, have been introduced; have made it their business; both by Printing, and Preaching, to magnify the said Orders, styling them, the good Ordinances of Jesus Christ, Christ's Government, the Established Order of the Gospel, Blessed Things from the Oracle of Divine Breath. And such as could not fall in, accept and conform to these new fashioned Ceremonies, but have conscientiously testified against them, they have termed to be Informers, Judass, Raging Waves of the Sea, enemies to Zion's Glory, Wolves, Dogs, Devils, yea, Devils Incarnate: with abundance of other  Names, etc. By which they have showed themselves to be the Evil Seedsmen of our Time, whose Practices have been as pernicious to the peace of the Church, as the recited Doctrine of such as lived in former Times, etc.  
Did any of the recited Papists interrogate their people, whether they owned ●his? or favoured that Opinion? etc. And did they love singularity, and affect great Attendance, & c?  
So do G. F. and his party, who frequently ask us, if we own W. R's Book, I was once called out of a Quarterly-Meeting at Hadenham, by S. Fulbig, and asked, whether I owned W. R's Book: and so G. W. and others of G. F's ●arty have asked several Friends. Likewise this we have for many years observ●d, unless it be very lately amended; that when G. F. is minded to speak first, ●n a Meeting, he will soon begin; and when he hath ended his Speech, though the Meeting be not half spent, yet he goes out: likewise, if he intent to speak last, he very seldom comes into a Meeting until it be half spent; as if he was above the state of waiting, or receiving Benefit by others Preaching, which manifests his Singularity: and as to G. F's Attendance, it far exceeds his fellow Preachers in divers respects, etc.  
Did any of the recited Papists make Laws, Cannons and Directories for the People to observe, and had they Councils, Synods, and Convocations to determine them? So have G. F's party. See my Book De Ch. Lib. p. 61, 62. and this Treatise, p. 13, 15, 17, 55. etc. See also for a precedent, the Hadenham-Order, above recited; and J. A's Condemnation for Nonconformity: And to complete and confirm these their Rules and Cannons, etc. they have Yearly and Second-day Meetings in London, and Monthly and Quarterly-Meetings in the Country.  
Did any of the recited Papists receive and accept of Gifts given to Holy Church, or to themselves, when not given by Name? And did they by virtue of their sacred Function, Degree, or Order, receive such Bequests so bequeathed? So do G. F's Party, witness the last Will and Testament of John Mason of Whitlesea-Cotes, who bequeathed 20 l. to be distributed to Friends of the Ministry; of which S. Cater, by virtue of his Ministry, got a good share; not given to him by Name, as S. C. For than what had any Man to do with it, since a man may give his Estate to whom he pleases: no, but it was Samuel's Ministry which entitled him thereunto. And notwithstanding this and his other Gifts, Prison-Treats, and other Privileges which have abounded to him, even beyond his Equals; yet he will make a sad noise against the poor Priests for taking Money, Gifts, and Rewards, for, or by reason of their Priestly-Office and Function; as if they were all gone after Baalam, and himself, poor innocent Man, an utter Enemy to all Gifts and Rewards, etc.  
Did any of the recited Papists persecute, or excommunicate any for dispersing the Books of Luther, Zuinglius, Bucer, Hus, Tindal, Frith, Barns, and others? See Fox's Acts and Monuments, pag. 248. And Spir. Mart. Revived, pag. 213: as at large in my De Chr. Lib. pag. 204. etc.  
So do G. F's party, who excommunicated J. B. for selling and dispersing W. R's Book, as at large recited in De Chr. Lib. pag. 197. A short Abstract whereof is as followeth, Viz.  
From the Monthly-Meeting at Devonshire-house, the 4th. of the 11th. Month, 1681. Viz.  
Whereas there have been some unruly Spirits gone out from Truth— Writing, Printing, and Publishing Things hurtful and prejudicial to Truth, by corrupting of People's Minds: 
* At the same time B. C their Bookseller, sold Ballads, Gypsy-Books, and Papist Books, yet not Excommunicated, that I hear of, etc.  tending also to draw them into disesteem of many of the Lords Servants. 
* Note, this is a Preservative for their Ministers decaying Reputation, etc. — Upon Consideration of these things, we find ourselves CONSCIENTIOUSLY concerned to take notice of something of this kind, befallen J. B. who was Formerly a Member of this Meeting, who having dispersed into several parts of this Nation, divers of those pernicious Books in Print, wrote by W. R. called The Christian-Quaker, distinguished from the Apostate and Innovator, etc.— So that now we being wholly clear, having used our utmost Endeavours to reclaim him— do not only testify against that Spirit which hath, as aforesaid, led him into that disorderly Practice, but also against him, while joined thereunto: 
Δ Reader, observe that J. B. and his Spirit too, are both at once excluded; sad News for J. B.  Nor can we have Spiritual Communion or Fellowship with him, until unfeignedly he shall return unto the Truth, by Condemnation of that Work & Spirit.  
Did any of the recited Papists break Faith, and League, and make void their solemn Agreements, and firm Covenants with such as they account Heroticks?  
So have G. F's Party; witness the Agreement made at Hadenham Quarterly Meeting, that no more Controversy betwixt S. C. G. S. and me, should be; and yet as soon as I put forth my Book De Chr. Lib. G. W. and S. C. by print, revived the same, which occasions this Reply, etc. See p. 51, 52, 64. of this Treatise.  
Did any of the recited Papists so overrule the People, as that none dare to call in question the Pope's Holiness, or reprove his Ministers, or examine their Preachers: but like poor tame Asses, must believe all that is said, and take all on trust, & c?  
So do G. F's Party; for whosoever speaks against any of his Ministers, or examine their Doctrine, or reprove them for their evil Behaviour, or Imperious Carriage, let them look to it, they are in danger of Excommunication to the utmost of their Power. And for a Proof and President of this their Church-Procedure; I may recite their Record made against me, as it lies in their Hadenham Quarterly Book; for writing to G. W. wherein I impeached him as an Enemy of Christian-Liberty, in certain Letters wrote to him, and offered to prove it, and told him and his Fellow Preachers of the Second-days Meeting, of their Usurpations: as at large recited in De Chr. Lib. p. 150, 172, 180. Viz.  
At a Quarterly-Meeting in Hadenham, the 7th. of the 4th. Mo. 82.  
Whereas this day there were inferred 
Notable Scholars, inferred.  into our Meeting several Papers subscribed by F. B. wherein he hath unrighteously and ungodly reflected upon Ancient Friends, and greatly abused Faithful Ministers of the Gospel 
□ They may speak what they please of any Ministers, but none must speak to them.  and also amongst the said Papers, was one subscribed by 12 Persons, directed to the Second-days Meeting in London, wherein Friends are misrepresented and greatly abused: which said Paper we believe 
▵ And that is enough, they being always furnished with discerning and Judgement, or else they would have sent for me to have confessed it, or proved it. If J. Lilburn's Judges had been thus confident, and his Jury thus Implicit, he must have been hanged, when he was tried at Guild-Hall in October, 1649, for writing the Naked-Truth in O. G's Time, etc.  the said F. B. promoted. Now we being greatly grieved in our Spirits, and truly sensible of his herein going from Truth, do testify we have no Unity with him, nor can have while he is thus acted.  
Did any of the recited Papists give and attribute to any of the Popes, such Names as was due only to God and Christ?  
So have G. F's Party given and attributed to G. F. these Names and Titles following, Viz. One greater than Moses; a Prophet indeed:— It was said of Christ, He was in the World, and the World was made by him, and the World knew him not: So it may be said of this true Prophet, whom John said, he was not: but thou shalt feel this Prophet one day as heavy as a Millstone upon thee; and although the World knows him not, yet he is known.— Again, they style G. F. The Father of many Nations; whose Life hath reached through us thy Children even to the Isles afar off: whose Being and Habitation is in the Power of the Highest; in which thou lives and governs in Righteousness: and thy Kingdom is established in Peace ● and the Increase thereof is without End, etc. And for more of this nature, let the Reader peruse the 5th Part of Babel's, &c. by T. C. p. 7. and the 5th. part of the Christian-Quaker, distinguished, etc. per W. R. pag. 77. which, for brevity, I pass by, leaving my Reader to weigh and consider these things, and the manner of their Church-Government, by recording their Sentences, and comparing them with other their directions from their Second-days Meeting in London and Yearly-Meetings as hinted in my last Letter to the Second-days Meeting printed at the latter end of this Treatise, and other places, both in this Treatise and in my former Book De Chr. Lib. And if ever he was sensible of the swee● Harmony that was amongst us in the Beginning of our Christian-Liberty, that w● then both pleaded for, and admitted to each other; and how God alone was in tha● day exalted, and Man abased; the Holy Scripture esteemed, and Man's Orders Directories and Cannons disclaimed; and I think he hath cause to take up a Lamentation to behold the Change, the Apostasy, and vast Declension from our Primitive Principles and Practices that hath befallen the Leaders and Teacher among us, etc.  
Object. But some may object and say, That also what is here inserted, i● chief what is upon Record amongst them, yet to lessen thy Testimony, they bespatter thee, and represent thee as a fraudulent Man; as an aggravation of thy Gild, they say, that the 5 l. which the Justice gave thee towards thy Charges in prosecuting the said three Appeals, mentioned, p. 10. one for J. Foulkes, and two for thyself, etc. was an abatement of S. C 's Fine of 15 l. and so you suffered but 10l. for him, etc. This is frequently spread abroad.  
Answ. All this I cannot help, the Servant is not greater than his Lord: if their Predecessors, the Pharisees, called Christ Belzebub, and said, he had a Devil; and that by the Prince of Devils he did those Miracles, etc. what shall these not say to such as endeavour to follow his steps, so far forth as he shall enable them, in reproving and discovering the Formality and Hypocrisy of such manifest Innovators as we have to do withal? Did not the Apostles meet with something of this nature? and the Martyrs also? Nay, did not we in our day meet with the like Treatment from the Priests and high Notionists; I could give many Instances thereof, only I should exceed the bounds of a Preface, etc.  
But as to the 5 l. I do say, their Insinuation is false, and to make it appear so, I offered J. B. (S. C's busy Agent) to go along with him to E. S. their Author, but he refused to go, but wrote me word, to send him my Defence in 3 days time, etc. yet did not let me see the Priest's Certificate, nor gave me a Copy thereof. So then I wrote a large Letter to the said J. B. showing evidently that I took the said 5 l. of the Justice towards my Charges for 3 Appeals for 3 Fines, mentioned, P. 7, 9, 10. And perceiving they thirsted as much after my Reputation, as bloody Bonner did after the Lives of them he accounted Heretics: I offered J. B. in the said Letter, to bring that, or any other Accusation that he, or any else had to lay to my Charge, to the then, next Quarterly-Meeting, where I intended, God willing, to be, and to make my Defence. But nothing was then said to me, until I there testified against their Proceed with J. L. and then two or three of the self-chosen Arbitrators, p. 21. chid me for not standing to their Award; which had they been legally chosen, I should have refused, and justified it too, in that they would not give me a Copy thereof, as at large treated on, p. 25, 26. Also I made several Exceptions against the Priest and Informer, their Evidence; as we sometimes do when before a Magistrate, telling him, an Informer being Party, swears for himself, and so no legal Evidence, etc. My Exceptions were these:  
1st. E. S. is both Priest, Informer and Party; so no legal Evidence.  
2dly. He that gives Evidence on Payment of Money, ought either to tell the Money rendered, or hear the Party declare his Satisfaction in the sum received, neither of which E. S. ever did.  
3dly. In that he was not upon his Oath, and considering that I had sued him, and got an Execution against him for Money which was due to me upon Bond, which he refused the Payment of, because I was Excommunicated, etc. I say, these and other Circumstances that I in my said Letter signified to J. B. doth show him the said E. S. not like to be a true Witness against me, etc. considering he was the Informer too. See pag. 7.  
Also in my said Letter to J. B. I told him, that these were not all the Pranks that E. S. their beloved Evidence had played; for he was not only Informer against the said Lakenheath Meeting, but when the Warrant came to the Constables, he went along with them; and with them took away what G. Friend had (at whose House the Meeting was) to his poor Wives Pattens; and not only so, but as a fresh Manifestation of his cruel Enmity, he not long after laid Felony 
* So no marvel, if he lays a false accusation to me, who am the man that sued him, as I have hinted.  to the said G. F. and arraigned him at the Bar in Bury-Sessions; where the Justice did not follow the Example of S. C. and G. W. in printing a book presently, that G. Friend was a Felon, a very Thief, etc. to the ruin of his Reputation: no, no; but they heard him to the Full in his defence. And when the said E. S. though a Minister of their own Church, failed of Evidence to prove his malitius Charge, though against a poor Quaker, and such an one too as had in other Cases, Viz. by suffering Meetings in his House, transgressed the Known Laws; yet they acquitted him of the said Accusation of Felony, to the Honour of that Episcopal Bench be it spoken, and to the Shame and Infamy of our Learned, and Unlearned Rabbis, Preachers of G. F's Party, G. W. and S. C. be it recorded for ever; and that it still may appear how averse my Adversaries are to examine the Truth of this their Accusation, I may recite a Letter which I sent to G. W. and those concerned: offering a Hearing and Reference, Viz.  
To G. Whitehead and others concerned.  
FRiends, I have lately proffered S. C. to refer the Difference betwixt him and me, often (since he revived the same) to Arbitrators indifferently chosen, etc. which he hath refused, and it being reported, that I received 5 l. as an Abatement of S. C's 15 l. So that by consequence I (as seems to be suggested) suffered but 10 l. for him: Which I deny; for the Justice gave me that 5 l. on consideration of my withdrawing my three Appeals, two for myself, and one for J. Foulkes, and towards my Charges I received the same, as I have at large signified to him. And this is to let you know, that if S. C. will refer this Matter of the 5 l. also, by Arbitrators indifferently chosen by us, I will do the like, and be equally bound to stand to their Award. Thus desiring to show my willingness to a Compliance to Justice and Equity, I rest; desiring an Answer in fourteen days time.  
The 8th. of the 4th. Mo. 1683. F. Bugg.  
And the like I proffered S. C. by Letter, dated, the 22d. of the 4th. Mo. 83. but no Answer have I received from either of them; by which their Averseness to Justice, their Design to defame me, and their Envy and Malice, because I tell them the Naked Truth, is evidently manifest.  
And having thus answered the Objection, I am willing to let my Reader know, that I do not lay all this blame upon poor S. C. for 'tis not as he will, he must have an Eye to the Brethren; or else 'tis to be feared, the Brethren will not have an Eye to him, and then what will become of him; he is loath to carry a Budget of Tools again 'tis hard Labour to use the Axe and Long Saw: so that he is to be a little excused in not permitting a Reference, as well as suffering the Title of his Book to be Printed nigh a Year before the Book itself. I confess, 'tis a strange preposterous way of Proceeding to print and publish a Controversy: for, on the 3d. of the 8th. Mo. last, he sent me a Letter, that he had given (I suppose, to his Brethren, for I could never see it) a full and true Narrative from the beginning, etc. And by another Letter on the 26th. of the 10th. Mo. 1682; that his Narrative was fit for the Press; and if so, 'tis strange why it is not printed by July, 83. unless they intent ONLY to print the Title of his Book, as an Advertisement to the Nations, that such a thing there is in being somewhere; and reserve their notable Narrative for an Appendix to their holy Chronicle, that they say, will tell After-Ages notable Things, etc. Yea, how they will, and what the Brethren will, that S. C. must submit to: and if they be so qualified with Discerning and Judgement, as they pretend to be, who can blame S. C. who so mistook his Interest (in J. N 's time) being a Leading Man, he durst no more trust his own Judgement; he must have his Eye still to the Brethren, and move as their Lordships please to move; believe as they believe; they by their Practice pretending to be the Eye for the Body; thus inconsistent have I found Samuel in divers Transactions in our Difference; sometimes he would not give a Penny, and soon after, proffer me 5 l. Sometimes he resolved to go no farther than the Quarterly-Meeting in Hadenham: and yet soon after, when W. P. required him to admit of a Reference, he sent me word by J. M. that I might have a Hearing when I pleased; and met me at Soham; also when the Agreement was made, that no more Controversy should be, but he should burn his Papers, he did consent and concur therewith: but when the Brethren saw it necessary, and for the Honour of Holy Church, that the same should be broke, and no Faith kept with F. B. then he soon broke all Bonds, and printed the very Title of his Book; and yet I hear, he hath the Confidence to say, that I revived the same; but the Date of G. W's Judgement Fixed; and R. S', called, Righteous Judgement, etc. spoil his Pretensions.  
The 16th. of the 5th. Month, 1683. F. Bugg.    

A Table of the principal Matters contained in this Treatise.  

IN the loss of 13500 l. the Ministers (where Strangers) lost not 50 l. p. 5.  
Records of Conviction for the 3 Fines levied on F. B. & J. F. p. 6- 9  
G. W's creeping and skulking in Suffering-Times, manifested. p. 15.  
Noble T. Jolly, and Ignoble W. Bennet, and J. Moon, their Practices inconsistent. p. 16. 17.  
An Expostulation, and a Law of G. F's Ministers making. p. 12. 13.  
A Word of Reproof to several Self-chosen Arbitrators. p. 21.  
How E. Hickeringall and R. R. agree in one. p. 30. 31.  
S. C's Receipt for 15 l. and of F. B's Proposition to S. C. p. 36.  
F. B's Answer to G. S' Letter. p. 38.  
G. F's Party, their vain pretensions to Discerning, and their Infallible Confidence reproved. p. 42.  
S. C's Lying Lawyer, T. R. rebuked. p. 47.  
T. Becket's Example become W. G's and S. C's Practice. p. 51.  
S. C's reasonless Reasons for their Preachers Liberty, examined. p. 55.  
A Second Caution, if they can observe it. p. 59  
S. C's Letter to F. B. and F. B's Answer to it. p. 60.  
G. W's base Insinuation about the King's Clemency, observed. p. 61.  
Their Faithful or Defective, obscure Chronicle observed. p. 62.  
Athanasius his Apology for his Fleeing in time of Persecution, when the Church of Alexandria was be set with armed Soldiers. p. 65.  
A weighty Objection answered, and F. B's Letter to the Second-days Meeting. p. 68 69.   
A few of the most remarkable Errors that escaped the Press, through the Author's Absence, corrected; the rest are left to the Friendly Readers Charity.   

ERRATA.  
Pape 4. Line last, read as I can. p. 6. l. 6. r. they having. l. 37. f. the of, r. of the. p. 7. l. 25. f. 20 s. r. 20 l. 26. f. 10 l. r. 10 s. p. 9 l. 3. r. and Fines for. l. 26. f. 1676, r. 1675. l. 31. f. 1676, r. 1675. p. 10. l. 36. f. but, r. for. p. 13. l. last r. pen, etc. p. 27. l. 24. f. seven, r. severe. l. 34. f. was afterwards made, r. was made. p. 28. l. 35. f. Prinn, r. Prime. p. 51. l. 41. f. those, r. these. p. 35. l. 15. f. kept, r. keep. p. 37. l. 28. f. 3, r. 2. p. 26. l. 14. f. 4th. r. 1st. p. 55. l. 9 f. unspiritual, r. unscriptural. p. 63. l. 21. f. at the stake, r. at stake. l. 25. f. how the, r. how. p. 69. l. 23. f. these, r. who. p. 70. l. 39 f. wrought, r. wrote.   

The Painted Harlot STRIPPED and WHIPPED. The Introduction.  
GEORGE WHITEHEAD, I have perused thy abusive Book, called Judgement Fixed: wherein I find thee so false and perfidious, that Humanity and the Law of Charity condemns thy detracting Insinuations and abominable Defamations; in which at this time I purpose not to trace thee particularly, for that is needless, since my Book, De Christianâ Libertate, etc. stands, and remains unshaken by all thy Attempts; as the ingenious Reader will soon observe when he compares thy Book with mine: nei●her shall I altogether pass thee by, but as thou comest in my way, I shall observe thy scurrilous Treatment, which if thou wert such a tender, meek and precious Spirited man, as thy Brother Robert Sandiland, in his Book falsely called, Righteous Judgement, etc. p. 89. hath Printed and trumpeted thee to be, surely thou wouldst have showed more meekness and tenderness than therein can be found. But his Trumpet sounds so much of G. whitehead's Pretiousness, Worthiness, Meekness and Tenderness, and sounds thy Fame so much abroad, that some think 'tis a Silver one, it sounds so often, meek G. W. tender and precious G. W. yea, as if the Scotchman had skill in such an Instrument; for some say Silver Trumpets make the best noise, and thou being one of the Second-days Meeting, and no doubt approved of his said Book: Why then should it give offence to thee, that the Moderation of H. N. should be spoken of? Is it not as lawful to take notice of the Moderation of men in Authority, who extend their Kindness and Clemency to those of a contrary Opinion to themselves, as for Robert Sandiland to sound such a false-Alarum of thee, as to call thee meek, precious and tender G. Whitehead; who art well known to be a Proud, Envious, Self-exalted, and a Bitter-Spirited Man; they that will not believe me, let them look into the Introduction to the Accuser, and thy Judgement Fixed, where they may find thee calling W. Rog. T. Cr. myself, and others, of a rending, tearing, dark, jealous Spirit; of a lose, gainsaying, proud contemning Spirit, degenerate, without natural affection, raging Waves of the Sea, Apostate Informers, treacherous Hippocrites, Wolves, Dogs, betraying Judass, Devils Incarnate: with much more such Billing sat Raillery. I say, let the Reader but observe thy Fruit, for, out of the abundance of the Heart the mouth speaketh, and then let him tell me whether he thinks thee to be such a meek, precious and tender man as R. Sandiland hath sounded thee to be, etc.  
Robert Sandiland, I have also perused thy Book called Righteous Judgement, etc. but find it such a miserable piece, so lame and defective, so full of Forgeries, Pervertions, gross Lies and Absurdities; yea, so false and , that it is no marvel a Scotchman (one of another Nation) is the Author of it; and what I have said, the Impartial Reader, upon his compaing my Book, Viz. De Christianâ Libertate, with thine, falsely called Righteous Judgement, etc. may find it so to be.  
See some of thy Sccurrility, p. 97.  

