THE ANSWER TO Tom-Tell-Troth. THE practice of PRINCES and the LAMENTATIONS of the kirk: Written By The Lord Baltismore, late Secretary of STATE.  
London Printed 1642.   

Most Gracious Prince.  
I Know well what Reverence Subjects owe to their sovereign, and am not ignorant of the puissance and Majesty of a King of great Britain, believe, I should not presume to write to so great a Monarch, if the Loyalty of a Subject, the honour of Your virtues and some particular obligations of my own, did not command me to neglect all other respects, and prefer Your safety, honour, and bonum publicum, before any dangers or blame, I foresee may incur, and the rather because I speak in your own care only, without publishing or imparting to others that which I delivered unto Your Majesty, The cause is briefly thus.  
wandering abroad in the world, I was informed of certain secret conference in Holland, and how to relieve the distressed estate of the Count Palatine, and I have seen diverse discourses out of England, of the necessity to maintain the Ancient authority of Parliaments, how to assure Religion from oppression, and alteration, and how to reform the government there both in Church, and commonwealth, audacious arguments, and as insolently handled.  
I mean not to trouble Your highness with pedlors' stuff, and so stale wares, as Vox populi and votiva Angliae, but to inform You of some books (amongst many others) T. T.Troth. The practice of Princes, and the lamentation of the kirk; which are the works of such Boutefeus, as are able to set the whole State on fire, embroil the Realm and alien the hearts of people from their Prince, for these Maskers under the vizards of Religion, seek to undermine Loyalty, and either to engage you abroad in foreign wars, or in danger Your person at home in civil; And yet I write not to confute these learned scribblers (more worthy to be contemned then answered) but to advertis Your highness of them, that by an obsta principiis, you may upon such smoke prepare all things needful to quench such a fire, when it shall flame, and first break out, which is may do when you least look for it; For by nature these spirits, are fiery hot spurs, and fitter for any thing, then that they most profess, Piety and Patience.  
And that they may plainly appear in their own likeness, Your highness may be pleased to mark and consider how saucily and presumptuously they contemn monarchs scorn and disgrace them, The Emperor Tom telltruth calls a quiet lump of Majesty; and in scorn of him, tells his Reader he cannot wrong a Mouse without the Spaniard which I think the K. of Denmark. Will not believe, he mocks the K. of France, and tells him he is not old enough to be wise, and that he hearkneth to lying Prophets, and to be led by spirits of illusion. The King of Spain he calleth the Catholic usurper, and the great engrosser of the West-Indies. And, which argueth a spirit of frenzy, he spareth no King; for of King Iam●s himself he delivereth such a character as is both disloyal, and most intolerable. And first touching his maintenance of Religion, he taxeth him m●st scandalousl●, that he is only head of the Church Dormant, there are so many corruptions in it, that he hath more pulled down the Church with his proceedings, then raised it up by his writings and whereas he calleth himself defender of the Faith, His faithful Subjects (saith he) have just cause to question it, for the Papists were never better defended, as appeareth by the King's private instruction to judges, and prohibition of pursuivants.  
And for his inclination to peace (for which he was most commended) they wrest it wholly to his dishonour, and profess they have too much cause to complain of his unlimited peace, and suspect that his peaceable disposition hath not proceeded so much out of his Christian piety and justice, as out of mere impotency, and baseness of mind.  
Besides touching his honour and reputation, he flouts him, for, he saith, a number of defects cover the glory of his reign, and that the grea● stock of sovereign reputation, which our late Queen left us, is quite banished, and is to be reckoned amongst other inventions we ha●e lost through the injury of his time, so as now great Britain is less in glory, strength, and riches, than England was, whereby our adverse parties have the triumph of the time, and he● allegeth the reasons, because when Gundamore taught to juggle, who knew the King's secrets, before most of His council, so as discontent runs with a seditious voice over the kingdom.  
And in contempt of his choice of a Treasurer, they allege that the Merchants feared the Court would pull down the Exchange because one of their occupation was made Treasurer, so a● all things must be bought and sold.  
But above all other scandalous defamations, the description they make of a protestant King, Page 25.26, 27. is most transcendent and traitorous, let him (saith he) excel in mischief, let him act Nero, Phalaris, &c. he shall not need to fe●re nor wear a private coat, for he may have Lords temporal for h●s ●unuches, spiritu● for his mutes, and whom he will for his Incubus, and kiss his Minions without shame.  
Behold a Calvinist, in puris naturalibus; perfectly factious, and under the cloak of zeal, Carnifex, regum, peruse Mariana, and all the works of the Jesuites, look as curiously into their acts and proceedings as they were examined at Paris, and you shall not find I such paradoxes of mischief, and such profane calumniations of Princes, which may parallel and match these, yet I can overmatch them or equal them, for they murmur as much at Your majesty's own proceedings, neither doth your monarchy o● mild temp●r privilege or exempt you from their tongue-shot, and the poison of asps in their lips. The Author of the practice of Princes printed 1630. in England pag. 11. saith that the people when King James died, seeing our King that now is, making great preparations, and for aught we knew with great sincerity. Yet by the practice of the Duke and his faction retaining all his father's counsel, which for the most part were Hispaniolized, Frenchified, Romanized, or Neutralized, and suffering some worse, both spiritual and temporal to be added unto them, all those forces were soon brought to nought. Things are grown to a great deal worse pass then before, and to the great grief of goodness and good men, without God's special mercy remedy less.  
