A SERMON PREACHED Before the late KING JAMES His Majesty, at Greenwich, the 19 of July, 1604.  
TOGETHER With two Letters in way of Apology for his Sermon: The one to the late King James his Majesty; the other to the Lords of his Majesties then privy council.  
BY JOHN Burges' Minister of God's Word; since Doctor of Divinity and Parson of Sutton Cofield in Warwickshire.  
LONDON: Printed by Thomas Brudenell, 1642.   

A SERMON PREACHED BEFORE KING JAMES his Majesty, at Greenwich, the 19 of June, 1604.  The Text, PSAL. 122.8, 9 
For my brethren and my neighbour's sake, I will now speak peace unto thee: because of the house of the Lord our God, I will procure thy wealth.  
THE title of this psalm shows the excellency and Author of it: a Song of degrees, a psalm of David. The psalm itself is gratulatory: David's gratulation to and for the good estate of Jerusalem, the Metropolitan City of his kingdom. In which he first professeth his joy for the present good estate thereof, and demonstrates his care for the future. That which he rejoiceth at in the present condition of it, is; first, the forwardness of the people to God's service: secondly, the good estate of the City, which was built as a City united, made Jerusalem of Jebus and Salem, the Fort of the Jebusites being subdued by David, and by building united into one City, now at peace; in which also Religion was set up, yea the staple of Religion; for thither the Tribes went to worship; and Justice also, yea the royal seats of Justice.  
The demonstration of care for the good of that City hereafter, hath in it two branches. The King's incitation to all his Subjects to pray for the peace of it; and he sets them down a form of praye●: the holy Ghost knows well enough how to pray in a set form. The second thing is his own promise, as it were his Magna Charta, the King's great Charter, for the good of Jerusalem, in the words now read. A great Charter, but in few words, which yet are massy and weighty, containing the Kings grant in the word of a Prince to gratify Jerusalem in two things. First, to use her kindly: and secondly, to procure her wealth. To both which he addeth his reasons▪ as we shall see in their places.  
The promise of kind and gracious usage is not so plain in the words of our translation, as in the original; for where the translation saith, I will wish thee prosperity, the original saith, I will speak peace. A speech that everywhere as well as here, signifies all kind usage, under one special kind of it, that is good words. So Psal. 28.3. where David speaks of some that speak peace to their neighbours, but malice is in their hearts, they speak friendly. Psal. 85.8. God will speak peace unto his people; that is, will use them graciously. And in Hester 10.3. it is said of Mordecay, he spoke peaceably, saith the translation (peace, saith the original) to all his seed.  
Whereby it may appear that the first parcel of the Kings grant, is to use his people graciously, to speak peace unto them. In which parcel (if we mark it) be four points. First, what he will do; I will speak peace. Secondly, to whom, to thee, to Jerusalem. Thirdly, for what respect, for my brethren and companions sake. Fourthly, when? now: but that when is indeed why, as we shall after hear.  
1. Touching the thing what we learn in David's example. First, that it is the office and care of good Princes to speak peace unto their people. They are Fathers, a title as of power, so of love, to teach them to use their Subjects as children. They are Masters, but saith Paul to Masters, Ephes. 6. Know, that even your Master also is in heaven. The greatest Kings are servants to the great King of Kings; let them use their servants as they would be used of their Master graciously. To this end, because the disease of Princes oftentimes is the swelling of heart, and to die upon such swellings, it pleased God in the 17. of Deutrinomy both to restrain them from windy and swelling meats, forbidding such multitude of Chariots and horses as might lift up their hearts above their brethren, so as to make them forget that they are men and rule over men: and also to give them a diet, the book of God to meditate upon, which is able to moderate and temper the heart of any Prince; without which no King's heart, no man's heart can be good as it ought. Secondly, now as it is a duty of Princes to speak peace, so it is an ornament unto them. Courtesy is a Christian virtue, commended to all men in the Epistles to the Ephesians and Colossians. That which is courtesy in a Subject, is graciousness in a Prince: a virtue of the same kind, only advanced to an higher place by the dignity of the person. And it is an ornament that becomes none so well as Princes, the images of the gracious God, whose Deputies they are, whose titles they bear. It was truly said of Pythagoras, that in two things specially we imitate the nature of God, truth and goodness. A Prince faithful of his word▪ and gracious to his people, is a goodly image of God. We see that in greater Maps things are expressed more plainly than can be in the smaller (though they be drawn by one skill) so in the greatest personages this ornament is fairest, when they that of all others have the best: warrant to speak roughly, shall speak peace. Thirdly, and as it is a duty and an ornament, so is it a bond, and one of the best that Princes have to oblige the hearts of their subjects unto them. It is therefore noted of Mordecay as the ground of his acceptance among the multitude of his brethren, that he did these two things (which the King here promiseth in his Charter) he procured the wealth of his people, and spoke peace unto all his seed. The strength of this course, to melt the heart of the Subjects, appears in David in 2 Sam. 19 who understanding the mind of the ten Tribes to fetch him home again, takes the watchword, and sends to the men of Judah this message, Why are you behind to bring the King again to his house? ye are my brethren, my bones and my flesh are ye, wherefore then are ye the last that bring the King again? And to Amasa this protestation, God do so to me and more also, if thou be not captain of the host to me for ever: to lead the Army for him, that had led it against him; what was the effect? He bowed the hearts of the men of Judah, as one man, saith the text. Such strength hath the gracious usage of a sovereign in the hearts of good Subjects. Again, Joab knew well what strength was in the King's good speeches, who (finding the King so wounded for Absalon, that he retired himself, as if he had lost a kingdom that very day, in which the kingdom was recovered, so as the people also stole away, as men that had lost the battle) comes to the King (and after other expostulations, rougher than became a subject to his sovereign, yet wholesome for that time) come out, saith he, and speak comfortably unto thy servants, for I swear by the Lord, except thou come out, there will not tarry one man with thee this night, &c. Nor hath the holy Scripture alone this observation, but even among the heathen (that it might appear a truth which nature is not ignorant of) we find it still observed and recorded as a means that drew the hearts of the people to their Princes. Thus Suetonius notes of Titus, that he had that of nature or of fortune, good luck, as we say, to win every man's good will: and among many things, reports this one gracious speech of his, that no man should go away sad from speech with a Prince. The like of Augustus, as the means that settled him in the hearts of the people, and by name this one observation▪ that when a poor man offered him a Petition trembling▪ he encouraged him, and said, Petitions should not be given to a Prince as meat to an Elephant, that one is afraid of. The like of Traian. Antoninus, and others is reported, which I forbear to recite. All showing, that it was observed as a means of gaining the affections of the people, to speak peace unto them.  