Team, Ro. Cr. Pe. Bu. and Bugg,  
Dark, Devil-Driven, Dungy-Gods desperately lug,  
That are tied to the Tail of their separate Schism,  
Pap— Libertin— Heathen— juda— A'the— ism.   
(Consider G. Whitehead is not this Language of thy Brother R.S. more like thy Devil Incarnate, and more like the Raging Waves of the Sea, foaming out your own shame, than any thing wrote by any of us whom thou so terms)  
Yet for the sake of the simple, I may hereafter take notice of a few more passages therein. And among the rest, that of thy trumpeting G. Whiteheads to be such a meek, such a tender and precious Man: But in England we do know him (especially of late) a very evil Agent in the carrying on (by his stiff imposing and Lordly Behaviour) the Devisions on foot this day amongst us; and there are few in England that will give him such a Character as thou hast done, neither amongst us nor Professors under any Denomination, with whom he hath had Contest after Contest: so that it was high time for a Scotchman to come and do that for him which no man that understands what he doth, or rather ought to do, will do for him: it is true, he will talk of Condescension and Accommodation, and pretend fair a while; but we have long observed his Drift hath been to assert their own Church's Authority. And saith he, She doth not give forth Precepts and Commands doubtfully, but in Faith and full Assurance, that the tender hearted will receive and accept (or conform) to them. For he hath affirmed in Apostate Incendiary, etc. p. 16. That the true Church is in the true Faith, that is in God,; and we must either believe thus as the true Church believes, or else it were but both Folly and Hypocrisy to profess ourselves Members thereof, etc. This compared with his Practice, shows how near of Kin he is to that Position, Believe as the Church believes, practice as the Church Practices: which is in order to bring in Implicit Faith and Blind Obedience. Of which more hereafter.  
Samuel Cater, I have also read thy Letters which thou hast sent me, being many of late: several of them threatening me, that if I would not call in my Book, De Christianá Libertate, and condemn it publicly, that thou wouldst come out with a Narrative; yea, sayest thou, A plain Narrative of the whole Matter I do now intent to give forth. But withal tells me in another Letter, That if I will call in my Book, and as publicly own my Condemnation as I have given Offence, thou thou and others will stop your further Proceed against me, etc. To which Letters I gave thee Answer, which I think expedient to cite, that both at the beginning of this Relation, and at the end, it may appear how loath I was to proceed. What, Samuel, didst thou want Matter wherewithal to answer my Book, that thou thus threatens me with a Narrative of a Controversy long since ended; and since thou hast revived the same, I have offered thee a hearing over again, if thou dare refer it to honest men. What, will nothing do but Print, Print, a Narrative, yea, a plain Narrative. To which Letter I sent this following Answer, a little abstracted for brevity sake.  
This day I received thine, dated the 26th. of December, 1682.— And if thou art not willing to stand to the Agreement made at our Quarterly-Meeting in Hadenham, the first day of the 10th. Month 1680, and then recorded in their Quarterly Book, that all Controversy, betwixt thee, G. Smith, and myself should cease; I say, if thou art not willing to stand to the said Agreement, but finds thyself uneasy under it, I will, as I wrote thee word— consent and agree, that thou shalt have a hearing de novo, by Persons indifferently elected by us both, Viz. each of us four, six, ten, or twelve Persons, and to their Determinations we will again be bound to stand. As for the calling in my Book, I am willing, on condition the Orders upon Record in our Quarterly Book, which say, that for time to come no Marriages are either to be suffered or permitted except the Parties publish their Intentions twice before the men's and Womens-Meetings, they being, as thou knowest, distinct and apart each from others; and the Record against J. Ansloe, for not taking his Wife according to the Order of Friends, be razed out and made void; that so those that have freedom to publish according to the said Orders may, and those that are otherwise minded, may be left to their Christian Freedom, and also the Book Entitled, The Accuser. against W. R. be called in: I say on condition that these things may be done, I am willing to call in mine, and use any Christian means for a thorough Reconciliation and healing of the Breaches.  
But whereas thou threatens me with a great talk of a further Publication of a Narrative, of which I have heard much, it doth not trouble me, neither do I believe it would have been thus long detained from publishing in Charity or good Will to me hadst thou not been conscious to thyself that the Publication thereof would have been a further means to have unmasked thee and such as thou art. This is my sense and as speedy an Answer as I can well give, who am thy well-wishing, though much abused Friend,  
The 6th. of the 11th. Month 1682. Francis Bugg.  
But truly long ere this time I expected to have seen thy notable Non-such Narrative, but as yet cannot. G. W. gives an Account of the Expectation of it; and in the Front of R. S' Book there is Advertisement of it, by all which a notable noise is made of it in order to publish it; and without doubt great expectation of it there is, but yet not Printed Narrative that I can come at; it being four Months since thou wrote me word that it was ready for the Press; so that thou canst not reasonably expect that I can give a full Answer to it, yet by the sight of G. W's Book called Judgement Fixed, and thy Letters which I have received from thee since August last, which are about ten Sheets of Paper; and with the help of some Letters and Papers that I have lately obtained (since thou and I burnt our Papers at Ely Prison, pursuant to the Agreement, and in concurrence therewith) from some Friends, to whom I formerly wrote about the said Controversy: I say, by the help of these Instruments I shall (God willing) attend thy Motion, and at a venture shoot an Arrow at the dark Body of thy obscure Narrative, and doubt not but shall hit between the Joints and Harness of the drooping Cause of you the Disguised Ahabs, who are joined to that corrupt Principle of not telling your Names and Habitations unless a Magistrate come and demand it, or a Constable with his Staff; which perhaps may not be once (in the Country) in seven years; whereby that your self-saving and other oppressing Principles and Practices may throughly be discovered, by and through which you have long (like the Pharisees or Fair-sayers of old) laid heavy Burdens on others, but will not ease with one Finger, no; that's below you, or beside your Principle; and let me ask you, you, I mean of the Ruling and overruling Party, that neither consult Events, nor study Effects, as G. W. saith in his Introduction to his Judgement Fixed, etc. What, have you not wherewith to answer my Book, but you must take this piece of Revenge?  
Doth my Book indeed set forth your Image of Church-Government so exactly in its proper Dress, as that you are thus furious and outrageous, as to call me Apostate-Informer, Betraying-Iudas, Beast, Dog, Wolf, Enemy of all Righteousness, Child of the Devil; yea, Devil Incarnate. What, is this your Language! is this the Fruit of you Preachers! that these twenty or thirty years have been Preaching up Perfection, Purity, Self-denial and Humility? Surely we have been greatly mistaken in you, and deceived by you; for now you appear to be Wolves in Sheep's Clothing, such as spare not the Flock. and so I conclude this Introduction.  

NOW I shall proceed to answer some part of G. whitehead's Book, that treats of the Fine, and thy Letters, drawing as plain a Narrative I can. VIZ.  
IN the 22d. Year of this King, etc. there was an Act made to prevent and suppress Seditious Conventicles, etc. By which the Minister's Penalty for Preaching, was 20 l. for the first Offence; which said Fine the Justices have power to lay on the Hearers, upon condition that the Ministers Name and Habitation is to them unknown, etc. By reason of which Clause great and many were the Sufferings of the Hearers amongst the People called Quakers; for although some of our Ministers are willing to bear their own Burden, and to stand with us in a like suffering Capacity, and as ready to suffer as to exhort to Sufferings: yet other Ministers of G. F's overruling Party look upon themselves not obliged to tell their Names and Habitations unless demanded by a Magistrate; and by virtue of this their Opinion and Practice, I say, great have been the Sufferings of the Auditors; for besides these Fines which come thus upon them through our Ministers concealing their Names and Habitations, they commonly bear the Fines for their own Offences against the said Statute, and the Offences for the Meeting-Houses, and the Fines for their poor Neighbours; insomuch as that in the Loss of 13550 and odd pounds, which I have collected out of five Printed Books presented to King and Parliament; of which the Ministers that were Strangers never lost 50 l. and if I should add what hath been destrained besides what is in those five Books, which I presume is a far greater Sum; still the Ministers of this Self-saving and other-oppressing Principles, suffer little in consideration of what the Hearers suffer; insomuch that some of the Hearers have been so impoverished, through their Fines imposed for their Ministers through their hiding their Names, under pretence that it is not demanded by a Magistrate, as that they have been necessitated to borrow money to relieve themselves, which to this day they have not been able to repay; while S. Cater, though a Rich Man, hath been supplied with ten pounds at a time from London (and if he denies it, I offer to prove it) for a Fine which he suffered for Preaching at Phakenham in Norfolk, and distrained at Littleport, but through the moderation of the Officers 'tis believed that he did not lose 5 l. as I have often signified to him, etc.  
But so it fell out, that in November 1675 he happened to have a Meeting at Laken-heath in Suffolk, where the High Constable and several others came and demanded the Name of the Preacher; but he was so busy that he had no leisure to tell them his Name and Habitation; so one of them asked a Woman Friend, whose Answer was, that his Name was written in the Lamb's Book of Life, where he could not read: ('tis to be noted, he was one of our Ministers that obtained that belief in this well-meaning Woman) so than they asked N. Holman, who said, he did not know. At which manifest Lie I was much troubled, to think what Equivocations and Evasions they should perceive amongst us; and all this time Samuel said nothing in answer to them; and then T. S. the High-Constable (a Man of good Repute, and one that I had known many years, being partner with my Uncle James Bugg in the Office of High-Constableship, etc.) came to me, I being at the further end of the Room, and asked me his Name. And I not being willing to equivocate as others did, and well knowing that if I answered him to his Question, it could not put him into a Suffering Capacity (for it must be by the Oath of two Witnesses or Confession of the Party) I said, Samuel Cater: and after some time having taken several Friends Names, went away; and a while after the Constables of Mildenhall, where I dwelled, came and destrained me for my own Fine 10 s. and 15 l. because the Name and Habitation of the Preacher was not known to the Magistrate, neither could it, for his Habitation was never mentioned, and all that the Informers could swear, was, that they heard F. Bugg tell T. Syday his Name was Samuel Cater, but to their own knowledge they could not tell, he being a Stranger; and as this Oath would have been illegal, so would the Justice reject it, if any such Evidence was offered; but for my plain answer to this High-Constable (which I think we stand obliged, as Men (except we be doing that we are ashamed of) to give to the Chief Magistrate at that time) how have I been traduced, abused, and stigmatised, and at every turn, and upon every slight occasion (and by such heady and foolish People amongst us, through the influence of S. Cater and his Abettors) called Informer, Informer; as if I had gone to the Meeting and taken the Names of Friends, and gone to the Magistrate and swore the Offence, and taken the Money for my Reward; which was one reason among many others, that induced me to bring it to a hearing, always offering, that if what I said EITHER DID, OR COULD PUT HIM INTO A CAPACITY TO BEAR HIS FINE, THAT THAN I WOULD BOTH BEAR THE SAID FINE AND BLAME TOO. But that this may seem more plain and Intelligible to the Reader, I shall incert the Substance both of the Records of Conviction and Warrant that I suffered by, and the Receipt for the Money, when I took my Goods, which were destrained, and carried to the Whice Hart in our Town (though T. Rudyard, Samuel's Lawyer said, I paid my Money voluntarily, before distress was made of my Goods: with many other such Lies, etc.) that so I may carry on things plain, and easy to be understood, through the whole Controversy, resolving to assert the truth of the matter, whether against me or for me: and what I assert herein I am ready to prove: that so by evident Proof the Matter I assert may stand or fall.  
A Copy the of Records of Conviction, Viz.  
BE it remembered that the 6th. day of November 1675, etc. that E. S. of Lakenheath in Suffolk— came before me T. Shelly Esq; Justice of the Peace, and exhibited a certain Information against G. Friend of Lakenheath, F. Bugg, and N. Holman of Milden-hall, and the said E. S. and — upon their Oaths do say, that upon the 1st. of November instant, between the hours of eleven in the Forenoon, and two in the Afternoon of the same day, they the said E. S. and— did enter into the Mansion-House of the said G. Friend, where a certain Assembly, Conventicle or Meeting was held, under Culler and Pretence of Exercise of Religion, in other manner than according to the Liturgy or Practice of the Church of England; and that then and there the said G. Friend, F. B. N. H. and every one of them being above the Age of sixteen years; and a certain Man to them UNKNOWN, who then and there did take upon himself to PREACH and TEACH, whose NAME and place of HABITATION was then, and yet is unknown to THEM; the said E. S. and— and also divers other Persons, to the number of twenty, or more, whose Names also then were, and yet are unknown to them the said Informants, the aforesaid day, with Force of Arms in the said house of the said G. Friend, where his Family was then Inhabiting, not being of the Family of the said G. Friend, were present at the said unlawful Assembly, Conventicle or Meeting aforesaid, under pretence, etc. And that the said G. Friend did wittingly and willingly suffer the said unlawful Assembly, Conventicle and Meeting to be held in his House aforesaid, against the Peace of our said Sovereign Lord the King, and against the Form of the Statute, in the 22d. of his said now Majesty's Reign, in that Case made and provided. Whereupon I the said T. S. according to the Power to me given, in and by the said Statute, have respectively set these several Fines upon the several Persons aforesaid; that is to say, upon the said G. Friend, 5 s. for his Offence, and upon the said G. Friend, for that he wittingly and willingly suffered the said unlawful Assembly, etc. to be held in his House, a Fine of 20 s. for his Offence. Upon the said F. Bugg, a Fine of 10 l. for his fourth Offence. Upon the said N. Holman a Fine of 5 s. for his first Offence: and for that the NAME and HABITATION of the Man or Person who took upon himself to Teach and Preach in the said unlawful Assembly, Conventicle, etc. doth not appear to me by the Evidence aforesaid; so that a Fine of 20 l. (according to the Power to me given by the said Statute) CANNOT be imposed to be had and levied of HIS Goods and Chattles. Therefore I have Imposed the said Fine of 20 l. respectively upon the aforesaid Persons who were present at the said unlawful Assembly, Conventicle and Meeting: that is to say, upon the said F. Bugg the Sum of 15 l. and upon the said N. Holman the Sum of 5 l. In Witness hereof I have hereunto set my Hand and Seal, the Day and Year aforesaid.  
Thomas Shelly.  
See also a Copy of the Warrant.  
To the Constables of Mildenhall, and to every or either of them, etc.  
WHereas F. Bugg and N. Holman, both of your Town, have been lawfully convict before me, for being present at an unlawful Assembly, Meeting or Conventicle in other manner than according to the Liturgy or Practice of the Church of England, upon the 1st. of November last passed, at the Mansion House of the said G. Friend of Lakenheath, in the said County of Suffolk, contrary to a late Act of Parliament, in the 22d. year of his Majesty's Reign, that now is, made and provided; and whereas I could receive no Information of the NAME or place of HABITATION of the Person that did take upon him to Preach or Teach at the said Assembly, Meeting or Conventicle, SO as to levy the Sum of 20 l. upon his Goods and Chattles, according to the said Act; these are in his Majesty's Name to charge and command you forthwith to levy 15 l. part of the said 20 l. of the said F. Bugg, and 5 l. the other part of the said 20 l. of the said N. Holman, and likewise to levy 10 s. of the said F. Bugg for his Penalty, according to the said Act, by distress and sale of their and either of their Goods and Chattels, and to deliver the Money for the Sale of such Goods arising, unto me without delay, that the same may be by me distributed, according to the direction of the said Act, entitled, An Act to prevent and suppress Seditious Conventicles: hereof fail you not, as you will answer the contrary.  
Given under my Hand and Seal at Tudenham, this 15th. day of January, in the 27th. Year of his Majesty's Reign, Annoque Domini, 1675. Thomas Shelley.  
So in pursuance to the aforesaid Warrant M. B. and P.M. came and took a Distress upon my Goods, and carried away to the value of about twenty pound. So then I apprehending their Proceed Illegal, I went to Council, who advised me to appeal; and in order thereunto he said, I must deposit the Money; for until the Fine was levied, Viz. the Money raised, the Justice need not accept my Appeal; So than I paid the Money, and took home my Goods. A Copy of the Constable's Receipt I shall here insert; by reason I would leave things plain and intelligible, etc.  
MEmorandum that we Miles Barns and Peter Maxy of Milden-hall, Constables, have had and received, the 21st. day of January, 1675, of F. Bugg, in full for a parcel of Goods, which we took by distress from the said F. B. by virtue of a Warrant directed to us from Justice Shelly, Dated the 15th. of this instant January. We say, received 15 l. 10 s. by us,  
Witness to it, 

Robert Cook.  
John Green.  
William Maxy.  
Miles Barns.  
Peter Maxy.    
Thus 'tis apparent, that I suffered this 15 l. for Samuel Cater, through his not telling his Name and Habitation.  
And being sensible what a load of Oppression many of us lay under, and how frequent it was for the Hearers to suffer these kind of Fines, besides their own and Fines for the Meeting Houses; I was minded not to bear it, but complain under it; and thinking it was illegal, because it was 15 l. when I thought they could lay but 10 l. I was minded to see whether I could not by Law make void their Proceed; so to Council I went, and opened the Case to him; who told me, that unless he saw the Records of Conviction, he could not tell how to resolve me, but bid me enter my Appeal: (suitable to the Advice given me before) So I entered my Appeal; and soon after my Brother J. Foulkes and myself being Fined 10 l. each (and our goods destrained) because of the Poverty of James Webb, who dwelled in our Meeting House we both entered our Appeals for those Fines also, by reason that no words were spoken that day, we thought the Law could not take cognizance thereof, etc. And for that Appeal I went to Council. So then I sent to Ipswich for Copies of the Records of Convictions, both for the Silent Meeting, for which J. F. and myself were fined for the Meetinghouse, by reason of J. W's Poverty, who dwelled therein: and the Conviction for the Meeting at Lakenheath (that I was destrained for 15 l. and paid it for S. C's not telling his Name and Habitation) already recited at large. And that the Reader may be capable to make a right distinction betwixt the said two Fines and their Effects, as well as to certify that we were so fined, and had ground so to appeal. I will recite so much of the Records of Conviction (wherein we were Convicted and Fined each of us 10 l.) as may satisfy any reasonable man.  
Part of the Records of Conviction, followeth.  
MEmorandum, that upon the 28th. of May, 1676.— came before us T. Wright, and T. Shelly, Esquires, Justices, etc. of our said Lord the King, etc. J. P. T. C. and J. C. and exhibited a certain Information against F. Bugg— T. Bird, J. Foulkes (and divers others, which for brevity I pass by) which said Persons say upon their Oaths, That upon the 28th. day of March 1676, being Sunday, the aforesaid Persons, etc. did enter the House of J. Webb, etc.— Then and there the aforesaid Persons and others;— and that the said J. Webb voluntarily suffered the aforesaid unlawful Assembly, etc. in his Dwellinghouse.— Whereupon we, according to the Power in the said Statute given us, have Imposed the Fines on the Persons aforesaid, Viz. upon F. Bugg for his third Offence, 10 s. and upon J. Foulkes 10 s. for his second Offence— And because J. Webb is so poor, that the Fine of 20 l.— cannot be levied on his Goods, etc. We impose on the said F. Bugg 10 l. and upon the said J. Folk 10 l.  


Thomas Wright.  
Thomas Shelley.    
These Goods lying in the Constable's Custody until the beginning of March following, and then sold. My Brother J. Foulkes and I, entered our Appeals to Justice Shelly; then I went to a Counsellor again, who having viewed the Records of Conviction, said, the Justices had proceeded legally for aught he could perceive; and made it appear to me, that though the Case of Poverty be limited to 10 l. in the Act, yet if the Preacher doth not tell his Name and Habitation, the Justices may lay 15 l. yea, 20 l. on any single Person present. So after some time, Justice Shelly said to me, Francis, you do not wisely for yourselves, to prosecute your Appeals; and many Reasons he shown me, in kindness, I believe; and when I found his Opinion fuit with my Council, I told him that I had been at great Charges in the prosecution of the three Appeals, and how the Clerk of the Peace exacted on my Man; at which he was troubled, and said, If I was willing to withdraw my Appeals, he would return me five pounds. To which I assented, and have the said Appeals still to show under J. Folk's hand, as well as my own, etc. So after I had settled things with the Justice about these three Appeals, and having something towards my Charges, as a token of Justice Shelly's kindness, I went to London to S. Cater (than there) to show him how I suffered a Fine of 15 l. for him, and that I had since entered an Appeal, in order to invalidate their Proceed, but could meet with no Encouragement from my Council, who was an able man; and so had withdrawn it again; and said to him, I apprehend thou ought to sympathize with me; with much to that purpose; but he answered, No, he did not think himself obliged thereto. Then I told him, that if he pleased, I would move it to G. Bernadistan (his special Friend) to that he readily agreed; so Samuel, Gyles, & I met and debated the Matter; but Gyles concluded, that there was no reason for Samuel to give any thing in compensation. So then I told them that I should propound it to the Yearly-Meeting by way of Question. And I would hear their Resolve, etc. Concluding, that they who exhort others to Suffering (and to be bold, and to give up all, and not to heed the Fleece) would be so equal and just, so full of Nobility, as to conclude it but a reasonable thing for them to stand in a like suffering Capacity with the Hearers, whom they thus exhort to Constancy and Courage; but the Yearly-Meeting had made a Law and Positive Decree, that we must neither FORSAKE, DECLINE, nor REMOVE our MEETINGS, like WORLDLY, FEARFUL, and POLITIC PROFESSORS, etc. So on the 18th. of the 3d. Month 1676, I went to the Yearly Meeting in Devonshire-House, where were assembled G. Whitehead, S. Crisp, W. Penn, and nigh a hundred more of our Ministers. And I told them I had something to speak, so they admitted me Audience; so I said, That by the late Act, if the Minister declare not his Name and Habitation, where he is a Stranger, the Penalty for his Preaching did not centre or terminate in him; but by the Law may [by the Justice] be transferred to the Hearers, and thereupon I had a Question to move to them, which was, Whether the Ministers ought not to declare their Names and Habitations, where they are Strangers, on the apparent Sight of Informers coming into a Meeting, taking Friends Names in Writing, or otherwise, in order to convict the Meeting, that so we may all, Viz. both Minister and Hearer, stand in a like suffering Capacity?  
To which Steph. Crisp, who pretends great knowledge both in the Law and Gospel, and to be sure, a great Lover of the first, when for his Interest; answered (perhaps at unawares) YEA, and it is Friend's Practice (said he) so to do; and mentioned Rich. Pinder for a Precedent: Hold, hold (said G. Whitehead) I have something to say: but before he could well explain himself, W. Penn being quicksighted, saw there was a depth in the Question, and did not know what might be the product of it (as I conceived by the Result) to have such a Matter so publicly debated; wherein their Interest was so much concerned, he immediately adjourned the Meeting to Horsly-Down, to be at the 7th. hour the next morning, etc. So the next day I with several others went thither, where S. Crisp as chief Precedent, stands up, saying, Come F. Bugg, what hast thou to say? I answered, Nothing: No? replied Steven, what, didst not thee move a Question yesterday? Yes, said I, and I had my Answer; which was on the Affirmative, and thou quoted R. Pinder for a Precedent: Yea (said Steven) if lawfully demanded; but I told him, there was no such Limitation or Reservation in his Answer. But what is a lawful Demand? said I: Then G. W. Replied, by a Magistrate: and said I, Is not a Chief Constable a Magistrate? Yes (said W. Penn) if he hath his Staff. So then I desired to show my Reasons why I propounded the said Question: S. Crisp replied, That they would hear no Reasons, for it was a suspicious Question. To which I replied, Nay, if you will hear no Reasons, I have done. And G. W. adding, said, We will lay no such Yoke on the Disciples Necks. [He might have said, We will not take off such a Yoke, that lies heavy on the Disciples Necks for fear it should lie on our own] And so bid Ellis Hooks Record it: which I presume was done, etc.  
So then I saw on what Bottom they placed the necessity of telling their Name and Habitation, which was if a Magistrate turned Informer, and came and asked it; which in the Country, where perhaps a Justice doth not live within 8 or 10 Miles, and Constables seldom wear a Staff. And also considering the Cannon or Decree that the Ministers made the year before; by which none were to be owned as Members of the Church of Christ, except they kept up their Publick-Meetings, and neither FORSAKE, DECLINE, nor REMOVE THEM, etc. I than made haste home, and wrote a Letter to S. Crisp, reproving him sharply for his Partiality, and double-tongued Answer; the first day being YEA to the Question, and the next day, IF LAWFULLY DEMANDED; which for brevity sake I pass by, reciting part of an Expostulation which I sent to the next Yearly-Meeting, in a Manuscript, called, A Cry for Justice, etc. That so the Reader may a little perceive after what manner, and for what end I have proceeded with those Friends of the Ministry who stand in the Vindication of S. Cater, etc.   