This is the picture and portraiture they make of your Government, and they dare censure their sovereign, and like madmen they also rave against your council pag. 13. what a miserable thing is it to see wicked Counsellors get such a hand over the King, that he is wholly ruled by them, neither dares he favour a good man nor his cause further than they admit.  
Thus they currishly bark against Kings and counsels, and spit upon the Crown like Friends of Democracies, of confusion and irregularity: who, after the example of their Master Bezas Resveille-matin, do here as maliciously defame your Father, as he did there your majesty's Grandmother.  
Yet let us proceed, and dive into the bottom, and discover what they aim at; it is certain they intend first to reform the State, and to suppress episcopal jurisdiction, and cashier so many places of Baronies in the upper house, and yet these men pretend to be friends and Patrons of Parliaments and order: But by the words of the practice of Princes I will make this appear pag. 17. Ministers, saith he, are Christ's ambassadors; and therefore ought to have free liberty to speak in the word of the Lord, to Kings an● Statesmen (in good sort) for things appertaining to the furtherance of Christ's Kingdom: and against such practices as hinder the same, & till they have th●t liberty, Princes cannot say rightly that Christ hath his ambassadors or Kingdom received in their Courts: which some undertake to prove cannot be till the Hiera●chie and Dominion of the Lord Bishops (never by Christ ordained but forbidden) be overthrown, as dangerous to Protestant Princes and Sta●es, and so he stumbleth on à Malo in peius. For first they would overthrow the Bishops and councillors, so as pag. 18. he directly saith: Out of all which he that will, may see, that the losses, dishonours, and troubles that have fallen to this Land, and indeed to our Religion, and brethren, in the Palatinate, Germany, and France, have chiefly sprang from two fountains, First, a corrupt council and clergy in England, then from a vain policy of suppressing such Preachers and Parliament men as sought to discover the mischief of treachery, I need not explain their words, being plain enough, nor seek to discover their intentions which the words reveal. And surely the Bishops were blinded if they should expect any favour or good allowance if God should so punish this realm that your majesty should die without issue (which God forbid:) for the Successor, these men desire, will deal with them as he did with the Luth●rans at Prague, and according to the articles 1602. at Heidelberg: Totus Lutheranismus & eorumliberi de medio tollantur: Much more will he abolish Rochets and their titles, for their land's sake.  
Notwithstanding this is not all, for though they seem to tax Bishops and councillors, yet they glance (so far as they dare) at your majesty, and though they shoot at them they aim at your perfidiously: For mark their words and ponder them well, pag. 11. men that take God's word for their guide, sc. that all the servants of that Prince are wicked that harken to lies, they say that things can never go well with the Religion and State of England, till the council, which hath been so Dukeyfied be in a manner wholly changed, and these men therefore count them fools, who think not, if God should take away the King issueless, and that the injured K. and Queen of Bohemia should come to the Crown things must needs mend, which cannot except the council were also changed, and made examples to keep others from the like treachery.  
So these men (that take God's word for their guide) think if God take away the King issueless, things must needs mend. Surely it is a speech untimely and disloyal, and uttered unseasonably, the Queen being with Child, and if not, yet both of them being young and hopeful, that speech did not become a good subject.  
But could the State no otherwise mend except the King and Queen of Bohemia should bear and wear the Crown of England It seemeth so by these false Prophets: For the councillors must be made examples, and punished for treachery, and the present King dares not do any thing but what they like, and therefore the Scottish Minister did of late speak in Knox's tone, and Pereus, That Princes may be deposed quando gravant conscientias subditorum: And so this hot brained Minister pag. 21. is become a Prophet, for he is persuaded (as he saith) that who so live but a few years shall see a greater rot of Nobility and princelike clergy then ever was seen in this Land; which he gathereth from the never failing word and truth of God (as his words import) So than it seemeth, that great rot must be when the King dyeth issueless (and so they divine of your majesty's death) and that is the day of the Lord they pray for. They look for the rising of another sun (which is treason to do) before this be set which now illuminateth England; and God grant it may long and gloriously shine there.  
I think surely these men aliquid monstri alunt, for they trust too much to faction and to a strong side, for as T.T.T. said, in Taverns ten healths for one are drank to you foreign Children more than to you, and many wear ribbons and favours as marks of their homage and loyalty to the Messiah they look for. I seek not to prejudicate the Innocent, but to advise your majesty to use all due circumspection, and be well armed against all treacherous plots and projects: For no tone sounds so ill in King's ears as aspirations And I know well that in Queen Elizabeth's time, the Oath of association was publicly tendered to all Subjects for a less dangerous cause, and against them that were in prison and misery, who had no such Tutors and schoolmasters as the Hollanders are, Such quicksilver Ministers as the brood of the Palatinate, we are not now troubled so much with Mar-Prelats as with Mar-Kings (which is an accident unseparable from Calvinism) which never got sure footing in any Country, but desolation followed.  
Your majesty may be pleased to call to mind, and set before your Eyes how miserably your Grandfather was made away of the disciples of Knox, and how your Grandmother, who had as good right and footing in Scotland, as you have in England, was deposed by the same spirits.  