Fourthly, and on the contrary, to do otherwise is not safe, neither at the entrance, nor when a Prince is settled. For the entrance, Rehoboam is a witness, who being a young King followed young men's counsel (indeed young counsel though old men had given it) and as they bade him, told the people, his Father had scourged them with rods, but he would beat them with scorpions (that is, say some, with whips which have wires in the lashes ends, to make them bite where they go) his little finger should be heavier than his father's loins. The old men had given him better counsel, To serve the people that day, and give them good words, and the people would be his servants for ever. But this good counsel would not down with the young King; What was the end of it? Why, when the people saw that they were not regarded, they left him, and bade the house of David look to itself. Thus for want of speaking peace, he put himself out of the greatest part of his kingdom. And for an established State, we have a story of Caesar, that after he was grown great and strong in his State, yet his very speeches gave occasion of distaste, and conspiracy against him; as by name, that he said, the Senate (for that I think is meant by Respublica) was but a name only. This was a mean of losing their hearts, and his own greatness; however God plagued those that conspired against him: as take this for a general rule, God never spares those that rise up against Princes, how evil so ever they be. Finally, for this purpose Comines hath a grave discourse in his fifth book out of his own observations; I would I could speak it in his own words, he speaks it so well, I will go as near it as I can: he tells what is the misfortune of a Prince, It is not (saith he) to take a fall off a horse, or to be smitten with a sharp ague, that is no misfortune to a Prince; What is it then? When God will not suffer him to reign (that is a misfortune indeed) but what be the prognosticates of it? First, saith he, God smites him in his wits which is a great blow, he means not surely in his senses, but in his judgement; then he sets division in his house▪ and (saith he) the Prince is so far in God's disgrace, that he flieth the company of the wise, and advanceth fools, oppressors, and flatterers, and such as soothe him in all his sayings. If he take a penny, they bid him take two; if he be angry with a man, they bid hang him. Further, they give him counsel in any wise to cause himself to be feared; and they also behave themselves cruelly and proudly, as though authority were their inheritance &c. This was that wise man's observation, which I have repeated (as I think) very near in his own words, to show how Princes lose the hearts of their Subjects▪ when they grow persuaded not to use them graciously. So then, whether duty, or ornament, safety or danger be respected, it appears that David had good cause to promise, and all good Princes to perform, gracious behaviour, towards their Subjects.  
2. We have heard what he promised: now let us hear to whom. To thee, saith he, that is, to all his people; of which (as was said) Jerusalem was an abridgement. To show favour to some, hath been in those that were worst noted. Nero had his favourites, not worthy to be named. Galbo had his three Paedagogues, besides Vimius the Broker, that prevailed with Galba as gold did with himself in any thing: and so others. But this is the princely goodness of Christian Kings▪ to be good to all their good Subjects. All are their subjects, therefore should have the sunshine of their sovereignty: all are their brethren and companions as we shall after hear: companions in scot and lot (as we say) I mean in every burden of their troubles; and therefore should have so●e portion in the common comfort of their favours. And indeed this is Kingly graciousness, to be gracious to all their good Subjects▪ and to do good to all; like the sun that shines to all like Christ that did good wheresoever he became. There is nothing more grievous to the Subjects than enclosure of Commons, or overlaying them when great men overcharge them so, that poor men can make no use of them for their relief: I say there is nothing more grievous, unless it be Monopolies, and I cannot tell which of them is more grievous, but there is no enclosure of Commons or Monopolies so grievous as the enclosure and engrossing of a King's favours, or to make a Monopoly of a King. What then, would we have the favour of Princes so common to all, that it should not specially abound unto some? God forbid: for as the vital spirits in the body go to the least member, yea to the finger's end, yet are most plentifully bestowed where nature hath the greatest employment of them. So it is fit that the favours of Princes lying open as a common to all their Subjects in their proportions, should be specially placed on men of chiefest use and desert.  
