THE BALANCE ADJUSTED: Or, the Interest of Church and State Weighed and Considered upon this REVOLUTION.  
SIR,  
I Am hearty glad to find by your Letter, that the State-Prodigal, the Vindiciae Juris Regii, and some other things have brought you so far on your way back. I doubt not but to close up those other points upon which you hesitate, that you may easily and hearty return to your Duty to God, your King and your Country; to all which this unhappy Revolution has done most manifest dishonour and wrong. I find the loss at Sea by extraordinary Storms, as well as by the Enemy, the 〈…〉 say the Destruction of your Army in Ireland, by Famine and Pestilance, two of the sharpest Arrows in the Almighty's Quiver, in a manner so full of horror and consternation; while the King has health and plenty in his Quarters and Cities; has brought you to a just apprehension that the hand of God is against you, who once did distinguish betwixt the Land of Goshen and the rest of Egypt, betwixt the houses of the Israelites and Egyptians, when the Destroying Angel went forth. The respect I have for you, makes me not able to dissemble my satisfaction that you yourself now think your Chariot Wheels of, and that you ought no longer to oppose that Providence, which is not at a stand, as some say, but by remarkable instances declares itself for the contrary Party.  
You are much in the right, that you now conclude, we either were not in danger of Popery under King James, or that we are not more secure, nay, not so safe from it now.  
The King never, as could be learned, declared that he would bring it in, but something like the contrary. We must not think a Toleration, or taking off the Penal Laws (though they are such good Fences and Bulwarks as Church-of- England-men should not part with) to be setting up Popery. All Dissenters desired, and have now got so much for themselves, and the King for his party never desired more; and with this remarkable difference, that he desired Law for what he did, but our New Governors do the same thing without it.  
The Truth is, I wonder many more besides you, have not taken Check at so manifest a Paradox, That the King of England should go about to set up Popery in a Nation which has all the horrible apprehensions of it, that an Idea of the Beast in the Revelations can create; and at the same time that the Pope, that man of Sin, should engage all his Adherents in a Confederacy, and use his utmost endeavours to pull it down, or to protect us from it.  
You say well that you cannot find what new Security we have gotten for our Religion upon this Revolution, it being a plain undeniable matter of Fact, declared and boasted of by Mr. H— and others, and proved by many overt Acts, That the P. of O's enterprise was first projected in the Reign of King Charles the Second, a Prince that was firm enough to our Religion, that it was built and supported upon the Pope's Interest and Authority in the Confederacy, who about May last, sent a Nuncio to Congratulate the Success, and that the P. of O. that Glorious Pillar of the Reformation, and the Mighty Deliverer of our Church and State, did promise the Pope to preserve the Papists in England, in the Exercise of their Religion, and pursuant to his promise, did cause the Priests to be set at Liberty throughout England, though many good well known Protestants were kept in Gaol contrary to our Laws, and the Fundamentals of our Constitution. These things you say well, have raised such a mist in your Eyes, that you cannot as yet perceive any security at all to our Religion, neither can any body else, as I believe, except the Old Woman, who for a Husband could see the Egg upon the top of it, though she could not see the Barn.  
You may well wonder, upon second thoughts, why we should have been under such dismal fears of Popery, under King James, because no man can make another a Papist whether he will or no. A man cannot change or alter his own belief at pleasure, much less can another do it for him, without conviction. I never heard that K. James ever offered to say much for his Religion, and I have more ground to presume the P. of O. has less to say against it; and for what the Priests can do, they have as much liberty, and some more advantage now, than they had under King James, unless it can be imagined that wearing their Habits may have as strong Charms against Heresy, as some say it has against the Devil.  