Remember also in what danger King Francis the second of France did stand by the conspiracy of Amboys, and his brother Charles at Meaux by those Calvinists, Praecones turbarum.  
I speak nothing of Swedland, nor of the Count of East-Freizeland, whom not â seditione, ferè totâ diditione pepulissent as Heisekenmus, a learned Lutheran writeth, and I will c●nclude all with the reasons of these Calamities and tempests raised by the Consistorians, which Sebastian Castalio giveth, l. de praedestinat. (a man once nearly allied to Calvin in divers opinions) who maketh a difference between the true God and the God of Calvin. He teacheth us that Calvins' God engendereth Children without mercy, proud, insolent, and bloody, and that it cannot be otherwise he showeth causes; For that Calvins' God is the Author of sin, (not by permission only, but efficaciter) and he predestinated the greatest part of the world not only to damnation, but also to the cause of damnation, and suggesteth to men wicked affections: Wherefore if it be true that of malus corvus, mal●m ovum, of evil causes, evil effects, of an evil spirit, evil motions proceed. I cannot marvayle of the tumults of Bohemia, of the many battles and rebellions in F●ance, and the horrible treasons in Scotland, and I may well doubt, that the like (which hath been in other places) may fall out in England, knowing by whose doctrines they were all guided and bred, by what furies they were inspired, and what God they served and adored, who was the author of sin, the badge of Calvinism.  
But to leave the persons and their errors, and come nearer to the matter, let us inquire what remedies these zealous brethren prescribe to cure the wounds of the State, and salve the King's honour: You have two occasions (saith Tom-tell-troth) to have the honour of your maiden arms (for which the old Martyrs would have suffered death) first to re-establish your own Children in Germany, and next to preserve God's Children in France. And there is no way to vindicate your honour but by fighting with him that hath Cozened you, and by driving the Enemy out of their Country: For men hardly think you are their father, for the lamentable estate you suffer them to run into.  
How violent and ignorant are these discontented empirics, who appoint remedies worse than the disease? For no wise man would counsel you to hazard all by taking arms against the two greatest monarchs in Christendom, against whom you have no just quarrel of your own part, or for the commonwealth. And yet I know that Anno 1623. a pamphlet was published without the author's name, intitiled, certain reasons why the King of England should give over all treaties, and enter into war with Spain: and that for two causes: the one for the prescription of the Palatin, which he calls the head of all these evils. And the other for that the Spaniards possess by force the patrimony of the Infants, and eject the Palatin and his wife out of the same (contrary to hopes and promises made for their restitution) and therefore there is just cause why the Father should vindicate the honour of his son. So here are two motives to persuade the King to break off all amity and further negotiation with Spain only, and in post to proclaim war against them. The prescription of the Palsgrave, and the invading, and detaining of his Estate. War and hostility are the means prescribed for this restitution, and the final end of all is, to break off all treaties, all intercourse and correspondency with Spain  
A choleric course certainly, whereof King James approved not, and although they seem to vilify and abuse his Judgement, yet his speech uttered in Parliament was more solid and provident than the precipitation of these projectors. For said he, in matters of this weight, I must first consider how this course can agree with my conscience, my honour, and the justness of the cause; And next, how I shall be enabled to perform the same: a brief speech, sound, and methodical: For, surely, if the title and Crown of Bohemia was unlawfully usurped by the Palsgrave (which his wisest and greatest Friends sought ever rather to excuse, then defend) than his prescription was well grounded upon lex Talienis, aquum & bonum, and reason of State. And so they would persuade you to undertake the patronage of a quarrel unjust and dishonourable, which would lie as a heavy and sinful burden upon the conscience of a pious and just Prince.  
Therefore I take this to be the foundation of all these controversies, whether the Palsgrave were lawfully and justly elected King of Bohemia: For if he were not, you altogether loose, and not vindicate your honour to fight for him, being not a King injured, but an injuror: For no war can be justifiable, but that which is begun upon just and urgent occasions, wherein Justice, prudence, honour and safety shall bear the standard of England. Neither were it convenient that England, which hath so long triumphed in her peace and prosperity, should now thus rashly be drawn fatally to maintain the errors of ambition, and a quarrel unnecessary for you, not properly pertaining to England, nor to your majesty, but by consequence and participation.  

CHAP. 2. That Ferdinand was lawfully Elected King of Bohemia.  
ANd although, I doubt not but that your Majesty hath read some partial breviate of the cause and state of this business, yet I will be bold to lay open the truth of it briefly, without gloss or partiality, or respect to either party, fearing neither, nor having any other end, but that your highness may not err with the Multitude by misinformation.  
Ferdinand son of Archduke Charles, and nephew to the Emperor, was elected King of Bohemia An. 1617. by an Assembly of the States of Prague, upon the Emperor's summons; when Mathias declared that seeing his glass was almost run, to leave the Kingdom settled in peace, and to prevent all civil dissension, he requested that after his decease, they would agree to accept of Ferdinand for his successor (whom for his virtue and piety he had adopted his son) provided that during his life, without his special commission, Ferdinand should not intrude himself into the government of his realm, and should also take his oath to ratify and confirm the privileges granted to the Country.  