3. We see What, and to Whom, let us now see upon what respect. I will speak peace to thee; Sed quare? (saith Augustin) Non propter honores meos, non propter pecuniam meam, non propter vi●am meam: Not for mine honours, not for my treasure, not for my life; but for my brethren and neighbours sake●. For thine own sake I will speak peace unto thee. And indeed this is true love; for love (saith the Apostle) seeks not her own things. And this is true graciousness, and like the goodness of God himself, who is good to us for his own goodness sake, and for our good, not for his: He gains not surely by any match at our hands. For my brethren and companions sake. These very words have weight, and carry a secret reason of that respect for which he will speak peace unto them. They are brethren, not of the same womb, but of the same nature in common: Brethren by the mother's side, the common mother. Companions (for so the word signifies) not in the Court, but in the same country; companions in the house of God, and in the covenant of grace, and in that respect brethren by the father's side; partners of that honour, which all good Princes take to be (and is) their greatest honour, that they are the children of God. Brethren in nature a thing which as no Prince will deny, so none need be ashamed of, seeing Christ himself, though he were the son of God, and thought it no robbery to be equal with God, yet in respect of the partnership in the flesh, was not ashamed to be called a brother, and to call us brethren, as the Author to the Hebrews saith. This consideration is a great motive; it was so to Job, he durst not contemn the judgement of his servants, no not of his maid, when they contended with him. For (saith he) what shall I then do when God standeth up, and when he shall visit me, What shall I answer? Why so? He that made me in the womb, hath he not made him? that is in effect, is he not my brother? It yields a gracious meditation for Christian Princes; as to think in time of famine, these that die as starved, they are not dogs, they are my brethren: in the time of Pestilence, this is not a murrain of cattle, they are my brethren that thus perish: in the oppression of a poor man, this is not an horse overloaden (which yet a man should pity, though it were his enemy's horse) this is my poor brother, whom God made, whom Christ died for. So in their lawful suits and cries, these are not the cries of other creatures, nor of strangers, but of my brethren: How will my Father take it at my hands if I the elder brother use not my younger brethren graciously?  
So we see in the Kings Grant, what, to whom, and for what respect he promiseth. Of all which, the use is first unto Princes, then unto their servants about them, and lastly to all their Subjects. As touching to use to the Lord's anointed, having dressed these things with so homely cookery, it will not become me to be a carver also to my sovereign Lord; but humbly, and in the fear of God do beseech your Majesty, to give me leave to apply this unto you in Paul's words to Timothy, Consider what I say, and the Lord give thee understanding in all things: yea humbly beseech your Majesty to know yourself, and your own most gracious disposition, of which every man reporteth that speaketh with you in private, and still to use it, and to speak graciously to your loving Subjects. And for the rest, it remains also, that your Majesty hunt away two beasts, the tame beast and the wild, the flatterer and the false informer, which shall attempt to set off your sweet affections from any of your loving Subjects.  
The second use is to the servants that attend about the King's person, and to them it is a word of Admonition, that seeing it is the office and duty of a King, and the desire and disposition of our gracious King to speak peace unto his people, they would take heed of doing any evil office between the King and his good Subjects, by applying unwisely caustics to the sinews: for if it be a cursed thing to set division between brethren, what is it between the Father and the children? Assuredly to alienate, by any means, the heart of the Prince from the people, or of the people from the Prince, is a work for the devil, and not for any of the King's good servants.  
And lastly, to us all, it is a word of incitation, that we should know what to be thankful unto God for, that have a gracious Prince to speak unto us; and also to pray, that God would ever so dispose of the King's heart unto his people and all his people unto him again, that as he came unto us with the greatest applause that ever Prince entered with all, so he may continue with the greatest acceptance that ever Prince had, and may make us but one only mourning day, that is, the day of separation, like the mourning for good Josiah, for whom all Israel lamented when he died. And secondly, how to bear ourselves as loyal and dutiful Subjects, with all reverence to the Lord's anointed, that we may be worthy of gracious usage. And if perhaps something fall out otherwise, let us remember that of Solomon, If the spirit of him that ruleth rise up against thee, go not out of thy place, take not the sturdy. Consider thyself if thou be a Master, how thou usedsts thy servants; if a Father, how thou art sometimes passionate to thine own children: and then remember, that Princes have greater provocations, greater power. And if there be something in them which may not be justified, yet the reverence and duty of Subjects is to hide it, going backward.  
Thus much for the first part of this Charter. Now come we to the other; wherein he saith, I will procure thy wealth. The word signifies to seek, but with all endeavours to obtain, and therefore is well translated, procure; that is, I will do thee good. Indeed it is a gracious thing to speak peace unto them, but more gracious to do them good. We say in an homely proverb, Better meat without sauce, than sauce without meat; yet (no doubt) two good things together are best. A child that is hungry may be stilled a while with dandling and singing, but it must have the breast, or else it will not be contented long, Good and gracious words please well, but good deeds, doing justice, seeking the common good, is that which gives the chief content unto the Subjects. But why, saith he, I will procure? had he not done it? yes undoubtedly, but he will do it still, he will do it more: as he had also spoken peace unto them before, but will speak it still unto them. God hath given Princes such power and means▪ that they should, and might be continual fountains of goodness unto the people. But let us consider now more particularly this part of the King's promise. Wherein first, What he would do: and secondly, Why.  
The thing, What, hath in it two branches. First, the very object of his care; that is, their good. Secondly, the manner of procuring it, noted in the word of seeking: which is a word of strong signification, and importeth all diligence and industry in seeking their good. For the former, let it be observed, that the good of the Subjects is the charge of Princes. For to this end hath God ordained them, witness the Apostle, Rom. 13. He is the Minister of God for thy wealth, for thy good; if then do well, for thy comfort, if thou do ill, for thy terror, and yet therein for thy good: for it is as good for some to be terrified, as for others to be comforted. and indeed this is the proper greatness of Kings and Princes, that God hath made them the great instruments of common good. As if no blessing could be passed to his people but under the great seal of their office. A wonderful honour unto them: For even as Joseph in Egypt was set over the corn, so as he might have relieved, or starved, not the Egyptians only, but the Countries of the World near unto it, in the time of famine; and this Joseph was there for the second man in the kingdom. So Princes are the second to God himself, in that God hath put into their hands to do universal good unto their people. A goodly honour, which as it doth require great residence upon so great a charge; so may it much encourage Christian Princes to do their office, the benefit whereof is so universal. And if it might please Princes sometimes to look about them, and when they shall see a poor man labouring and toiling all day as a servant in base work, and all for the back and belly, or (perhaps) for a few poor children at home that cry for bread; and then to think, good Lord, how this man toils, and all his work is but for himself, where I labour not as a servant, but as a Lord, in works not base, but honourable; and not only have the good of it to myself, but am an universal good as a blessing sent of God to the whole Land. Such a meditation shall greatly encourage them to seek the good of their people. I will seek, saith he, that is use all diligence and endeavour. If Princes seek not the good of their Subjects, it will not be found. Great things will not be done without great labour; if they seek not, things will be other ways done than they would, and (which is the mischief) other men's faults will be scored upon their accounts. It is said of Galba, that many things passed under his name, of which he was innocent; yet because he permitted them whom he ought to have bridled, or was ignorant of that which he ought to have known, he lost reputation, and opened the way to his own overthrow. The fault was other men's, the blame his. If they seek not, they may be abused by such as I spoke of before, Flatterers and Misinformers, such as will always be about Princes to cast shadows, and stand in the light of their best Subjects: as Ziba did to Mephibosheth: unless Princes be wise, as an angel of God to find out the hand of Joab in the disguisings of the woman of Tekoah.  