The Truth is, if this Revolution had not abundantly proved, that to dispute against unreasonable Fears, and boundless Ambitions, or insatiable Revenges, is to Row against Wind and Tide: I would give myself leave to enlarge a little upon the patience and constancy of the Primitive Christians, who by their sufferings gave life and honour to their Religion, and propagated their Faith by shedding their Blood; and upon the Martyrdom of our first Reformers under Queen Mary, which certainly perfected and established the Reformation, in the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, insomuch that as the Laws of our Holy Religion oblige us to adhere to the Truth, however persecuted or despised, 
See Guliel. Nubrigensis of the Usurpat. of K. Stephen.  and under the highest Penalties forbidden us to debauch or corrupt it for any Interest or Security; so I would here have given some instances, even in our own Kingdom, how much men have been disappointed, who have gone about to cover with a covering, but not of God, to provide for their own security, as not daring to trust the issue of things with God: But as the Corruptness of the time gives me occasion to believe such Harangues would not be very successful, so your case makes them less needful, and therefore I will hasten on.  
Thus far you say you are satisfied, and so may all the world be, that the Pope was the Head of the Confederacy; that the Revolution was in Agitation before K. C. ended his Reign; that Monmouth's Rebellion was but an Essay towards it, he taking his leave of the P. at the Hague, and the scattered Fragments of his Enterprise finding there Succour and Maintenance, and being accounted the P. of O's best Friends, 
Instance in Sir Rob. Payton's Case.  and such as endeavoured to seize and bring any of them to Justice, reckoned his Enemies; that the fanatics, who are deep in our new Government, when they made such Addresses to the King, offering their Lives and Fortunes, intended to betray him. And lastly, you own yourself to be fully convinced, that the P. of O. came, notwithstanding his Declaration, with a design to Dethrone his Father, and to Usurp his Crown, because there are unexceptionable Witnesses to depose, that above three years since the Favourites at the Hague were advising with their Friends what places to put in for at Court, when the P. of O. came to be King, it being impossible for such forward Spirits to look at Reversions after his Death, since the King has neither Old Age, nor Astma, nor any other Infirmities upon him, that might give them that occasion. And I will give you another Demonstration, that you are not mistaken about his Intentions. At Shirbourn Castle His Highness made a solemn promise of some Ecclesiastical preferments to a Clergyman, who being resolved to put in time enough, there made his Application.  
Upon these, and many more such like accounts, you say you are very sensible that the Revolution stands upon a Foundation which has no mixture in it of Honour or Honesty; but yet you dare scarce entertain the thought of another Revolution for fear of the French, and lest the Nation should lose the comfort and advantage of good Neighbourhood, and Alliance with the Dutch.  
Now I think, if I set you right in these two points, your way is quite cleared, and I suppose I shall do that, if I make out upon the Square these following things: 1. That our King would not make any use of the French to annoy us: 2. If he would, the French would not assist him in it: 3. That all the mischief we could apprehend from the French, and much more, we shall suffer from the Dutch.  
First, I say the King would not offer to bring the French upon us, to annoy us, and especially in our Religion, because it is against all the Common and known Rules of Policy, for any Prince who is at Peace at home, to call in any Foreigners, because they always Plunder and Ravage the Nation, and throw the people into a discontenting fear, and a neglect of Trade, and then twenty to one, but they make a prey of the Prince that invited them, when he is weakened by the Poverty and Disaffection of his Subjects.  
Secondly, we must conclude the King would not bring in a French Army, because he harboured and cherished with a Princely Compassion and Charity, all those Hugonots who in very great numbers came over from France. We see by Experience, they would have born Arms against him, and the King would never have received them whom he might have well kept back, without discontenting the Nation, which according to the Spirit then up, was unwilling enough to entertain them.  
Thirdly, we must believe the King would never have offered to bring in any French Army upon us, because of his own mere Grace and Goodness, he procured (when he was D. of York) a Repeal of the Statute De Comburendo Haeretico, a Law which would have done his business, even without the French, if he would have been at that work.  
