SOME Seasonable Considerations For the good People of CONNECTICUT  
I Remember there was Advice given us in the Year 1689. when we were about to make our Revolution, (as 'tis called) and for aught I know it hàd been good for us thàt we had taken it. But we are so unwilling to be àdvised, and so ill affected to any that tell us the Truth, that there is little Encourâgement for any to expose themselves in that kind for the future. The Prophet says, The Prudent shall keep Silence, for it is an evil time: And the greatest of Prophets hath said, Cast not your Pearls before Swine, lest they turn again and rend you. But I would hope the case is not yet so desperate. And I remember it is also said, Thou shalt not hate thy Brother in thy heart, thou shalt in any wise rebuke him, and not suffer sin upon him. And methinks no reasonable Creature should look upon a Persuasion to Consideration as if it were evi Council, or did proceed from ill Will. Therefore I will adventure for my Countrymen and brethren's sake to make one Essay.  
It was said of Old, Consider, take Advice, and speak your Minds. Temerity is always evil, Consideration is always good, but sometimes necessàry. It is requisite that we be always sober and considerate, but especially when we have to do in things that immediately and deeply concern not our selves only, but GOD and the KING too.  
With relation to God, it is said, Be not rash with thy Mouth, and let not thine heart be hasty to utter any thing before God, Ecles. 5. 2.  
With reference to the King, Be not hasty to go out of his sight— A Wise Man's Heart discerns both Time nnd Judgement, Eccles. 8. 3, 5.  
With reference to ourselves, Ponder the path of thy feet, and let all thy ways be established, Prov. 4. 26.  
Verily, we have cause of Consideration. He is a stranger in Connecticut that knows not what hath lately been done there. Let us first reflect, and see what we have done, and then examine and consider it.  
The last Year their Majesties gave a Commission of Lieutenancy to his Excellency Sir William Phips, Kt. Captain General and Governor in chief of their said Majesty's Province of the Massachusets in New-England, whereby he was constituted their Majesties Lieut. and Commander in chief of the Militia, etc. in Connecticut. But upon Notice hereof a General Assembly was càlled, and met, and there it was resolved, Not to submit to it, nor to take any notice of Sir William Phips in that capacity. Afterward, at another General Assembly we resolve to address their Majesties forthwith, and in the mean time request Sir William Phips thereupon to suspend the Execution of his Commission till we can have an Answer from their Manjesties: Yet no Address is made to their Majesties, as was pretended. After which, Sir William Phips making some further Demands in the Spring, 1693. we promise to pay him some hundreds of Pounds, and to take upon us the Defence of the upper Towns upon this River, belonging to the Massachusets; as if these things would satisfy their Majesty's Commission.  
This Year (1693.) Their Majesties give a like Commission to his Excellency Benjamin Fletcher, Captain General and Governor in chief of their Majesty's Province of New-York, etc. whereby he is constituted their Majesty's Lieutenant and Commander in chief of the Militia, and of all Forces by Seà and Land in their Majesty's Colony of Connecticut, and of all Forts and places of Strength within the same.  
But upon Notice hereof the Freemen and Soldiers in the several Towns are convened, to see how they stand affected, and what they will contribute towards addressing their Majesties in this behalf. A General Assembly also is called, and meets, and there it is resolved, Forthwith to send an Agent to England to entreat their Majesty's favour in this and other respècts, also, to levy a Tax of a penny in the Pound (in Money) upon all the People in the Colony, to defray the charge of it, and that whatever more it amounts to, shall be paid out of the public Treasury; and lastly, That if any such Commission do come in the the mean time, they will not submit to it, but oppose it, till they have an Answer from their Majesties.  
By these Methods the Freemen of the Corporation, and as many of the People as will fall in with them, are ensnared and strongly pre-engaged to make Opposition against their Majesty's Commission. Insomuch that one Jeers, another will spend his Blood to keep off his Excellency, another will scruple no more to shoot him than to shoot a Deer, and can very well find in his heart to spend a brace of Bullets upon him; beside other Flouts. At length the Commission arrives and comes to his Excellency's hands. In pursuance thereof he speedily takes a Journey to Hartford in the time of our General Assembly held at Hartford, October 12. 1693. and causes his Commission to be publicly reàd in the saîd General Assembly, and in their Majesty's Namés requires and presses Obedience to it, and gives us all reasonable satisfaction and encouragement for that end. In particular, to prevent Mistakes, and in order to a good accommodation, his Excellency leaves his Memorial of his Expectation with us in Writing, desiring our Answer to it in Writing; and then further assures us, That he hath neither power nor intent to invade our civil Liberties: That in case of our Submission he would commissionate all that were in Commission before, and take our advice for the supply of vacant places: and partiçularly, tenders a Commission to oûr Governor for the command of all the Militia in the Colony, only in subordination to this Their Majesty's Commission.  
But what is the Effect of all? Why! the Deputies (divers of them at least) being so prépared, as aforesaid, are resolved before hand, and have determined the Question before the Court meets; God hath given them such a Privilege, and therefore if their Majesties put such things upon them, they must oppose and hold their own, they are bound in Conscience to do it. When his Excellency comes to the General Assembly, to publish his Commission, Order is given to the Halberteérs, To admit none but his Excellency and his Retinue; as if it were not meet that their Majesty's Commission should be known to the People, who therefore were kept back, and not admitted without hot bickering, nor till after great part of the Commission was read; and no marvel, the General Assembly themselves not over-willingly give the Commission the hearing, take no great Notice of his Excellency, wave the business, would bring him to composition, (as they had done by Sir William Phips) and will not yield Obedience to the Commission, but instead thereof send Orders to such as command the Forts, to prevent their Seizure; and it seems (if the common fame be true) it is their Opinion, That their Majesties have nothing to do with us. Hereupon some will not take Commissions from his Excellency, others, who otherwise would, are deterred, that they dare not. And for the more common sort of People, One maliciously slanders and reviles his Excellency, another basely Libels him, others rudely affront him; yea, some rise in Arms to oppose him, and others are in readiness, upon Occasion, to do the same. Such of the Assembly as moved for a Submission, are thought unfit to be Magistrates or Deputies any more: and such of the people as show their Resolution to pày their Allegiance to their Majesties, and yield Obedience to their Commission, are traduced as Rogues, that would undo the Country, and accounted scarce worthy to live.  
His Excellency somewhat surprised (as well he might) at this strange carriage of the King's Subjects; his Countrymen and professed Christians & Protestants, and having but six or seven Persons attending on him, thinks it most conducive to their Majesty's service to demur a while, hoping that we will bethink ourselves, and withal leaves a Pronclamation pursuant to his Commission with Coll. Allen (in the governor's àbsence) requiring him to deliver it to our Governor, in order to the immediate Publication of it in the several Counties And upon our governor's Return, his Excellency did demand, whether he had received the ●ame? which he owned. And thereupon his Excellency required him to give due Obedience thereto. But it is now above a Month since, and yet we hear no morê of it.  
Soon after his Return to York, his Excellency saw cause to issue forth a second Pronçlamation, given at Fort William Henry, November the 8th, 1693. pursuant to the same Commission and former Proclamation; and sent it (as we are informed) to our Governor, requiring him forthwith to publish it in the chief Towns, etc. to the intent that the People might not be deluded and kept in ignorance. But it is now above a Month since the date of that also, yet we hear nothing of such publication of it, only there is a printed copy or two of it casually come to the sight of some.  