A BRIEF EXPOSTULATION, etc.  
FRIENDS, since my proposal of that harmless Question which I moved at London, at the last Yearly-Meeting, great hath been the Offence that hath been taken thereat, although contrary to the Advice of Judicious Solomon; you would not hear my Reasons why I proposed the said Question; Prov. 18.19. He that answereth a Matter (much more he that Judgeth a Matter) before he heareth it, is folly and shame unto him. And as the Prophet of old: 
Malac. 2.29. Try. W. Penn and W. Mead, p. 48.  and W. Pen of late hath given Testimony, That there is nothing more unreasonable than that which is partial, or to deal partially in the Law— Wherefore let me reason with you about this Criminal Question— What shall I say! Let us search the five Books of Moses, yea, the whole Scriptures, and see, if when any Israelite of old made any Complaint of any Matter or Thing wherein they apprehended themselves wronged, if they were thus dealt withal, as I have been: No, no, But they were rather heard to the full, and judiciously relieved according to these Scriptures, Viz. Exod. 23. Malac. 3 15. Prov. 18.13. Deutronomy 12.13. Leviticus 19.15. Zachariah 8.17. pressing to equal Judgement, saying, Execute Judgement truly and uprightly in your Gate, etc. So that we need not go to Alfred, Caezer, Tacitus, Horn, Cook, and the like Judges and Lawyers Recorded in History, to prove the necessity of equal Judgement, though they did well in Ruling God's People by the Rule of Right, as W. Penn hath well observed, yet still the Scriptures are very full of Testimonies against Judging for any By-end whatever, but truly and uprighly between Party and Party, as I shall show you in a lively Figure hereafter, etc.— Well, but what is the length and breadth of this terrible Question, NAMELY, Whether the Ministers where they are Strangers, ought not to tell their Names and Habitations, on their apparent sight of Informers coming into the Meeting taking Friends Names in writing, in order to convict the Meeting, that so they may stand in the same Capacity relating to Sufferings, with the Hearers; and not they in one Capacity free from Sufferings, as if no such Law were in being; and the Hearers in another, Viz. always liable, not only to bear their own Fines, and Fines for the Meeting-Houses, and Fines for their poor Neighbours, but for their obscure Ministers too, unless by chance a Magistrate come to the Meeting to ask their Name and Habitation. For this I affirm, that until they do so tell their Name and Habitation, they stand as safe from any Penalty by the Conventicle-Act, as if they were privileged, Viz. with the King's Letters Patents, or locked up in a Chest. So that if you will not so stand in a like suffering Capacity, it will be in vain for you, for time to come, to tell us of daniel's opening his Casement, when you resolve to keep yours so close shut, that never a cunning Informer or Justice of Peace can peep in at the least Crevice, so as to get a Distress on your Goods and Chattles for a Fine of 20 l. Nay, I would ask you one Question more (though I confess its dangerous to ask you Questions, though you have asked others many; especially of You who are Lords both of the Upper and Nether Bench, not only Legislative but Executive) To what purpose did you make that Perpetual infallible Law, to be observed by your Obedient Sons in Suffering-Times, strictly requiring us, neither to Forsake, Decline, nor remove our Meetings, if you were resolved not to stand with us, and bear your own Burden? And lest any should think I do not give the true sense of your said Law, Cannon, or Decree, I may recite it at large; and when the Reader hath both observed your Practice, and Laws you make for others, let him judge the Tree by the Fruit.  
CONCERNING OUR OPEN TESTIMONY BY PUBLIC MEETINGS IN TIMES OF SUFFERINGS.  
London, the 27th. 3d. Mo. 75.  
THat as it hath been our Care and Practice from the Beginning, that an open Testimony for the Lord should be born, and a public Standard for Truth and Righteousness upheld in the Power and Spirit of God, by our open and known Meetings, against the Spirit of Persecution, that in all Ages hath sought to lay waste God's Heritage, and that only through Faithfulness, Constancy and Patience, Victory hath been, and is obtained. So it is our ADVICE and JUDGEMENT, that all Friends gathered in the Name of Jesus, keep up those Public Testimonies in their respective Places, and not DECLINE, FORSAKE or REMOVE their public Assemblies, because of Times of Sufferings, as WORLDLY, FEARFUL, and POLITIC Professors have done, because of Informers and the like Persecutors; for such Practices are not consistent with the Nobility of the Truth, and THEREFORE not to be OWNED in the Churches of Christ.  
Subscribed by G. Whitehead, S. Crisp, W. Pen.  
And have we not been obedient to this your Law, Prescription or Directory to be observed in Suffering Times, even to the hazard of our all; and when it chance to come to your turn, to fight a little Skirmish with this Spirit of Persecution, which is but seldom, do you begin to retreat and fall back like Cowardly Officers: Oh! for shame do not imitate them, especially considering how manfully you have exhorted us, nay, rather commanded us, if we expect to be owned in the Church of Christ, not to Decline, Forsake, nor Remove our present Task, etc. I say, do not become the same yourselves you advise us not to be like; for if you do, the Common, Constant, and Hardy Soldiers will stir you up, and show you your proper Places; for while you stand Preaching, bidding us give up ALL, etc. and you yourselves will give up nothing, but will be left to your Freedom. But you did not say so to us, you did not bid us use our liberty, whether to meet or not, to remove our Meeting, or not; no such matter, it is You only that are Heirs apparent to this Royal Prerogative of Politic Freedom, and Worldly Liberty, for so I am bold to call it: yea, I say, that if there do not lodge under this Veil of FREEDOM, as great a Piece of Policy as in any Professor, I am much mistaken; neither am I so much vailed with your pretence to Valour, but I can espy it; and having found it out, I am willing to discover it, and to show its ill Consequences, had not Judge Keeling, some knowledge of such self Preservers, when in his Speech the 7th. of the 7th. Month 1674. he said, I will warrant you their Leaders will keep themselves from their third Offence, etc.  
Thus having by this Expostulation set forth the Law that our Ministers made to be observed in Suffering-Times; and also shown the tendency thereof; and, how by their Practice they exactly tread the steps of the insulting Pharisees, who laid heavy Burdens on others, but would not ease with one Finger.  
I am now coming to answer an Objection, that by the Answer thereto, I may yet more amply illustrate their Hippocritical Practice; for Babylon must be rewarded; and the time is now come, that as she hath dealt with others, so must she be dealt withal; yea, reward Her double, for she is worthy, etc.  
But some may object and say, We have heard your Friends Preach so much of giving up All, that we can hardly think they should thus deal; for the Professors, which they both in that their Cannon, as well as in their ordinary Preaching so much inveigh against, we believe would hate such perfidious dealing, and be ashamed of such Collusion.  
To all which I must say, that if I had not good grounds, ye●, such evidence as they are not able to gainsay, it were in vain to meddle with them, such is their Confidence, for although G. Smith, and their  Lawyer T. Rudyard, who is their Oracle of Law, are such notorious Liars, Forgers and Perverters, as hereafter I shall make appear, and though G. Whitehead hath the confidence to vindicate them in Print; and the Second-days Meeting, which by their Practice pretend to be the Eye for the Body, justify them, although I have it under their hands, and divers credible Witnesses to attest what I say, and against the Falsity of what they assert, and to this Test we at last must come. But in Answer to this Objection, etc.  
G. Whitehead, a principal man amongst the Ruling Party, who was one that Subscribed the Cannon Law aforesaid, to be observed in Suffering Times; and some think, the Framer of it, and one that hath notoriously exclaimed against the Baptists and other Professors, calling them Cowardly Sculkers up and down, Creeping, Timorous Persons, and abundance of unchristian Names and Reflections, etc. in his Book, Entitled, The Divinity of Christ Vindicated, and the Second Part of the Christian-Quaker, and his Deu. Testimony, p. 333, 334; and in other Books: and yet who is More Creeping, Timorous and Cowardly, yea, both a fearful and Politic man than himself, etc. as his Practice hath manifested him to be: One Instance I may give the Reader, and leave him to judge the Tree by its Fruit, but not by his words by no means I desire; for he hath got words enough both good and bad, etc.  
See a Letter sent to me to appoint a Meeting, the same year he Subscribed the Law, that we must neither remove, decline, nor forsake our Meetings, etc. Verbatim.  
Stoak. the 25th. of the 11th. more, 75. Dear Friend,  
THis is to acquaint thee that G. Whitehead is now 
(a) Then privy to it to be sure.  here; and doth purpose (if the Lord will) to be at your Meeting at Mildenhall the next fifth day, being the 27th. instant; and therefore desires that Friends may be together by the eleventh hour at the farthest 
(b) What a Peremptory Summons is this!  Thou needest not make use of his NAME 
(c) I am Scholar good enough to Construe that.  to any PARTICULARLY, 
(d) So it may be a Jesuit for any thing the People must know. However the Day and Time is set, and they must not decline Meeting.  but mayst acquaint them with a Friends Intention 
(e) Is not this Creeping?  to be with them upon the day and time aforesaid. So with G. whitehead's, and all our dear 
(f) See in 75. Here was dear Friend; G. W's dear Love, etc. rest of dear Friend. But 'tis to be noted, that I had not then touched, (as witty Erasmus said once to a Munk) their tender Part, Viz. not moved the London Question, nor put forth my Book, De Chr. Libert. etc.  Loves to thee and thy Wife, etc. I rest thy dear Friend,  
J. H. Junior.  
Thus much may serve in answer to the first part of the Objection; and to the second I thus answer; That although the Professors in perilous Times, do not so constantly meet; yet as to their way and manner of meeting, they reckon they have the Practice of the Primitive Christians, and good Marters for their Example: and if so, what have we to do to callumniate them? Christ said, If they persecute you in one City, flee to the next. And if they interpret his Say somewhat varying from what we conceive he meant by them; What have we to do to Judge them? to their own Master let them stand or fall. But yet as to the Objection, I do say, that I have ground to think, that they hate to put their People upon any Suffering, but they will stand with them in the same Capacity relating to that Suffering which comes by means of their Exhortation, etc. One Instance thereof I may also give the Reader; for I am willing to carry along with me Demonstration of reason, for whatever I assert: and although I do so (as in my last Book I did) yet I expect no other Treatment from the Hand of G. Whitehead and his Trumpeters; but to be called as bad Names as I have beeh by them already, Viz. Apostate, Informer, Betraying-Iudas, Faln-Angel, Evil-Beast, Enemy of all Righteousness, Child of the Devil; yea, Devil Incarnate: with abundance of other Names like unto them; for they will be again sadly angry at the Discovery of these their hidden Mysteries. But let the Beast rage, and the Dragon cast out his Floods with what Vehemency he is able; yet Babylon must fall; and Woe to the Crown of Pride in that day, etc. The Instance I offer to vindicate the Professors by, is this that followeth: See the 4th. Part of the Conformist's Plea for the Nonconformists, pag. 58, 59 Where 'tis said, that Thomas Jolly was fined 20 l. for Preaching; and when the Officers could not come at his Goods; the Justice granted two Warrants to take Distress of two of his Hearers: and when this was done, the said T. Jolly redeemed the Hearers Goods, and paid his Fine of 20 l. himself (this is the Practice of such as G. W. etc. term Cowardly, Fearful, and Worldly,) but S. C. was so far from redeeming my Goods, and paying his Fine himself, as T. J. did, that he would pay nothing, like his Brother John Moon who (as I am credibly informed) although he among others of George Fox's Preachers, pretend to high Dignities, yet when some Friends were fined for him, he advised them to appeal; but being asked if he intended to stand by them if they suffered for him, he answered, No, not a Groat, etc. Now let the Tree declare by the Fruit it bears, whether it be good or bad (and the Reader judge whether T. Jolly or S. Cater and J. Moon acted most Christianlike) and not by the Leaves; for the fair Flourishes of deceitful Leaves have we been too much deceived; and these covetous Practices show in what the Ministers of G. F's Party must be all of one Mind, Viz. To save themselves.  
And though this be somewhat a Digression from what is before me; yet I am willing to show how short our Ministers, of the Ruling Party, are of the Nobility of the Professors; notwithstanding their high Pretences to Purity, Sanctity, Perfection, Infallibility, etc. So that by the Letter sent me, and the Advice therein, not to mention G. W's Name: and T. J. keeping his Hearer Indemnified; and S. C. and J. M. on the contrary, will bear no part. I hope I have answered the Objection, etc.  
Now G. W. S. C. and your Abettors, consider of these things; and let shame cover your Faces, you lofty Professors of high Attainments; which seem by your Eloquence to exceed Eliphaz the Temanite; and Bildad the Shuhite: Job 4.1. and 8.1. and the rest of Job's miserable Comforters, who measured Job by a wrong Measuring-Line; even because God had touched him, as he often doth his Chosen People, that their Faith and Confidence in God may be tried, as Job's was; whose Patience ought to be an Example for you, who like them, Job 12.2. think that ye are the People only; Wisdom must die with you, etc. But I have Understanding as well as you, and am not inferior unto you; and in the words of Job, I may truly say, How long will you vex my Soul, and torment me with words? Job. 19.23. Ye have now ten times reproached me, and are not ashamed; you are impudent towards me. Now hear my Disputation, and give ear to the Arguments of my Lips. Job. 13. Will you speak wickedly for God's Defence, and talk deceitfully for his Cause, etc. Come, I say, let us reason a little; Have not I suffered, for S. Cater? etc. See my Answer to G. Smith's Letter, which you force me to mention.  
If any one should deny what I there relate, I can prove what I say. How comes it then to pass that you can be so bitter, so enviously mad against me, as to call me judas, Informer, Beast, Child of the Devil; yea, Devil Incarnate, etc. And truly some that see your Books, and believe them, might think me to be some Informer that disturbed a Conscientious People, and gave Evidence to the Magistrate against them, and that way got my Living. Oh Impious and Inhuman Deal! etc. For shame, for time to come, be more like T. J. that Professor; and if any body be fined for you, make them Restitution, that no Complaint may be made of you; and do not conceal your Names and Habita●ions, on pretence that the Magistrate doth not come, or send his Warrant, as W. Benet did, when he had a Meeting at my House, who would not tell his Name and Place of Abode to the Constable, nor J. Petet the Informer; by reason whereof J. Burgis and o●her poor men were distrained for his Fine; and J. B. was so disabled thereby, that J. Mason and myself were constrained to lend him Money to relieve his Necessity; who to this day hath not been in a Capacity to repay us again; though I was myself Fined 20 l. at the same time, and destrained for the same, etc. And is not this a shame to you, ye sturdy Oaks? Do not these things lower your Topsails, and turn to your Confusion of Face? Consider of it, you tall Cedars? and restore to all that you have oppressed in this manner, etc.  
But before I go any farther, it may be necessary to answer several Objections; which may serve as an Answer to great part of S. C's Narrative, when it comes forth, if it be not yet come forth, etc.   

Objections Answered.  
I. But some may say, Is it not fit, that Ministers should be left to their freedom, in telling, or not telling their Name and Habiation, etc.  
No, by no means, unless their Fine did terminate in them, (or indemnify who suffer for them, if able) seeing their Fines where they are Strangers, and keep themselves unknown, may by Law, be transferred to the Auditors; it is not equal they should have their Liberty herein, except they were willing to bear such harmless that suffer for them, through such their concealing their Name and Habitation; for at that rate, having once obtained that Liberty, they may, or may not suffer for their Testimonies, how much soever others suffer for them.  
II. But some may say, The Informers will not ask the Ministers Name and Habitation: what reason is there then for their telling the same? since it is an Old Maxim, and common English Right, That no man is obliged to accuse himself, etc.  
Still the same reason that there would be, if the Informers did ask: which is, that he may thereby set himself in a like suffering Capacity with his Brethren, seeing his Fine centres not in him, as I have said. Indeed if the Law by which we suffer, did say, That if when the Informers have asked the Minister his Name and Habitation, then if the Minister refuse to tell it him, it shall and may be lawful for the Justice to impose the Fine of 20 l. on the Hearers present, than I grant there would be good reason for this Objection; for then there would be no Forfeit until the Informers had performed their part of ask, and the Minister his part of denial. But behold the Law requires no such thing; wherefore the Informers may choose whether they will ask, or not ask; moreover it is greatly against the Interest of the Informers to ask this Question; for if the Informers ask, and the Minister tell it him, than Provision is made in the Act, that a Warrant may be sent after him, Viz. the Minister; and he being at a great distance, and by reason of the Officers Moderation, and other Accidents, there may be Delays; insomuch that he may lose great part of his Reward; whereas if the Minister doth not tell his Name and Habitation, then If there be but one able man in the Meeting, the Fine is obtainable of him: and besides, if the Minister tells his Name and Habitation, if he be poor, there can be but 10 l. laid on any one Person, by reason of a Clause in the Act, which limits the Case of Poverty to 10 l. So that if there be but ONLY ONE able man in the Meeting, the Informer must lose half his Wages, by ask this Question: so that if the Ministers neglect telling their Name and Habitation until the Informers ask, they may stay long enough, and keep themselves safe enough.  
III. But some say, It is commonly reported, that thou toldst the Informers S. C's Name, how then should he look upon himself obliged to tell his Name and Habitation?  
The Report is as false as common, for I never told the Informers his Name; yet when the High Constable asked his Name, I answered, Samuel Cater: neither did or could that Answer of mine add any thing in order to his Conviction, except the Informers would have sworn Point-blank that his Name was so; which legally they could not do. And I remember that in J. Crook's Trial before the Judges; he told them, he was not before them; for said he, What is not legally so, is not so. And besides, the knowledge of his Habitation, which is equally requisite in order to Convict him, was not spoke of; so that the knowledge of the one without the other, is insignificant; for the utmost that the Informers could swear, was, that F. B. told the Constable so: which evidence is as much as nothing. These, and several other Objections I answered, and opened my Case in divers other Particulars, and fent them to London to W. P. against the Yearly-Meeting, 1677. And there demanded an Election of men chosen to arbitrate the said Controversy; which with much ado I obtained. A Copy of the Order here followeth, Viz.  
Memorandum, That upon Condition that Friends of the Quarterly-Meeting in the Isle of Ely do choose 
* Than not to choose themselves surely: for that could not be meant.  and elect 10 or 12 Friends to hear and determine the Controversy between F. B. and S. C. relating to the Fine that the said F. B. was Fined for a Meeting at Lakenheath, and all other Controversies, they the said F. B. and S. C. do hereby promise to stand to their final Determination given under their hands: and for the future give over all Contention touching any Matter now depending betwixt them. Witness their hands, the  
9th. of the 4th. Month, 1677. 

F. Bugg.  
S. Cater.    
Witnesses to this Order.  

J. Whitehead  
W. Whaley.  
Am. Rigg.  
J. Burnyate.  
G. Barnadiston.  
L. Fell.   
So when the said Quarterly-Meeting came, which was the 5th. of the 7th. Month. 1677, in Hadenham in the Isle of Ely; I desired Friends to proceed to an Election according to the Order above written: and S. C. although his hand was to the said Order, and assented to it at London, yet he would not admit of an Election; nor S. Fulbigg, who had this Order in keeping, would not produce it; S. C's words were as followeth; which I took then in writing, etc.  
S. Cater. Friends, for my part I have given it up 
* But I did not do so.  to this Meeting once before, and at London; and I will not go any farther in it, let him do what he will. (
* A Parallel to T. Becket.  An exact Parallel between Thomas Becket that Popish Prelate, or like Arian the Heretic, who when he Signed a Paper, said, he meant the Paper he had between his Doublet and Coat. Yea, I can tell of several Jesuits, and such Persons that used such Tricks. See Prinns Antip. 1st. Part.)  
F. Bugg said, Samuel, Why didst not thou tell Friends at London so? Why didst thou set thy hand to an Election of Arbitrators by this Meeting, if thou wert not minded to stand to it? S. Fulbig, I desire to have the Order read; for an Indifferent Election I have long waited for, but could neither get the said Order produced, nor Friends to choose men, but said plainly, If they were not deemed worthy to end it, they would not meddle. Or to that effect. And so they fell to choose each other thus: A. chose B. and B. chose C. and C. chose D. and D. chose E. and so on, until they chose 12 in all: so seeing they would be Judges, I was minded to try them; so gave them my Papers; but instead of looking into my Papers (or showing them to J. A. and E. L. who were my Friends) they threw them into the Fire and burnt them; which manifested their Determination: So when they called me, and told me what they had done, I told them they had given away my Right: but afterwards, when I heard that they burned my Papers, and never looked into them; I then resolved to call them to account for their partial Dealing and unjust Judgement upon their own Principles too; and in order thereunto I sent this following after them, Viz: Some Objections answered. Which being herein already related, I here omit them, etc.  
Friends,  
INasmuch as that you have been partial in Judgement, which is manifest by your burning my Writings, which opened my Case, and set forth my Right to the restitution of the 15 l. and never so much as looked into them, nor shown them to some of yourselves: I thereupon do call you to an account for this your irregular Action; and you have nothing to shelter you from the just Charge and Imputation of Perverters of Justice, and turners of Judgement backward: What? was it you designed thus to do, when you chose yourselves in such a manner as I never saw Arbitrators chosen in all my days; and as you differed in the manner of your choice, so you acted unjustly. Surely these Proceed are without Precedent; for when did you ever read or hear, that in any Court of Judicature, when two men came before them, laying claim to a Piece of Land, showing their Writings to manifest their Title, that ever the Judge said; These are Worldly-minded Men, these strive about Worldly Matter; come, let us burn all their Writings, and never look what is written within them. All which makes me call to mind, that 

1.  
In Ages past, as I heard tell,  
Some men did Judgement hate,  
And it abhorred, I know full well;  
So woeful was their State.   

2.  
And Equity they did pervert,  
Which made the good men cry,  
Justice and Right do not pervert,  
For that's Iniquity.   

3.  
A Parellel you see, alas!  
As plain as plain may be,  
Which answereth as in a Glass  
Face answers Face you see.   

4.  
Even in a Trial now on Foot,  
Where Justice finds no place,  
But Will and Power bear it out;  
This is the very Case.   

5.  
But worthy William Penn  
Hath drawn so fair a Scroll  
'Gainst arbitrary force of men,  
Which none can back recall.   

6.  
Where Property he vindicates,  
And each man's Right maintain,  
And partial Deal then he hates,  
As nothing worse, so vain:   

7.  
But why should I or any one  
proceed to Trial then,  
If Judgement true be fled and gone,  
And loathed by such men.   

8.  
Surely 'tis vain for to expect  
A full and ample hearing,  
When Evidences they reject,  
As good for nought but fearing.   

9  
Yet put on Courage once again,  
And call them to account,  
(who gave away what's not their own,  
Who chose themselves to mount.)   

10.  
The Place of Arbitrators great,  
'Twixt those that differed much,  
As if resolved to do right,  
But it was nothing such.   