We have heard now what he will do, He will seek their good: but let us also consider, Why: For the house of the Lord. What is that? The Tabernacle, the Temple being not built as yet. But how was that God's house? doth the Lord dwell in houses made of hands? or could he be contained in a Tent, that filleth heaven and earth? Surely no; but because he did there reveal himself by sacramental representations; as Princes sometimes marry by their pictures, he is said to dwell there, and that to be his house. The thing is, because of God's true worship and service, he will seek their good. Where (I beseech you) that it may be marked, that this should be the special end of procuring the wealth of the people, for the house of the Lord, for the religion sake, and the true worship of God. Indeed this is the special thing, to know God, and fear God aright. And if Princes provide not this for their Subjects, peace and traffic, and such like, makes no better provision for them, then is made for oxen in good pasture, nay not so good; for an ox therein hath all he needs, but a man without this, is left unprovided in the far greater part, even in his soul. And as Princes without this care provide not well for their people, so they provide but ill for themselves; for they can have no certain assurance of their Subjects without it. The great bond of Allegiance is an oath of the Lord. What if a professed Atheist take an oath, is he bound? He is not sui iuris. What if he that is an Atheist in effect take an oath, one (I mean) that denies the power of godliness, that hath a dispensatory conscience and will make licences to his conscience, as rogues do to themselves under hedges? What if a man be a Papist, that believes (as he is bound by their rules to do) that the Pope hath power at his pleasure, to dispense with an oath, and to dissolve any bonds; hath the Prince any assurance of such a Subject, which hath his dependency upon the pleasure of a foreign power? It is true then that nothing can cast a sure knot upon the conscience of the Subject, but the true knowledge and fear of God. So as when Princes do advance the good of God's house they establish the good of their own all in one. I add further in this point▪ that which is to be observed in all the Kings of Israel and Judah, that their Stories begin with this observation (as with a thing first worthy to be Chronicled) how they dealt in matters of Religion. Such a King, and such a King, and what did he? He did that which was right in the sight of the Lord. And such a King, he walked in the ways of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, which made Israel to sin. I spare to cite places, but it is the general observation of those books of Kings and Chronicles, as they that read them know; yea farther it may be marked, that as generally, when Princes have forgotten to seek the good of their Subjects, to which they were ordained of God, God hath surely plagued them himself; perhaps so much the more severely, because none may do it but he▪ and he will do it throughly when he takes it in hand. So yet specially hath God humbled Princes, and even poured contempt upon them, when they have contemned▪ or forsaken the house of the Lord. Of this the Scripture gives us examples▪ as well in such as never advanced the house of God, as in those that fell off, in part or in whole. As we may see in the stories of Jehoram, Jehoas and even of Solomon, whose fall I cannot name without trembling, to think that such a man so wise, that had spoken with God twice (as it were familiarly) I mean by vision, should in his old days be seduced, and fall to set up gross idolatry. As for Jehoram, he refused the house of the Lord; God raised him up adversaries, and after smote him with a disease in his bowels, of which he died miserably, and when he was dead, his people made no mourning for him as for other Kings: so he was neither happy living, nor honoured dead, because he sought not the good of his people for the house of the Lord. Jehoas also did well as long as Jehoida his good counsellor lived▪ but when Jehoida died, the King's goodness died with him. Then the Princes came to the King and spoke reverently to him, and compass him with good words as with a net (for as Solomon saith, He that flattereth a man, spreads a net for his steps;) he yields, and forsakes the house of the Lord. But what became of it? First, the Aramires came and with a small band they overthrew a great Army and slew the Princes that had misled the King, and left the King himself in great diseases; so that he was spared to live longer, to be (as it were) but longer in dying; and yet at last his own servants slew him: and when he was dead, they buried him not in the sepulchre of the Kings, as not thinking him worthy of a King's sepulchre, that had not done a King's office for the house of the Lord. I might speak of others and all to show that God hath specially humbled Princes, when they have forsaken or impugned his true worship; doing executions upon them on as high a stage, as they played their parts on; that their punishment, as their faults, might be of special height and note.  