And whereas by the Publicàtion of this their Majesty's Commission all former Military Commissions are expressly determined, Hereupon arose a Question and Doubt, Whether we had best to muster, and call men to Arms for Military Exercise as formerly? Yet upon deliberation it is resolved upon, and in divers places Soldiers are commanded to muster, and are trained as confidęntly às ever; and which is yet more, it is said, that after all this, we have taken upon us to create a Major too. Thus we make all the Defiance to their Majesties and their Commission, Trample them into the very Dirt, and Offend with as high an Hand as is well possible for us to do.  
This is the entertainment that their Majesty's Authority finds in Connecticut; and thus we ethink we have neatly and effectually defeated their Majesty's Commission. But we have need to consider it.  
There are two sorts of people, (as is ùsual in such cases) that are guilty of this Error. Some there are of Factious and Turbulent Spirits, and such as are pre-engaged by their Male-feazances, or other personal Interests; and these two wittingly err themselves, and out of Design misled others. Others again there are, (and I would hope the most) that àre plain honest minded men, who pinning their faith upon other men's Sleeves, and being deluded by divers Artifices industriously used for that purpose, do think the matter is right, and if it were not so, surely such and such whom they take to be godly, wise and able men, would never have had a hand in it; and therefore think they must and aught to follow them, and do as they do. Thus it was in Absalom's Rebellion, 2 Sam. 15. 11. With Absalon went two hundred Men out of Jerusalem, that were called, they went in their simplicity, and they knew not any thing. They were not at all privy to the Plot, knew not Absaloms' design; if they had they would never have gone with him; but thought it was meet and honourable to âttend upon the King's Son: No doubt he had his Father's Warrant, or Licence at leàst, and indeed so he had, to go to Hebron to pay his Vow, but not to move Sedition: This they had no thought or suspicion of; and so they went in the simplicity and honesty of their Hearts.  
And to this simplicity of the heàrt is too often adjoined the simplicity of the Head, or Ignorance of the nature of the things men undertake & engage in: Thus it was in King Charles the first's time, as we may see in the Regicides, diver, of them seem to have been (of themselves) honest and well meaning men, who being out-witted, seduced and over-driven by others, engaged in things too high for them, and which they did not understand, and so became guilty of that most Hellish and Execrable Murder and Treason; and when the poor men came upon their Trial, and hàd their Eyes open to see what they had done, they had nothing to say for themselves, but to confess the Fact, and acknowledge, That they understood not what they did, if they had, they would never have done it, but were deluded, drawn and driven by others beyond the compass of their Sphere, and so to beg Mercy. And a sorrowful thing it is, (and such an Example às may serve for the Admonition of present and future Ages) that honest men should be so abused, as to ruin and destroy themselves and Postèrity by being made other men's Tools and Instruments for the committing of such Wickedness. It must needs go ill with a People when those who tàke upon them to be their Leaders, shall cause them to err.  
The former sort seem to be Desperate, there is little hope of bringing them to better thoughts: For the latter sort therefore this Essay is chiefly intended. He that is wise is wise for himself, and Wisdom is profitable to direct: Some men cannot think, but others can; and usually second Thoughts are better than the first. Peter wickedly denied his Lord and Master, and that thrice; but when he thought thereon he wept bitterly. Verily it is high time, and now is the time, if we can, to bethink ourselves: Let us therefore seriously consider these things.  
1st. Consider we, how by these carriages we blemish our Religion, and scandalise the Gospel. We profess Religion, that we are Christians, yea, Protestants, have Christ for our Teacher, and his Word for our Rule. But what have we 〈◊〉 learned Christ, or have we learned these things of him? Doth the Christian Religion teach Disobedience and Contempt to Kings and their Ministers? Will not our Religion command good Manners? Or doth it make Loyalty to our Prince à Crime and a Scandal? We insist very much upon our Religion and would be thought to be Eminent, and that we do more than others in it: Therefore give me leave to insist a little upon this Consideration.  
I may not undertake to play the Divine, but it concerns every Christian to keep a good Conscience. Conscience is not a fantasy, nor an Affection, but a Judgement. He therefore that will keep a good Conscience must be furnished with good and sound Principles. Innocent Nature and the Scripture are the only Magaziens of good Principles: Innocent Nature we cannot now boast of; but (though we may make a good use of the Relics of the Light of Nature, and indeed better than we do, yet) we must now go to the Scriptures, and be beholding to them for sound Principles: There we shall find the best Ethics, and (in my Opinion) the best Politics too, far better sure, than either Morellius or Matchiavell can teach.  
My Principles, and I think agreeable to the Scriptures, teach me these things.  
Is't. That Allegiance to our Prince, is a moral and necessary Duty: It is an indispensible Duty, plainly and frequently commanded there: Prov. 24. 21. Fear thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change. Eccles. 8. 2. I counsel thee to keep the King's command, and that in regard of the Oath of God. Thus Christ in his own Person hath taught us, (if we be his Disciples) Mat. 22. 21. Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's▪ ann to God the things that are God's.  
The Apostles of Christ tread in the steps of their Master, and studiously vindicate the Christian Religion from this Scandal, by the diligent and fervent pressing of the same Doctrine: so Paul, Rom. 13. 1, 2, 5. Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers, for there is no Power but of God, etc. whosoever therefore resists the Power, resists the Ordinance of God, and they that resist receive to themselves Damnation. Wherefore you must needs be subject, not only for Wrath, but also for Conscience sake. How is it then that some of our Deputies say, They must resist and oppose, they are bound in Conscience to do it? 'Tis true, a false God is in truth no God: An Idol is nothing in the World, so a false usurped pretended Authority is not of God, ànd so is in truth no Authority; 'tis but àn Idol, there is no Obedience due to it; and if the King be such an one, they say something: But all lawful Authority is of God, and he that resists resists God: He that disobeys the King, as King, or exercising his Kingly Office, disobeys God. Hence the true Christian Religion and Conscience toward God, (if we have any) do necessitate us to yield Obedience to the King and his Ministers. We must needs be subject, not only for Wrath, but also for Conscience sake.  
So Peter, 1 Pet. 2. 13, 14, 15. Submit yourselves to every Ordinance of Man for the Lords sake, whether it be to the King as Supreme, or to Governors, as to those that are sent by him, etc. for so is the Will of God, that by well-doing you may put to silence the Ignorance of foolish men. And vers. 17. Fear God, honour the King. We must do it for the Lords sake; and such as despise Governments, being presumptuous and self-willed, and are not afraid to speak evil of Dignities, they are the spots and blemishes of Religion, and reckoned among the worst of men, 2 Pet. 2. 10, 13. Judas 8. 12. The King's Person is sacred, he is a God upon Earth, and therefore to be feared, and his Ministers, as such are Honourable; Who can stretch forth his Hand against the Lords anointed, and be guiltless, says David? who when he had but cut off the lap or skirt of Saul's Garment, his heart smote him, I have said, ye are Gods, and Children of the most High, Psal. 82. 6.  
Yea, and this is a part of the Doctrine according to Godliness, commanded to be taught by Ministers of the Word of God, Tit. 3. 1. Pút them in mind to be subject to Principalities and Powers, to obey Magistrates. And to my knowledge, this Doctrine hath been preached in Connecticut forty Years ago, and more, and then it was accounted sound Doctrine; but now it's too much forgotten, and too little practised; yea, now it seems this sound Doctrine will not be endured, 'tis not a season to preach it, because it cannot, at least, will not be born. We want John Baptist to preach Repentance, and to turn the Disobedient to the Wisdom of the Just. It was a Man of Belial who said, We have no part in David, etc. and that lift up his Hand against the King, 2 Sam. 20. 1. 21.  