Hereupon the 7. of June the three States of Bohemia gave this answer to the Emperor's proposition, That for his request, and for the fatherly affection that he did ever bear to that kingdom, they consented and agreed to accept Ferdinand for their King, and thereupon they assigned the 24. of Julie for the day of his Coronation at Prague, upon which day this decree was solemnly read, and the States assembled being asked (according to custom) by the chief Burgrave, if any did dislike, or could show cause to contradict this Free Election, they all freely and orderly with a general applause approved it, and upon that so good warrant the Burgrave proclaimed Ferdinand King of Bohemia, and offered unto him (as their custom was) a certain contribution of his inauguration. So here is an Election made, Frequenti Senatu, & plenâ curiâ, the Emperor's assent (who was King in Esse) a consent of the States in a general assembly, and modo & formâ according to Law and custom, And Ferdinand himself was present, and brought upon the stage to take the Oath usually ministered to his predecessors, and to conclude the whole Country acknowledged his regality by doing really the homage unto him, So as no defect was in the proceeding, no Competitor, no bar or opposition to his claim, neither was there any packing or partiality in the Election, and by this solemnity he was created actually King, and albeit his government was not to commence, until after the death of Mathias, yet the Royalty he had in Esse, their oaths at his Coronation, their homages, and their contribution was a full confirmation of his title in presenti, (and the rather because the States themselves did him all the honour appertaining to their King) so he was more than an heir apparent, for they could not undo that which they had done, and dispense with their oaths, no more than Henry the second of England could unKing Henry his son (though he take arms against him) because he was created King by order and authority.  
Besides, after this Election, by the Emperor's investiture, being possessed of the Electorate of Bohemia, it stood as real livery and seisin of his right, honour, and jurisdiction, which no man could avoid or defeat, and furthermore, there is extant one Letter from the States, and two from the Directors themselves, written in the life time of Mathias: which were sent to King Ferdinand, wherein they all give him the title of King of Hungaria and Bohemia, and call him their good Lord and Prince, and moreover they all promised to provide him a Crown fit for their King and Lord, So soon as God should take to his mercy the Emperor Mathias, Therefore if the State only had absolute power to Elect their King: then was Ferdinand, orderly, generally, and freely Elected: And if they had not such power, how had they power afterwards to create another? how could the power serve the turn for Frederick and be defective for Ferdinand?   

CHAP. 3. That the Crown of Bohemia is not only Elective.  
But because Camerarius and Pl●ssen (the unhappy advocates of an evil cause) labour to defend a paradox, that the Kings of Bohemia are only Elective (which if it were true doth not prejudice Ferdinand whom the State have Elected:) and the Palatines own Declaration printed 1619. Cur Regns Bohemia Regimen in se suscepit why he usurped the title of King of Bohemia, allegeth that Ferdinand, leges regni fundamentales ever i●, & privil Provinciarum, quas sibi subjugare voluit velut bared tarias, cum libera erant Electiones.  
The which assertion was very frivolous, seeing Ferdinand holds Bohemia by Election as well as by inheritance: for it is evident by all Laws, customs, records and histories of that Country, that since Bohemia was a Kingdom, the Crown and Electorate have passed, not by Election only, but also by Inheritance and succession, and all Antiquaries have derived and drawn from Vratist●vius primus Anno 907. by eight descents the Inheritance of that realm, succeeding in one line and family, and therefore as we deny not a form of Election, So cannot Cam●rarius deny the verity of succession.  
Again when Vratislavins the second was created King by Henry the fourth Emperor, the Dominion continued still in the same race and blood for many descents, jure successionis & electionis: And when Philip the Emperor created Primislans Othocarus King of Bohemia and Crowned him at Mentz An. 1197. (when for a time the title of a King had been suspended) The Crown and sceptre continually remained as incorporated into that stock and family for many years after. Moreover Carolus the fourth was both Emperor and King of Bohemia, and from him and his issue the Crown descended to Vladislaus, since whose time the kingdom hath ever remained by succession in that family without discontinuance o● interruption, except when Podilradius a Hussite, by practice, sedition and forcible entry usurped the Crown.  
But to omit other reasons. Women and daughters have often inherited the Crown; and is it not probable that they had it by Election only  
But admit Bohemia ever heretofore had been Elective, yet are the States of that Country restrained by Law never to Elect a stranger King, but when the●e is none of the blood royal left in remainder.  
And that I prove by an authentical record, the Decree of Carolus the fourth, wherein it is said, Electionem Regis Bohemia, in casu & eventu auntaxa quibus do Geneal gia, progenia aut pros p●a regali Bohemia Masculus vel Femella superstes legitimus nullus fuerit oriundus (quod Deus avertat) vel, er quemcung, all 'em modum vacare contigerit dict●m Regnum, ad Praelatos deuces, Principes, & Barones, Nobiles & Communitat●m dicti Regni & pertinentiarum e, usdem, decernimus rite & legitimè in perpetuum pertinere. So here is granted a power of Election, but limited by a duntaxat, to make that free Election, only when all the branches of the Tree are fallen, and none remaineth of the Stock. And let no man object, that ancient customs cannot be altered by imperial constitutions, for here the Emperor interpreteth the privileges of Former Emperors, and declareth in what sense they are given: Exponit, non abrogat consuetudinem. Besides (70 Aur bullae the fundamental Law of the Empire) it is enacted, that all the Electorships should descend by inheritance (wherein Bohemia was comprehended) and that for want of heirs Bohemia should not escheat to the Empire, as other signories of the Electors did, but that the States of the kingdom should make choice of their King.  