11.  
For Judges all, both great and small  
Thereunto liable are,  
As Empson small, and Dudley tall,  
Who went beyond their Sphere.    
For what is more arbitrary than your Proceed? What more partial than your Deal? When was there more need of a Law to limit illegal and arbitrary Government, than at this time? (according to your Principle in your Book entitled, Truth's Principles, p. 50. and E. B's Work, p.—) Answer me instead of saying, 
But how darest thou or any one  
Thus speak, thus writ or say?  
Yea some may Query hereupon,  
Saying, Is there Cause I pray?  
For any one thus to rebuke  
Men who pretend to Judge,  
Infallibl'r than ever Luke,  
Paul, Peter, James or Judas.  
Let such receive an Answer short,  
And search the Matter well;  
If Precedent than they find not,  
Their's Cause enough to tell.  
And to be bold for to unfold  
Such falsifying Tricks,  
As Man thereof hath not been told  
Nor read the like in Hicks.  
So why should I, or any other  
Such Partial Deal hid,  
Or such Injustice go and smother,  
Such things I can't abide.  
Neither could Micha, Paul nor John  
The Scripture witness bear,  
Silent keep, but must go on,  
Saying, House of Jacob, hear.  
Wherefore let no man think, I pray,  
That such a Fool I am,  
As to be scared or frayed away,  
For wrong me no man can.  
As I keep to the Truth, in which  
I Preservation have,  
And therein trace a constant Path,  
Where none can me bereave  
Of Blessings and of Peace also,  
Whatever some may fear,  
Tho Sufferings great and many too  
I therefore must endure.  
Like them of old, which practise't not  
Soft Pillows for to Sew,  
Who witnessed Suffering their Lot  
By the Self-saving Crew.  
Whereof sometimes the Leaders they  
Greatest Politicians be,  
Tho they profess another way,  
More Noble, Just and Free.  
Yet do but look within the Veil,  
And there you may behold,  
Of being Valiants some to fail,  
Which seemeth to be bold.   
So after I had sent these Verses, and several other explanatory Lines to the said Arbitrators, calling them to account upon their own Principles, viz. that the Governors are accountable to the People. And none would have regard to Justice: I than wrote this Epistle, and sent it to W. P. wherein I offered to leave the Matter to J. C. R. B. and him, if S. C. would choose other three Men; I may recite part of it, I am willing to leave things as intelligible as I can, both to show my Right, there Partiality, and my Desire all along for Peace, if I might have had it upon any fair terms: It is true, J. A. and E. L. were two of these twelve; but the other cunningly burnt my Writings; and they not rightly understanding the Matter, did like two well meaning Jurymen, yield too far to the other; for which I blamed them, but not for any Design of Injustice, etc. Here follows part of the Epistle I sent to J. C. R. B, and W. P. having never before then spoke a word to the former two Friends, VIZ.  
Dear Friends,  
YOu at this time are the men to whom I dedicate these Lines, by way of Introduction to this following Narrative, hoping there dwells in you as Noble a Principle as did once in the Bereans, which may move you to a Search whether these things be so or no; which is impossible you should do, except you will admit me a hearing, and therein resemble good old Moses, who (in all Cases Controversial between Brethren (as well as Solomon, and divers other good Judges recorded in Scripture) SAID, Hear to the full, search diligently, Judge impartially. And inasmuch as I find by many of your Writings, and declared Principles, that you are like-minded with them. I writ these few Lines to you; yea, and the rather, because I believe you came forth at first in true Self-denial, and never sought yourselves: otherwise to what end shall I write to you? for it is a true Saying, The World loves its own. And if I should write to such as came into the Profession of the Truth, possessed with little, and are now grown Great and High, and can Lord it over their Brethren; as that too many such there are amongst us, What acceptance should my words find? surely none but retorts of Severity. Wherefore let such as are like them choose them, who may expect help by them: for so it was in former Times: and although I never spoke a word to two of you, directly nor indirectly; yet this I say, that if S. C. will choose three others, I will choose you three, and to your Determination I will abide; and why this should be denied me, I know not; except to gratify some eminently guilty; otherwise, methinks, a Hearing should not be denied me, it being such a reasonable thing, etc.  
And much to this purpose I wrote to them, and sent to W. P. but as yet could not obtain a Hearing, S. C. being a Preacher, and had the Ruling-Party on his Side, and so had the Opportunity from Country to Country to spread his own Fame, and my Reproach: that at length I was resolved to appeal from our Chief Lords, to the Episcopalians for a Hearing; and then I soon got a Hearing, as afterwards I shall signify; but first I would give a short Description of the Behaviour of our Monthly and Quarterly Meetings, who endeavoured to put me by writing (for I was Clark to the Meeting for many years, though never for Salary, as in some Places they have) but they could not put me by, until I laid it down of my own accord, etc.  
At a Monthly Meeting in Sutton in the Isle of Ely, the 2d. day of the 3d. Month, 1677.  S. Fulbig said to W. Wright, Come and write for us to day. W. W. 
What is the reason that F. B. is put by? I have no freedom to write, except F. B. be willing.  F. B. 
I have as much willingness that thou shouldst write, as any man; but first let me understand the reason why you would put me by, seeing I have been Writer many years.  S. F. 
Thou knowest the reason, dost thou not?  F. B. 
I know no reason why I should be put by, seeing I have, and do do it freely, and not for Yearly Salary, as others do.  S. F. 
Why then may we tell thee, it is for writing against S. Cater and Friends.  F. B. 
I have wrote nothing but what is true, and what I offer to make Proof of.  W. Boutwell. 
We believe that S. C. is clear, and that thou hast wronged him.  F. B. 
But thy Belief is not sufficient in that Case, in that you charge me with wronging him; therefore Proof is needful, and so I kept to writing.  
At a Monthly Meeting at Sutton, aforesaid, the 1st. of the 6th. Month, 1677.  S. C. said, F. B. Thou shouldst not write, it is good Friends desire thou shouldst sit still until Friends are better satisfied. F. B. 
What good Friends are they, the Controversy depends betwixt thee and me, and not between us and the Meeting; so that I know no reason but that I may write as formerly.  S. C. 
Thou mayst know a reason; however the Meeting is not free that thou shouldst write.  F. B. 
Then let the Meeting record the reason why I may not write (and give me a Copy thereof) and I shall desist, but thou mayst not be Judge here.  P. Watson. 
For my part, I have not freedom with F. B 's writing.  R. Smith. 
Friends, this is hard measure, that F. B. should be put by from that Service wherein he hath been so long employed, for mere matter of Controversy betwixt you two, and you both have put it out of your own hands.  S. C. 
It is the desire of good Friends (he might have said, his good Friends) that he should not write, etc.  R. S. 
So it will grieve good Friends if he doth not write: but what good Friends will it grieve if he doth write? we in this Meeting are the men concerned,; and for my part, I know no reason why he should not write; indeed I heard that some did oppose him the last Meeting here: but when I heard of it, I was troubled. But however we find nothing Recorded, and so take no notice of what was then said.  S C. 
'Tis true, there was nothing Recorded, but had I been there, something should have been Recorded.  F. B. 
Samuel, I believe so, if thou couldst have done it, there should have been nothing wanting on thy part.  R. S. 
Truly Friends, for my part, I see no reason why F. B. should be put by writing, more than S. C. from Preaching, seeing the Controversy is betwixt them two, and at present undetermined who is in the wrong; and therefore my Judgement is, that if F. B. be put by writing, S C. should be put by from Preaching until it be decided who is in the wrong: so let them both be silenced together.  S. C. 
Ay, is it, come to that?  R. S. 
Yes, if the one must be displaced, then both, except you can both let all pass until your time of Trial comes.  
Observation. So then S. C. was silent, and it was time for him, for I will tell him, he would have had the worst of it; for Preaching hath been a thriving Trade to him, who by virtue thereof hath received several Sums of Money, 10 l. at one time, and 3 l. at another time, and 40 s. at another time. This, when ever we come to the Test, I offer to prove, if he will deny it: and yet these Augmentations are so private, that 'tis very seldom that any knowledge can be gotten of their Stipends: and then G. W. will deny it, as Stared, Viz. If we have not the very words they use at the Gift thereof. But for my part, I never desired, nor took a Penny for all my Journeys, Writing, Births, Buryals, Certificates for Marriage, and Recording them, drawing out a brief History of all the most remarkable Sufferings in the Isle of Ely. So that if I had been silenced, it would have been great advantage to me; for my place was not such a profitable Place as Samuel made his Preaching to be; so that it was time for him to hold his peace, and to let me alone, since 'twas come to that, that if I was put by from serving in my laborious Work of Riding every Month 14 or 18 miles to write gratis, that then he the said Samuel must be put by his fat and lovely Place of Preaching, which had raised him from such a low degree, as scarce able to pay his Debts when he went to Days-Works, with his Axe, Saw, Chissel and Mallit; but now is worth many hundreds of pounds: let ever a poor man in Little-Port (the Place of his Abode) that had nothing by Inheritance, show the like Advance if they can, yea, their Parish-Preacher himself, etc. and yet poor S. C. he could not, like a Priest, have power to choose a Clerk; which by the Cannons and Constitutions of the Church of England is their Right. (to wit, the Priests) And truly R. S. was very bold to propose to Silence S. C. from his Preaching-Trade, since that also is the Bishop's Business: but however R. S. knew that S. C. was a Nonconformist to the Superior Courts, and so did not fear him; for which I then did, and still do commend R. S. etc. See Cannons and Constitutions, 92. 122. And the Reader may observe how S. C. acted the part of a proud insulting Priest, and R. S. the part of a hearty Bishop, etc.  
We had many Combats at many more Meetings, which for brevity sake I omit; yet I shall relate some Passages of one Meeting more at Hadenham, where I did show them, that it was E. Burrough's Opinion, that they were accountable; and that W. P. reckoned it the Parliaments Duty to call the Lord Mayor to account; upon which J. A. did say, That if any body had suffered through him in that Case, and should make Complaint, he would pay to the Doublet of his back. And several others condemned S. C's Stiffness and Resolution. R. S. and J. A. would say often, that if they were as I, they would have born it; and if they had been as S. C. they would have paid it. Yet S. C. would not meet me half way; for that I often proffered, for Peace-sake; but after I had begun, I was determined, having Right on my side, not to be Priestridden by S. C. etc.  
Some Passages at the Meeting above mentioned.  Several Friends, etc. F. B. We desire thou wouldst give up the Matter. F. B. 
Nay; I cannot in reason so do, inasmuch as you have done me much wrong, by perverting Justice, which I stand ready to make appear, if you please to hear me.  J. W. 
We have Judged for Truth, and so there must be no more of it.  F. B. 
Is your Judgement so Immutable and Infallable as that you cannot err? If not, why may not my Cause be re-heard?  S. F. 
No, no, we will not hear any more of it, we have heard enough of it already.  F. B. 
I desire to be heard.  J. P. 
We will not hear thee.  F. B. 
I desire you to hear me, for that is the least you can do.  P. W. 
No, no, we will not hear thee, we have heard too much of it already.  F. B. 
I desire a Copy of the Award (Viz. that the self-Chozen Arbitrators made.)  P. W. 
No, thou shalt not have a Copy of it, what wilt thou do with a Copy of it?  F. B. 
It is but reasonable that I should have a Copy of it; and thereupon I demand it: (neither need I stand by your Award, if you had been legally chosen, unless you give me a Copy of the Award, by the Law of the Land, and Custom of the like Cases.)  J. A. E. L. and R. S. 
Friends, let him have a Copy of the Award, it is but reasonable that he should have a Copy of it.  P. W. 
Nay, he shall not have a Copy of it. What wilt thou do with a Copy of it?  F. B. 
I demand a Copy of it, and it is but reasonable that I should have it.  P. W. 
Nay, he shall not have a Copy of it.  R. S. 
Nay, let him do what he will with it: let him have it. If you will not, I must needs join with him in his Complaint.  F. B. 
I have some material things to offer, and therefore desire to be heard; and marvel that you will neither hear me, nor give me a Copy of your Award. (surely this shows that you that refuse these reasonable things, are conscious to yourselves of great guilt.)  J. A. 
For my part, I would have F. B. heard what he can say: Really, if we proceed thus, we shall be the most arbitrary People in the whole World. If you will not hear him, it shall be put to Vote.  R. S. 
We shall not be like the Israelites (unless we hear him) let us hear him: What, shall we not hear the Complaint of the Oppressed? We ought to hear the Complaint of a Servant; yea, of a Stranger (therefore much more of F. B. who hath been so serviceable, and a great Sufferer for Truth.)  F. B. 
If you will not admit me a hearing, I shall complain of you as the most Arbitrary Assembly or Court in England, etc.  E. L. 
Friends, I desire that Francis may be heard, and show us wherein we have Judged wrong, and if he can convince me, I stand ready to hear.   

Observations.  
By this time, through the Persuasion of R. S. E. L. and J. A. I got a little leave to begin my Matter, but they would not hear me out, nor yet give me a Copy of their Award; and yet complained of me because I would not stand to it, though I did not know how they had bottomed their Award, nor what I should stand to. But that, and the burning my Papers without looking into them, did show that they were minded to overrule me, and fore-judge me. So hear what they gave me leave to say.  
F. B. Five things I have to offer, (and shall, if you will hear me, maintain my Assertions.)  
1. That the Ministers who are Strangers ought to set themselves in a like suffering Capacity with the Hearers, etc.  
2. That S. C. did not so set himself.  
3. That my Answer to T. S 's Question was nothing in order to S. C's Conviction, neither by Law could be.  
4. That your acquitting him (if you have so done, which until you let me see your Award, I have no cause to believe, nor stand to it.) is erroneous Judgement, and aught to be reversed, and the rather because I had no hand in your Choice, but you chose yourselves, and also refuse to give me a Copy of your Award, etc.  
5. And thereupon I do demand the reversing your said erroneous Judgement, and you ought to do it upon Conviction of your Error, unless with the Papists you conceive you cannot err; or to this effect. So then I began to pull out my Books and Papers, to prove the said five Assertions. But P. W. S. F. J. P. and the rest of my seven Judges looked sternly upon me, and with one Voice cried out, We will have no more of it. And so hindered me from proceeding in what I had further to offer to the Meeting. And these were the Judges to whom I sent the Paper of Verses after, called, A Prescript and Postscript, which I have already herein related, etc.  
Thus have I related the most pertinent Passages relating to the Controversy betwixt S. C. and myself, that I can remember. Thus far, by the help of some Letters that I dispersed among Friends; which since the Controversy was like to revive, I have again obtained, for I burnt all I had by me, when S. C. burned his in Ely Prison pursuant to the Agreement that was afterwards made; which had they kept truce, and been faithful to their Covenant, had never more been thus mentioned by me; but since they have Printed and Published the same, I am constrained to vindicate myself, both as a Man and Christian, which they have defamed, what in them lies, giving the Reader to know, that I had hard Work with them, I went up Hill, and against the Stream. But was this my portion alone? surely no; search ancient Stories, and the complete History of Independency, the 1st. and 2d. part of England's New Claims, and the Ancient and Fundamental Liberties of the People of England, by J. Lilburn. And it will appear that Lilburn, Prinn, Overton, Walker, the Lord Capel, and divers others have traced the same Path; yet so blind is Force and Persecution, that I think it necessary to draw a Figure for the more perfect Discovery of our New Spiritual Lords Judgment-Seat.   

A short Figure, showing that the Proceed of our Yearly, Quarterly, and Monthly Meetings, in exercising Justice. And the Proceed of the High Court of Justice, resemble each other as if they were Twins; but neither in Complexion, Nature, Justice, or equal Judgement, may any way compare with Moses, Solomon, or holy Scripture Proceed: and yet they have told us, we shall have Judges as at the Beginning, etc.  

Meek Moses, and Scripture Judges.  
Moses, a Judge, said; And I charged your Judges that same time, saying, Hear the Controversies of your Brethren, etc. Deut. 1.16.17. He that answereth a Matter, saith Solomon, before he hears it, it is both Folly and Shame unto him, Prov. 18.13. Doth our Law, said that Lover of Justice, judge any man before it heareth him what he saith: Jo, 7.5. Blame no Man before thou hast enquired the Matter; understand first, and then Reform (or Judge) Righteously. Give no Sentence before thou hast heard the Cause; neither interupt men in the midst of their Talk; Eccl. 11.7, 8. The former Verses give the Reasons, etc. And says Solomon, Hear therefore, O ye Kings and understand, Learn, ye that be Judges of the Ends of the Earth; give ear, ye that Rule the multitude of People, for the Rule is given you of the Lord, and Power by the Most High, which will try your Works, and searh out your Imaginations— For he that is Lord over all, will spare no Person, neither shall he fear any greatness— But for the Mighty abide the sorer Trial. Unto you therefore, Oh Tyrants, do I speak, that you may learn Wisdom, and not do amiss. Read also these Scriptures, quoted for further Information, Exod. 23. Mal. 3.15. Deut. 12.13. Levit. 19.15. Zach. 8.17.   

Yearly, Monthly, and Quarterly-Meetings.  
The Names of the principal Men, who have sat as Judges, assuming the Power both Legislative and Executive, as followeth, and their Behaviour, etc. Steven Crisp Precedent, etc. George Whitehead Preacher and Lawmaker, Thomas Rudyard their Oracle of Law, Ellis Hooks then, Richard Richardson now his Successor, Recorder General, Samuel Fulbigg, Peter Watson, John Prinn, and Jacob Baker, Country Judges, etc.  F. B. 
I desire to show my Reasons why I moved this Question.  S. C. 
We will hear no Reason, for 'tis a Suspicious Question.  F. B. 
I desire to be heard in my defence.  S. F. P. W. J. P. 
We will not hear thee, we have heard enough; we will not hear thee, etc.  F. B. 
You have perverted Judgement, and I will prove it, if you will but hear me, and that is but reasonable.  P. W. 
No, we will not hear thee.  F. B. 
Then I must complain of you, as being the most Arbitrary Assembly or Court in England, and as bad, your Power considered to me, as the High Court of Justice was. You murder my Reputation what in you lies, and that is the most you can do, etc.   

The High Court of Justice.  
Bradshaw Lord Precedent, Major General Skippon, etc. John Cook a Lawyer, etc. Owen Roe, and Hen. Martin, etc.  K. Charles. 
I do not know how a King can be a Delinquent: all men may put in Demurrers to any Jurisdiction.  Brad. 
Sir, you may not demur to the Jurisdiction of this Court.  Historian. 
If a man may not demur to the Jurisdiction of any Court, that Court may enlarge its Bounds, and become a Corporation of Tyrants. Hist. Indip. pag. 94. Again;  K. Charles. 
You never heard my Reasons yet.  Brad. 
Sir, you are not to be heard against the highest Jurisdiction.  K. Cham 
Show me that Jurisdiction where Reason is not to be heard; p. 95.  K. Cham 
I do require that I may give my Reasons why I did not answer, etc.  Brad. 
Sir, 'tis not for the Prisoner to require. p. 95. etc.  K. Cham 
Well Sir, remember that the King is not suffered to give in his Reasons for the Liberty and Freedom of all his Subjects, p. 96. etc. 111.  
Here is a Figure, pray mark it very well,  
Another I can make, I do you tell;  
But this may serve to be a Looking-Glass,  
To show you plainly how Things come to pass.  
But if you say, We never did profess  
The Scripture for our Rule in any Case,  
But Judgement we'll give out as we see cause,  
Not minding Justice, Equity or Laws.  
Then I do say, another there needs not  
To manifest the same, since 'tis my lot:  
Which for to do, I here declare and tell,  
The Scripture I must take, to do it well.  
Because it is, however in my esteem,  
The truest standing Record I have seen,  
Condemning Error in the Judgement Seat,  
But Truth and Justice it maintains complete.  
This was wrote and sent in a Paper I called, Speeches and Passages, among other things, to W. P. against the Yearly-Meeting, which was held the 20th. of the 3d. Month, 1678; and to the Meeting I went myself, and told W. P. that I had long sued for a Hearing by Persons indifferently elected, but could never as yet obtain it: and having used all Gospel ways and means for Justice amongst ourselves, which hath proved ineffectual; I am now minded to appeal from your Judgement Seats to the Episcopalians. So after W. P. heard that, he bade me leave it to him, and he would take it upon him to procure me an indifferent Election: So I did, and home I came; and soon afrer this S. C. was humbled: and though he had said, he would go no farther than our Quarterly-Meeting, yet now he sent me word by J. M. that I should have such a Meeting as I desired. Alas! his Superiors had commanded it, and he was constrained to obey, lest Deprivation should follow the Sin of Disobedience, etc. So we met at Ely, and became bound to each other in a Bond of thirty pound, to stand to the Award of our chosen Men, whose Names are as followeth, etc.  