2dly. That true Réligion comprises both Tables of the Law: Though it doth distinguish them, yet it doth not separate them: Love the Lord thy God with all thy Heart, etc. and Love thy Neighbour as thy self. Upon these two hang all the Law and the Prophets. So, ●ear the Lord and the King: Render to Caesar, etc. and Render to God, etc. Fear God and Honour the King. God hath all along joined these together, it is not for us to put them asunder; we offer Violence to Religion, if we do.  
So, James 1. 16, 17. If a Man seem to be Religio●● and bridles not his Tongue, he deceives his own heart, that Man's Religion is vain: pure Religion and undefiled before God, is to visit the Fatherless and Widow, etc. That is, true Religion draws Righteousness and Mercy (the Duties of the second Table) along with it, and is evidenced by them.  
The Fifth Commànd is the Command of God as well as the rest of the ten, and he that is a Transgressor of thàt is a Transgressor of all: He that said, Fear God, hath also said, Honour the King. If therefore a man say, he fears God, and yet dishonours the King, he deceives his own heart, he should not believe himself, for his fear of God is vain.  
And so says Paul, 2 Tim. 3. 4, 5. In the latter days perilous Times shall come, for men shall be Traitorous, Heady, highminded, & ç. having a form of Godliness but denying the Power thereof.  
The fear of God will, without doubt, produce a regard to Man, and bind the hands from unlàwful Violence, without other Manacles. When Joseph's Brethren, having so greatly injured him, as they had done, were fallen into his hands, that he could easily have revenged himself upon them, as he pleased; yet says he, This do and live, for I fear God. How much more may any Man, doing nothing but his Duty, promise himself Security among those that fear God. But we have seen that of late in Connecticut, which if Abraham himself had been here, would have made him say, as once he did to Abimelech, Because I thought surely the fear of God is not in this place.  
3dly, That the second Command or Table of the Lâw is like to the first, Mat. 22. 38, 39 Man is the Image of God, being made in his likeness, and the King is the Image of God by way of Eminency: He is a created Ray of the divine Majesty and Sovereignty, the next and immediate Deputy of God among men; to whom God hath lent his own Throne, and put his Name upon him, Psal. 82. So the Duties of the second Tàble are like to the Duties of the first. Duty to Parents is called Piety, 1 Tim. 5. 4. for its likeness to it, and evidence of it. And (as Peter du Moulin says very well) Then will the Power of Kings and Magistrates be sound and safe [and I may add, then, and not before will Religion too be sound and safe] when Obedience due to Princes shall be thought to be a part of piety, and when the Pastors of the Church shall train up the people by the Word of God, to perform Obedience to them. And so, on the other hand, the Sins against the second Table àre like to the sins against the first. Rebellion is as the sin of Witchcraft.  
4ly, That the moral Law is not abolished by Christ. Do we then make void the Law, says Paul? nay, we establish the Law. Verily, the fifth Command, Obedience to Parents and Princes, etc. is not abolished, but established by the Gospel. The true Church is no Rebellious City, nor an Enemy unto Kings. A Godly Rebel is a Solicism, a prodigious Monster that true Religion never brought forth.  
5ly. & lastly, My Principles teach me, That as God is absolute Lord and Sovereign, the King of Kings, and is to be obeyed absolutely, and without reserve; so the King is next to God, Supreme upon Earth, chief Governor in all his Dominions (1 Chron. 29. 22.) and to be obeyed, in subordination, (not in Opposition) to God. Inferior Governors sent by the King, and deriving their Authority from him, are to be obeyed, (according to the measure of their Authority) in subordination, not in opposition to the King. We are not to ask Inferior Governors, whether we shall obey the King, or not: The Son is not to ask his Mother, (much less his Brethren and Sisters, or Servants of the House) whether or no he shall obey his Father: No, there is the Law of Nature and express Command of God for it. Children, Obey your Parents in the Lord, for this is Right, Ephes. 6. 1. so 'tis in this case. 1 Pet. 2. 13, 14. Be subject to the King, as Supreme▪ for so is the Will of God, etc. And the Father's Authority is paramount to that of the Mother: So is the Authority of the King to that of inferior Rulers; see Josh. 1. 16, 17, 18. Joshua was now made chief Governor by God; Moses his Successor, who was King in Jesurun; and there you see how straight they bind themselves to Obedience to him; see àlso Ezra 7. 26. I think these points are Orthodox, and may pass for a Touchstone, whereby to give a true Judgement of our Profession.  
If therefore our Religion be overgrown to that pass, that it teaches us to deny Kings and Magistrates to be of God, until we can King it ourselves, or to deny and absolve ourselves from Obedience to them▪ unless they be of our mind, or will humour us: In a word, if it either be or do teach or tollerante Rebellion, it is certain it cannot be true; it is high time to renounce it and get a better: Such Religion is a scandal to the Gospel. We shall make the World believe, we have our Religion to seek. It is good for us to read Rom. 2. vers. 17. to 26. If therefore we desire to credit our Religion, and adorn the Gospel, which we profess, let us consider and return to our Obedience; get good Principles, and put them into practice. Let us look upon our Allegiance not as an Arbitrary thing, that we may pay it, or we may let it alone, or take our time for it, etc. bùt let us look upon it as a matter of Necessity. We must needs be subject. If others will not be Loyal, yet we must; and if this make us Vile, than we must be more Vile. If for this we be Rogues that will Undo the Country. than we must be Rogues still.  
But possibly all this will easily be avoided: It grows too common an Opinion, That the King hath nothing to do with us: ànd if that be true, I must confess, I am beside the Text. Therefore in the next place,  
2dly, Consider, That of our own accord, without any Command so to do, we have long since proclaimed their Majesties to be our King and Queen. The words of which Proclamation do declare their Majesties to be King and Queen of England, France and Ireland, with all the Dominions and Territories thereto belonging; who are accordingly so to be owned, deemed and taken by all the People of the aforesaid Reàlms and Dominions, who are from hence forward bound to acknowledge and pay to them all Faith and true Allegiançé, etc.  
We have accordingly in our Addresses to their Majesties, declared, That we resumed our Government till further Order, and professed ourselves to be their Majesty's most humble and dutiful Subjects; begged such Directions from their Majesties, as to their Princely Wisdom should seem meet: Very forward and zealous we have pretended ourselves to be for the Service and Interest of King William and Queen Mary.  
But to what end is all this? Did we not hereby engage Obedience to their Majesties, as our King and Queen? but what Truth and Reality is there in it? for now their Majesty's exert their Authority, issue their Commissions, and give us their Directions, they will not be received nor obeyed; as if their Majesties had nothing to do with us indeed! Thus in words we profess to acknowledge their Majesties, but in our works we deny them. What is this but to mock their Majesties, and belly ourselves? Our Actions will signify more of our Hearts, than our Words: For shàme let us make haste to pay our Allegiance. It is a manifest thing that this and the other Hom●●culus hath a thousand times more Authority, Respect and Obedience in Connecticut, than their Majesties have. If a Man come in their Majesty's Name, and with their Commission, he will not be received by us; but if a man come in his own Name, without their Majesty's Authority and Commission, him we will receive: This is not the behaviour of good Subjects. Have we not given our Hands, or do we repent of so doing? Let us deal well and truly with their Majesties. Have we a King, or no King? or, why halt we between two Opinions? If their Majesties be our King and Queen, then let us follow and obey them; but if this ànd t'other man be indeed Kings, then let us follow them. Let us not flatter and mock, and call their Majesty's King and Queen, and pretend they are Our Dread Sovereigns, our Sovereign Lord and Lady, and We their most Humble and Obedient Subjects, and make use of their Names to serve our own purposes, and in the mean time refuse to yield them any Obedience, scorn their Commissions, malign, contemn and abuse their Ministers. This is papable Hypocrisy. Why call ye me Lord, Lord, and do not the things which I say, Luke 6. 46. If I be à Father, where is my Honour? If I be a Master, where is my fear? Mal. 1. 6. If their Majesties be our King and Queéns, where is our Obedience to them?  