And because practise and custom are the best Interpreters of Laws, I will show an example.  
Sigismond the Emperor (Grandfather of Carolus the fourth) being King of Hungaria and Bohemia, called an Assembly of both States of both kingdoms at Snoyma a town in Moravia, where he put in his son's claim, and required them, for the better settling of the Government, to accept and acknowledge for his Successor Albert of Austria (who had married Elizabeth his only daughter, and heir of both realms) so to establish that by consent which was his right by Law; and why they should do it he gave them this reason, because by the marriage of Mary, the undoubted heir, he himself possessed Hungaria in her right, and his Grandfather John inherited the Crown of Bohemia in his wives right, both which are confrmed by the testimony of Dubravius l. 27. Histor. Bohemia, and by Francisc. Resieres, c●m. 4.  
Besides Dubravius l. 28. relateth that P●tasco (Ambassador from the States of Bohemia to Frederick the Emperor persuaded him, ut sumeret sibi regni gubernicula and make himself King, in respect he was the principal of that Stock, and root of the Tree of Austria, id quod ei licebat, said he, ex antique sedere inter Bohemos & Austrios icto, de successione Regni, the which pact was called Pactio Iglaviensis, made between Rodolphus primus, and Primislaus, the sum whereof was this: Vt nullo relicto haere●e Regni Bohemiae, ad Rodolphi posteritatem Regnum deferatur. So here is an argument cited to authorise the same, which had been an Idle part, and a frivolous argument if no other Prince should wear the Crown but one Elected by the States only, without regard of his blood.  
And although to dazzle the eyes of men, some have objected, that Ferdinand the first did solicit the States in his life time to Elect his son Maximilian, and Maximilian used the like mediation in the behalf of Rodolphus his son, which proveth the States had power to choose their King.  
I answer. The times were then troublesome, and the Country dangerously infected, and so as it was probable that factions in Religion would breed factions in the State: And therefore, seeing Abundans caut. la non nocet, to prevent all sinister practices, they provided wisely to settle their Successor in assurance and security with advice and consent of the kingdom: the which they did in their life time by way of request, because the States of Bohemia were not yet bound to settle the heirs: for haereditas non est viventis sed defuncti: heirs are ever in expectation till their Parents die, and when they take possession they cease to be heirs and become owners.  
Besides, it is no good argument, because the consent of the States were demanded, therefore succession hath no place: For all well governed kingdoms, successive, have also a show and a form of Election. In England King Henry the second requested the consent of the Parliament, that in his life time he might see his son crowned King, so did King Edward the third solicit for Rich. 2. and when Rich. 3. was Elected King, the words of the act are, we do choose you our sovereign Lord and King, ex Rotul. Parl. 1. R. 3. therefore it is plain that Election doth not exclude succession, but succession guideth the Election.  
For in the same record this is expressly added; it is agreed by the three estates that K. Rich. 3. is lawful King of England by inheritance, and due election. So as inheritance and election are not two things incompatible, especially in those kingdoms, where custom hath given a royal prerogative to the blood of a family.  
But yet I will make the matter clearer. Anno 1547. it was enacted in Bohemia (as by the record appeareth) that according to the Edict of Carolus quartus, and the order of Vladislaus, and to the literae reversales of Ferdinand 1. the States should ever and only proceed, and no otherwise. And the States of Bohemia cannot now claim any such Laws, Liberties, or customs, to eject a King out of the right line and family, wherein the Crown hath been so long invested, specially till the issue be extinct: For, by the words of the Law, non aliter eis competeret libera Electio: and whereas they tell a tale of a custom in Bohemia to choose strangers, and the sons of the King of Poland (eminent for their virtue) they may as well tell a tale of Amadis de Gaul. And for that which Aeneas Silvius reporteth of Carolus the seventh of France, Sternbergius was the primus Motor of that to the King of France, to avoid a mischief by an heretical intrudor, who desired that a Catholic Prince might prevent George Podibradius an Hussite, who (as he did foresee) was like by violence to usurp the Crown, as appeareth by Dubravius l. 30.  
And although I confess that the Champions of this cause, artificially lay their colours, yet can they not make black white, but as jugglers only make it seem so to others. For this my last argument is unanswerable.  
The Prince's Electors, when the States of Bohemia laboured at Frankford that they would not accept Ferdinand as an Elector, but suspend his voice, quod nunquam plenarium adeptus est Imperium, they rejected them and their motions; and made this answer to the Bohemians; That ex cap. 7. Au●. Bullae, only he who was the lawful Successor of Mathias ought to be admitted to the Election as King of Bohemia: And they so judged it, first because the States of Bohemia the seventh of June 1617. Solemnly accepted Ferdinand for their King, and confirmed their act by Oath: therefore no question ought to be made of his claim and title. Secondly they alleged that Jurisdictio Electoralis nulli competit nisi Regi Bohemiae jure haereditario, & nemo alias nisi Rex ad Electionem unquam erat vocatus. Thirdly, they said King Ferdinand had lawfully received of the Emperor Mathias his Investiture, the Office of Electorate, and the chief cupbearer, and was put in possession thereof, and further they added, that Maximilian the second (Anno 1562.) was summoned by the name of King of Bohemia, and Elector, to be at Frankford to choose the King of the Romans, and this being in his father's life time he signed the Decree, (though he had no other Election, Ceremony, or possession than Ferdinand had) and the like they avouched of Rodolphus.  