I will add one observation more, that through neglect of this care of Religion, the power of Christian Princes was lost; and while they put off to the Prelates all the care of the house of God, God also cast from them their authority, and made them vassals. So they lost their greatness, and the Clergy found it, and it hurt them both. It is (as I remember) a note of Platina in the life of Adrian the third, that after they had fully engrossed the imperial power, there was never since Emperor of strength, or Pope of virtue: so they lost both by it. And indeed, as the blood if it fall any way out of the veins too much, there is some danger, but if it fall into the body extra vasa, there is more danger, for there it will corrupt and putrify: so was it with the supreme authority of Princes, when they suffered it to fall unto the Clergy (as it were) extra vasa. And here I desire to inform a mystery, a mystery of iniquity, to show how from the authority usurped in ecclesiastical causes claim is made to the whole power of Princes. Bellarmine saith in his fift book of the Roman Bishop, a fourth and sixt Chapters, that the Pope hath nothing to do with temporalties of Kings, properly (nay his word is directly, but he hath it indirect, indirectly (as true as may be indirectly indeed). As how? He may not (saith he) depose Princes simply as a Lord, but for the safety of souls, for the good of the Church: so from the care of the Church they challenge power over Princes. Good cause have Princes then to maintain their supremacy in causes ecclesiastical, and to be jealous of that title, as also to use that power for the good of the house of the Lord, lest if they cast away one moiety, God cast away the other.  
And here may come in that last branch of the first part, which through haste I forgot which I desire might be of use, though it come somewhat out of the proper place; I mean that time, that Now, of which he said, I will speak peace. Why now? ment he that he would do it out of hand, and keep the word of a Prince, which is to them as great a band as an oath of the subjects? Nay, but by this note of time (Now) as Illericus well observes in his Clavis Scriptura, not so much the time, as the circumstance of the time is often noted. And so it carrieth a reason why he would now speak peace unto them; yea, and (as I think) why he would now procure their good, for the house of God sake. For I see not but that it may be referred to the whole Grant, I will now speak peace unto thee, I will now procure thy wealth. But why Now? Because the people were so forward▪ and came thus to the house of God, and said, Our feet shall stand in thy gates, O Jerusalem. Therefore in this float of good affections in the Subjects, the King's heart is enlarged, and he promiseth now to speak peace, and now to seek their good.  
Wherein it is good to consider, that when God disposeth the hearts of the people to goodness, to Religion, Princes should specially cherish them and encourage them. It is noted of David in 1 Chron. 29. that when the people offered willingly, the King rejoiced. Of Hezekiah also in 2 Chron. 20. when he drew the people to Jerusalem to worship, and they came and offered, that the King rejoiced that God had made the people so ready; for the thing was done suddenly. And indeed then to use them graciously, and then to seek their good for the house of God's sake; when God hath best disposed their hearts, is a special means to cherish goodness itself▪ and is the crown of the benefit. We read of Ethelbert (that Christian King of Kent) that he would compel none to Religion, but he drew religious men about him, and countenanced them, and by that means increased them innumerably. And surely this is a worthy course to advance godliness and virtue, as strong as any compulsory means. Because, every man (saith Solomon) seeks the face of the Ruler, which if no man could find but in the way of godliness and honesty, none would seek to find in the way of vice and flattery. To this circumstance I add, that as by the course of the moon, there be springtides at the change, and at the full: so at the change, if any man will change a false religion for the truth; and at the full, if any man be grown to a full measure, such as we attain in this poor life; I mean, if any man be well thriven in goodness it is sit that springtides of favour should slow unto such.  
But now to return to the consideration of the house of God, for which he will seek their good. The very words carry their weight, and show why he should specially seek their good▪ for the house of God's sake, and the good of the house of God: It is the house of the Lord of Jehovah; Should not that be cared for? there is care of provision for the King's house, and good cause there should be so, and he is not worthy to be the subject of a good Prince that should grudge it. Now should there not be care for the provision of▪ God's house? He adds, our God; that is, his God, and their God. He must needs seek their good for the house sake of that God which was their God. One God to both, one house of God to both, chara pignora: one God, one faith, one baptism, one religion, the sweetest bands. And assuredly, whosoever should go about to set up several Religions, should also go about to sever the Prince and the people.  
Thus have I been bold this day, but it is before the Lord and before his anointed. Now for the use which belongeth unto my dear sovereign; I humbly beseech your Majesty (and speak it with a kneeling heart, as becometh me, and in the fear of God) to stir up your own most noble spirit, and to set your heart to seek the good of your people, for the house of God. God gave you as this day to be borne, for the good (I am persuaded) of all Christendom. God hath brought you to this goodly kingdom, and established you in it, with wonderful peace and acceptance: God hath given you goodly knowledge, and it appears in public how able you are, to teach all the duties of all Kings. Now I beseech your Majesty remember what great things God hath done for you, and answer him in goodness, and set your heart (as I know you do) to seek the good of his people, and specially of the house of God: and be assured, that so long as you shall maintain and advance the house of God, God will establish your house, and your posterity, so long as they shall uphold the Lords true service, or else (assuredly) this Word of God hath no truth in it.  