Lastly, we may conclude, without Impeachment to our Reason, that the King would not bring in a French Army, because he did not go about it; for after all that a Malicious Industry could do, the P. of O. in a Defence of his Declaration, published by His Highness' Command, confesses in the very first Paragraph, no such League with France could be proved.  
But now if the King of England could have had such a Design, the King of France would not have concurred with him in it; and we may well conclude he would not.  
First, because he declined the Overture which the Dutch made him, 
See Stubbe's further justification of the War with the United Netherlands. p. 5.  to transport fifty thousand of his Soldiers into any part of the King of England' s Dominion. Had the King of France been inclined to invade us, as the Dutch advised, and some feared, he would never have baulked an opportunity so fit for such an Enterprise, for the Dutch made him the offer, when the old Rebels had almost put the Nation into Confusion again.  
Secondly, the King of France would not assist the K. of England in any such Design, because if he sent any of his men to embroil us, he could not defend his Conquests upon the Continent; Nay, he would not be able to defend his own Kingdom against those many Enemies that surround him.  
Thirdly, he would not, because the welfare of France depends much upon the Prosperity and good Condition of England. We consume more of their Manufactures than any Nation does, and they much of ours, so that the balance of Trade is at least much more equal betwixt us and the French, than betwixt us and the Dutch, from whom whatsoever we have, comes as it were out of the Hucksters hands. Those Acts of Parliament which prohibit Commerce with France, stand upon this Notion, that a Trade with England is of mighty importance to France; and if stopping of Trade be cutting the Sinews of that Kingdom, we may justly conclude that Monarch will not go about to hamstring himself. A man therefore must be very subject to the Night Mare indeed that can apprehend Dragooning from France. Whatsoever his Zeal or his Ambition could prompt him to do upon his Hugonots at home, we may see that King either Reputes, or has Policy enough not to pursue the point any further.  
By this time I presume your Stomach is settled, and you out of danger of another Qualm for fear of France. I will now proceed to show you, that your Mistake is both gross and dangerous, that upon this Revolution we shall have an happy and advantageous Alliance with the Dutch.  
If we have any Advantage from the Dutch, it must be either in Protection to our Religion, or safeguard to our Country, or improvement of our Trade: But I will demonstrate that your Expectation is vain and ill grounded, as to every one of these particulars, and that I hope will amount to a full Conviction.  
First, it is improper and absurd to expect protection for our Religion from the Dutch, because the Dutch either have no Religion at all themselves, or pay no regard to it (I speak in general, and with respect to their Government) for in the Indies they renounce Christianity in so entire and horrid a manner, 

Selge ea Conditione admittuntur (in Japonia) ut tenenter Praefecto Japonico tradere omnes Libros siquos secum adduxerint. Insuper exercitiis Christianae Religionis omnino abstinere, adeo quidem ut ne manus Complicare ante Cibum vel post assumptum audeant. Varen. Descrip. Japoniae l. 1. cap. 26. p. 87.  
Belgis dissimulandam esse Religione & pro Ethnicis quoque haberi a Magistratu japonensiae. Varen. Descrip. Japoniae l. 2. cap. 11. pag. 225.  
Quamdiu apud Hollandos quidpiam quod Christianismum redoleat, peragetur, nihil imperrabunt. Varen. ibid.  
Sic Leonard Campden, Belga apud. Varen. ibid. p. 226.  
Tractat. Theol. Polit. Cap. 5. p. 62. Edit. Hamburg. 4.  