Therefore, seeing the Noblest judges, (the college of Electors) have adjudged this controversy, by reason, custom, precedents, and law, who will not rather obey learned authority, then be misled by wrangling subtil●y.  
A● for Moravia Silesia, and Lusatia, (which Maximilian the second did hold ex testamento patris) they were signories descended to K. Ferdinand the first by inheritance, and though annexed to Bohemia, yet as properly appurtenant to the King, and not to the kingdom of Bohemia.  
Now, for as much as upon this Axis (uꝫt. the supposed nullity of Ferdinand's Election, and the invalidity of his Title in succession) all the motions and commotions of Bohemia were carried: and seeing the weakness of that Axis is apparent, that it cannot bear the burden laid upon it, they have more cause to lament their error then to defend it.   

CHAP. 4. For the title of the Palsgrave.  
IT remaineth now to demur upon the title of the Palatine, Quo titulo ingressus est. Wherein I must first humbly, pray your majesty that I may speak the truth freely, and not abuse you or flatter them.  
He only and barely, upon no other ti●le th●n a supposed election by Count Thurn, some of the States, and the directors, by whom the Crown was offered unto him, and he accepted it. Paenam pro munere poscit.  
How can this action be justified? judge you, how can a second election and contract prejudice a precontract solemnly made and satified with all ceremonies? And which is no small disadvantage, the twentieth of March, Mathias being dead, 1619. the 25. of August King Ferdinand was chosen Rex Romanorum and Emperor: And shortly after a few factious subjects conspiring together made the Count Palatine their King, whom they Crowned the fourth o●November after: whose Co●onation was no more than Raptus Helena, and his agents Proci alienae sponsae.  
Here is first to be considered what pretences could be alleged to dispossess Ferdinand, and divorce him and the realm: secondly, who they were, and by what authority ●he did elect Frederick.  
The Count Palatine in his Declaration printed 1619. Cur Regni Bohemia Regimen in se suscepit, allegeth certain cavils, and unmaterial pretences for the same.  
First, that Leges Regni fundamentales evertit, & privilegia provinciarum quas sibi subjugare voluit, cum liberae erant electionis, his supposed oppression of their liberties is a scarecrow, a show without substance, and already confuted and rejected.  
Therefore two other heinous crimes, and crying sins they charge him with, for which he ought to forfeit his claim to the crown. Tyranny and depopulation. Tyranny in tormenting their consciences; Depopulations by spoiling the Country, with hostility contrary to his oath.  
For the first they aggravate it, Aucta in immensum religionis gravamina, and for the second, Vi armorum hostiliter in eos saevitum, magna crudelitate, &c.  
Therefore to excuse their insurrections, (that they might not be named rebellion) he concludeth, Quis miratur si, quod indesperatis morbis fieri solet, extremus afflictae provinciae ad extrema remedia descenderunt.  
These are fictions: for he can produce no grievance in the State which was not bred by their own impatience and abundance of distempered humours. They could never produce any mandate from K. Ferdinand, or nominate any who were persecuted upon that mandate, and the Law requireth, in rebus prejudicij plenis, plenas exigi probation●s: did ever Ferdinand deny toleration of those o● the Confession of Auspurgh, or did he ever revoke, or disannul the grants of Rodolphus or Mathias I beseech your majesty hear an Emperor wrongfully accused plead his own innocency, An 1620. Febr. 17. in his Ed●ctalis Cassatio. Nos, saith he, post omnium Reg●● privilegi●rum confirmationem, quod promis●rimus, infra quatuor hebdomadas ad manus supremi Burgravij missuros pr●misimus. At subditi nostri, benevolam nostram oblationem ne responso dignati sunt. Tamen dictae confirmationis diploma, juxtaten-remedicti R. Mathiae tot verbis & clausulis ad Burgravium transmisimus, idemque etiam Baronibu, Equitibu, & Civibus Pragae congregatis. But how did they welcome this fair offer of peace and mercy. The Emperor affirmeth upon his honour, Non a cepârunt diploma, inducias & armorum suspensati nem spreverunt, literas ejus▪ epudi●runt: that is; They by contempt and defiance provoked him to use these extremities, whereof they complain being vanquished.  
But to make a closer fight the Argument which the Palatine useth for the defence of the Bohemians will appear in the right shape of vanity, if I may weigh it with English weights, and change the name; and if I may (to make the Judges the better to apprehend) thus briefly draw it into form.  
The poor afflicted Catholics of England have their greivances daily multiplied, their estates spoiled, their persons disgraced &c. Therefore being driven to such extremities, they may justly and lawfully take arms in defence of their Religion and liberty; how will the Judges like this reason? Surely prefe●r me to Newgate worthily: and yet this is the substance of their Argument, one John of style is named for the Directors.  
The antecedent of this Argument is comprehended in his own words; Aucta i● immensum Religionis gravamina. Now if this reason be good to move compassion to the Bohemian; so it may for the English. If you object, that the laws of England punish Catholics, and abolish the exercise of their Religion; so likewise doth the Law of the Empire and Bohemia condemn the Calvinists. If you say, for the peace of the realm, the King cannot tolerate Catholics, experience showeth the like for the Calvinises (whom the Empire accuseth of heresy, schism, and innovation) which last, cannot justly be imputed to the Catholics.  