Now for the house of God, that which is to be done, is, first to repair it well; and then to keep it so. The repair requireth two things: first, that the people be built up in knowledge. I think the King's Majesty knoweth it not (would God he did know it) that there be very many of his poor subjects wonderful ignorant: the people in many places are naked, and Aaron hath made them naked, I mean the Ministry: a naked Ministry hath made a naked people: the Lord help them and incline the King's gracious heart to pity them. The other thing for the repair of the house of God is that the inside of the Lord's house the gold of the Temple be looked to; I mean, that with knowledge there be joined the power and practice of religion in a good conversation. And herein beseech the King's Majesty to give leave unto his poor servant to inform him that, which perhaps he knoweth not, that (from the occasion which some foolish, turbulent and proud spirits, spirits of separation have given) there is a name of common scorn cast upon every man, that setteth his face towards the practice of true godliness: Wherein, I beseech your Majesty to consider, if the life and soul of Religion be let out, what will become of the body of it? will it not fall and grow ugly and rot? and become a shame unto itself? Now as the things are to be looked to▪ for the repair of the house of God; so to keep it in a good repair, two other things are to be cared for. First that the common enemy may be suppressed: It was a noble speech (and blessed be God that put it into the King's royal heart) to say, He would shed the last drop of his blood, rather than tolerate another Religion. But the Lord will not suffer one drop of that precious blood to be shed, that is prepared to be shed for him. The other thing, is to establish peace in the Church itself. A worthy work, and fit for a King. It is true, and all men know it, that while we have striven which way to entertain Christ best, as the Tribes of Judah and the ten Tribes did, about the receiving, home of David their King, Shebah the son of Br●hri hath wickedly blown the trumpet of separation, and much hurt hath come in the Church of God, by our unbrotherly and unfruitful contentions, for which godly men have been much grieved: the division of Reuben were great thoughts of heart. But now (thanked be God) the hearts of men are more moderate, and disposed to peace, that a very little thing, a small matter (as I am persuaded) would establish this Church of God in so good terms of peace, as it never saw. In which respect, I am bold to speak unto your Majesty, but I speak unto a most gracious King, and to a wise King that can tell how to pardon things somewhat foolishly spoken, when they are spoken from a well meaning heart. I could speak it upon my knees, if the place would bear it, but my soul shall kneel before my sovereign: I beseech your Majesty, take unto yourself that Princely work to strike through a peace in this Church of God; I will not direct, but pray leave to tell a story; It is reported of Augustus the Emperor, that supping with one Pollio, he was informed that a servant of Pollio's had broken a crystal glass of his Masters; a foul fault if he had done it willingly, if negligently a fault: but for this the poor servant was adjudged to be cut in pieces, and cast to the fishes: a marvelous sore sentence for such a fault. The Emperor reversed the sentence, and thought it punishment enough to the servant▪ to have been in fear of such a punishment; and after breaks all the glasses, that they might not be occasion of like rigorous sentence afterwards. I will not apply it, but do humbly beseech your Majesty to use your own most godly wisdom, now to make peace in the Church, when so small a thing will do it: that so the Bishops may love the poor Ministers, as brethren and Ministers reverence the Bishops as fathers in the Lord, as Hierom adviseth, and every honest man wisheth they should do.  
The second use▪ is to his majesty's servants and attendants; to whom I may speak more freely, but yet with reverence (and as becometh me) to beseech them, that (seeing it is the office and desire of the King to seek the good of his people, and specially of the house of the Lord) they do their faithful service herein to the King and take heed that they hinder not any of his godly purposes towards his people, or the house of God: Curse ye Mero●h (said the angel of the Lord) curse ye the inhabitants thereof, because they came not out to help the Lord, to help the Lord against the mighty. If they were subject to a curse that came not out to help, what shall such be, as come out to resist, to hinder.  
The last use is to us all, the King's loyal subjects, to stir us up to be thankful to God that hath given us a King that seeks our good and the good of God's house, and that we strive to walk worthy of such a blessing, in all loyalty and reverence. And if any man be otherwise minded, let the Lord's hand find him out; yea surely, it will find him out, and make him an example. And secondly, this should admonish us, to serve God and please him, that so we lose not the benefit of a good King; which the people sometimes do for their own wickedness: as we read in 2 Chron. 20. The high places were not taken away in good Jehosaphat's time (who was a godly Prince) because the people's hearts were not prepared to the God of their Fathers. Finally, seeing the hearts of Kings are in the hands of God, as the rivers of waters; it is our duty now and always, to become humble sutors to almighty God, so to guide the heart of our gracious Lord the King▪ as he may ever seek the good of God's people, and specially of the Church of God, to all our comforts, and his own immottall honour, and everlasting happiness through Jesus Christ, to whom with the Father and the holy Ghost be honour and glory now and for ever, Amen.  
FJNJS.   

The Copy of the Letter, presented with the Copy of his Sermon aforesaid, by Master Burges, to the Lords of his majesty's privy council (being convented before them for the same) 22. June, 1604.  
MOst humbly giving thanks unto your honours, for so gracious usage of me at my late convention before you, I now present unto you the copy of my Sermon, preached before his excellent Majesty. To say that there is no word added, abated or altered, were a speech not credible of a Sermon penned since, and not before the preaching of it. But this i profess, before the God of truth, unto your Honours, i know not where i have varied from myself in matter or manner of speaking, to the benefit of one word. And therefore, as in the preaching (through a slip of memory) i lost one whole branch of the first part, out of the proper place; and recovering it afterward, did insert it in a place not so fit; so have i willingly misplaced it now, as then unwillingly: yea, for some allegations, wherein i missed some words of the Author, which i could now by the Authors have supplied, i have chosen rather to show the then failing of memory, than now to fail in that (which is a point of honesty) a just report of my speech, as i remember it, aecording to my promise to your Honours.  
For the rest, i do (upon my knees) beseech your Lordships, to lay the whole together, before you censure the parts of it; and to consider the general doctrines respectively to his Majesty, by mine own particular applications to his royal person. As touching the to sparing acknowledgement of his majesty's Princely graces, and the unspeakable good we have by him, I humbly pray your Lordships to believe, and I take God to witness, that I failed mine own purposes therein: a fault in a speech unset, to one not acquainted with such a presence, contracted by the time, much more easy to commit it then excuse; because it is as needful to acknowledge to the full what we have received, as to incite unto that which is to be continued, or added; lest we seem captious rather, then zealous, of small things studious, of greater unthankful.  
Farther, my most Honourable good Lords, perceiving his Majesty, out of his apprehensive depth, to be jealous of some secret purposes in me, to aim undutiful intentions to his Majesty, under general coverts, as I cannot deny unto his highness' most just cause of indignation at me for ever, if I should have intended so, to a King, a Christian King, my King, and in his presence, and before his servants; so I wish the Lord even so to give me favour with your Honours, yea with his Majesty, nay with Christ at his ●oming, as my heart and purposes were upright to God, the King and State, in that service; free from popularity, and from all purpose of depressing the glory of so worthy a Prince, or depraving personally any of his highness' servants.  