Varen. Descrip. Japon. l. 2. cap. 11. p. 224.   That they make no manner of profession of their Religion at all, not so much as to pray for a Blessing upon the meat they eat, (if a Japanner be by,) or by lifting up their hands to intimate that they give God thanks for what they have eaten. If they have any Bible or Book of their Religion, they deliver them up. Indeed they do so absolutely abandon their Religion, or which is worse, dissemble it, that the Indians themselves take them for Heathens; and all this merely for the sake of Trade, for indeed the Indians would have nothing to do with them, nor let them live there but upon these Terms. 'Tis true the Indians, the Japoness more particularly, did in a savage manner destroy the many Christians that were there. But then all the guilt of that most Barbarous Persecution, wherein so many thousands perished in divers manners, beyond all Example Cruel, must be charged to the account of the Dutch, who persuaded the Emperor there, that the Christians, whereof many were Spaniards, would thrust him out of his Kingdom, and so instigated him to destroy them all, that the whole Trade might come to the Dutch, whom he had observed not to endeavour to propagate their Religion, when they had liberty, and would renounce it for gain sake when he Commanded. I will give you one more remarkable instance of their Zeal, and that the God of this World is he only whom they care to serve.  
In the Kingdom of Pegu, at a great Solemnity, 
This Relation the diligent Stubbe had from the mouth of Mr. Briton, a Merchant of London, who was present at that horrid Solemnity, and a witness of the Dutch Piety. Stubbe's further justification of the War with the United Netherlands, p. 77.  whereat the Emperor there Commanded them to attend, and to offer in Sacrifice some parched Rice to an Idol; the English and Portugueses all refusing, the second man of the Dutch Factory, there briskly stepped forth, and offered the Rice in Sacrifice to the Idol, like a good Dutch Protestant.  
But that you may not think the heat of that Climate evaporates their Zeal, and exhales their Devotion, and by consequence imagine that they are thus Heathenish only when they have crossed the Line, I will give you a prospect of them nearer hand, and show you what Spirit they are of in their own Country, and among their Neighbours.  
First, there is a Toleration, or free Liberty of Exercise and Profession to any, even the Rankest and most Blasphemous Heretics in the World, insomuch that it cannot properly be said that there is any face of Religion among them, the whole being but an Oglio of Opinions. We have a good account of them from Beverningk, one of their own Ambassadors, to the Commonwealth of England, who said to a great man in those days, That it was impossible for England to continue a Republic, by reason of the violent Animosities arising from the Differences of Religion; but in Holland, Christianity had no such effects upon the spirits of men; it might be said indeed there were many Opinions in Holland, but one Religion, which was their Interest. And therefore,  
Secondly, all their Acts of State are with an Eye to that, only without any Consideration of Religion, especially of the Reformation. And for this point instead of many that may be produced, I will allege three instances (1.) in such Cities of Flanders, which being Conquered by theirs and the French Army, should fall to the share of the Dutch, even in those Cities, upon a motion or request of the French, the Dutch granted that the Profession and Exercise of the Popish Religion should be free and secure. 
Leo ab Aitzma, p. 402 & 403.  Had the Dutch had any regard to the honour of God, or concern for the Propagation and Support of Truth, they could not have been so indifferent (2.) if the Dutch would, in their Treaty of Peace with Spain, have included the Hans-Towns of Germany, especially Lubec, Bremen, and Hamburg; 
Leo ab Aitzma, p. 578.  they had given great advantage to the Reformation in the Empire, and had contributed much to the preservation or recovery of the Palatinate, but they absolutely refused it, let Religion shift as it could, for lucre's sake, because by leaving those Cities our, or exposed, they expected to have all, or the chief of the Trade to themselves. (3.) The last instance of their good affection to the Truth and Religion, is this, King Charles the First offered to send relief to the Rochellers, in hopes to procure some favour for the Reformation in France, 
Martin Schoockius de Marit. Imperio, cap. 27.  but the Dutch, instead of promoting so Charitable a Design, sent twenty Ships, Men of War, to assist the King of France, and so frustrated, and in fine, ruined that well intended Enterprise.  
By this time, I am confident you think the Dutch very unfit to be chosen the Guardians of our Religion, or that we have little concern for it, who offer to make such a choice, it must indeed be a poor Dish that is worthy only such a Cover. I proceed now to show you that we have much less reason to believe they will help to Defend our Country, or Improve our Trade.  