Yea, let us deal plainly and uprightly with one another also. We aré not willing to be kept in Ignorance, deluded and led hood-winked, till we are so fast, and unawares entangled in the Snare laid for our Life, that we shall not be able to get out of it. There are many of us that bear a good affection to our Charter-Government, and for the sake of that have countenanced, at least not discountenanced (so much as some others) the late Revolution, and have been willing to contribute to the support and continuance of that Government, if it might be. But we always understood it in subordination, not in opposition to the King, his Government and Laws, and with a salvo, of all their Majesty's Royal Rights. We never intended to Invade the Liberties of our Fellow-subjects, or to use Rigour towards such as were not altogether of our mind, but desired that moderation might be used, and that we might in no sort exceed the Powers sometime granted to us; much less did we intend to invade the Throne, and refuse to render to Caesar that which is his: and we thought that our Leaders and principal Actors in this matter had been of the same mind. We thought also we had spoken as we meant, when at the Revolution, May the 9 th'. 1689. we declared, That we took the Government only till we should receive further Orders from the King. And in our Address to his Majesty, we showed his Majesty the same thing, and withal professed ourselves his Humble and Obedient Súbjects; and prayed his Majesty, in his Clemency to give us such Directions as to his Princely Wisdom should seem meet; and we thought that it was our sincere and unanimous purpose and resolution to follow his Majesty's Directions when given, and not to put a Trick upon him. But now we are afraid we are deluded, and not without Reason. He is blind that hath not taken notice of that notorious Falsehood that hath been used, and the innumerable Lies of all sorts that have all along from time to time been and are still raised and fomented; the advantage that hath been taken of men's Ignorance, and the Endeavours that have been and are used to keep men in the Dark, as if we designed to train them up in a blind Obedience to us, beside other ill measures taken; and now at last, such open and resolûte Opposition and Defiance is made to their Majesties, and their Royal Commission of Lieutenancy, first and second. These things make us jealous. And therefore if all our Declarations ànd Protestations aforesaid be but a Cheat, and Rebellion be indeed coûched and lurk under the specious and enticing Terms of a Charter, our Liberties, Privileges and Government, etc. pray deal plainly and truly with us, and let us know it. We hope, that upon good Consideration the generality of the good People in this Colony intent no such thing; and therefore let us not be plunged blindfold into the Pit of Rebellion: Some of us remember and consider, that in the forementioned Passages we have given our Hand to their Majesties.  
But it may be some may think to avoid this also, and say, We are willing with all our hearts to obey their Majesties in all lawful things [good Words] but we are not to obey unlawful Commands. True: Therefore yet further,  
3 dly, Consider, Is not this Commission lawful? Is not the Militia the Kings, and at his dispose? Why then shall we not give to Caesar the things that are Caesar's? If we could say the Commission was unlawful, it might excuse our suitable Non-submission to it, though not oùr Contempt. For althô the unlawful Commands of lawful Authority (be they Unlawful in regard of the Law of God or Man) are not to be performed; yet in such case, our Behaviour ought to be Humble and Honourable. Let us therefore inform ourselves in this point: it is declared by two several Acts of Parliament of 13 & 13 & 14 Car. 2. (and of this their Majesties were pleased to put us in mind by express mention of the first of these Statutes in the Commission to Sir William Phips) That within all their Majesty's Realms and Dominions, the sole and supreme Power, Government, Command and Disposition of the Militia, and of all Forces by Sea and Land, and of all Forts and Places of Strength, is and by the Laws of England ever was the undoubted Right of his Majesty, and his Royal Predecessors, Kings and Queens of England; and that both or either Houses of Parliament, cannot, nor aught to pretend to the same, nor can, nor lawfully may raise any War, Offeusive or Defensive, against his Majesty, his Heirs or Lawful Successors, etc.  
Shall we then think, that our Corporation may pretend to it, etc. though the Parliament may not?  
And that this is indeed so, we may see (beside other Authorities) in that great case of Ship-Money, so largely and learnedly argued, Anno 13 Car. 1. wherein it was agreed on all hands,  
That the King is raised to the Throne for the Safeguard of the Law, and of the Bodies and Estates of the Subjects; and therefore the Defence is the Kings. The Safety of the People committed to him, is incumbent upon our Lord the King.  
That the Law hath entrusted the King with the care of the Defence, both Domestic and Foreign.  
That all Jurisdiction legal, is wholly in his Majesty; that this is evident even by the Law of Nations.  
That the King is Pater Patriae, the Father of his Country, and therefore bound, both in Honour and by his Oath, to provide for its safety on every side.  
That for this end the Law hath put the armed Power and means of Defence wholly into his Majesty's hands; and when the Enemy is discovered and declared, 'tis not in the power of the Subject to order the way and means of Defence, either by Sea or by Land, as they think fit; for no man without Commission or special Licence from his Majesty, may set forth any Ships to Sea for that purpose, nor without such Commission or Licence (unless upon sudden coming of Enemies) may erect a Fort, Castle or Bulwark, though upon his own ground: Nor (but upon some such cause) is it lawful for any Subject, without special Commission, to arm or draw together âny Troops or Companies of Soldiers, or to make any general Collection of Money on any of the King's Subjects, though with their consent.  
That the King is Generalissimo, so that none may advance toward the Enemy, withoût his Signal, or in other manner than by his Direction; and thàt he is armed with all other Powers requisite for the full Execution of so high a place, as well in time of eminent Danger, as of actual War.  
That the Law lays the burden of this Defence upon all (Qui sentit commodum, etc. He that feels the benefit, aught to feel the burden too) and makes the quantity of each man's Estate the Rule whereby this Burden is to be equally àpportioned upon each Person.  
In this great Càse therefore the Question was not, Whether the sole and supreme Power of the Militia, and of all Forces, & ç. belong to the King, or not, otherwise how should he perform this great Trust? Therefore says Br●cton (that àntient Author) There are two things necessary in a King, LAWS and ARMS, whereby he may rightly govern the Times both of Peace and War.  
Nor was the Question, Upon whom the burden of it should be laid; for Allegiance binds every Subject to yield his best Assistance (both of Counsel and Aid) for the common Defence.  
These things were, without Controversy, agreed on both hands, but the only Question was concerning the Manner how the Charge of the Defence ought to be levied? Whether by the King's Writ, or by common consent?  
Hereby therefore we may see, that by the Law of England the sole and supreme Power, Government and Dispose of the Militia, etc. is, and ever was the King's undoubted Right, and that these Statutes (abovementioned) do but declare the ancient Law in that behalf.  
This Commission therefore is a lawful Commission, being founded upon the ancient and standing Laws of the Realm; yea, it is not only lawful, but necessary, forasmuch as it is incumbent upon their Majesties, both in Honour and by their Oath, to provide for the safety of their People on every side.  
The Designation or Appointment of this or that particular Person to be their Majesty's Lieutenant, (being qualified according to Law) is by the Law left to their Majesty's Wisdom and Pleasure. Consider we then, that (these things being so) our Disobedience to this Commission is utterly inexcusable, and much more our Contempt.  