I do also further crave leave to protest, that I had therein no intelligence, no conference with any man living; but ran that course out of opinion, that it was my duty to speak before the King and State, of such things as the best Kings and States shall have need to consider of, while the world standeth. As touching mine own reverent heart, and particular opinion of his majesty's gracious disposition, if my speeches to that end cleared it not enough, yet even that doth, which is made to accuse me, my freedom to speak of that duty so liberally before his presence; an undoubted argument of good times, like those of Trajan, wherein (as it is said) one might think what he would, and speak what he thought. Howbeit, I am so sensible of his majesty's distaste, as I could not out live the discouragement thereof, if the integrity of my heart before God in that poor Sermon, and his majesty's gracious readiness to receive satisfaction did not relieve me. As for any construction of my speech by his mnjesties' subjects, whom I have elsewhere and often taught, and incited to be joyful, and thankful to God for this favour, that (not being best people) we are blessed with the best King under heaven; I should mourn not a little, if any spiderly mind, suck poison out of that (not flower, but) pothearbe, that had no poison in it. And because it is matter of humbling, to be thought casually, and unwillingly the instrument of any hurt, I do freely offer, that if the honest wise Auditors will say upon their conscience, that my Sermon incited them to less reverence of his Majesty, or joy in him; then to silence myself from preaching, to give up my maintenance, and (if that be to little) to depart my country; in which yet, I had rather live under his Majesty, poor as I am, then to abound in any other kingdom of the world. But what mean I to sentence myself? I am in your Lordships, to whom I submit myself with all reverence: nothing so much fearful of any punishment, as sorry to have grieved that royal heart, the joy, comfort and contentment whereof I wish and pray for, more than my life, as I am bound to do' and shall do, whether his pleasure shall be to pardon, or punish his poor servant.  
And thus professing myself to have great cause already, to think the more reverently of your honours while I live, and to pray to God the more earnestly for you, I humbly crave leave of you, of presenting to your Honours an account of myself for my twenty years' Ministry; which if I shall give untruly in any point, I ask no favour of your Honours, no mercy of God himself: And for the rest, beseech God to make you as honourable in life, & happy in death as ever were any in your places.  
Your Honours in all humble duty, JOHN Burges.   

Master Burges Letter to the King's Majesty.  
Most mighty King,  
MY no less dear than dread Sovernigne, I recount mine own secret intentions in my Sermon preached before your Majesty, the dearness and tenderness of my heart to your majesty's person and honour, and the many prayers and tears spent upon it, that it might be faithful, and acceptable to God and your Majesty; I am amazed at that distaste which your highness hath taken of it and of me. But when I review some ambiguous speeches thereof, in which your Majesty had great reason to suspect undutiful intentions in me; I wonder more at that divine providence, that carried me unawares upon such things, as gave occasion of distaste to your Majesty, to me of humbling under your displeasure: which my sorrow should have been the less, if your majesty's dislike had broken out in a tempest of indignation, and not in a melting grief of a sweet and Princely spirit. Now God even so deliver my soul out of all adversity, as I was far from purpose of grieving my Lord the King, and as my heart is wounded for the grief of your heart. And yet unto this one affliction hath come another, that all that faithful council, which I meant to have conveyed closely unto my dearest Lord, as a word in season, and which I thought myself bound unto, as I would answer it to God, to whom I had vowed it, is now spilled, and made not unprofibable only, but intolerable, through an evil taste, which my supposed intentions gave unto it. And yet (that my misery might want no weight) there is this added, that whiles the marks which your Majesty took notice of, were as much hidden from the common hearers sight, as they were from mine own thoughts, I am judged to be now committed for the Doctrines, which were found and general, and never out of season for any State. And so (as I spoke to the Lords with tears) I am casually an occasion of that which is no honour to your Majesty; for whose honour I intended that service, and desire to sacrifice all things but my soul. And these are the respects for which your poor prisoner is abased. As for imprisonment, it is, in a sort but to be locked up in my Study, and death itself were but to fall asleep: nor can I be disgraced in the world, in which I never had or sought gracing. Now for remedy, I have but two receipts; the one of prayer to God, that can recover your favour to me: the other, of humble suit unto your Majesty for relief, not so much out of prison, as out of your majesty's displeasure. Together with which suit, I do humbly present unto your Majesty, upon my knees, an account (more sincere than cautelous) of such things as your highness desireth to be answered in.  
First, Some things I spoke in mine own phrase unpremeditate, as that of the swelling of princes' hearts, &c. and of their marriage by their pictures: and some things I aleadged out of Comines; as of a fall from a horse, a sharp ague, smiting in the wits, division in the house, &c. in all which, I take God to witness against my soul, if I had any thought of aiming at, or so much as knowledge of those respects, which I was conceived to glance upon, but spoke therein as Balaam's ass did, to his Master's understanding, not to his own.  
Secondly, for the general discourse of the graciousness of Princes to their Subjects, and the arguments and amplifications thereof, I confess upon my knees unto your Majesty, that taking notice (to my heart's grief) of the general murmurings and complaints (which every man hears sooner than your Majesty, or your nearest servants) as that you grace not your people, you speak not to them, you look not at them, you bless them not; and therefore (say they) you love them not; fearing whereto the devil might carry such conceits, I thought myself bound in conscience as on the one side by sundry Sermons, and in sundry places, to reprove all unthankful and undutiful thoughts toward so gracious a King; so on the other side in your own presence, to propone such general discourse, as your Majesty might make use of, for your own good and all ours that live (as it were) by your breath; and yet without touch to your reputation in your people's hearts. For which, I not only did intend, but so provide in my particular applications to your Majesty, as I dare say, that the honest hearers did reverence you the more; as many testified at the instant, by their tears: arguments of good and not of bad affections toward their sovereign.  