First, the Dutch are averse to us, and will not defend our Nation. They have indeed entered into many Leagues with us, offensive and defensive, but it appears by overt Acts, that in all of them they were Collusive, and without sincerity, 
See Stubbe's further justification of the War with the Netherlands, p. 29, 30.  for they offered to assist the King of France to Invade England, as I told you before, and at several times have endeavoured to embroil us at home, as well as destroy us abroad.  
Secondly, they have given entertainment and protection to our Rebels, and have aided them against their Lawful Sovereign, which is as high a violation as can be of the Law of Nature and Nations. I know they pretend sometimes to excuse themselves, by saying, as a Free State they must receive all Persons, but this is a mere pretence only, a Cast of their Old Hypocrisy; for in the year 1622, 
Leo ab Aitzma, p. 10.  they entered in a League with the King of Denmark, the 3d and 4th Articles of which League, expressly bind them not to entertain, succour, or assist any of that King's Enemies. And in their League with the Commonwealth of England, 
Leo ab Aitzma, p. 839.  dated Nou. 28. Anno Dom. 1653, by the 12th Article they bind themselves to expel out of all their Territories, and not to receive again, or to harbour, or assist with Men, Money, or Provisions, any of those that were then accounted Enemies to the Commonwealth of England; and upon such like Terms they made themselves Allies and Confederates with our Notorious Rebels. But to shorten this Discourse, which has already overgrown the size to which it was intended, I will demonstrate to you that we are altogether in a wrong Box, while we propose to ourselves an useful Amity with Holland.  
The Ingenious, but Unfortunate Sir Thomas Overbury, for he miserably ended his days in the Tower, having taken a turn in the Netherlands, made this observation in the Reign of K. James the First: 
Observations upon the United Provinces, by Sir Thomas Overbury, p. 13. Lond. Print. 1651.  That if the Spaniard were entirely beaten out of those parts (and we know how little strength he has there now) the Kings of England and France would take as much pains to suppress the Dutch, as ever they did to raise them; for becoming our Enemies, they might be able to give us the Law at Sea and Eat us out of all Trade.  
The event has showed how well grounded that Gentleman's Observation was; but that you may the better know what to expect from them, I will tell you what they have already done for us, which shows what their Morals are, and how far from all sense of Honour and Gratitude.  
When we had helped them at no small expense, of Men and Money, to shake off the Spanish Yoke, and to raise themselves into a Free State, and had increased their Wealth by fixing our Staple among them, and suffered them to get strength as well as Riches, by Fishing upon our Coasts, they were not content to enjoy that Liberty which the Remissness of the English too freely allowed them, but with an unparallelled insolence and injustice they disturbed the English Fishermen in our own Seas, 

Secretary Naunton's 2d Letter to Sir Dudley Carlton Embass. at the Hague.  
Secretary Coke's Letter to Sir Will. Boswel, the Kings Resident at the Hague, both Printed at the end of Selden's Mare Claus. translated.  
Lucas de Liuda in Descript. Orbis. l. 2. pag. 199, and Sir Will. Temple's Observe. upon the United Provin. Cap. 6.   driving their great Vessels through their Nets. Nay, they soon grew to that Confidence, as to keep a Guard upon our Seas, and then to Project an Office and Company of Assurance, for the advancement of Trade; and withal, to Prohibit us free Commerce even within our own Seas, and to take our Ships and Goods, if we Conform not to their Placarts.  
This Ingratitude would astonish us, but that we see their worldly Interest leads them to it. The Products of their Country are no way able to sustain the Inhabitants, which are very Numerous, and therefore by Invincible Necessity, they are driven to look out for a Livelihood. Thus being by the Air and Indigence of their Country, and the Constitution of their Government disposed to Avarice, it is become so rampant and governing a Vice among them, that it is both the Spring and the Standard of all their Actions, and upon this account, though we were the Patrons, if not the Founders of their Commonwealth, our wonder at their proceed must abate; since we are the Nation that are and can be their chiefest Rivals for Trade, upon which score, pursuant to their Interest, they have always laboured to ruin us, though we preserved them. 