F. Bugg's Men.  
Thomas Berrier, Senior.  
Robert Turner.  
William Bellsham  
John Parnel  
Edward Needle  
Thomas Bird   

S. Cater's Men.  
Gyles Bernadistan.  
Thomas Sowtor.  
Steven Williby  
Thomas Wright  
Robert Letchworth  
William Wright   
Now before I go any further, I may show the Opinion of two Learned Men in defence of my Opinion, of appealing to the Episcopalians for Justice, when not attainable amongst ourselves. The 1st. is R. R. in a Letter to T. C. where he thteatens him, That if he cannot prove his Charge against R. T. etc. that he had wherewith to make satisfaction for the Defamation, which it may be they will require of thee; so that thou mayst seem to consult thy own Safety.— The Church (saith R. R.) will require no such Satisfaction from thee, but they cannot restrain men in their Civil Concerns, from seeking Justice in a legal way, etc.  
By which it is apparent that this R. R. G. W's Learned Friend, and the Second-days Meetings Clerk, his Opinion is, 1. That T. C. had need to consult his Interest, unless he could prove his Charge of Defamation; although no Defamation; but what T. C. asserted, is generally known by the Second-days Meeting. 2. That though the Church will seek no such satisfaction, yet she cannot restrain men in their Civil Concerns. So that in their Civil Concerns, and in the defence of their Reputation, they may take a Legal Course against Defamations, and other Injuries, acted by injurious Persons. And truly, although I differ from this R. R. in several things about Womens-Meetings, and their Jurisdictions, and other things relating to Church-Government, yet in this he is of my Opinion; for after I had sued for a Hearing by Persons indifferently elected, and used all Gospel Order among ourselves to obtain the same, and all proved ineffectual, then, and not while then, did I offer to appeal from ourselves to the Legal Judgment-Seat for Satisfaction, not only for Defamation and many Slanders cast upon me, both as a Man and Christian, by S. C. which he had cast upon me several times; but also in a Case of Property about Meum and Tuum: this was then my Opinion, and it remains so still; S. C. being as little related to me in Church Society, as T. C. can be to R. R. only the Reader may observe upon what small occasion this R. R. threatens a Legal Course to be taken, Viz. for signifying what manner of Persons they own, in their Society, being conformable, as M. and S. B. T. M. J. S. W. W. S. N. H. F. R. T. S. E. W. G. J. P. who were sufficiently known to them to be both scandalous to Christianity, and a Reproach to Religion. Nay, if need be, many more may be named, which while subject to G. F's new Laws are owned among them, but honest men, if Nonconformists, are traduced and abused; etc. The second Author is E. Hickeringall, another Learned Man, which though in all things he may not be of my mind, yet in this point I will quote him for my Author for his Reason's sake. Hear him what he says,  
The Black Nonconformist, Pag. 2.  
Query 1. Whether Christ or his Apostles ever made such an Ordinance as ' Excommunication, and whether like to that in use at this Day?  
I answer, First, none can imagine that our Blessed Saviour, the Prince of Peace, the Restorer of Breaches, that was Meekness and Lowliness itself, should give many eager or frequent Commands to extirpate or dismember any of his Body, for he came to seek and to save that which was lost.  
And therefore we meet with but one Place in all the Gospel that gives any colour to Excommunication, namely, Mat. 18.17.18.  
But our Saviour (after all the Caution imaginable of a mild and private, previous Proceeding and Dealing tenderly with a Brother, a Jew (that trespasseth against thee) betwixt thee and him (which if it took effect, the Cause was stopped, and all further Proceed: it went no farther) but when the method of Cure proved ineffectual, the next Remedy was (not to put him into the Court, or Present him, but to take with thee one or two more, to which if the Trespasser would hearken (though he had neglected and refused at the first private Conference, yet, there also all Proceed was stopped, and the Matter privately hushed up to avoid Scandal, and the Church or Spiritual Court never heard a word of it, except these Prescriptions of our Saviour did not effect the Cure.  
And then (and not till then) by any Warrant from the Gospel, was any man to be put into the Court, or Sanhedrim, or the Matter told to the Church, or made a public business of.  
But then if the Criminal neglected to hear the Church. What then? Does he command the Church to deliver him to Satan? He only says, Let him be unto thee as a Heathen Man and a Publican.  
Which words can have no other Grammatical Construction, but that thou shouldst look upon him as a man that regards not the Precepts and Admonitions of the Jewish Sanhedrim, more than does a Heathen Man or a Publican, that never pretended to be subject to them, nor subject in the Kingdom of God, and therefore thou mayst take thy Course at the Law with him, and bring a Clausum Fregit, or Action of Trespass against him, before the Roman Magistrates in their Courts of Judicatory, as you may against an Heathen man (that is a Gentile) or a Publican.  
For the Publicans, (though many of those Excise-Men, Toll-Gatherers, or Custome-Gatherers, were Jews by Nation and Religion too, and some of them Jewish-Christians, yet they) were Herodians (that is) true Conformists to the Roman Yoke and Government, and therefore odious to the Puritanical Bygots (the Hypocritical Pharisees) that looked with Scorn upon all Mankind (and as Dogs, despised and hated all) if they were not of their Religion, or rather foolish Superstition.  
The best Comment upon Holy Scripture is its self, and the best Interpreter of our blessed Saviour's Sayings, are his own and his Apostles Words and Actions.  
A like Saying to this (of Mat. 18.17.) we have in Luke 17.3 4.) where our Saviour says, If thy Brother trespass against thee, if he repent, for give him (that is) if he pay the Trespass, and make thee Satisfaction, and confess his Fault, and be sorry for it, and promise Amendment (for without these there is no true Repentance) then forgive him seven times, and seventy seven times, even as often as he shall sin against thee, and neither Court him, nor sue him in the Spiritual Court (before the Sanhedrim, or High Priest Court) nor yet in the Temporal Courts of the Gentiles, or Heathen-men and Publicans.  
For our blessed Saviour doth not say, Let him be to the Church as a Heathen-man, or a Publican; which the Pope to colour the Authority and Jus Divinum of his Excommunications (as he does that of Christ to Peter — Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock will I build my Church) doth without any Ground or Colour (as politicly as sencelesly construe and interpret.  
But our Blessed Saviour only says, Let him be to thee (to thee, not to the Church) as a Heathen Man or a Publican. (that is) thou mayst lawfully then sue thy Brother Jew at Law, as well as any Gentile, Heathen-man or Publican.  
Never did such a silly Cheat reign so long before in the whole World; but it was only because they kept the People in Ignorance; and if any man durst offer to enlighten them, and speak the Naked Truth, the Pope and his Inquisition, and Emissaries were as spiteful, cruel, and devilishly bloody as any are now amongst us at this day against the Naked Truth.  
They are vilely loath to lose their Domineering, Insulting Kingdom of Darkness, and are as mad as Bedlam, if men will not be Asses and Tame Beasts, and suffer themselves (as of old) to be crowed over, and Priestridden.  
'Tis said of the Germans, that just before God had raised up Luther to awake them, they were grown so sottish and bejaded (having so long been Priestridden, that their Priest might almost have persuaded them (not only to lie down and let the Priest whip them) or (which is as bad or worse) make them whip themselves (both of them daily Penances at this day in Popish Countries) but also they might have been easily persuaded (poor Asses) to eat grass.  
Surely Englishmen are not so dull and tame to be Hen-peckt, or to be rid and bestrid at such a rate I hope: I confess I have not the Patience to endure it.  
Pag. 8. This is only to show you what the Church was that our Saviour speaks of, Mat. 18.17. Tell it to the Church, is as much as to say in England— Complain in Westminster-Hall, Sessions or Assizes.  
For want of the knowledge whereof, Excommunication has been counted a sacred Ordinance; and every little gathered Church (as well as the great) took upon them the Government, and thought themselves somebody, and would have power over their own Members to interdict, deprive, cut off, etc. and woeful work they made with it; Johnson and others that fled to Holland, and had a gathered Church, and cut off Heretics and many wrong Believers till he left himself alone, or but one that just jumped with him in all things.  
And indeed (as the Mathematics) when a crooked Line deviates from a straight Line, the farther it reaches in length, still the greater distance and more irreconcilable. So here this Text of Mat. 18.17. being mistaken and wrong construed, the longer the Error lasts, the greater Mischief, and the harder to be reconciled.  
For this Interpretation hath Leavened not only Diocesan, Synodical, but Presbyterian, Independent, and Congregational Churches, till they have fought one another with this Spiritual Weapon most bloodily, and they know not wherefore, they are mistaken in the words of their Commission, Father forgive them, they know not what they do.  
Thus the Reader may consider what use hath been made of these words, Tell the Church: and how lawful and justifiable it is in a Scripture Sense, that if one called a Brother trespass against me, or do me damage either in Goods, or Name and Reputation, by scandalous Defamations, then go to him and tell him his Fault between thee and him; if he hear thee, and make thee Satisfaction, as E. H. very well explains the Text, thou hast gained thy Brother, etc. and if he hear thee not, take one or two with thee; if he hear not them, then tell it to the Church; and if he will not hear the Society he belongs too, let him be unto thee as an Heathen-man; and thou mayst Justifiably take thy Action at Common-Law or Chancery with such a Man; thus will thy Proceed answer the Scripture, the National Law, and the Opinion of King Charles the First, who said, There are no Proceed just against any Man, but what are warranted either by God's Law, or the municipal Laws of the Country where he lives. See Hist. Indip. p. 106. the Second Part.  
But to return, the day came for our Arbitrators to meet, being the 6th. of the 7th. Month 1679. And after we had each of us opened our Case, the Arbitrators examined our Allegations, viewed the Records of Conviction, and the Warrant by which I suffered; which are herein already recited; and to be short, they could not agree as to point of right; then Samuel called me aside, and proffered me 5 l. I told him, that if he would meet half way, I would condescend and meet him, although I was satisfied in my Right to the whole: and so I proffered him at London divers times, for the Case was more in my eye than the Money; but to that he would not come; and so we parted at that time, and nothing was ended.  
And about three Weeks after, my Cousin G. S. came to my House, which was about ten or twelve Miles, and desired to speak privately with me, to treat with me about S. C's Business, pretending a great deal of Love to me, and that he would give 5 l. out of his own Pocket rather than the Controversy should any longer be continued: but when I considered, that though he was my own Cousin, yet he was a true Conformist, and one of S. C's Disciples; also that he had never spoke word of it to me in all his Life, though the Controversy had been nigh four years standing, and he often with me; I say, when I considered these and some other things, I told him, No, that would not do, for S. C. had proffered me so much: so than he proffered me 7 l. 10 s. I told him still that would not do; but withal told him, that if S. C. would proffer so much, it should do; for than I thought it would have been a lasting Peace: No, said he, S. C. knows not of my coming, neither will he concern himself. Well Cousin (said I) If I end the Matter with thee, thou shalt tender the whole; and when done, thou shalt see that my end is not only for Money: (which he then refused) so he asked me when he might see me again; I told him that I intended, God willing) to be at Ely Fair; which was about three Weeks after; and when I was there, he after this three week's consideration came to me again, and proffered me 7 l. 10 s. No Cousin, said I, if I would have taken this, thou proffered it me at at my House, yet, as I then said, if S. C. will give it me I will accept of it as Satisfaction at his hand, but not at thine: S. C. being then in the Fair; but as he said before, so now again, that S. C. would not concern himself; so than he borrowed part of it, and paid it all to me; so I put it up, and gave him a Discharge for the same; then I gave him a Paper, which if S. C. would Sign, I told him I would return the whole fifteen pounds; so he took the Discharge, put it up, and kept it to this day; and went with the Paper of Proposals to find out S. C. in the Fair to Sign it; and all this time not a word of Dislike; but when he understood that S. C. was gone home, he then seemed a little troubled, because of the Money he borrowed; so I told him that whether Samuel Signed the Paper or not, I would lend him ten pounds of it; so I stayed all night, in regard Samuel was to come Past the next morning; but yet Doubts began to arise in his mind whether Samuel would Sign it; and if not, whether he had done well; for I do think that he was either commanded to make a full end, what ever he did, by Samuel's Wife, that I understood, sent him; and so pretended troubled; or else he was really troubled in that he thought all I aimed at was a bare tender; and upon that, without any other Terms, would have returned it; however to comfort him I told him that Samuel had 10 l. lately sent him from London; and he took forty Shillings at one Place, when he went into Scotland, towards his Charges; and three pound at another Place on the account of his Ministry; and so Cousin, said I, there is no fear but Samuel will be made whole, if he should not be willing to sign the Paper, etc. And thus I comforted up G. S. nay, I told him further (that if he, (Viz. S. C.) was not able to bear his Fine, for G. S. made a great Complaint on his behalf, that he had had but bad Crops, and was about to buy a Purchase, could not spare it) I say I told him, that if he was not able to bear it, that if our Meeting would join or raise what we could of it for him, for my part, I will give 20 s. towards it; but still the poor Man was not content, well Cousin, said I, go home, it may be he will Sign the Paper, and then he shall have the whole 15 l. etc. A Copy of the Receipt which they keep, and the Proposal upon which I proffered 15 l. is as followeth.  
October the 18th. 1679.  
REceived then of Samuel Cater, by the hands of George Smith 15 l. in full Satisfaction for the Fine I suffered for him through his not telling his Name and Habitation at a Meeting at Lakenheath, about the Month of November 1675; and also for the Charges which I have been at in the Prosecution of the same, together with my Journeys and all Interest; I say, it is in full for the said Fine, and all Damages sustained thereby, and of every part and parcel thereof. I the said Francis Bugg do by these Presents acquit, exonerate, and for ever discharge the said Samuel Cater and his Heirs.  
Witness my Hand the day abovesaid, per me, Francis Bugg.  
Which said Receipt they ever kept, when they were in the height of their Complaint, and to this day keep it, and I suppose as a valuable Consideration in their Minds, although they make such a Bluster; for they would never part with it since, though I did, the 4th. of the 10th. month 1680, proffer to return the 7 l. 10 s. which I had more than G. S. voluntarily proffered me, on condition they would give me the said Receipt, because they made such ado of my going beyond him, when it was their own motion to come to me; and after three weeks more, came to me again, following me up and down: and when I told him the whole should be tendered, if I ended it with him: and when he saw no remedy, but he must leave it to me to manifest how I should make it appear, that my end was not only for Money, than he did leave it to me; the Paper upon which I proffered the said return of the whole 15 l. if he signed it, etc. followeth.  
Memorandum, that I Samuel Cater do hereby testify, that it is my Judgement, that all Friends in the Ministry, where they are Strangers, aught to tell their Names and Habitations upon their apparent sight of Informers coming into a Meeting, taking Friends Names in writing, or otherwise; in order to convict the Meeting, that so we may all stand in a like suffering Capacity; or if any have not freedom thus to do, that then they ought to make satisfaction to such who suffer for them through their concealing their Names and Habitations; and that such as shall refuse to perform his or their part in either of these Propositions, aught from thenceforth to be reputed blame-worthy, and noted as such.  
Witness my hand the day abovesaid. per me  
This G. W. calls an Edict, a Law, or Cannon of my prescribing, and me Prescriber, Dictator, etc. But let the Reader observe the nature of it, and compare it with the Ministers Law, Cannon, or Prescription, recited at large in the forementioned Expostulation, which requires and strictly charges us, if we will be owned in the Church of Christ, neither to forsake, Remove, nor Decline our Meetings in Suffering Times, etc. And I think he will find my Proposition as full of Liberty, as their Law is full of Imposition; for there are three things to choose, and the last is, but to be blamed: and I think that is as little as may be said, and as favourable as can well be desired. If a forward Minister appoint a Meeting, and refuse to tell his Name and Habitation, and I suffer by the means 15 or 20 l. I think it but reasonable that he should reimburse me: but for quietness let him be reckoned blame worthy, and it shall serve and answer my desire: but what must we be such tame Asses as to lose all we have for such Self-Preservers, and they not to be blamed; they must still go for able Ministers, and infallible Preachers? No, I like not thus to be Priestridden, especially by such as never took their Orders rightly. But G. W. says, my Proposition is more Arbitrary than the Conventicle-Act, for that doth not (says this notable G. W.) compel Friends to tell their Names, etc. But let me again ask this subtle Expositor of the Conventicle-Act, whether the said recited Law made by himself and others of the Ruling-Party; which say, we must constantly Meet, keep up our Meetings, and neither Forsake, Decline, nor yet Remove our Meeting; whether this be made suitable and agreeable to the Conventicle-Act, that says point blank, that we shall not meet at all. G. W. says truly, in that he says, the Conuenticle-Act doth not compel our Ministers to tell their Names and Habitations. But let me tell him, that if I be not mistaken, it strictly cha●ges and commands, that they shall not meet at all: but what matter what the Law says, or the Enactors of it, G. W. and our Ruling Elders (who say they are the Church) they say, We must Meet, yea, and constantly too, and not Forsake, Remove, or Decline our Meetings: and I must confess I am sorry I have occasion thus to comment upon these things; but this imperious and arrogrnt G. W. and the Second-days Meeting have ministered occasion: so if any be concerned thereat, let them blame G. W. who says, He neither studies Events, nor fears Effects, etc.  
Well, when G. S. carried the said Proposition, S. C. refused to sign it; and then they were all at a stand: but in a little time I had a Letter come, wherein G. S. asserted, 1st. That I promised to pay his Brother Banham 5 l. Which was false; I think, he did desire me, but I did not promise. 2dly. That I said I would never pocket it, which is false, and that he borrowed 10 l. for half an hour, and that I said half an hour was enough. The last two Assertions E. Firth proved a Mistake to his face; and if mistaken in 8, why not in 4? So to Chatterise-Meeting, the Winter following, E. F. brought a Note from Boyse, signifying that he borrowed it for an hour, etc. And when they saw it, they said, that was but a Mistake. But could they have proved me guilty of such a Mistake, what work would they ●ave made, considering what they say; notwithstanding they can prove ●othing against me. But in the same Letter to me he said, I am engaged to give an Account of this Business, without I would bear the loss of all this 15 l. etc. And again, ' I am necessitated now to give such a report, lest the Parties concerned should think I were too much biased in joining with thee, etc. By which two last passages his whole work is measured: for if he was necessitated to give such a report, lest he should lose his Money, 
* The same G. S. told a very good Friend of mine in April, 1683: that he must return to S.C. the said Money, or he should not die in peace. Which to me is an Argument, that he 1st. gave such a report to obtain the Money of S. C. and now he hath the Money, he hath not peace in keeping it; and the reason is plain, in that he gave a false report to obtain it; which necessarily occasions trouble.  it must naturally follows, that it must be such a report as shall answer the end for which it was given, Viz. please S. C. so as that he might repay him the Money that he by his Wife's order paid me, etc. (which he did) And 'tis a further Argument, that these Parties that he is thus necessitated to prevent their suspecting him to join with me, knew of his coming to me; though he pretended it was out of Love, and that he would give 5 l. out of his own Pocket: the which I never had cause, nor did I ever believe his Pretensions to be real; but to my grief, have I beheld him in his blind Zeal for S. C. as free to sacrifice the good Name and Christian Reputation of his near Kinsman, to the Avarice, Pride, Scorn, and Contempt of that Proud and Self-conceited man S. C. and his Abetters, as the Heathens of old were their Children to their God Molech. But I must say with W. P. in Judas and the Jews, p. 4. It is an Age grown to that degree of Impiety, that there is no Friendship so straight; no Relation so near; no Truth so evident; nor Life so innocent, that some men are not so hardy, and wicked enough to break, violate and slander, to avenge some supposed wrong, or gratify some emulous Spirit— And for vindicating our Religion (and Christian Liberty) to fall foul upon our Persons; and those chief who are most active in that Service— We maintain our Principles, that anger's them, etc. I am now come to recite part of my Letter, which is in Answer to his, that so the Reader may have the better Intelligence, etc.  
Mildenhall, the 9th. of the 10th. Month 1679. Cousin George,  
I Have read thine— What, dost thou 1st. proffer me 5 l. then 7 l. 10 s. and then rail on me for taking it, saying, there is none due to me: why then didst thou proffer me so much— But thou sayest, Thou wert necessitated to give such a report, lest the Parties concerned should think th●● wert too much biased in joining with me. Alas! Cousin, I am sorry thou shouldst serve such a mistrustful Governess who will not believe thy diligent Service except thou wrongs thy Ancient Friend and near Relation. Again thou sayest, Thou art engaged to give an Account of the Business, without thou wouldst bear all the 15 l. 
* And now thou hast obtained the 15 l. through those thy false reports, it seems by thy own Confession, thou hast not peace in it, but must return it, or else (thou sayest) thou shalt not die in Peace. Poor man, see what it is to give a false report for Money.  But than it should have been a true Account; and if that would not have given them satisfaction, thou hadst better to have lost 15 l. than wrong thy own Conscience, which thou hast now done; also thou tells me, The Love of Money it the Root of all evil. I grant it in the Apostles sense. But why then dost thou not tell those of it that are notoriously guilty of it: who preach against the Priests for taking Gifts and Rewards; and yet take Gifts and Rewards both for Suffering and Preaching; and this I can prove against thy dear Friend, S. C. for whom thou thus drudgest. But, Cousin, as for me, it's well known that for many years, I have manifested the contrary (and since I find that Paul, upon perhaps almost a like occasion, told of his Sufferings, and how many Stripes he received) I may show thee some signs and tokens against thy suggestion, or there can be none given.  
First, I suffered more than three years' Imprisonment at Ely and Wisbech together, and sometimes in very great hardship, both for want of a Fire in the Winter Season, and also in bad Rooms; and since I was at Liberty from Bonds, I have suffered distress for three ten pound Fines, for the Non-ability of G. T. when I dwelled at Ely, and a distress of a 10 l. Fine for the Non-ability of J. W. of Mildenhall Comber; and a Fine of 20 l. for W. B. having a Meeting at my House, besides seven other Fines for my own Offences against the Cenventicle-Act: for which I made no Complaint, but with patience did both bear and suffer the loss of about 100 l. which if I had loved Money so as thou suggests, I had an opportunity to have prevented the same, and all this, besides the Fine for S. C. Likewise I laid my own business aside, and faithfully served our Monthly and Quarterly Meeting many years, in writing for them freely, and not for Salary [as E. H. M. K. and divers others did and do] until I saw that the service of those Meetings was translated in to Ceremonies, and serving each other in love, into Uniformity and Conformity, to certain Ceremonies: which had no foundation in Scripture [and then of my own accord I laid it down as I have signified in your Monthly Book] and my House was a House of Entertainment for Ministering Friends and their Attendants for many years. All this shows not the truth of thy Suggestion, but the contrary, as I have a witness in the Consciences of my bitterest Enemies, etc.  
Likewise when I was nominated by our Quarterly Meeting to go to London about our Sufferings, I went at my own Charge, and took my Inn there; And when I went to Yearly Meetings I did the same: And for all Collections for many years in our Meeting, I was nigh a fourth part, and often more, by reason many Friends here were then very poor: Neither have I spared any pains to prevent suffering to come upon Friends; although, perhaps, I have been destrained myself; yet my care hath been for them, insomuch as all the Friends in our Town, besides myself, have not suffered the loss of Ten pounds over and besides that which I have either lent them, and never had it again, or given them, etc. And to such Friends in the Ministry, as I have been sensible have stood in need, I have not only given them Money, but Clothed them with the best my Shop afforded.  
And when we in this Town found it convenient to build a Meetinghouse, we set to it hearty, which cost us about 75 or 80 l. of which I gave 20 l. at the building thereof, besides something it hath cost me thereupon since, not only in Repairs, but being once fined as a Cottage, I defended it from Damage; which was not without Cost to me; which being collected and put into the Numeration-Table, will show. A fellow Traveller in the like Sufferings and Services, that something hath been in my eye besides the Love of Money, in the sense of the Apostle in that place, cited by thee, and misapplied too. And to them do I refer the sense of these things, and not to such as know not what these things mean, etc.  
And now I am minded to ask thee a few Questions; let not the Man behind the Curtain hinder thy answering them; for if he can, I presume he will; because in a great measure I know him to be guilty in the things Queried, etc.  
1st. Whether is the Tree to be known by its Fruit now a days? If yea; then I do further query, Which of these two sorts of People following (since two such sorts there are among us) most manifest their Love to Money in the sense the Apostle then spoke?  
FIRST, Whether such as are willing to bear their own Burdens in Suffering Times, TO go on Truth's Errand at their own Cost and Charges, and to do business for the Service of Truth and its Professors freely, without Money, or Hire, pursuant to our Pretensions, give to all Collections freely, relieve such as stand in need liberally (serving the Lord with their Substance, as well as in Words, being unwilling to offer a Sacrifice at another man's Cost,) etc.  
OR such as will not bear their own Burdens in Sufferind times, except forced to it; go (as they pretend) on Truth's Errand, but on others Charge, sometimes with their Wives and Attendants, under pretence of good Devotion, until they grow so oppressive, that the Widows Substance is devoured; 
S. C. knows that the Widow Moor at the Seven-Stars nigh Bishopsgate, London, hath understood what I mean.  that some have been constrained to break up House; and such as pretend to preach freely; yea, freely by all means; and yet can take 10 l. at a time, 3 l. at a time, 
These three Sums. I offer to prove Samuel guilty of, if they reckon it guilt; which they should do, because they pretend to the contrary.  and 2 l. at at a time. And such as can receive Broad Pieces of Gold, Pieces of Hair-Camblet, Silver Watches, Beavers, Casters, Cloaks, fine Linen , Holland Shirts, Silk Caps, and pretty Crevats, with many other fine Trinkets. Now the great Question is (though I think 'tis out of Question) which of these two sorts of People most manifest their love to Money?  
Mildenhall, the 9th. of the 10th. Mo. 79. F. Bugg.  
This Letter I sent him, with much more that was in the former part, which for brevity sake I pass by, and a little added in the latter part, which I have put into Parenthesis for distinction, etc. To which I never had Answer; which since, it is there great business to render me a man so bad, often terming me Informer, judas, a Lover of Money, False, Treacherous, Fraudulent; and the like, I am the willinger to recite the same, in hopes that when it meets with a man endued with Charity, Reason and Moderation, he may say, What, is this the man you stigmatise and traduce in Print, to the ruin of his Reputation among all that believe as the Church [the Second-days Meeting] believes? Come, bring forth your Evidences against him, and prove your Matter of Charge, for I will not give credit to your Imagination, 
The Memory of John Story Revived.  (called Sense) and if you have any real ground for these your scandalous Detractions and Pernicious Defamations, why did not you bring your Action against him at common Law? If you say (as that they must, if they will say true) you have no Evidence, why then did you not exhibit a Bill in Chancery against him, and there crave Relief, etc. for, to publish your Imaginations and devised Stratagems against a Man at this rate, in a Case that never was yet tried before the legal Judges; it is a shame to your Profession, and it makes you odious to all that hear it: for should every man take your Practice for his Example, the Printers would have the best Trade. Nay, every Village had need have a Press going; so that it looks like a piece of mere Revenge, because by his Book published, De Christiana Libertate, he hath manifested the Naked Truth of your Errors and Innovations.  
Thus by reason I cannot come at a sight of the Narrative, which they told me, was ready for the Press four or five Months since; I am constrained to carry on the Matter the more large by Letters and Circumstances formerly transacted, that so the difference and the nature of it may be the more explained to the  Reader: but as to the true Sons of the Second-days Meeting, I expect not their Examination; for by an Epistle or Caution put forth by C. Taylor, and approved by them, their People are cautioned to the contrary, Viz. Not to read such Books as are wrote by W. R. myself, and others, etc. Which is not a Protestant Tenate, I am sure, nor a doing as they would be dealt by, and they who obey such Doctrine, must at the same time deny the use of their own Sense, Sight, Reason, and Understanding, and so come into the Papists exact Path of Implicit Faith, which is, though a Man see his Horse is white, yet, if the Church say, it is black, he must deny the truth, for the Church cannot err, she is gifted with an Infallible Spirit, and say (as they say in their Book Entitled, Judas and the Jews, p. 58. WE NEED NONE TO GIVE US DISCERNING OR JUDGEMENT, CHRIST HATH FURNISHED US ALREADY, AND DOTH ON ALL OCCASIONS.) So that what need have we of Proof, or of such Evidence to prove Matter of Fact? Let the poor Protestants use those beggarly Rudiments at their Judgement Seat, at their Assizes and Sessions, who are so cautious, so mean spirited, and unbelieving, that they cannot say, Christ hath furnished them with Discerning and Judgement UPON ALL OCCASIONS: no, how should they? for they are the World, but We are THE, yea, THE CHURCH, and there is none besides us (except our holy Sister) and therefore since we cannot send this Heretic to the Lollards Tower, we will write a Book against him; and though the naughty Protestants will not let us burn him, yet we will murder his Reputation, for what we writ and approve on, our People they'll believe; and if he, or any for him, writ any thing in his Vindication, we will command or caution our Sons not to to look into their Venomous, Dangerous, and pernicious Books; and that they may be throughly deterred from any such Examination (for Examination We, nor our Elder Sister could never abide) we will tell our Sons that F. B. W. R. and T. C. etc. are judases, Informers, Beasts, Dogs, Wolves, Enemies of all Righteousness, Children of the Devil, yea, Devils Incarnate; and they ought to believe as We, G. W. etc. and the Church believes, WE NEED NONE TO GIVE US DISCERNING OR JUDGEMENT, CHRIST HATH FURNISHED US ALREADY, AND DOTH ON ALL OCCASIONS. And G.W. Affirms, That the True Church (i. e. Themselves) is in the true Faith that is in God; and we must either believe thus as the True Church (i. e. they) believes, or else it were but both Folly and Hypocrisy to profess ourselves Members thereof.  
Thus says G. W. [I hope the Reader need not be told who he accounts the True Church] and upon these two Positions, 1. Christ having already, and doth at all times furnish Us both with Discerning and Judgement. We upon that foot, may judge and call them Wolves, Dogs, yea, Devils Incarnate, or what we please, and who shall control us? We are sure we have both Discerning and Judgement given us at all times, and upon all Occasions; Christ may now sit still, Judgement being given to us, we are resolved to make use of it; Christ called Judas a Devil, and why should not we call F. B. W. R. and T. C Devils, and others, who shall interrupt us? Now we are got into the Judgement Seat; and if our Sons will not believe as we believe, for we believe that Christ hath and doth furnish us with Discerning and Judgement at all Times and on all Occasions; and to be sure we are the True Church, or else he would never gift us with these Ornaments and Jewels. Therefore we have given it out, and do aver, that for any to profess themselves to be of us, Viz. of the True Church, and will not believe as we believe, 'tis both folly and Hypocrisy to profess yourselves of our Society; so that if F. B. should call for Evidence at our hands, and expect to have us stoop to those low and beggarly Traditions that the silly Protestants use, Viz. Witnesses, Juries, Judges, that will go according to the Evidence, he is greatly mistaken; For Christ, that is Lord of Lords, and King of Kings, he hath given us both discerning and Judgement; nay, he furnishes us therewith on all Occasions, and we cannot err, having this infallible Spirit, and therefore it is more safe for our Sons to have an eye to the Brethren, and to believe as we believe, than to adhere to the uncertain Judgement of the Fallable Protestants; for sometimes, notwithstanding their Evidences, their Juries, their Learned Judges, their great Lawbooks, their Clarks to preserve Records, their Counsellors to open their Cases, yet for all that, they are (some say) sometimes mistaken in their Judgement; and as for us, Christ who is infallible, hath furnished, and doth furnish us, not only with DISCERNING, but with JUDGEMENT too: not now and then by fits and girds, BUT ON ALL OCCASIONS: So that the Premises rightly considered, none of you need to concern yourselves to read what F. B. etc. may write in their Vindication, nor calling for Evidence, for that signifies little; we have an inward sense, and from that we judge, and not only judge but report what we there from conjecture, wherever we go, and that for the Reason's aforesaid, etc.  
Oh G. W. and the rest of your Ruling and overruling Elders, who have caused the People to err! Whether will you go? Is not this the natural consequence that your erroneous and pernicious Doctrine and Practice of late lead to? Have we not found it by too woeful Experience (and for several years endeavoured to warn you of the same) as in my Book, Entitled, De Chr. Libert. and W. R's Chr. Qua. etc. in 5 Parts, and his 7th. and 8th. Part: and T. C's 1st. 2d. 3d. 4th. and 5th. Part of Babel's, &c. Wherein we show what means we have used, and what Patience we have exercised towards you, & how many Warnings you have had from time to time: also view the Book lately Printed (by many ancient Brethren who have kept their Integrity, and not endeavoured Lordship and Dominion over others Faith and Consciences) the MEMORY OF JOHN STORY REVIVED, etc. And there see how tenderly you have been dealt withal; nothing would prevail, but like a Queen you would Sat, Reign and Tyrannize over the Consciences of your Brethren; insmuch as that I may now say to you, as you say in your Book called, Truth's Corrector of Professors, p. 14. And know assuredly, that if you come to be dealt withal as you have dealt with others, then shall those things which you have done to the Innocent become your Burden— And as you have sought to make others ridiculous, even so shall you become contemptible in the eyes of those which you by your Flatteries have fawned upon, etc. I could say more, but the time is not yet come, etc.  
I say, George, Whether wilt thou and G. F's Party climb? Why are you so vehemently bitter? What is the cause of your rage, that you have the Impudence to call us all these bitter Names, Viz. Informers, Apostates, judases, Dogs, Beasts, Wolves, Children of the Devil, Betraying judases, Devils Incarnate; and other vile terms, says G. W. that tender, meek, precious man, in R. S' esteem; for so he hath Trumpeted him to be, in order to sound his Fame abroad: and the reason that this G. W. renders why he calls us thus, is, because Christ called Judas a Devil. Come George, answer me plainly, is that all the reason thou canst render for calling me and others, that oppose your Innovations these Hideous Names? What, because that Christ Jesus, to whom all Power in Heaven and Earth is committed, called Judas a Devil, who betrayed the Lord of Life and Glory: doth it therefore follow, that G. W. may call F. B. W. R. and T. C. Devils Incarnate, who profess Christ Jesus to be their Lord and Master, and desire to serve him according to the best of their Apprehensions; and this in Chariry thou ought to believe, since we profess so in words, and have given Testimony thereof both by doing and suffering: but suppose thou be'st never so uncharitable, and conclude us not so good Christians as thou could desire we were; what, hath Christ surrendered his Judgment-Seat to G. W. and given him the Keys, and made him Vicegerent on Earth? What, is this Precious, Tender G. W. and meek G. W. Surely the Scotchman is mistaken herein, and his Silver Trumpet gives an uncertain Sound: for when did F. B. W. R. and T. C. etc. speak a word against Christ Jesus, or his Death and Sufferings and Glorious Resurrection, or any of his Divine Attributes? When did we ever undervalue his Doctrine, his Sermons or Miracles, or slight his Holy Commands and Precepts which he gave forth; Oh! thou presumptuous man; not much short of the M— nians. Surely the Lord will reckon with thee and thy Brethren for these your ungodly words and Actions, and to him I leave you (who hath said, Vengeance is mine, and I will repay it) not desiring to render railing for railing, nor Judging for Judging; no, I dare not, I will leave thy State and Condition between God and thy Soul to God only; yet I have leave to discover thy Fruits to others, which are manifest to me; that others may be ware of the sour Grapes which grow on your Vines, etc. Well, perhaps thou mayst say, that although we have not spoken against Christ, yet we have spoken against your Orders, Ceremonies, Traditions and Innovations, and your compelling to a Conformity to them. Very well, if that be all, why then didst thou not lift up thy voice a little higher, and stretch the compass of thy words a little larger, and fetch in the Prophets that opposed the revolting Israelites; and the Primitive Christians that would not submit it to the Jewish Yoke, and all the worthy Protestants and holy Martyrs that opposed the Whore of Babylon [your ELDER SISTER] and condemn them all as judases, Informers, Wolves, Dogs, Enemies of all Righteousness, Children of the Devil, yea, Devils Incarnate. I say, how comes it to pass that your Presumption did not lead you so high, since the Liberty we stand for, we offer to justify by their Doctrine and Example, and our opposing your Traditional Inventions, and Babilonish Ceremonies and Romish Innovations you would impose upon the People, which we have, do, and I hope, ever shall oppose; we offer to vindicate our Practice herein by their Example, when ever you will come to the Test, and are willing that by the evidence of the Scriptures of Truth (which are the declared and fundamental Laws of Heaven) and the Witness of God in all Consciences, our Cause shall stand or fall, and that thereby the Controversy may be decided, etc.  
The Reader may think this too long a digression: but truly the State of things considered, and how I and others have been traduced, I hope he will bear with me, etc. What account G. S. may give in S. C's Narrative more than I have spoken to, I know not; but this I affirm (as in the Presence of God) that all the ground that I gave him to expect return of the whole, was, If I end it with thee (said I to G. S.) the whole shall be tendered, and when done, I should make it appear, that my end was not only for Money. I say, this is all the ground that I gave him; and to fulfil my word, I gave him the said Proposal quoted by G. W. in his Judgement Fixed, p. 210. Viz. That if S. C. would Sign it, I would return the Whole, etc. And let but the Reader rightly consider G. S' two Passages in his Letter, why he gave such account; which was, lest he should lose the said 15 l. By which his Innocency was betrayed: yea, if his Innocency was not betrayed, and that by S. C's Wife that sent him: And as R. S. and our Friends at the Quarterly-Meeting made it appear; why should he now complain under the guilt of it, and say, he shall never die in peace unless he return it? as he confessed to a very good Friend of mine this present April, 1683. Thus was the poor man's Innocency betrayed; 1st. in acting the best he could for them, and when he had so done, unless he would give such a report as pleased them, he was like to bear all the 15 l. who having given a false report, is now perplexed and cannot keep the Money, etc. as our Monthly Meeting at Chatterise recorded it; and when it was recorded, S. C. was troubled that the Record did not signify who it was that betrayed his Innocency. So the next Monthly-Meeting at Sutton, and Quarterly Meeting at Hadenham, R. S. who worded the said Record, and divers other Friends, gave their Judgement in plain words, that S. C's Wife betrayed his Innocency; and this I can prove by J. E. E. L. R. S. W. B. J. M. L. E. E. N. and divers other Friends. And indeed it was really so; for after she had sent him, and he had acted what he could for them, unless he would give a report that pleased them, he had like to have lost all the 15 l. hear his own words as they lie, Verbatim in his Letter he sent me, Viz.  I am necessitated now to give such a report, lest the Parties concerned should think I was too much biased in joining with thee, etc. 
The next thing I come to take notice of, is S. C's Lawyer, which G. W. says (because in my Letter to him, I called him a Lying Lawyer) is a foul Defamation on his Person and Employment: but doth G. W. reckon it such a foul Defamation to call a man a Liar in a private Letter, when for aught G. W. knew I could prove it; and doth he not perceive his own foul Defamation both on my Person and Employment, not only written in a private Letter, but exposed me in Print to be a man of a Selfish Craft, an Over-reaching Man, a Fraudulent Man, a Liar, yea, Devil Incarnate, etc. What is this, if it be not foul, base and scandalous, and a great abuse both to my Person and Employment: and that which aggravates G. W. that meek man's guilt, is, he never knew me to be such a man, he never dealt with me for any thing, neither was he at any Conference that Samuel and I have had about this of G. S. nor no Evidence to prove it, but G. S' own word, who was engaged to give such a Report, without he would lose the Money. But perhaps he may say, he hath heard G. S. say so, and they speak all one thing, cannot do otherwise. And G. S. being furnished (as they say they are) both with Discerning and Judgement upon all Occasions, he thereupon might safely write, print, and expose me both Fraudulent, Over-reaching, and what not, that might help their holy Case, for they act for Holy Church, etc. Well, but I have this Letter of T. R. by me still (which as able a Lawyer as himself gave me) neither am I yet afraid to call him, Lying Lawyer; for I will prove him a Liar, and one who hath born false witness, though he did not swear to it: and upon our own Principles of Suffering, as in the Case of Perjury, on Condition they broke their word, or are found Liars in case of Evidence, to the damage of others, I say, he ought to lose his Ears, having out done, or run parallel with such as are called Knights of the Post. And I am ready to think, if this Lawyer by his lying, false-witness bearing, or any other holy cheat, could have carried this Cause for S. C. and so consequently for the whole Tribe of Self-preserving and others-oppressing Preachers, or rather Praters; he should have had no doubt a good Reward, or Place, as that Liar R. R. hath, by the Second-days Meetings Order, etc.  
For although G. F. gave advice to Oliver and the Parliament formerly, to do things freely, etc. yet E. H. who was late Recorder to the Second-days Meeting, had 50 l. per annum for his Salary and Service to the same, as I am credibly informed; though it may be I do not state it as to words rightly, but they will not deny it; besides other good Gifts for writing Certificates. Nay, G. F. and he wrote a primer to teach Children, much of it Scripture, the Second Edition thereof contains but, I think, about 4 or 6 Sheets; and for this E. H. took 30 l. for the Manuscript. These are the Free-doers; yea, says G. F. in his several Papers given forth about 1658 and 1659., Friends, you are to do the Nations Business freely, and that is the way to get into the Hearts of People, etc. A notable Stratagem to get into the hearts of People: but then surely if the Rule of Contraries have any truth, than the way to take and give 50 l. per annum for Wages, to a Clerk, or the like Sum, and to demand 12 d. for a Certificate writing, as W. R. in his 7th. Part of Christian-Quaker, Disting. etc. more largely manifests; and to take 30 l. for writing a Manuscript for instructing of Children, and all this by the same Clerk, Viz. E. H. which a Priest would have done as much for twenty shillings, is not a doing the Nations Business freely, and consequently will lead you out of the Hearts of People as fast as ever you crept into their hearts, by pretending to do all freely. Oh Deceit and Hippocrisy! But G. F. his name must thus be set to the primer, Viz. G. yea, single G. to E. H. and yet they condemn the same in J. P. Thus is G. F. his singularity and their Partiality clearly manifested. But to return to make some little obfervation upon this hot headed Lawyer T. R's lying Letter, the which I am able to prove so in any Courts of Record; and am very willing to it when he pleases, so long as G. W. is not a Judge in those Protestant Courts; but if he were, I had then best have a Care what I say of this their Oracle of Law. T. R. whose Letter here follows.  
It is a common English Right and Maxim in the Law, That no one is bound to betray himself. And to alter this, were to Impose on every Man (obnoxious to penal Statutes) to be his own Accuser, as if an accidental Affray or Riot, or other thing for which any penal Law punisheth Offenders (or the Justices that punisheth not such Offenders) the Persons offending are obliged to inform against themselves, to acquit others.  
Francis Bugg's Letter.  
Surely, Thomas, thou thinks thou hast hit the Matter, and in the Case of Riots perhaps thou hast spoken Law, etc. But yet I must need tell thee, it would be very disingenuous (as well as a sin against the Law) for any two or three men to give out a Persuasive Letter or Epistle to have a Company of poor silly Countrymen meet them at such a Neighbours Close, to cut down his Pales, etc. And when they are in the midst of their work, the Constable and other Officers being within their view, coming in order to secure them, then for these Men who by their Epistle thus exhorted them to come up to this Assembly, and to be bold and valiant, and not fearful and Cowardly, like a few underly Professors; I say, for these to take their heels and run away, and leave these poor men to suffer both for themselves, and also for the Exhorters and Incouragers to this Meeting, etc. is very disingenuous, and so unmanly, as that the very Highwaymen oft times will scorn such sneakiing do, but will rather fight for their Company to the hazard of their Lives, than to leave them thus in danger. And so I should like it better in those RYOTTRS, to stand their ground, and say (being taken by the Constables and Informers) Neighbours, as for these poor men we must confess, we wrote to them in the year 1675, from our Yearly Meeting at London, and signed it by our trusty and well-beloved G. W. and divers others, whereby we encouraged them, and bade them not to be like the Worldly, Fearful and Politic Professors, who dare scarce venture into such an Affray or Riot as this is, and in a great measure 'tis through our means by appointing Time and Place (see a Letter to me, the 25th. of the 11th. Mo. 1675. sent by J. H. already inserted for a Precedent) and exhorting them to come and fear no danger, are these poor silly men ensnared; Pray deal kindly by them, and at most let them bear but their own Burdens, as for ourselves, the Authors of this Riot (to speak in T. R's sense) we will bear our own Penalty, and do not desire it should be laid upon these Innocents'. I say, if the Ryoters should do otherwise, I should blame them. But let the Reader know that it is the first time that our harmless Meetings were ever compared to Riots by ourselves; but I impute this to the Lawyer's wit only in defence of our Rulers Governing, and Elders Plea, who say they are not obliged to tell their Names and Habitation, unless by a Magistrate demanded, etc.  
T. R. his Lie, who says,  
The Fine was paid in Money, VOLUNTARILY before Distress was made, which is a Payment that our Testimony was ever against, and has been often three or four times the value of the thing demanded Charge, because they could neither pay, nor compound for such spoiling their Goods, etc.  
F. B. Ans. T.R. I question whether there be a Knight of the Post now in London, that ever uttered a more plain Lie, and down right Falsehood; for I never paid the Money voluntarily before distress was made on my Goods, but was 1st. destrained, and about 20 l. worth of my Goods carried away to the White Heart in our Town, and there lay until I was advised to enter my Appeal; which I was informed, could not be until I had paid the Money; and therefore I laid down the Money. And how darest thou be so confident and false?   