Thirdly, and as for my speech of two beasts to be hunted away, the tame beast and the wild, the flatterer and the false informer, being an allusion to a speech of Diogenes; I protest upon my knees unto your Majesty, I meant not any two particular persons, but kinds of such evil instruments: of which (there is no doubt) but your Majesty hath more than two about you, though I know them not.  
Fourthly, as to the point of the generality of a Prince's favours, and that simitude of Monopolies used in discourse thereof; I likewise upon my knees crave leave to protest, that I spoke it not, as thinking your Majesty to be strict hearted or handed; or because I knew that some have engrossed your favours; but because that also is muttered of, as if your favours were not immediate, nor tole-free: and because it hath been the ordinary mishap of the best Princes to be so enclosed▪ I thought it my duty, ad majorem cautelam, to advertise that under a general discourse unto a wise Prince, which I thought none could possibly, and certainly apply unto particularities, unless the fault were both certain and open.  
Fiftly, For the second part of my Sermon, and that discourse of furthering Religion; I do upon my knees crave leave to protest before the God of heaven, that I spoke nothing as doubting of your Majesties own purposes and integrity of heart, or to detract from the honour of your former proceedings amongst us, which unhappily and unwillingly I forgot to relate: but because I thought it my duty to stir up your pure mind unto those things which belong unto your royal power, and duty therein; to which (I confess) my heart moved me the more earnestly, because it is generally complained, that Popery and licentiousness grow upon us; that the new and unwonted urging of the Ceremonies and Subscription beyond Law (whereby fix or seven hundred of the ablest Ministers in the Land are like to be put out) the general depraving of religious persons (if they be conscionable) under the scorn of Puritanism; as if the body of Religion standing upright, men would yet cut the throat of it: the connivency at Papists and Jesuits, and too little regard of religious men; the dignifying of such in the Church, as never were of best desert, gifts, and report; the withdrawing of ecclesiastical causes from the Parliament; though in present, and in your majesty's days safe, yet in the precedent and succession of doubtful consequence, computed with the insolences and brags of the Papists; make many men sigh and grieve, and say in secret that these things may be the traces to Popery: and that though your excellent Majesty intend the contrary, yet being in your own purposes led out only against Dothan of the Puritans, you may at last, unwillingly and unawares, find yourself enclosed in Samaria of the Papists.  
Sixtly, As to the point of the good disposition of the people to be cherished by good Princes (which God knoweth I cast unwillingly into that latter part of my Sermon) I do humbly confess unto your blessed Majesty, that the time gave me as good an heart, as the text did occasion to speak of it; the rather, because I have perceived good men's discourses to this effect. Surely, the undoubted affections of the most religious Subjects, made the King's happy entrance amongst us, to be so open and so easy. Others, when they saw it unpossible to resist, hasted to be before us in favour, as they were behind us in affection: no otherwise than Shemei came in first to salute David at his return, that in his trouble went out to curse him: we were then ready with our lives in our hands, to have cut out his Ma●esties way to the crown, with our own swords, and now are ready to die for him, at any hour's warning. Good Lord, what is it? that we cannot be gratified in a suit so generally made, so easily, and not safely alone, but profitably granted? and no less (in our conc●i●s) for the King's honour and safety, then for our common comforts and quiet of the Church of God.  
Seventhly and lastly, I do upon my knees confess unto your most excellent Majesty▪ that by Pollio's glasses, I did intend to notify the Ceremonies for which this Church of God hath been in vexation above fifty years. And though they be small things, yet have they caused great troubles; as light exhalations breed great tempests: and the course of Religion hath been much hindered by them, as is the way of a ship in the sea, by the little fish Remora as Pliny writes. Things (which I confess) I hold not impious but needless and scandalous, of some so extremely hated of others so superstitiously affected, as a good man cannot tell, whether to please himself best, in pleasing or displeasing others. Many hundred worthy Ministers think them unlawful, and would surely die, rather than use them; some others will much more willingly perform their subjection to your Majesty, in bearing the penalty, then suffer by their occasion so many to fall off to Brownism on the one hand, and others to rise up in scorn, and contempt of their lightness, on the other. Thus is the state of the poor Ministry, like that of the Britons, betwixt the sword of the Saxons, and the Sea: in which case, most noble Prince, I protest to God▪ I durst not but speak (by way of supplication) before your presence more than ever I spoke before the people; for what knew I, whether God had brought me thither for that time? and whether the King's Ma●esty would hold out his golden sceptre unto me? and thought this motion the more seasonable, because the things yielded upon suit for peace sake, might go out with flying colours, one side satisfied with their justification, the other gratified with their remove; both reunited within themselves, and strengthened against the common enemy; the frame of the present government being still continued with good approbation, and confirmed by our inward peace.  
These Motives, most dread sovereign, led me into that course which I took, was without counsel or conference with other person or persons. Now durst I prefer mine own possibilities of attaining the Prince's service to this duty. In all which, I had no unreverend thought in my heart, to compare my sovereign to any of those evil examples, which I alleged in my discourses. For the rest, I could only plead (as Luther before the Emperor) for pardon of rudeness, that I have not been acquainted with the tender ears of Princes; but do only beseech your Majesty, for Christ's sake, to pardon the errors of my love unto you. Beseeching God to bless your Majesty, and all your progeny, and to make your name more honourable, than the name of all the Kings your predecessors in this Land.  
Your majesty's most loyal subject, and poor prisoner in the Fleet John Burges.