Stubbe's further vindic. of the War with the Unit. Netherlands, p. 68  Their Barbarities at Amboyna I pass over, because they were enough to make a Book by itself. But in short: Our Rich Trade into the Indies, at Japan, Amboyna, Banda, and the Molucco●● is ruined, our Islands of Polerone, Polaway and Lantore, are unjustly seized into their hands, and the damages we suffered there, 
Heylins' Cosmegraph p. 919. A piece of Dutch Justice.  were computed in the year 1653 to amount to 1656233 pounds and upwards; for which, though often called upon, they have never made us any satisfaction; but when they thought they should be made to quit Poleron to us again, they cut down all the Clove-Trees there, which afforded the chief Commodity of the place. They destroyed our Trade to China and Persia by seizing and destroying the Ships of Sir Will. Courteen and his Partners, for which wrongs the English demanded satisfaction, but in vain, by their Ambassador Mr. St. john's; as also the two Ships, the Katherine and Dragon, which they took and plundered, and inhumanly destroyed all the men to conceal the Piracy. 
Stubbe 's ibid. p. 69.  And when His Majesty upon his Restauration Ratified a Treaty of Peace and Alliance with them, wherein he suffered many injuries done by them, to be utterly mortified and and extinguished, contrary to their Articles, and the Rules of common Faith and Honesty, 
Sir George downing's discourse, p. 8, 9, Lond. Print. 1664.  new injuries were daily done us, and the designs of their East and West-India Companies were still carried on for the utter overthrow of all the English Trade in those parts of the World, as appeared by the business of the Ships Hopewell, Leopard, etc. and in the East Indies, the Charles, James, Mary, Samson, Hopeful, Adventure, Speedwell, etc. to the inoredible detriment of our Merchants; and which is yet worse, to their Piracies they have added most amazing cruelty in destroying our men. Some of which they shut up in little Dungeons, to perish with Famine, 
Stubbe ibid. p. 69.  and the stench of Dead Carcases, and their own Ordure, which was all the Bedding allowed them. Others the Dutch General made be put into Grates and Cages, and carried them about, and Triumphantly shown them to the Indian, to bring the English into contempt with them, that so they might not be able to Trade there. Lastly, to make sure work of all, and to put in Execution the advice given them by their Groninghen Professor, in the year 1652, the States of Holland being then in League with the Commonwealth of England, 
Ante omnia laboremus Anglos toto mari expellereilliusque imperium asserere. Mart. Schoockins de Marit. Imper, cap. 28. Leo ab Aitzma, p. 804.  without any Declaration of War, sent their Admiral Van Trump with a Navy, to Burn and Destroy the English Fleet then lying in the Downs, but the Valour of the English defeated them, and by an absolute Victory reduced them to a much humbler Figure, though they soon returned to their wont Insolence and Piracy, and to practise all the arts of Treachery; for when they burnt our Ships at Chatcam, a Treaty of Peace was near concluded betwixt us and them. But I am weary in recounting so many things, which instead of honour, or honesty, or humanity, speak the greatest baseness that can be lodged in the breasts of Men; and if what I have set down be not enough, do but consult Sir George downing's discourse upon a scandalous Dutch Memorial, by them clandestinely distributed to several Foreign Ministers, but not given to his Majesty's Envoy; it was printed at London, anno 1664. and the Depositions preserved among the Records belonging to the Admiralty; and I am sure you will find enough to make you and all Englishmen wish, that instead of making them our Patrons, there were a price by Act of Parliament set upon all Dutchman's heads, as there is upon Wolves and Beasts of Prey.  