Observations.  
Let the Reader observe that I sent up to London to W. P. this Answer to T. R. which was more full and large, but never had any Answer to it. So that I now recite only a few of the most absurd and manifest Lies, that the Reader may observe how S. C's drooping Cause hath been upheld by his Friend G. S. and his Lawyer T. R. but I find Error (as W. P. elsewhere says) must be upheld by Error, and under Lies, Forgeries and Pervertions, doth it hid itself as its only Refuge and strong Tower: well, hear this their notable Lawyer a little further, etc.  
T. R. And for this cause (says this Lawyer) it were unjust in him (meaing his Client S. C.) to repay such a VOLUNTARY Sum laid down.  
F. B. And for this cause, Viz. because I paid the Money voluntarily before a destress was made of my Goods, it were unjust; but then by the Rule of Contrarys, Viz. If distress was first made of my Goods, Samuel thy Client ought to pay me, by thy own Inference; since thou placest the Injustice of his Re-payment, because I paid my Money VOLUNTARILY, before a distress was made on my Goods, etc. But I tell thee, and will prove it by many Witnesses, that my Goods were first destrained, then carried away to an Inn in our Town, and lay there a considerable time before I entered my Appeal, at which time I paid down my Money, and took my Goods. So that by thy own Rule of arguing, he ought to repay me again. But as thy foundation (Viz. Voluntary Payment before distress made) is a notorious Lie, and in that respect sandy, thy Building must need tumble, and that to thy great disgrace. And what if it be Recorded, RUDYARDS' FOLLY.   