4thly. It is to be considered also, That when their present Majesties came to the Throne, the Militia, and all Forces by Sea and Land, and all Forts and places of Strength in Connecticut, were in their Majesty's hands and possession; it is good for us to bethink us, Who took them out of their Majestìes hands? or how it came to pass that they are not now in their Majesty's hands, if it be so indeed? or who will adventure to give account of that matter? Is it not more Wisdom for us to make sure of a Pardon for what is past, than to go on to multiply and aggravate our Presumptions?  
5thly. Put the case that their Majesties had granted such a Commission to us, should we not have expected and compelled Obedience to it? Yea, no doubt; than it had been a very lawful and good Commission, and necessary to be obeyed We that can make so much of a bare silent Permission or Sufferànce of our Government, and make so much of the King's làte Letter, which yet takes not so much as the least Notice of any of us; and can be so severe and sharp upon any disacknowledgement of our disputable Authority; how brag & peremptory should we have been, if this Commission (in terminis) had been given to us? Certainly Fire and Faggot, or the Noose of an Halter had been good enough for any one that should have offered to oppose it, or refuse Obedience to it: And how should we have traduced them as Enemies and Rebels to King William and Queen Mary?  
Let us then turn the Scale. We know the Golden Rule, Whatsoever ye would that others should do to you, do you the same to them. It is their Majesty's Commission no less than if it had been directed to ourselves.  
6thly. How greedily did we catch at the King's Letter of the 3d of March last (although their Majesty doth therein take no Notice of our Corporation, or any particular Person in it, but directs it only in general, thus, [To such as for the time being take care for the preservation of the Peace, etc.] in our Colony of Connecticut) And how readily did we comply with it? And why? Why (it will be said) it is his Majesty's Command, his Majesty's pleasure, we must obey the King. Consider then, This Commission is their Majesties Command also, this is their Royal Pleasure: In this case, (Rex praecipit, & Lex precipit) The King commands, and the Law commands, is all one.  
And is not this lawful Command as good as that? Is not the great Seal as effectual às the little Seal?  
But it may be thought, that Letter put a staff into our hands, in a sinister manner to serve ourselves of our fellow Subjects; but this Commission takes it out again; and therefore we willingly complied with that, but will oppose this. Possibly some may have cause to thank their Majesties for that: But if that be the case, where is our Obedience? Genuine Obedience is Universal.  
7thly. Consider we the vile Ingratitude of this our ill behaviour towards their Majesties, and their Lieutenant? It is well known to the World what their Majesties have done, and how they have exposed themselves for the benefit of the whole English Nation, of which we are a part, for the securing of all their Rights, civil and sacred, their Religion, Lives, Liberty and Property, and the continual and unspeakable Labour and Hazards which his sacred Majesty condescends from Year to Year to undergo, for that end. Whereby their Majesties have given abundant Evidence of their good affection to their Subjects, and that they will take nothing from us which is our Right, nor deny us any thing which their Royal Wisdom shall see to be good for us, but are willing to purchase it for us at a dear Rate. Yea, and this very Commission is a singular Instance of their tender care for our Defence and Safety in this perilous time of War, as is manifest from the Commission itself: And do we thus requite their Majesties? O foolish we, and unwise! Who hath bewitched us? There is nothing so hateful and provoking as Ingratitude: Truly, we may do well to remember Jotham's Parable (Judg. 9) and the applicàtion of it, and apply it to ourselves; Harken to me (says he) that God may hearken to you, etc. If you have dealt well with Jerubbaal, etc. and have done to him according to the deserving of his Hands; for he fought for you, and adventured his Life far, and delivered you, etc. and you are risen up against him this day, etc. Have we done to their Majesty's according to the deserving of their Hands? Shall we requite Love with Hatreds Tender Bowels with Malignity? For what else can our Behaviour signify, but a malignant Spirit and inveterate Hatred against the King, as King, and who ever comes from him, as such? We have sufficiently declared our Affections to the King, and what we should have done, if we had him ìn our hands; we should soon rid the World of Kings, if we had them in our Power. Remember Hazael, Is thy Servant a Dog (says he) that he should do this great (i. e. this Abominable) thing; Yea, but when Temptation and Opportunity met together, he did it notwithstanding; and verily so should we.  
8thly. Let us look through all their Majesty's Realms and Dominions, and see where we can find any such Precedent or Example. We are too apt to admire ourselves, and to bless God that we are not as this Publican! But who so Ungrateful, who so Disobedient as we? Their Majaesties may look upon themselves to be very Unhappily and Unequally yoked, as to us: The best of Princes with the worst of Subjects.  
9thly. Consider we the Time. Is this a time for us to be Refractory and Disobedient to our Prince? Between four and five Years ago, when there was no War with France, we would needs have made the King and and the World believe, That we were in continual danger of our Lives, by reason of the Natives being at War with us, with whom (we said) we had just fears of our Neighbouring French to join; and therefore not receiving Orders or Directions what Methods to take for our Security, we were necessitated to put ourselves into some form of Government. And yet now there hath been open and strong Wàr with France, and with the French in all parts above this three Years, and that attended with not a few or small Difficulties ànd Disappointments, and now that their Majesties have given their Orders and Directions whàt Methods to take for our Security in this difficult and hazardous Time, there is yet so little danger, that we will not receive their Majesty's Directions, but spurn at their Commission, scorn at their Lieûtenant, and will yield no Obedience.  
What: do we indeed intent to fall off to the French? We had as good fall to the French, as fall from our King; and if we intent so to do, let us speak out; if not, surely this is not a time to be Disobedient. For how is it possible for any Prince to provide for the safety of his Subjects, or to manage the weighty Affairs of War with effect, (and more especially at such a Distance) if his Subjects will slight ànd disobey his Commissions, or take upon themselves to wage War, without or against them?  
10thly. We are now addressing their Majesties for their Favour (so we say) and to the end that we may recommend ourselves to them as (it seems) their most Proud and Disobedient Subjects, at this very time we disobey their Commission. Can we think that Disobedience and Contempt âre the most likely way to obtain access and acceptance? Is that the way to find favour? or do we think that the King is afraid of us, and we shall force him to comply with us? Verily, I doubt we shall tempt him and prove him.  
Prayers and Pride, Supplication and Rebellion do not sort well together.  
11thly. Our great Champion in whom we trusted to vindicate ûs, and defend our Cause, yields the Cause, and leaves us in the Lurch: Our Goliath, who defied all as Pigmies that durst appear against us, the stone is sunk in his forehead, and he is fallen upon the Earth, he is convinced in his Conscience, and tells us with all the honesty and plainness that he can, That he will not ruin himself and his Posterity; That he will not Hang for any of us. No doubt but (whatever he hath don●▪ yet) now he speaks as he thinks; and shall we yet harden ourselves? shall we ruin ourselves and our Posterity? Believe it, we shall find it hard kicking against the Pricks. Therefore,  
12. Lastly, Let us consider seriously the end and event of these things, and what may reasonably follow thereupon. The fools Eyes are in his Heels▪ He can see nothing but what is past, and repent when it is too late. But Solomon tells us, The wise man's Eyes are in his Head: He looks before him. The Prudent man foresee the Evil, and hides himself, but the simple pass on and are punished, Prov. 22. 3. Therefore it is said, That the Wise Man begins at the end; and it were good for us to begin there too▪ Let us consider it then. What do we think will be the end of these strange Behaviours? What good can we promise ourselves?  
1 st. Where the Word of a King is, there is Power, and (in the Execution of his Regal Authority) who may say to him, what dost thou? Eccles. 8. 4. What Aspect then will these things have abroad in the world, among those who know what a King is? Such carriage would hardly have been expected from any part of New-England: Friends will be ashamed, Enemies will insult.  