Nothing sure! but a Spirit of Infatuation fallen upon the Kingdom, and the Ruinous Designs of Revengeful and ill minded men, could have betrayed us into the hands and power of the Dutch, who declare it to be for their advantage, and have accordingly laboured to destroy us, ever since they got (and that by our help) to be a Free-State. And a Design so deeply laid and founded upon their own entire Interest, we may be confident, now they have an Opportunity in their hands, they will not lay down till they have effectually secured us from Rivalling their Trade any more.  
How far we have given them an advantage to accomplish our Destruction, we not only see, but feel already; for all our Magazines are emptied of Arms and Ammunition; a Noble Stock of Timber which King James had provided to Build New Ships, and to Repair our Old, all embezzled, or Shipped of, and the Money of the Nation squeezed out of our hands by oppressive Taxes and impositions, when we have no Trade left whereby to get more. And in the last place, for a Consummation of Disgrace an Beggary to the Nation, like the Messengers of Jobs Calamities, we have fresh advice, That the  (by the Instigation of the Dutch) is now fallen upon Bumbay, the Chief of the Two Remaining Factories which the Dutch had left us in the East-Indies: and so all that Rich and Noble Trade is at the point to be absolutely lost, because we are now in no Condition to send thither any Re-inforcement. At home our Calamities increase, and Desolation comes Rolling upon us like a mighty Wave; for none can be unsensible Now, that it was but a fond Imagination, to believe giving the Crown to the P. of O. would endear us to him, or give him a Tenderness over us, like that of a Rightful and Hereditary King: since he spared not one so near of Kin as our King was to him, how can we expect he should have Bowels of Compassion for us? No one ever trusted, or long caressed a Traitor; and since we have been capable of deserting our Rightful King, and shown ourselves as wavering and unsteady as the Sea that surrounds us, I see no Reason to believe he will put any Confidence in us, or trust us with so much power as may preserve our just Liberties and Properties, for fear it should annoy him. Now they have given as much Money as can be, he has dismissed his Parliament, which in difficult Times was wont to be accounted a kind of Pledge, or the best Security betwixt the Prince and People; and he is getting over what Foreigners he can, as unwilling that the English should earn their own Money, or be trusted to defend their own Country.  
As to the Church, I perceive you are a little jealous grown to be, not only for the Act passed in Scotland, to abolish Episcopacy, but for the Ecclesiastical Commission, which put it into the hands of a few men, to new mould our Church, and at the same time suffer it to be rob or deprived of so many Excellent Bishops, who gave such Noble Testimonies to the Truth against Popery. I must confess, such Proceed are like to render both our Religion safe, and our Church triumphantly glorious. But as men seldom know how to value a Blessing as they ought, till they feel the want of it; so I hope the Varnish is off, and the Mist so far cleared, that all men may see these Dire Effects of our glorious Revolution, and in time become sensible of the sad Presages of the Nations Ruin, unless prevented, by Restoring the Government to its Old Constitution, by bringing back the King, who is sensible of his Mistake, and so are his Advisers too; and we may be sure he will try no more Conclusions in State. All the World sees, the Grievances of his Reign are not Redressed in this, but many new ones added; so that if we were in the Frying-Pan before, we are now leapt into the Fire. Whereas, were the King at home again, and we true to our Religion, and firm to our Constitution, as good Christians we may, and as good Subjects we ought, we need not fear the Gates of Rome, no, not of Hell itself. But if the Will of God be so, that we must suffer, why not by the Papists as well as by the fanatics, who are no less violent, or Blood-thristy; or by the French rather than by the Dutch; for the French have some Interest in our Preservation, and have some Humanity; but the Dutch have neither. If you have any more Scruples, I will not doubt, if I may know them to procure you satisfaction.  
Now God of his Mercy, remove the Judgements we already feel, and avert those further Punishments which the Reigning Sins of this Nation (Perjury and Rebellion, Fraud and Violence) do loudly call for, and preserve the Church of England as by Law Established, from the Attempts and Designs of all its Enemies. Amen.  
FINIS.