Observations.  
Now he is going to vindicate the Persons that once chose themselves to arbitrate the Matter between S. C. and me, who burned my Papers, and dealt partially in the Case; for which, by a Paper I called Prescript and Postscript, I sharply reproved them. Hear what he says in favour of his Client.  
T. R. As to Persons hearing the Case, for a person pretending himself of a Religious Society, and to blast them for Persons partial and unjust, has not a Precedent; but with Persons Runagade from their Society; which F. B. would not be accounted— Besides that, F. B's NEIGHBOURS, and they FOREIGNERS to S. C. should be partial, and against F. B. when his Case called not for it, is a thing not easily believed.  
F. B. I dare not say thou art hired to lie, because I cannot prove it; but this I say, I never heard the like of thee among all the Runagades that I have read of: Thomas, how darest thou say they were my NEIGHBOURS, and to S. C. they were FOREIGNERS; for of the twelve that chose themselves, there was never a man that lived nearer me than 10 miles, some 14, some 18, and some nigh 30 miles off me; but S. F. and W. B. two of the 12 lived in the same Town of Little-Port, where S. C. dwelled, and his own very Disciples, and about four or five more of them lived at Douneham, in the Isle of Ely, and at Eley, and Sutton; and yet thou hast the Confidence to say, they were my Neighbours, as if they lived all round about me, and absolute Strangers and Foreigners to thy Client. Surely, if his Case did not call for partial Judges, false Witnesses, Lying Lawyers, and such a Tribe of Perverters, he would be ashamed to own them, etc. And so I shall conclude with a word of Use and Application, etc.  
A Lawyer and a Friend, can he be found,  
Professing Truth, I say, on English Ground?  
Who Truth will speak, upon Occasion, free  
From lying words and base Partiality.  
If not, the WOE was not pronounced in vain,  
Since to such Lawyers it doth appertain;  
Who can pervert and wrest an honest Cause,  
Their Refuge being Lies, and not our Laws.  
After all these turn and twine with his Lawyer, his Friend G. S. his Reverend Friends the Preachers of the Ruling Party, on his behalf from time to time to assist him at every turn; and I had nothing but Equity and Reason, the Custom of valiant Ministers in former Ages, and some few in this Age, and the Scriptures on my side. I say, after all these several Transactions, G. S. and I met at a Quarterly Meeting in Hadenham, the 1st. of the 10th. month 1680; where were G. B. T. B. J. W. S. G. T. H. and I think J. B. all Ministers, besides about 30 or 40 other substantial men; who after a long and tedious debate, G. S. bringing all his Arguments in the defence of S.C. and himself; and I offered what then I had to say in my defence, in my Prosecution of S. C. And when all was done, it came to that issue, that an end thereof was concluded and firmly settled, not barely by word of mouth, but RECORDED in our Quarterly-Book, a Copy whereof followeth Verbatim,  
At this Quarterly-Meeting, being the 1st. of the 10th. Month, 1680. All Differences betwixt F. B. S. C. and G. S. were ended, and that all Papers by all Parties Viz. F.B.S. C. and G. S. be brought to Ely Prison on the 1st. of the 11th. Month, 1680, to be burnt, and all Controversy to cease by and betwixt them all, etc.  
But let the Reader note, that as G. S. hath been false to me, so he was not true to the said Meeting, though he then assented to Friends in the said final conclusion; for when S. C. and I at Ely Prison in S. C's Chamber, pursuant to the said Agreement, and in concurrence therewith burnt our Papers, G. S. never so much as met us there; nor did I see him burn a Paper; which when I aftewrards considered it, I thought there might be a Snake in the grass; and than although I burned every Paper I had in my Custody, yet when I came where I had sent and dispersed Manuscripts amongst my Friends, I got what I could of them again, etc. Well, but however things rested very quiet for nigh two years, and very still we were, until I put forth my Book, De Christianâ Libertate, in the year 82. And I being then in London, N. L. told me there was a discourse raised about a Fine, and my taking 15 l. which, as represented, did not look well; or to that effect; and asked me if I was free to appear in it: to whom I replied, yea, I am willing to appear, but that matter is ended, and that upon Record too, in our Quarterly Book; but I am willing to defend myself, if they begin: where wouldst thou have me to come, and when? he said, to morrow about the 9th. hour in the Forenoon to R. M. So the next morning I went, and with me L. and J. E. and after a little time there was T.B. S.H. S.W. E.M. J. B: J.H. and others, so N. L. opened the matter, and told us that R. M. was his Author for what he said, which was about my taking 15 l. of G. S. etc. in a fraudilent way and manner, the words I cannot now well remember. So R.M. told me that so he heard, and if I could clear myself, I might. So I asked R. M. over and over time after time, who was his Author, but could not get it out of him, do what I could, as if he had vowed Secrecy; so than I told him, that whoever it was, they had broke Covenant, and acted contrary to the Agreement made at our Quarterly Meeting, where were 6 or 7 Friends in the Ministry, and about 30 or 40 substantial men in our Country, where both our Allegations came under Consideration, were fully heard, and at last resolved into a final end and agreement, pursuant, and in concurrence therewith, I myself, and S. C. burned our Writings and Papers, yet since thou hast raised it, or at least, set it on foot, again I may say something in the defensive part, although there is little need, for those Friends cannot but conclude, that if it was ended, there were reasons and grounds to believe that those who had the hearing of it, and assented to the said Agreement, were satisfied therewith, etc. So I run through the heads of several Passages, etc.  
Whereupon E. M. in their presence did affirm, that he would make it appear, that if a Minister refused to tell his Name and Habitation, and another suffered for him by means thereof, if then the said Minister should not repay the said Sufferer, it was as bad as if a man should borrow 20 l. on a Bond, and refuse to pay it again, this he offered to make good against any man in London, and which was to the great satisfaction of the Auditors, so we parted.  
And when I came home, here was the same News, a Friend that came from Ely Prison, namely, T. B. who first spoke about my Book, and then fell upon the Fine, and said, I had no right to it. So then I clearly perceived, that they had a purpose to quarrel with me, and to break the Bond of their Agreement, and snap the Cord of their Quarterly Book Record, as if no Faith was to be kept with Heretics, etc. So then I wrote to S. C. this Letter following, to prevent all occasion of a further Controversy, if possible.  
Samuel Cater,  
I Understand that since I published my Book, Entitled, De Chr. Lib. several Friends have brought up the old Concern betwixt thee and I, about the Fine I suffered for thee, Anno, 1675; for which my Cousin G. S. (as thy Wife's Messenger) made me Restitution, and the Controversy depending thereupon betwixt thee, my Cousin G. S. and myself, which was ended and finally determined by Friends, whereof 5 or 6 were of the Ministry, at a Quarterly Meeting at Hadenham, the 1st. of 10th. mo. 80, and there recorded in their Quarterly Book; and lest thou shouldst be the Wheel within the Wheel, or the moving cause of reviving the same so long after it was ended. I thought myself concerned to write a few lines to thee, in order to let thee know, that if thou art not willing to stand to the Judgement of Friends of the said Quarterly-Meeting 
* Which Privilege cost me many a weary and tedious Journey before I could get that Privilege granted me.  I will very willingly consent and agree, that thou shalt have a hearing de novo, by Persons indifferently chosen by us both, Viz. each of us 4, 6, 10, or 12 Persons, and be bound again to stand to their Award, and final Determination in a Bond of 30 l. to each other, as we were before, and this thou need not to fear, if thy Cause will abide the Test of Truth, Justice, and sound Judgement.  
Or otherwise, I have often proffered thee both before I had the Money, and since thy Wife sent my Cousin G. S. to end it. And do thou take which Proposition thou pleasest, and likest the best. That is to say,  
Upon condition thou wilt sign a Paper like this which followeth (in a different Character) I will return the whole 15 l. that my Cousin G. S. by thy Wives Order paid me, in satisfaction for the Fine I suffered for thee, as aforesaid; and can as freely give it as the Commons of England gave to King Henry III. the fifteenth part of their Movables, in consideration of Magna Charta, or the great Charter of the Liberties and Privileges of the People of England. See 9 H. 3. and confirmed the 28. E. 2. And certainly there is as much reason to be offered for our Ministers, who usually appoint the Meetings, and encourage others to be valiant and give up All, for their setting themselves in a like suffering Capacity with the Hearers, whom they thus encourage, as for the Commons of England to have their share in those great Privileges therein granted; and yet there is reason enough in that too, SINCE THE LAW IS SO MADE, that if the Minister refuse or neglect to tell his Name and Habitation where he is a Stranger, his Fine of 20 l. except the Justice be the more moderate, unavoidable falls upon the Hearers nay, if he please, he may lay it upon any single Person present of the Hearers. 
* See the Records of Conviction by which I suffered for S. C. that is, a tried Case, and by as good a Lawyer as G. W.  And if so, what an intolerable a thing is it for our Ministers, who pretend to be mighty zealous, and for giving up All, should stand in one Capacity, wholly free from Sufferings by that Act against Conventicles, where they are Strangers, as that I affirm they do, if they refuse to tell their Names and Habitations, as aforesaid; and we the Hearers in another Capacity, always liable to Sufferings, not only for our own Fines, but for the Poor, for the Meeting-Houses, and for our obscure Ministers too; albeit one Privilege thou hast, which I neither have nor desire, for thou didst never suffer but one Fine, and through the moderation of thy Neighbours, for which they deserve Commendation, some think thou never lost 5 l. by it [nay, I think so too; for as often as I mention it, I never find thee deny it] and yet notwithstanding thou hadst ten pound presently sent thee out of the Treasury 
* This G. W. hath denied as Stated, and bid me prove matter of Fact as stated. Notably done, George, as stated, no, I will not pretend the words PRESENTLY and TREASURY was used at the dedicating this Gift, but I will prove that he had ten pound sent him by John Peacock of St. Ives, and that it was in consideration of his said Suffering. This I can prove.  from London notwithstanding worth hundreds of pounds at the same time, which doubtless was 
▵ Though not long before thou got the knack of Preaching, thou went to Days-works, and had scarce wherewith to pay thy debts. This I can prove; but thou wert always a leading Man. I know what.  obtained through such kind of Augmentations, since thou hast confessed to me under thy hand, as well as to others by word of mouth that it was but a few years since, that thou hadst not much more than would pay thy Debts; I say, it was but a few years before thou wert a Preacher, that this was thy low condition; and truly, if all thy Sufferings have such a plentiful Reward, I do not know but Sufferings may be as beneficial to thee, as of old they were to Bishop Wren. 
* For it hath been said, that in Ely Prison, by Treats and otherwise, they believe thou fairedst as well as Persons of much higher Degree.  So that there is great need for such as thee to stand in a like Suffering Capacity with the Hearers, and not to make such a stir about a little Money.  
The Paper I mean, is this.  
MEmorandum, that I S. C. do hereby testify, that it is my Judgement, that all Friends of the Ministry, where they are Strangers, aught to tell their Name and Habitation, upon apparent sight of Informers coming into the Meeting, taking Friends Names in Writing, or otherwise, in order to convict the Meeting, that so we may all stand in a like Suffering Capacity, relating to Sufferings; or if any have not freedom thus to do, that then they ought to make satisfaction to such who suffer for them through their concealing their Names and Habitations. And to such as refuse to perform their part in either of these two Propositions, aught from thence forth to be reputed blameworthy, and noted as such.  
Witness my hand, per me  
I say, sign this Paper, or one like it, and I will return the 15 l. for the reason aforesaid; and if this be not a Condescension sufficient enough to please thee, let me know what thou wouldst have me to do, etc. and much more to the same effect, which being already in substance treated on, I am loath to be too repititions.  
So away I sent it to him, and when he percived from whence it came, he sent it to me again, and never opened it, as conscious to himself of guilt, I suppose, or else he would no doubt have read it, etc. So than that my proffer of giving him the advantage of a second hearing (upon his not being satisfied with the Quarterly Meetings agreement) might be thoroughly known to his Friends, I sent the same recited Letter to G. W. etc. the Second-days Meeting (which if there be a Church upon earth, I dare presume, he believes that is) that they might take it into consideration, and endeavour to prevent further Controversy. But instead thereof G. W. sends me a Copy of what he has Printed; and withal told me, that except I would retract, and call in my Book De Chr. Lib. I should not trouble him any more, etc.  
And soon after I received another large Letter from S. C. wherein he makes sad work about my said Proposition, calling it unspiritual, and new Orders and Cannons, and much to that purpose; which I shall omit at present, as superfluous; for I rather choose to manifest their erroneous Opinions and oppressive Practices, than to answer every idle Story I meet with in his Letters, of his Prison Employment.  
In which said large Letter of his I find three or four reasons, such as they be, why he cannot subscribe the said Proposition, and lest they should come out in his notable Narrative so long boasted of, as some profound Arguments, I may write something in answer to them.  
S. C's 1st. Reason. It is not my Judgement that ALL Friends in the Ministry are bound, without being asked, to tell the Informers their Name and Habitation, being not thereunto required by the Lord, whose Mind they THAN have, being Ministering in the Power of Christ Jesus, whose Word they are to declare faithfully, and not their own, nor Francis Buggs.  
Answer. To speak nothing of thy boasting, as having the MIND of God, and ministering in the POWER of Christ, that not being at this time so immediately under my Consideration. I answer, that my Proposition, which thou scornfully calls a Cannon, or new Order, doth not limit any of you, for provided you be but so just as to re-imburse such as suffer for you, 
As at large in my Expostulation.  you may conceal your Names as long as you please. But since you at your London Convocation, the 27th. of the 3d. Month, 1675, made a Law or Cannon, that we must neither Forsake, Decline, nor Remove our Meetings. This we do say, that one of them, Viz. either tell your Name and Habitation, or reimburse the Sufferer, as you ought to do, or else we will account you blame worthy, notwithstanding your boasting to have God's Mind, and you minister in Christ's Power. Come, come, we have been fed too long with such chaffy Pretensions, and I know you had rather pay your Money, or not preach at all, than to be accounted blame-worthy; for that would spoil the fashion of your infallible Pretensions, and never-erring Policy.  
S. C's 2d. Reason. It is my Judgement that all Friends in the Ministry in the Name and Power of the Lord, are to be left to do in that, as in their Faith and Freedom they shall see meet, as they will answer it to God, and are not to be limited by F. B. nor any other, what to say, or what Answer to make, when Informers or Persecutors come into a Meeting where they are Ministering.  
F. B. Who is about to limit you? you may keep your Names and Habitations as obscure as you please, provided you be willing to offer your Sacrifice at your own cost; for until then I will not take your word, that God is the Author of your Freedom and Liberty: what, you that have the confidence to say, That God moved you to make a Law, That we Hearers must constantly meet, and not Forsake, Decline, nor Remove our Meetings, like Worldly, Fearful, and Politic Professors. And when you come to Preach, tell us you must have your freedom, whether to tell, or not to tell your Name and Habitation. You may as well say, you will have your Freedom whether to suffer, or not. Nay, take all the Freedom you can desire, if your Freedom be not a Cloak or Vizard, under which your oppressing and tyrannising Lordly Spirit Lodges. So take your choice, either tell your Name and Habitation, or re-imburse him that suffers for you: if not, we will still reckon you blame-worthy, whether thou subscribe or not: we have too long let you alone, and this, I hope will be for your Good.  
S. C's 3d. Reason. I do believe that this new invented Order of F. B. tends to the exercising Rule and Lordship over the Faith and Consciences of our Brethren: and therefore I cannot set my hand to it.  
F. B's Answer. Doth it so? well, if it did, still Samuel, the Hearers have as much right to make a Law for our Ministers, as our Ministers have to make a Law for their Hearers; and we will abide the trial of that when you please; for you ought to be Servants; and was it ever known in Christ's time, that the Servants made a Law to govern such whom they served. But I tell thee, my Proposition doth not tend to exercise any Rule over you, or your Faith and Consciences, but to levelly you a little; and I think it is time, nay, more than time, that such a Law or Order, or what you will call it, was made to check a few Usurpers, who have neither the Law of God, the Law of the Land, nor the Custom of any Church to Pattern your imperious Carriage, your monstrous Censures of such as will not fall down, and crouch under you; wherefore consider of these things, and be humbled, that your Backslidings may be healed. See, the Memory of John Story Revived, etc. Oh that you had taken the Advice of such as he was, then might it have been well with you; which I know he desired and laboured for.  
S. C's fourth and fifth Reason a little abstracted, etc.  
I do acknowledge it a low and base thing of F. B. to make such a Law, and to proffer me 15 l.— I do know, the 15 l. that F. B. pretends so freely to give me, if I will sign his new invented Order, he hath wrongfully by defraud got into his hand of my Money, etc.  
F. B's Answ. I deny that it is either low or base; 1st. it is a valuable Sum, and a good consideration for the matter in hand, and suits well with the Gift which the Commons gave to King Hen. III. for Magna Charta; which was the 15th. part of their Movables. And since you of the Ministry of the Ruling Party, Reign as Kings over us, making a Law or Cannon, That in Suffering Times we must meet constantly, whatever is said to the contrary, and neither Forsake, Decline, nor Remove our Meetings, if we will be owned as Members in the Church of Christ. See your Law at large as recited in my Expostulation, signed by G.W. S.C. etc. of you of the Ruling Leaders, who have caused the People to err; at whose Doors we lay our Complaint for all our late Divisions, Distractions, and the Consequences of them. And I deny that I came by the 15 l. fraudulently, but it was paid me by thy Wife's Messenger, G. S. of which I have fully treated.  
Thus having answered S. C's Reason-less Reasons, I come now to take a little notice of G. W's disingenuous and base way of traducing me in Print; whose method is so abominable, as that the very Heathen would be ashamed of the like Practice; and if I seem sharper than some think it meet, let them blame G.W. and his Approvers and Abettors, for I find myself concerned in point of my Reputation, both as a Man and Christian, to put off the Bears-Skin which they would wrap me in, if I were so tame as to wear it; but I ever hated to be Priestridden, when amongst them, and shall I now submit to a few Usurpers in their Extra Judicial Proceed? For if ever man had cause to take up a Complaint against a sort of Tyrannical Usurpers, and Arbitrary Rulers, under the Notion of Church-governors. I am, surely, the man (as well as some others) I remember a Saying by King Charles the First.  There is no Proceed just against any man, but what is warranted either by God's Laws, or the municipal Laws of the Country where he lives. 
And now I will appeal to any Judicious man, whether it be according to the Law of God to condemn a man without a hearing? Nay, which is worse, by G. W. who is a Stranger to what passed betwixt G. S. and myself; and is so confident, that he, upon G. S' bare word, without any other evidence of the matter, prints, and exposes me to be a fraudulent, overreaching man: which I take to be scandalous, and do intent further to examine the same; and this is both against the Law of God, and the municipal Laws of my Country where I dwell; and such dealing as these my bitter and malicious Adversaries use against me, the Heathens would be ashamed of; the Saints abhor them; the Practice of all the Reformed Churches condemns them for. The common Law of England relieves all that suffer Damages by Trespasses committed or done, where there is good evidence; and where evidence is lacking, as oft times it is in divers Cases, Provision is made in the Court of Chancery, that the Oppressed may be relieved, and the Oppressors repelled: but these are Punishments too too slender for this envious man G. W. or else they feared, that I had so much right of my side, as that I could have pleaded to their Declaration, or replied to their Bill: but that which renders their Proceed yet more abominable, the matter betwixt S. C. G. S. and myself, was ended and finally determined at our Quarterly-Meeting, the 1st. of December, 1680; that no more Controversy should be, etc. But as soon as I had put forth my Book, De Chr. Lib. they presently set it abroach, and by their Practice seem to manifest, it is their Judgement, No Faith was to be kept with Heretics. Well, as soon as I perceived that, I forthwith sent S. C. a Letter, that if he was not satisfied with the said Agreement, that I would grant him a Hearing again, by Persons chose to arbitrate the Matter betwixt us; that so he might make his wrong (if he apprehended the Quarterly Meeting wronged him) known, and be capacitated to relieve himself, which is the best and most proper Expedient we have amongst us, to decide matters. All this took no place, for my Book had so disturbed them, that they sought all occasion against me they could, etc.  
Object But by this time some may be ready to object and say, If they have revived that business about the Fine which was ended, and would not accept of an Arbitration the second time, when proffered to them, nor yet proceed legally in any of the King's Courts, but expose the Name and Reputation of their Adversaries in Print; than it looks like a mere piece of Malice and Revenge, as if they wanted other Matter wherewithal to answer thy Book. This is a Practice so hateful to all Judicious Persons, that it will turn greatly to their Dis-repute, Contempt, Shame, and Confusion of face, and loar their Topsail greatly; since amongst us Protestants 'tis never known, that a Case is Printed and exposed to public view, upon every man's own bare words and thoughts, until Judiciously heard, and a Verdict pass upon it; and then some eminent Cases are printed for the help and information of young Students, etc.  
Ans. I find the strength of this Objection is placed, or bottomed upon the occasion that moved S. C. and G. W. to publish their Relation or Narrative about the Fine; and I do say, that it was my Book, for until I had printed my Book De Chr. Lib. I heard no noise of a Narrative, I was not called upon the Stage at London: but as soon as I perceived their Intent, to revive the said Controversy, I sent to S. C. the offer of a new Election. But that took no place, though I sent it to G. W. also. But soon after I had a large Letter came from G. W. chief as Printed, wherein he said as in his Judgement Fixed, p. 252. And I desire to know, if after the reading and perusing of this my large Letter, thou art at all minded to relent and retract thy BOOK, or any part of it, and accordingly to give forth a plain CONDEMNATION, or RECANTATION as public. To this I expect Answer shortly from thee, otherwise trouble me not with any disingenuous or scurrilous Letters. And after he had waited for my Recantation a while, and saw it not, than he soon went to printing as scurrilous and as defaming as he could; Judgement Fixed: But by his before recited words it is plain, that if I would have condemned my Book, and made a public Recantation, I might have had Room enough, and been received into Mother Church, and absolved from the sin of the 15 l. And no further Process had been issued out from our Exchequer in Temporals, and Church Triumphant in Spirituals, namely the Second-days Meeting in London, etc.  
All which may serve for great part of an Answer to the Objection. But by reason I may carry things very plain, I will recite a Letter, wherein the like Pardon was proffered, and my Answer to the same; by which it will yet more plainly appear to be a piece of Revenge, by reason I did so Annatomise their Image of Church Government in my former Book. But let me be never so plain and demonstrative, I doubt not but they will evade these things what in them lie, and say either, they did not mean so; or, that I took but part of their Letters, and left out either the foregoing, or subsequent and explanatory words, although sometimes I print their whole Letters; which I do not find them so fair by me, etc. Or else I take an entire Paragraph or Sentence; which they seldom do without curtailing; and for proof, let the Reader compare page by page: and sometimes they'll say, I lie, I lie, though it be as really true as a man can write. What Opponent have they yet ever had, and not served them so? But let them know, that for my Book, Entitled, De Chr. Lib. which shows your Innovations and Errors in your Church-Discipline; and this, Entitled, The Painted Harlot, etc. discovering their Ministers and their Errors in Church-Goverment, and I shall offer to prove the truth of them; and if ever they give me cause to examine the Q. V M. and the Authors therein quoted, I may set forth their base Temporizing and abominable Traducing of People more righteous than themselves: and as I cautioned them in De Chr. Lib. p. 213. about the sixth Branch, etc. so I do again, but shall wait until their own wickedness corrects them, not desiring any thing more than their Repentance and Amendment; yet the Man of Sin, and Jezabel, that deceive the Nations, must be discovered, with her fine guilded Cup of Purity, Sanctity, Self-denial, and Humility, as if they could not hurt a Worm, when the poison of Asps is under their tongue, and the Venom of Malice vents itself through them without measure, etc.  
Here follows the Letter of S. C. that he sent me.  
Francis Bugg,  
THis is to let thee know, that if thou wilt not make thy Cousin G. S. and myself Satisfaction, and also call in thy wicked Book, which thou hast caused to be Printed; in which thou hast belied, abused, and misrepresented Friends to the World: THAN we shall make thy ungodly Actions and fraudulent Proceed more manifest than ever we thought to have done; whereof we have a Narrative ready for the Press. But if thou wilt call in thy Book, and as publicly own thy Condemnation as thou hast given the offence, and thereby clear Friends of the Reproaches, than we shall stop any further Proceed. To this I desire thy speedy Answer, from him that hath been much wronged, and long abused by thee,  
The 26th. of the 10th. Mo. 1682. S. Cater.  
By which the Reader may observe, that although he joins my giving him satisfaction for the wrong done him and G. S. (meaning the Fine) with the calling in my Book; yet the Condition of that Obligation is such by the latter part thereof; that if I will but call in my Book, and CONDEMN it PUBLICLY; which is the main String that both G. W. and this S. C. harp upon; that then they would proceed no further with the Narrative. See the Copy of my Answer I wrote the same day, and sent it away to him.  
S. Cater,  
THis day I received thine, dated, the 26th. of the 10th. Mo. 82: and I am not sensible I have wronged thee, nor my Cousin G. S. neither haste thou therein said wherein I have. So that in Answer, I do say, if either of you can make it appear, where I have wronged either of you, I will readily make you satisfaction: but if thou means the Money that my Cousin, as thy Wife's Messenger, paid me, in satisfaction for the Fine I suffered for thee, Anno 75, and art not willing to stand to Agreement made at our Quarterly-Meeting, the 1st. of the 10th. Month, 80, as there recorded in their Quarterly-Book; that all Controversy betwixt thee, my Cousin and me, should cease, etc. I say, if thou art not willing to stand to the said Agreement, but find thyself uneasy under it, I will, as in August last I wrote thee word, very willingly consent and agree, that thou shalt have a Hearing de novo, by Persons indifferently elected, and become bound to stand to their Award, etc.  
And as for the calling in my Book, this I am willing to let thee know, that on CONDITION the Orders upon Record in our Quarterly Book, which says, That for time to come no Marriages are either to be Permitted or Suffered, unless the Parties publish the Intent thereof twice before the Mens-Meeting, and twice before the Womens-Meeting distinct, etc.  
And the Record against J. A. for not taking his Wife according to the Order of Friends, etc. be RAZED OUT AND MADE VOID. That so those that have freedom to publish according to the said Orders, may; and those that are otherwise minded, may be left to their Christian Liberty. And also the Book, called, The Accuser, and others against W. R. etc. be called in. I say, on condition these things may be done, I am willing to call in mine, and shall be willing to use any Christian means for a thorough Reconciliation. But whereas thou seemest to threaten me with a Narrative, yea, a plain Narrative (as in the Letter, dated the 3d. of the 8th. Mo. 
* There he tells me, that he hath given a full and true Narrative from the beginning.  82.) of which I have long since heard of; it doth not trouble me, neither do I believe it would have been thus long 
▵ The beginning was the 6th. of November, 75.  detained from publishing, in Charity or good Will to me, hadst thou not been conscious to thyself, that the Publication thereof would have been a further means to have unmasked thee, and such as thou art. This is my sense, and as speedy an Answer as I can well give, who am thy well-wishing, though much abused Friend,  
The 6th. of 11th. Mo. 82. F. Bugg.  
By which Letter the Reader may see, that I promised, that if they make it appear, that I had wronged them, I would make them satisfaction, and that I renewed my offer, to refer things to honest men, such as we should choose; but nothing accepted, which is another reason that my Book was the cause of their rehearsing old Matters, long since ended. Nay, G. W. was so revengeful, that he would have made my mentioning the King's Clemency, that I compared to their Severity, De Ch●. Lib. p. 179. and set it as an Example to them, little better than petty Treason; because perhaps I was not so well skilled in wording the manner and methods of the Kings expressing himself when he remits Offences, etc. But let G. W. know, that if I deserved his Displeasure for that, what will become of such who mark the Actions of Magistrates, and record them to Posterity, to their Ignominy and Shame, and the Casualties and Accidents that befall them, as God's Judgements, in defence of the Catholic Faith and so must in Aftertimes be accounted Miracles; yea, a heap of Miracles will come out, whereof they have given us an Intimation. Judas and the Jews, etc. p. 41. VIZ.  Our Faithful Chronicles of the bloody Tragedies of that Professing Generation, will tell Future Ages other things. 
And why Future Ages? What, are you ashamed to bring it to light in the same Age, lest it should be detected? A notable crafty way indeed; what, keep it close until none are alive that remember those Passages: and then it will look like a fine glistering Chronicle among all such as believe as the Church believes. And if they do not do so, G. W. says, 'tis a Folly to profess one's self to be a Member of it, Viz. As the true Church believes. And I marvel what People there are, that do not believe the Society they belong to, are the True Church, etc.  
But however, if I have not worded the manner of the Kings remitting Offences, against his known Laws, since my intent was not to dishonour him: I had rather rely on his Clemency still for a second Forgiveness, since I have had experience of the first, than at the mercy of G. W. etc. his Brethren the Ruling Elders; who having been wooed and entreated these four years, to reverse a Record of Condemnation, made against J. A. for not publishing his Intention of Marriage according to the Orders of Friends; and yet it cannot be done; You cannot condescend a hairs-breadth; so P. L. Preached in Huntingtonshire; and you confirm his Doctrine by your Practice. See, De Chr. Lib. etc. pag. 63. 64. 65.  
I am willing to draw to a Conclusion, but when I consider the Perfidiousness and Treachery of this G. W. and S. C. their breaking Covenant, I cannot let pass one Passage concerning T. Becket, the Arch-Prelate in King Henry II. Time, who after many Brogles and Fall out, at last, by the Persuasion of the King of France, and other Nobles, he the said Becket fell down prostrate, like a very humble Saint (see Prinns Antip. p. 23.) saying, My Lord and Sovereign; I do here commit unto your own Judgement the Cause and Controversy between us, so far forth as I may, saving the Honour of Almighty God. The King being much offended with this last Exception, turned him about unto the French King,— said, I am so well acquainted with the Tricks of this fellow, that I cannot hope for any good dealing at his hand; see ye not how he goeth about to delude me with this Clause (Saving the Honour of Almighty God) for whatsoever shall displease him, he will by and by allege to be prejudicial to Almighty God, etc.  
Let but the Reader view the Agreement which was made and recorded at our Quarterly-Meeting, the 1st. of the 10th. Mo. 80. betwixt S.C. G.S. and me, which was not made in a Corner, nor in an Alehouse, but in Sanctum Sanctorum, even in our Quarterly-Meeting, where we cannot err, nor revoke the Order for Marriage, nor repeal the Act of Condemnation against J. A. No, by no means, lest the third Loft of our Tripple-Crown of Infallibllity should tumble. Again, it was not made by Boys, nor by the Men of the World, but by a full Synod of Clergy and Layity. Again, it was not barely concluded by verbal Discourse, and so left; which the Men of the World reckon binding to, when all Parties agree; but RECORDED. Which if it had been a Ceremony for Marriage, or how we must twice present our Intentions of Marriage before the Womens-Meeting, it had been like the Laws of the Medes and Persians, which altereth not, whatever becomes of the Peace. But now they think the Honour of their Ceremonies, Traditions, Innovations, and Image of Church-Government, lies at the Stake and bleeding. And therefore these Arch-men (I will not say, Bishops) G. W. and S. C. are displeased; and 'tis as King Henry the II. said.  
The Case is so plain, that the understanding Readers may perceive how the things go. And as for the credulous Ignoramuses, who will believe as the Church believes, if a man bray them in a Mortar, they will neither learn nor understand.  
I may now speak something in Vindication of the equal Proposition I made to S. C. upon which I proffered him 15 l. as herein I have related. And also against the tendency of the 6th. Branch of the London Edict, made the 27th. of the 3d. Mo. 1675. to be observed in Suffering Times by the People called Quakers.  