And touching the consequent, it is the Palatines own conclusion vizt: Quis miratur, si quod in desperatis morbis fire solet, ad extrema quoque remedia descenderant: So if the Catholics should follow the palsgrave's opinion and advice, ind●speratis morbis; that is in violent persecution; they may lawfully take arms and defend themselves; but they are otherwise catechised, and better instructed in the School of true patience and humility, and practise, doctrine, and conscience to draw in the yoke of our Saviour.  
They object also▪ that the Emperor's council prohibited the exercise of their Religion, and pulled down two Churches lately edified for that use; one in the Town of Brunaw (where, in despite of the Abbott chief Lord of the soil, they presumed to erect a Temple) and the other at Clostergrap, belonging to the Archbishop of Prague.  
The Emperor Mathias, upon petition delivered unto him, An 1616. and having heard the cause debated, Judicially decreed, that they should be demolished, because the building of them was against Law, and the contempt of the chief Lords unto whom both the jurisdiction and propriety of the soil appertained (as the Emperor signified to Thurn) and I doubt not but my Lord of Cant. would have done the like, had any such attempt been made at Croyden by the Catholics of Survey.  
But what is this to Ferdinand? who can justly charge him with his predecessors actions? Actio m●ritur●oum personâ.  
But Ferdinand showed too much severity against those reformers in Moravia.  
Surely, he did nothing but by the direction of the Emperor, whom it was requisite he should obey and assist (being chosen his ●uccessor) both to support his majesty's authority, and to ●acifie the troubles of those Provinces, so as executing his Commission it was not his act but the Emperors.  
But mark their iniquity; they set all the realm on fire, and cry out against them that seek to quench it, they gave the first blows, and when they are beaten for it they complain they are oppressed, and hyperbolically exclaim, in eos saevitum est tantâ crudelitate.  
Against King Mathias was their first insurrection, and after his death, the Directors took arms to bar Ferdinand out of the realm, so as he had neither time nor opportunity, or occasion to exercise such cruelty, whereby he should deserve to forfeit his title to the Crown, or be condemned for breaking his Oath to the States. And therefore the Count Palatines pretences were insufficient and gouty; and to say truly, Camerarius and his Camerado did but ve●nish over the colours (slovenly hid) of those tumults of Bohemia, and did build their Paradoxes upon weak and sandy grounds. And therefore I conclude all with the Authority of learned Roclester. lib. de potestate Papa in temporalibus, who fetts this down as certain as one of Euclides Elements, pag. 639. Non potest Apostolus Christianos eximere à subjectione de jure naturali debitâ, aut Regem quemquam privare ●ure suo cùm gratia non destruit naturam, & cùm Regnum in natura, Evangelium in gratiâ fundatur; sicut Evangelium non dat Regnum, sic nec auferre potest: And therefore he exclaimeth: Tota haec ratio seditiosa est, & proditoria: mul●● udini fraena laxat, & Rebellioni viam sterni●. And in the same opinion was Doctor Bilson in his book of Obedience, and Doctor Marton.  
Now touching the Directors, who were the principal persons and agents in this Election, two things are to be considered.  
First, the original.  
secondly, what lawful authority, and whose Commission they had for their warrant.  
For their original, it had a beginning in this manner, when the Emperor Mathias languished at Vienna, by a long sickness, Count Fhurn took advantage of the time, and conspiring with many of his confederates, upon a sudden surprised the Castle of Prague, the Emperor's armoury, and the Court, and in a rage they apprehended his majesty's Lieutenants and chief Officers of the realm, the precedent Slavata, Methansky Martial of the kingdom, and Secretary Fabricius, whom they cast headlong out of a window forty cubitts high from the ground, who yet miraculously were preserved, and afterwards they Hollandized bravely, for they took the sceptre and Crown of Bohemia into their own hands: and to make good their tumultuous proceedings, they levied an Army, and took upon them to create new magistrates (whom they called Directors) to govern the State, and to excuse themselves of these insolences, they writ their Letters to King Mathias dated the 27. of March 1618. and allege a few poor reasons to excuse and shadow their proceedings. First, that the precedent and the rest were enemies to the State, and sought to disturb the peace of the realm, and also, whereas King Rodolphus granted them free exercise of their Religion (which, say they, was confirmed by your majesty) that these men purposed to deprive us of the benefit of these your grants, and therefore, said they, we were forced for our defence, to enter into league against them: so they oppressed the magistrates before they sensibly felt the smart of persecution, and to prevent a thing only purposed (as they gave out) they really & actually rebelled. But this was only a cunning shift: for they practised to draw the Provinces of Moravia, Silesia and Lusatia to join with them, and not content to keep themselves within the limits of Bohemia, they did rise a degree of mischief higher, and solicited the upper Austria (the Emperors own inheritance, and no way subject to their Directorship) to run the like desperate course with them, as if their end and scope had been to set all the Empire in combustion, and to have a King and a Religion of their own Edition.  