2dly. What aspect do we think they will have at Home with the King and Council? Surely their Majesties promised themselves better things from their Subjects in Connecticut.  
3dly. The Defence and safety of the Subject in all parts, is their Majesty's great Interest and Care; and it is not easy for us to conceive how we prejudice their Majesty's Interest, frustrate their Intentions, break their Designs, defeat their Councils and obstruct their Service for the Defence of their People, both here and elsewhere (the very end of this Commission) by our Disobedience.  
The Commission takes no Notice of àny former Military Commissions but that which was the last year given to Sir William Phips, and that is expressly determined by the Publication of this. So that by our Disobedience we are without Defence ourselves, and incapable of helping others. And who knows whàt a Day, much more a Quarter or Half a Year may bring forth?  
We may desire that this Disobedience to our Prince should not be told in Gath, nor spoken of in the Streets of Askelon; but our desire is vain. The Hittites dwell in the Land, and observe our Actions. The Report of it will sooner fly to Canada (and it may be to France too) than some of us could wish; and what Inferences will there be made, and Resolutions taken thereupon, is not impossible to guests. They may conclude, they have Connecticut to Friend, at least in a posture of Neutrality, which will animate them not a little.  
The Mohaques also, and other Nations of Indians, will soon have the News of it (if they have it not already) and who knows but it may give them occasion to go over to the French, the effects whereof may be such as are not to be desired, unless we intent to follow them. But if none of these should be, yet our Behaviour in this matter renders their Majesties and their great Officers vile & contemptible, and ourselves base in the sight of the very Heathen.  
4thly. Is not their Majesty's Commission under the great Seal of England, sufficient to authorise their Majesty's Lieutenant in Connecticut? if it be not, what else can do it? The World is at an end; there is no more to be done in a fair way: But if it be, why do we not submit to it? Verily, if the King's Broad Seal will not run to be obeyed in Connecticut, we may justly expect that something else shall.  
Are we so ignorant that we do not know, That to levy War against the King is High-Treason, both by the Common & Statute Law; or, That an actual Rebellion or Insurrection, is a levying of War against the King: That a gathering of Force for the Removal of Counsellors, altering of Laws, or the like, though with pretence of Reformation, yet being without Warrant from the King, is a levyiug of War against the King? or that the holding of a Fort or Castle by force of Arms against the King and his Power, is a levying of War against the King? What Construction then do we think it will have, if we shall be found to rise in Arms against the King's Lieutenant, publishing his Commission, and commanding Obedience to it; and by Force and Arms to withhold the Militia and all Forces by Sea and Land, and all Forts and places of Strength in a whole Colony or Province, from the King, against his plain Commission, published under the great Seàl?  
Do we not know, That an Ambassador from a Ferreign Prince (though an Enemy) ought to have safe Conduct in all the King's Dominions, and 'tis against the Law of Nations to offer him any Violence or Indignity? The Turks themselves would abominate that.  
Or can we be ignorant of this, That Disobedience and Contempt offered to the King's Ministers, redounds, and is done to the King himself? Is it not a sure Rule in Humane, as well as Divine Things, He that despises me, despises him that sent me. What face then will our Behaviour hàve, when it shall appear, that our own King's Lieutenant cannot come among us to execute their Majesty's Command, bût (beside other vile Indignities, ùnfit to be named) he is in danger of his very Life: Such as assert their Allegiance and declare their Submission, run the same hazard; and others, who are willing to serve their Majesties, dàre not take Commissions, for fear of being destroyed. And by this means his Excellency Returns, without effecting his Business, and with as much Disgrace as we can well cast upon him. Yea, if any man advise or move another to take a Commission from their Majesty's Lieutenant, it is accounted a Wicked thing, and he an henïous Offender.  
Will this be acceptable News to their Majesties? Or will they not rather resent it, as David did that Reproach of his Messengers by Hanun? Verily, a Contempt and Abuse from Subjects, is a thousand times worse than from Aliens.  
Some may imagine they hàve found a neat way to defeat the King's Commission: They will not take Commissions from his Lieutenant themselves, but will also deter others, that they shall not dare to do it, and think it a Project worthy to be gloryed in. Truly, we have many ways made it evident enough, what low thoughts we have of his Majesty. But what! do we think he is to be put off in this manner by our scurvy silly little Tricks? or do we think that our Obedience is an Arbitrary thing, and the King must be beholding to us for it? or that he is made up all of Grace, and hath nothing of Justice in him? If so we do, doubtless we shall find ourselves mistaken; and that he is (like Christ whom he serves) both a Lamb and a Lyon. I believe he will decide the Controversy, and make us know who is King, before he hath done with us. For how can it consist with his Crown and Dignity, or with the safety of his Government to pass by such high handed and mischievous Offences, without suitable Annimadversion. We very much forget Solomon's Advice, as if we had never read it: I counsel thee, says he, to keep the King's Commandment, and that in regard of the Oath of God. Be not hasty to go out of his sight: Stand not in an evil thing; for he doth whatsoever pleases him. Where the Word of a King is, there is Power, and who may say to him, what dost thou? Whoso keeps the Commandment, shall feel no evil thing, Eccles. 8. 2, 3, 4, 5. Yea, but the King's Wrath is as the roaring of a Lion, and as Messengers of Death; but his Favour is as the Dew upon the Grass, Prov. 19 12. There is Life in the one, but Death in the other.  
We forget also the Parable of the Citizens that hated their Lord, and woûld not have him to reign over them: Those mine Enemies (says he) that would not that I should reign over them, bring them hither, and slay them before me. It is but a Comparison taken from things reasonable among men.  
And how easy a thing is it for their Majesties more ways than one to make ns weary of our Rebellion. What if their Majesties should hereupon fetch over whom they see cause to England, and there proceed against them according to their Demerits? Shall we not hereby ruin ourselves and our Posterity? Or, what if they should declare us Rebels, and put us out of their Protection, and prohibit all their Subjects any Commerce with us? For how can we expect that their Majesties should protect us, who scorn to be governed and protected by them, but by our Unruliness break their Measures in the very point of Protection? Or, if they should reduce us to our Obedience by Force, and keep us under the awe of a strong Garrison, and lay the Charge of it upon us? Or, if they should but lay a sore heavy Fine upon us: If they should do any of these, or the like, what shall we do with ourselves? Verily, we are in their Majesty's hands, and it is a new sort of Grace if they do nothing.  
Let all good Subjects than consider, and as they would deliver themselves from the common Gild, so let them distinguish themselves, and make haste to yield their due Obedience; and as for the rest, we may say, Father forgive them, they know not what they do.  
But against all this divers things are objected, let us consider them also.  
1 Objection, The Militia is very well disposed of already: King Charles the second (of happy Memory) did by his Charter, for himself and his Successors, grant it to us and our Successors in the Year 1662.  
Answ. To this I answer divers things:  
1 st. We overween our Charter in more things than one, to the no little Prejudice both of King and Subjects. Modesty might incline us to think that the King understands our Charter, and how well the Militia was thereby disposed of, at least as well as we do; and he knows what is his own Right and our Right much better than we. Their Majesties have given us no cause to suspect, that they will take any thing from us that doth of right belong to us. But to let other things pass, let us here consider, That the Charter never granted us a standing Militia, but only a Licence upon occasion of Invasion, or the like, to array men, etc. for our special Defence and safety in such case: The Charter never gave us Power to raise and send men àbroad for the Defence and Aid of others. The King's Letter of the 3d of March last gave more power in that behalf to those to whom it was directed, than ever we had by the Charter.  