Francis Bugg his Proposition, Viz.  
That on Condition S. C. would Sign a Paper, testifying that his Opinion is, That the Ministers ought to tell their Name and Habitation, or reimburse such as suffer for them through their concealing their Name and Habitation, or else be reputed blame-worthy. As more at large in my Letter to S: C. dated, the 10th. of August, 1682, and printed herein; upon which I offered to give him 15 l. as freely as the Commons of England gave to King Henry III. the 15th. part of all their Movables: See 9 Hen. 3. and confirmed 28. Edw. 2. This, G. W. and S. C. call an Edict, a Cannon, and Prescript, and me a Dedicater, Prescriber, and an Imposer, etc. Calling me Fool, Befooled, Novice and Ignorant, Prood Fool, Conceited, and the like.   

The LONDON EDICT, etc.  
Concerning meeting in Suffering-Times, etc. As at large in my Expostulation.  
— So it is our Judgement and Advice, that all Friends gathered in the Name of Jesus, keep up their public Testimonies, etc.— And not Decline, Forsake, or Remove their public Assemblies, because of Times of Sufferings, as Worldly, Fearful, and Politic Professors have done, because of Informers, and the like Persecutors; for such Practices are not consistant with the Nobility of the Truth, and therefore not to be owned in the Church of Christ. Signed by G. W. S. C. and divers others of G. F's Party.   

First, my Proposal.  
That on condition the London Edict must be observed, and as the Law is made, there is a necessity for the Ministers declaring their Name and Habitation, or re-imbursing the Sufferer that bears his Fine. There is Liberty of choice enough, Viz. The Minister may do which of them he pleases: and if he be such a Worldly, Fearful, and Politic Minister as that he will do neither of them, mark what his Penalty is, Viz. ONLY TO BE ACCOUNTED BLAME-WORTHY. And since I have treated so largely on this Subject, I shall leave it with the impartial Reader, whether it be such an Edict, Cannon, or Law, as tends to exercise Dominion over the Faith and Consciences of our Brethren, (as G. W. and S. C. suggest) and to his Censure or I commit it.   

Secondly, The London Edict.  
It is my Judgement, that all Friends & People that profess Christ Jesus to be their Lord, & desire to worship God acceptably, they ought to wait upon him and as the Apostle said, Not forsake the assembling themselves together; as the manner of some than was: What was their manner? It was sometimes in a Ship, sometimes on a Mountain, sometimes in an Upper Chamber; even where they apprehended their Lord required them. And so it must be now in these days; for there is no man, nor Assembly of Men, that have right to make a Prescription, how, when, & where People shall meet with that Limit; neither to Decline, Forsake, nor Remove their Meetings, so set up, and by man established; and as People have an eye to the Lord, they shall feel his inward Requirings; and as they are faithful thereunto, he will show each man his Duty, both as to Meetings and all other Services he requires at their hands. And that I may the better confirm my Opinion herein, I may incert part of the Apology of Athanasius, that good man in his time; and the rather because he confirmed his Persuasion with the Authority of Holy Scripture, which by an eminent hand of Divine Providence, hath been conveyed down to us, who though unworthy of so great a favour, because so much slighted.  
Behold, 
Eccles. Hist. de Socrates; Scholar Lib. 3. fol. 299. 300.  (says Athanasius) the lewd Practices of wicked Persons, although they are privy unto these heinous Offences; yet for all that they are nothing ashamed of the Contumelies and cruel Tyrannies exercised against us; but charge us in their Opinion, with a foul Spot and blemish of Infamy, for escaping the hands of Cutthroats, and Bloodsuckers; yea, they beshrew themselves, that they dispatch us not out of the way; moreover to the end they may slain my Credit and Estimation, they fall to accuse me of faint Courage, and timorous Disposition— That we should fly in such Cases, the Scriptures are on our side— They that were grieved, and far indebted unto others, gave Saul the slip, and fled unto David— If they reproachfully charge them that hid themselves from such as seek their Lives: what have they to say, I beseech you, when they hear that Jacob fled from the face of his Brother Esau; and that Moses, for fear of Pharaoh, conveyed himself to Midian: what have these contentious Quarrellers to say unto David, who fled from Saul, which sent his Guard out of his House to slay him, who hide himself in a Cave, counterfeited his Person, until that subtly he had passed Abimelech the Priest, and avoided their laying of wait for him? What answer can these Babblers give, when they see that the great Prophet Elias, who so devoutly called upon the Name of God, and raised the dead, was fain to hid himself from Ahab, and run away because of the threats of Jezabel: for it is is written, how that in those days the Sons of the Prophets being sought for, hide themselves, and through the help of Obadia lurked in Dens. Are they ignorant also of such things as the Evangelists have written? For the Disciples fearing the Jews, stole themselves from among them. Moreover Paul being at Damascus, and sought for by the Governor of that Country, was let down over the Wall in a Basket, and so escaped the Magistrate. Thus the holy Scripture hath remembered the Behaviour of holy men— furthermore the word of the Father, who in old time spoke unto Moses, hath commanded in these latter days, When they shall persecute you in this City, flee unto another— The which when holy Men had learned, they framed their Trade of Life agreeable thereunto. For look whatsoever the Lord commanded at that time, the same he uttered by the Mouths of his Servants; yea, before his Incarnation. And this is the way to Perfection, for men to perform that in Deed, which the Lord commanded in Word. Wherefore the Word of God being made Man for our sakes, sticked not to hid himself, as we commonly do, when he was sought for; and again, to flee, to the end he might avoid the Conspiracy of the Pharisees, which petsecuted him; for even as by Patiented Sufferance of Hunger, and Thirst, and such kind of Miseries, he would show himself to be true man; so also by fleeing from the face of the Adversary: moreover even from the very Cradle, and Swaddling Clouts, as soon as he had taken flesh of the Virgin, being as yet but a Child, he gave charge unto Joseph by the Angel, saying, Arise, take the Child, together with his Mother, and flee into Egypt; for it will come to pass, that Herod will go about to seek the Life of the Child. Likewise after- the decease of Herod, that Archelaus the Son of Herod Reigned in his stead, it pleased him to go aside into the Parts of Nazareth. Afterwards, when he made himself manifest to be God, and healed the Withered-hand, the Pharisees went out, and took counsel how they might dispatch him; but Jesus perceiving their Conspiracy, conveyed himself from among them. Again, when he restored Lazarus to Life, from that day forth, saith the Text, they took council how they might put him to death. Jesus therefore, after that time, shown not himself openly among the Jews, but departed into a solitary Place adjoining to the Wilderness. Besides, when our Saviour avouched, saying, Before Abraham was, I am; the Jews took up Stones for to throw at him, but he hide himself, etc.  
When they see these Examples (but they seeing it as it is written, do not see) and bethink themselves of these Precedents; are they not inwardly pricked in Conscience, when they presume thus unadvisable, to blot out Sentences of Scripture, and sit in Judgement both upon the Say and Do of our Saviour. To this purpose was that of Jesus, who understanding of the beheading of John the Baptist, and burying of his Body by his Disciples, took Shipping, and went aside into a Desert Place. Thus the Lord himself both did these things, and taught the same. I would to God that these men would now at length be ashamed of these Do, and cease even presently from slandering of true Professors, and not proceed on further in their furious Disposition, charging, yea, our Saviour himself with timorous Fear, and faint Courage, blaspheming with all might, the Majesty of his blessed Name, but no man can away with such kind of Persons, that are wholly given over to all ungracious Behaviour, it may easily be proved, that they are altogether ignorant of what the Evangelists have left us in writing. The cause that moved our Saviour to fly, and go aside, being laid down in the Gospel, seemed, not only to be agreeable unto Reason, but was in very deed most true: we therefore have to conjecture, that the same by all liklihood happened unto all the Saints of God; for whatsoever things are written to have chanced unto our Saviour after the manner of men, we have to refer the same unto all Mankind, insomuch as he took our Nature upon him, and lively expressed in himself the humane Affections of our frail Constitutions, even as it is written in John's Gospel, They sought to take him, but no man laid hands upon him, because his hour was not yet come. Yea, before this came about, he said unto his Mother, My hour is not yet come. He spoke also unto them that were called his Brethren, My time is not come. Again, when the hour was come, he said unto his Disciples, Sleep on now, and take your Rest, behold the hour is at hand, the Son of Man shall be betrayed into the hands of Sinners. Therefore neither suffered he himself to be taken before his time was come, neither hid himself when the hour was at hand, but yielded himself unto the Enemies. In like sort, the blessed Martyrs, in the great heat and troublesome Storms of Persecution, which often came to pass, being pursued by men, fled away and hid themselves in secret and solitary Places; but being taken, they valiantly encountered with their Adversaries, and ended the Combat with Martyrdom. These were the Reasons Athanasius laid down in his Apology; the which he wrote in the defence of his Departure from his Bishopric in time of Persecution.  
Gen. 17. Exod. 12. 1 King. 18. to 25. King. 3.17, 18, 19 Mat. 26. Act. 9 2 Cor. 11. Deut. 4. Jos. 20. Mark 13. Luke 21. Joh. 8. Joh. 11. Joh. 2.7.11.  
Thus do we see the manner of the Sufferings, and the manner of the Saints Meetings, was various; and therefore the holy Apostle did not say, you must neither Forsake, Decline, nor Remove your Meetings; but his Exhortation was, not to forsake the Assembling themselves together, as the manner of some was: and so as to the manner, he left it to them who were to be exercised therein, who were to wait upon God, and to Worship him as he should order them by his Holy Spirit, and the Guidance thereof, and according to the measure of Faith they had received of him, to bear up their heads in Suffering Times; and if some met privately for fear of the Jews, and other met in an upper Chamber, yet the Apostle was far from calling them Night-dippers, Skulkers, and Creepers, Cowardly, Bass and Timorous, Carna Policy, Occult creeping, creeping into Garrets, Cheese-Lofts, Coal-hoals, and such like Mice-walks, By-holes, etc. as G. Whitehead and W. Pen detractingly charge the Professors withal, because they rather follow the example of the ancient Christians, than the Peremptory Decree, Law, or Cunnon to be observed by us, 
See the Preface to the Chr. Quak. and his Divine Test. Vindicated, the 333, 334 pag. if the 2d. Part, by G. W.  if we would be owned in the Church of Christ, as before recited; and yet who more Creepers, Sculkers, Timorous, Occult, and Cowardly Meeter than G. W. and some of his Brethren, as is here sufficiently manifested, especially, if they get such Letters sent as was sent to me, not to mention his Name to any particularly; no, by no means, that doth not suit since this Act came out.   

Objection.  
By this time some may be ready to object, and say, That although it cannot be denied, but your Ministers of the Self-saving, and others-oppressing Principle, have given just occasion for a public Reproof, not only by their making a Law for their Hearers, that they should meet, and not decline the same, contrary to the very nature, Tendency and Example of that Christian Liberty which was taught by Christ, and practised by his holy Apostles, and Primitive Christians, as is evident by Scripture, and by Athanasius his Apology; and that themselves walk and Practice contradictory thereunto, but also by their public Defamations and scurrilous Invectives, whereby they expose not only W. R. F. B. T. C. J. S. and those of their own Society to be Judass, Beasts, Dogs, Wolves, Children of the Devil, yea, Devils Incarnate, etc. but also every other Profession of People, with whom they happen to controvert (as if all others besides themselves, were of old predestinated to Eternal Destruction, and themselves the only Electives, etc.) yet however, for the sake of some amongst them, a more private way ought to have been first used, etc.  
Answ. In answer to this Objection I do say, that I have wrote to them about these things for these seven or eight years, and sent great part of what is here printed, in Manuscript, one Paper which I called, A Cry for Justice; another called, A Prescript and Postscript; another, Speeches and Passages, with divers other Letters, endeavouring to let them see their Error, if possible, etc. And now at last I wrote to the Second-days Meeting, the 10th. of the 2d. Mo. 83 signifying, that if six of them (i. e.) of the Second-days Metres, would show their public dislike and non-approvement of G. W's Book, called, Judgement Fixed, etc. and R. S', called, Righteous Judgement, etc. and the Advertisement prefixed thereon, and signed by their Clerk R. R. that then I would forbear any Reply to the said Books, notwithstanding they had defamed me in a gross manner; and all this for the sake of the honest-minded among them: but no condescension they can admit of; nor, no Answer have I received, etc. And if the said well-meaning People will sit down, and consent to the perfidious Deal of that Meeting, and be more tame than the Nobles and Barons in the Reign of King Hen. II. Ed. II. Hen. III. etc. who often called the proud Prelates to account, and shown what Enemies the Prelates were to the Peace of the Kingdom; I cannot help it. Nay, the Women in London knocked at the Parliaments Doors, in oliver's Time, and called for Justice. Justice, on the behalf of J. Lilburn and others. And if the People called Quakers will allow a few Usurpers, Viz. G.W. St. C. G. Fox Ch. T. R. R. and a few others, who neither consult Events, nor fear Effects, to sit Tyronising over the Consciences of their Brethren, and never call them to an account, and knock at their door, and say, What mean you to sit here? What business have you here? Why do ye give occasion for these Controversies? Though you fear no Effects that may hereupon ensue, yet we have cause; though you study no Events, yet we that are as much concerned as you, do think that it stands us in hand to study the Events of these things. Why do you approve of the Printing and Publishing of Books scandalous to Truth, and the Professors of it; and why do you deal thus treacherous with the People? Why do you thus exalt yourselves, and make your Nest among the Stars, and sit as a Queen, saying, I am, and there is none besides me.  
And that it may yet more plainly appear, that I have wrote to them to the same purpose above recited, I may transcribe my Letter Verbatim, that I sent to them.  
To the Second-day Metres in London.  
FRIENDS, Forasmuch as those of Party with G. F. These look upon you to he the Eye for the Body, and that although any may say, they are moved by the Lord to write an Epistle, Message, or Warning to a Nation or People, yet, say you, by your Practice, they ought to acquiesce in your adding, diminishing, and altering the same, etc. And thereupon you may remember, that before I put forth my Book, Entitled, De Chr. Lib. etc. I wrote to you, not for your sakes, or that I ever owned you to have any such Power conferred upon you, or delegated to you, above the rest of your Brethren, by Christ Jesus, who is Head of the true Church; but for the People's sake, who many of them mean well, although zealous for the Traditions of the Elders, least Sufferings should be augmented to them through these public Proeeeding, etc. signifying, that if you who assume to yourselves the sole Power in Affairs Ecclesiastical, among the People called Quakers, as is fully demonstrated, first, by your licensing, Abridging, or Condemning and Altering what is to be printed amongst us. 2dly. By your Epistles directory to our Monthly and Quarterly Meetings, sometimes to send up our Sufferings to London; sometimes to send up the Names of those Ministers who first preached the Gospel in the Dispensation of Light among us, and the Names of those that first received them: (that so, I conceive they may be Canonised together 
* And so come out in the great Book of Miracles, which in After-Ages is to come forth, as hinted in Judas and the Jews. ) and sometimes for a general Collection throughout England and Wales (and the Territories thereto belonging) for the Service of Truth, as you pretend; and sometime to advise us to get a Statute-Book to each Quarterly-Meeting; and sometimes to send up the Names of our Persecutors, and what Judgements of God have befallen them. That so, I suppose, you may be the better enabled how to set forth to Posterity a heap of Miracles, thereby undermining the reputations of all Protestant Churches, and you only, 
But if the Protestants should mark the Lives, Deaths, Providences and Deliverances of the sober sort among them; and draw a Narrative of the Actions of T. M. W. G. S. N. R. T. Q. F. S. E. W. W. C. A. G. W. and many others, whiles owned by G. F. and those of party with them; I am persuaded, it would quite spoil the fashion of that New, Old, and long expected Holy Chronicle.  for time to come, to be taken, accounted and reputed the only true infallible and unerring Catholic Church, that the Gates of Hell cannot prevail against; and sometimes for each Quarterly-Meeting to choose and send up two men to the Yearly-Meeting, that as our Representatives they may there act, etc. And divers other Instances that I can produce, whereby your Superiority and Headship over the inferior Churches, hath been manifested. And though I have not owned this your Jurisdiction, yet for others sake I wrote to you, that if you would cause the Orders upon Record in our Quarterly-Book which says, That for time to come, none were either to be permitted ot suffered to Marry, except they would publish the Intents of their Marriage twice before the Mens-Meeting, and twice before the Womens-Meeting, they being distinct and apart, etc. And the Record of Condemnation against J. A. for his Nonconformity to the same to be RAZED OUT, etc. and the People left to their Christian-Liberty, Viz. That such as had a mind, (and looked upon it their duty) to publish their Intentions of Marriage according to Manner and Form, might; and that those that were otherwise minded, might be let alone, and left to their freedom, whether to conform, or not to conform. See De Chr. Lib. p. 17. 171. 172. Upon which I promised to forbear any further Testimony, whether by Print or otherwise, in hopes that things might be yet amended. This I then proposed as a Proper expedient to prevent what I then thought might ensue. And after I had so wrought, and could receive no Answer, I took the pains to come up to London (and came in Person to you of the Second-days Meeting, where were assembled G. F. G. W. C. T. and divers of the Ministers and Leaders of G. F's Party) with a Letter from divers of my Neighbouring Friends, (as printed in, De Chr. Lib. p. 180.) desiring the same; and as you refused to answer my Letter, so you refused to answer that; yea, and discourse me a word about that my business, but bid me be gone (by your Brother, that infamous C. Tailor.) And I must now tell you, that had you been clothed with the Priests Vestments, I should have thought you to have been an exact Parrellel to a Company of Proud, Lazy, Lordly Prelates; for your Carriage to me rather resembles them than humble Ministers of Christ; whose business ever was to seek the Lost; which, you never endeavoured, if such an one you account me; but bid me, be gone, etc.  
And now I writ to you again, for the sake of the well-meaning People amongst you; That if six of you, under your hands, and signed also by your Clerk as Evidence to the same, will within 12 days show your public dislike and non-approbation of G. W's Book, called, Judgement Fixed; and R. S' piece, called, Righteous Judgement; and the Advertisement prefixed thereon; that then I shall forbear a Reply to them, and for the People's sake, promise not to answer them, until further occasion be administered, and shall look upon them as produced by G. W. and R. S. singly of themselves, and on their own heads as wicked Instruments, who neither consult Events, nor fear Effects; for so G. W. says in plain words, in his Epistle to his Judgement Fixed, etc. and S. C. to the same effect in a Letter to me. Neither indeed is there much cause for them to study Events, or fear Effects, upon their own Principles of not telling their Name and Habitations, unless demanded by a Magistrate. But if you slight this my Christian Proposition, than I do hereby let you know, that although I do not intent to give a full Answer to their ridiculous Folly and impertinent Stories, until I see S. C's Narrative, advertised of; yet if the Lord permit, I do purpose to bear a short Testimony against their scurrilous Behaviour and abominable Treatment, and to show my Reasons for my Prosecution of S. C. And this I thought good to advertise you of, who am your Friend, who love you more than fear you; and would hid you, if you were worthy.  
The 10th. of the 2d. Mo. 83. F. Bugg.  
This I sent to them, but have received no Answer as yet, being nigh two Months since I sent the said Letter.      

TO THE Painted Harlot.  
I Smile to see thee storm: thy Rage,  
A speedy Downfall doth presage:  
The Day is come, that will discover  
Thy Nakedness to every Lover.  
Thy pious Frauds, thy curious Trade  
Of Merchandising Souls, doth fade.  
The Mountain-stone hath broke thy Toes,  
Thy Vitals now must feel its blows:  
Thy Georges both, must be brought down,  
And to the Truth must veil their Crown:  
For they have long abused Men,  
By Tongue, by Writing, and by Penn:  
But now their Day of Trouble's come,  
And they must reap what they have sown.  
Even so let all Imposers fall,  
Whose brethren's Conscience would enthral:  
What's writ for Conscience? Liberty,  
Confounds all sorts of Popery.  
May skilful Archers every hour,  
Shoot Truth's Arrows from their Tower,  
Against thy Persecuting Power.