The Power of Arms grantéd by the Charter was not given to the General Court, but only to the Governors, chief Commanders and Officers for the time being, etc.  
The Charter never granted us the command of amny Forts or places of Strength. Let us examine the Charter, and see if we can find these things there.  
2dly. Suppose we that all this had been granted by the Charter from King Charles the second, and his Successors, to us and our Successors, yet then the Grant had been void, because the Militia is a Jewel of the Crown, not to be granted by the King from his Successors. It is like Abishag the Shunamite: And why dost thou ask Abishag the Shunamite for Adonijah? ask him for the Kingdom also, says Solomon. Beware of the next words, God do so to me, etc. If the King give away his Militia, he may give his Kingdom too. And of the truth of this our present Behaviour is an undeniable Instànce.  
3dly. Suppose we, That it had been so granted, and that the Grant had been good, yet we should remember that our Succession was determined in the Year 1688. So that we cannot talk of our Succession or Successors without some new Grant. And when their Majesties came to the Crown, the Militia and all Forces, etc. and all Forts and places of strength were in their Majesty's hands. And this was either by right or by wrong: If it were so by Right, there is no colour for this Objection: If by Wrong, we might then have preferred our Petition of Right for the Recovery of it. But for us, without their Majestïes' Notice or Licence, either surrepetitiously or by force, to take and with hold the Militia from the King, is such a Presumption as I know not who will undertàke to justify or excuse.  
● Object. But we suspect that this Commission is a Cheat, because the King was in Flanders at the date of it.  
Answ. But, 1st. Can we prove it to be a Cheat? otherwise this is a very bold Objection.  
2dly. It is only our Ignorance that makes us suspect it to be a Cheat. For we should know, 1st, That the King is wont, when he goes out of the Reàlm, by his Letters Patents under the great Seal, to constitute and leave behind him his Proxer (or Deputy) who is Guardian or Keeper of the Realm, to exercise the Government in his absence.  
2dly, Bût now there is a Queen Regent; his Majesty was pleased to commit the Government to the Queen in his absence, and accordingly it was by Act of Parliàment (of anno 2. W. & M. May 20. 1690.) provided, That as often as his Majesty shall be absent out of the Realm of England, the Queen shall exercise and administer the Regal Power and Government of the Kingdom of England, Dominion of Wales, and Town of Berwick upon Tweed, and the Plantations and Territories thereto belonging, in the Names of both their Majesties, etc. The King's absence therefore is no argument that the Commission is a Cheat; for if the King did not give his Writ of Privy Se●l before he went, for the affixing of the great Seal, the Queen might lawfully do it in his absence.  
3 Object. But if it be not a Cheat, yet the King hath given us no command to surrender the Militia to his Excellency.  
Answ. 1 st. A poor shift! as if their Majesty's Commission to his Excellency to command, were not a command for us to obey? or, as if his Excellency's command, pursuant to his Commission received from their Majesties, were not their Majesty's Command. He commands in their Majesty's Name, and for this he hath their Majesty's Authority, Warrant and Commission under the great Seal; and do not their Majesties then command us to submit to him?  
His Excellency demands no surrender of the Militia of us, but Obedience to his Commission: The Militia is the Kings, and he hath constituted his Lieutenant over it, and thereby furnished him with all the Powers that any of their Majesty's Captain Generals do or have lawfully exercised. Now the King's Lieutenants or Captain Generals may lawfully assemble men, form Regiments, Troops and Companies, commissionate Officers, muster, lead and conduct them, or cause them to be mustered, led and conducted, either for Military Exercise or for actual Service, as occàsion requires: And the Law not only requires Obedience of all, but in particular requires all Officers and Ministers to be aiding and assisting to the King's Captain Generals in the execution of their Commissions. He hath Power to require assistance of whom he will, and they must assist him at their Peril.  
2dly, Did their Majesties ever give their Subjects any command to yield Obedience to our resumed Power? We lately received a Letter from their Majesties, Did their Majesties therein, or any otherwise give the People any immediate and express Command to obey us in what we were thereupon about to do? Yet we expect Obedience from them, without any such command. And are not we their Majesty's Subjects, as well as the rest of the People?  
4 Obj. But we cannot manage our Government without the Militia.  
Answ. Then we may either go to the King to help us, or let it alone. The King's Government is more General, more Necessary, more Worthy and more Legal than ours; and how shall the King manage or maintain his Government without the Militia? Laws and Arms are necessary in a King, that he may rightly govern the Times both of Peace and War, as àforesaid. Our Government is but a particular thing, and we may not set our Government in Competition with, much less in Opposition to the King's Government.  
5 Obj. But we are afraid, that if we let the Militia go, our Government will go too, and we shall be annexed to York.  
Answ. That is no necessary consequence; but ìf it should be so, what then? Whether we be annexed to York, or York annexed to us, 'tis as long as broad: York hath been annexed to us once or twice àlready, and what hurt did we receive by it? it was in some sort annexed by our Charter, which extended to the South Sea, and then it was (I suppose with our consent) separated again. York was again annexed to us by the late King James, and I know not any detriment that ensued upon that.  
We have also once in great measure annexed ourselves to York, and without question the King may as well annex us to York, as we annex ourselves. We may remember how readily at Leysler's motion, under the pretence of an Expedition against Canada, we confederated with him, took Commission from him, and put their Majesty's Subjects under his command; ànd have not their Majesties a better Right to put us under their own Lieùtenant, commissionated by themselves? Will the King take this well at our hands, that we should obey any man rather than himself? We can willingly submit to Leysler's Authority, but stubbornly reject the King's Commission, and defy his Lieutenant.  
2dly, If we renounce the King ànd his Government, we destroy our own: We cannot pretend to any thing but from and under the King: and how can we demand or expect that others should obey us, if we will not obey the King? All Loyal Subjects may justly be afraid of having to do with us; for such Obedience is indeed Unlawful.  
3dly We cannot think that our Government shall always shoulder out the King's Government; and 'tis not to be doubted but their Majesties have long had the settlement of the Government of these Territories under consideration. The Defence of the Dominion is their Majesty's great Interest and care. It is obvious to every Eye that we are divided from the Massachusets at Sea by the shoals, and at Land by a great distance, and that Connecticut and York by their natural situation lie much fairer than Connecticut and the Massachusets, for the defence of each other, and in particular of Albany, that key of the Country, à Post necessary to be defended, and by the defence whereof we defend ourselves; and this is laid as the ground of their Majesty's dispose of the Militia in this Commission. It is not for us to appoint or dictate to their Majesties, but to acquiese in their Majesty's Wisdom and Goodness in that behalf, on whom we may rely, being assured that they will do that which shàll be best for us.  
4thly, We may remember also, That whereas their Majesties did the last year give a Commission to Sir William Phips, their Governor of the Massachusets, we had then the same jealoûsie of being annexed to the Massachusets, and would not submit to that Commission, nor take notice of Sir William in that capacity; whereby (to make the fairest construction of it that may be) their Majesties might very well conclude, that we were not desirous to be annexed to the Massachusets, but had rather be annexed to York, às being far more convenient. Howbeit we may well look upon this Commission as the consequent of our Non-submission to Sir William Phips. It is their Majesty's Grace so far to overlook that Disobedience; if now we shall finanlly reject the second, the Third may bring a greater inconvenience than any we can imagine to follow upon our being annexed to York.  
5thly, The Regal and chief Government doth not belong to us: The most that we can pretend to is but that of a Corporation. The Regal Government is the King's, and their Majesties may commit it here or there, as pleases them, and 'tis our Duty to submit. And which, I pray, is the most likely way to preserve our Government, Obedience or Disobedience?  
6 Object. But if we be annexed to York, we shall have great Rates to pay, and be grievously oppressed: The Long-Islanders complain that they are intolerably oppressed by this Governor.  
Answ. 1st. We have a Friend in the Country that hath told the World, That this is a Land full of Lies: and I wish it were not true. Howbeit, Malcontents will never want Complaints, true or false.  
2dly, The Governor neither doth nor can impose any Rates upon them, there is none levied but what their Assembly of the Freeholders' see needful for defraying the necessary Charge.  
3dly, That small Province of New-York hath had (beside other arrears) the burden of the Defence of Albany so long lying mainly upon them alone, by which their Rates, no doubt, have been much more heavy than otherwise they would have been. But have not we great Rates to pay also, now as we are standing alone? And how doth it appear that their Rates are greater than ours? If that màtter was well examined, possibly it might be found, thàt our Rates are as great, if not greater than theirs; and yet we have had no such burden incumbent upon us. How many Thousand of Pounds have been raised upon this Colony since the Revolution? and who is he that can give account of a farthing benefit accrueing to this Colony by it, except that little Skirmish at New-London, when two or three French Vessels put in there?  
4thly, If we should be permitted to stand as we are, yet we shall have great Rates to pay still, especially as long as the War lasts. We volûntarily take upon us the Defence of the upper Towns belonging to the Massachusets upon this River, which appertains not to us. The King by his Letter commands assistance of Men and Money to his Governor of York, and we seem willing to comply with that: but these things must of necessity augment our Rates as much if not more than our annexion to York, if it should be so.  
5thly. If we should be annexed to the Massachusets, shall we not have as great Rates to pay, as if we be annexed to York, or greater? Do not they complain as much as the other, or rather more? and we have seen something of it too. So that this is but a common Objectïon; for look which way we will, (whether we be annexed to York or to the Massachusets, or stand as we are, yet) the War continuing will make Rates greater than otherwise; yea, without any War we can find ways to make great Rates. And if by any way they may be less than other, it seems to be by our annexion to York. Many hands make light Work; and many Occasions whereby much Money is now expended to little purpose, will by that means be taken away.  
6thly. Let us do our Duty, and let the Skey fall. These are but empty Scarecrows, contrived on purpose to fright men from their Duty: And let us have their Majesty's Government, Law and Justice, and let it cost what it must.  
7 Object. But the Governor of York is a Proud, Morose, Stearn and Austere Man, we do not desire to come under such Governors.  
Answ. Who knows when the Devil and his Children will have done lying and slandering? His Excellency may much better say of us, He desires not to be set over such a Rude, Proud, Vngoverned and Disorderly People as we have declared ourselves to be. And truly it argues but a bad cause that cannot be maintained without the Devils Help in lying and slandering; and but an ungoverned Spirit, to call a Spirit of Government by the Names of Pride, Morosity, Austerity, and such like: None but a Son of Belial will put such Nicknames upon it.  
We ought to know, that the King's Captain General is a great Man: Abner was Saul's, and after him Ishbosheths' Captain General, and says David, know you not that there is a Prince and a great Man this day fallen in Israel? 2 Sam. 3. 38. Joab was David's Captain General, and how doth Vriah (none of the least men himself) speak of him, Why my Lord Joab, and the Servants of my Lord are encamped in the open fields; shall I then go to my house, & c.? 2 Sam. 11. 11. Let us by the way observe and learn the Language of good Subjects.  
A Spirit of Government doth not dispose a man to be Hail Fellow well met with every Clown. True, yet it will condescend, as in courtesy, to all, so to the Relief even of the meanest. Witness Solomon in all his Glory personally deciding the Controversy between two Harlots. And so the poor Woman that cried to the King of Israel, Help my Lord, O King: Alas, (says he) whence shall I help, & c? Not that he was unwilling to help her, though the extremity of Famine had disabled him. Read also Job 29. 7, etc. and you shall see the Distance that he would keep and the Reverence that he expected and rèceived from àll (higher ànd lower) that were inferior to himself: If Job were here, the Objector would say, That Job was a proud stern Fellow: But without cause, for this notwithstanding, He delivered the Poor that cried, the Fatherless, and him that had none to help him: The blessing of him that was ready to perish came upon him, and he caused the Widows heart to sing for joy: He put on Righteousness, and it clothed him, etc. He was Eyes to the blind and feet to the Lame; a Father to the Poor, and the cause which he knew not he searched out: He broke the Jaws of the Wicked, and plucked the spoil out of his Teeth, vers. 12, to 17. Yea, he did not despise the cause of his Servant, cap. 31. 13. It may be the Wicked, fearing to have his Jaws broken, would take occasion (but none had cause) to complain of his Pride and Morosity. In a word, a great Spirit becomes à great Man; A great Spirit, we see, may be a good Spirit, and a Great Man a Good Man; and such a one, I trust, we shall find the Governor of York to be.  
8 Obj. But some say he is a Papist.  
Answ. Verily, if this were true, it were the most legal Objection that I have yet heard; for Papists are 〈…〉 abled by Law.  
But these who are bold to say so, had need make good Evidence of it, lest they rank themselves àmong those filthy Dreamers who defile the Flesh, revile Rulers, despise Dominion, and speak evil of Dignities, and make themselves guilty of all those mischiefs that follow thereupon.  
For, 1st How doth it appeat that he is a Papist He professes that he is an Episcopal Man, or for the way of the Church of England, which is established by Law, whereby Popery is renounced.  
He makes it his first care to provide for an able Gospel Ministry, and for the due and strict sanctification of the Sabbath.  
He is a Lover of sound Doctrine, and of the free and faithful preaching of Christ crucified, and a Friend to good Men.  
He pays his due Allegiance to their Majesties, and vigorously maintaìns their Interest, and defends their Subjects against Papists.  
He improves his Authority for the suppression of Vice, and Reformation of prevailing Evils.  
He is a Peacemaker, and studies the composing and quieting of Differences among their Majesty's Protestant Subjects.  
He openly declares, That he will never mix his private Interest with the Public.  
He diligently seeks the Welfare of the People committed to his Trust; and is careful to put such into places of Trust, as are duly qualified, that Law and Justice may have their free Course. These things do not argue that he is a Papist, but the contrary.  
2dly. His Excellency is better known to their Majesties than to us: We know how his Majesty hath declared against the putting of Papists into place, who are disabled by Law, and consequently àll they do is void in Law: And therefore we cannot think that he will do it himself: Yet he is a Governor, and to us a Lieutenant of his Majesties own choosing; and therefore no reason to think that he is a Papist.  
3dly, What assurance have we that the Objector is not a Papist? Papists hold, That Faith is not to be kept with Heretics (i. e. with Protestants) That the Oath of Allegiance to Heretical (i. e. Protestant) Princess, is not to be taken, or if it be taken, yet it is null and void, and binds not, or at least may be dispensed with, and made void. and sûch like. Let the Objector pay his Allegiance, and submit to the King's Commission, if he would not be thought to be a Papist, or would be allowed to make this Objection.  
1 Sam. 10. 26, 27. There went with Saul a Band of Men, whose hearts God had touched. But the Children of Belial said, How shall this Man save us? and they despised him, etc. but he held his peace.  
John 1. 46. Nathaniel said, Can any good thing come out of Nazareth? Philip says to him, Come and see.   

Lisenced by M. Clarkson, Secretary, and Printed at New-York, Anno Domini, 1694.