Although these excesses of disorder were inexcusable to be offered to the Emperor (whom in their own Letters they acknowledge to be á Deo sibi prastitum Regem & Dominum, ac Magistratum clementissimum) yet King Mathias with great mildness and clemency sought to pacify rather than to provoke their furies: and therefore on the 6. of June 1618. he answered their Letters thus: That it did not become Subjects to take arms against his Lieutenants (though they had offended before they did complain of their injuries received, and sought redress by order of Justice: For he protested he never intended to abrogate or suspend their privileges, or revoke his letters of toleration, and therefore they did him injury without better grounds to forge such slanders against his governor. And further he promised to compound all quarrels, and ease their greivances by a moderate course of commission. Lastly seeing there appeared no enemies in Bohemia to molest and persecute them, he advised them to dismiss their Armies, and levy no more forces, and he assured them reciprocally he would dismiss his soldiers, cui causam (said he) dederat vestra conscriptio, and for the better assurance he vouchsafed to write unto them again the 18. of June, and a third time also to ratify what he had graciously promised. To all which letters they never returned thanks nor answer, but like savages, marched to Budvise and Comotonium where they compelled the magistrates to revolt from the Government of the Castle, and (which was a treason in the highest degree) they took Carleistein, where the King's Crown and treasure were kept, they deposed the Burgrave, seized upon the King's rents and revenues, and converted all to their own use, which was an Apish imitation of the union of Vtreche.  
So here is riot in the beginning, tumult in the proceedings, and treason in all.  
But now for the lawful authority of the Directors, whence had they their lawful vocation and commission? they took upon them an absolute power, more like Tribuni plebis, then Officers of the Crown, nay a more high power, to degrade a new King, and at their own pleasures to create such magistrates as they liked, and to dispose at their pleasures the Crown and the kingdom: a power unknown in any orderly State, greater than the Ephori and Hermostae of the Lacedæmonians, or the Archontes of Athens, or Highstewards of England (who notwithstanding were ordinary and lawful magistrates, and established by consent of the States) but these arrogate and usurp a power to degrade old Kings, and create new (a transcendent prerogative which no wise State will admit, nor trust any subjects with such unlimited power,) and if they be not magistrates, Idolum nihil est: and if they be magistrates, I follow the Bishop of Rochester's judgement; à superiore est potestas eorum, & ab eo solo destitui possunt, à quo instituuntur; Answer me then categorically: were they chosen by the King or States general? or were they his Lieutenants, or Regents in his absence, or Procuratores Regni? No such thing, no commission, no durante beneplacito, no authority appeareth, no power from those that had power and superiority to grant it.  
Neither were they chosen by the Kings and States of the country, but by Assemblies of a faction, who contrary to order and custom, presumed to usurp authority, and domineer over the country: The King is the head of the State, the clergy a part of the State yet neither was the King, nor the Archbishop of Pragu, nor the Bishops of the realm, the Chancellor, the precedent of the council, the marshal, nor the principal secretary, nor the Burgrave, nor most of the nobility present, either at the creation of their irregular Officers, or at the Election of the Palsgrave: All this was done by Count Thurn, and a few seditious persons, who had no power themselves to give such power to others, and could have no supreme power, unless they would unking Mathias: which no man could do by Law, or order: for it is a false Paradox, that the States of any kingdom are above the Prince, and may bind his hands & depose him. And no man can demonstrate, that the states and Directors of Bohemia had ever power to depose one and Elect another Prince.  
In Denmark and Poland (kingdoms merely Elective) yet the King's Office is to assemble the States, as the Emperor doth at the Diett and the Danes also are bound to choose the son of the last King, as they confessed themselves in their apology 1523. And therefore they did Elect Schioldus, son of that Monster, loather King of Denmark.  
Moreover, where a Prince is sovereign, no Subject can be partaker of his sovereignty, which is a quality not communicable, for it resideth in the union of a body politic, and if it be divided (without the Prince's consent) it loseth the sovereignty.  
An. 42. Hen. 3. certain Officers were elected, and appointed to see the performance of orders set down by the Parliament, and to correct the transgressors thereof, and the King's brethren, and the Barons did take their oaths to see the same observed, yet that act had no force till the King consented.  
1. Rich. 2. (as Ranulphus Higdensis testifieth) constituti sunt ad gubernationem Regis & Regni, duo Episcopi, duo Barones, duo Baronetti, duo Baccalaurij milites cum uno jurisconsulto. Yet was this done because of the King's minority, and under the name and authority of the King.  
The chief Justice of Aragon hath a large command, and the States claim a power, Nosque valemos tanto common vos, mask vos etc but this holdeth not to underpropp the usurpation of the Directors and their Conventicles, for the chief Justice is an ancient and an ordinary Officer, established by custom and long continuance, and is allowed by the King, and is deposeable by him: as the King gives the Office, so may he take it away from him, as he did from Didaco.  
And seeing all subordinate magistrates have their authority, jure humano, & non potestate sua sed alienâ: And seeing these Directors of Bohemia were not chosen nor admitted by the whole State, but (which was worse) usurped an authority inconsulto Rege, I may say of them truly whom these usurpers elected, that which God himself said Osee 8. Ipsi Regnant, & non ex me, Principes extiterunt, & non cognovi eos.  
And therefore I will conclude, that this Election of the Count Palatine was contrary to Law and reason, being made by conspirators (who usurped an authority which they lawfully had not) and by private men and not by the King, nor Officers of the realm, nor the general States.  
And I the rather hold this opinion; because King James, in his oration to the Parliament 1620. used these words, very judicially, Kings and kingdoms were before Parliaments, the Parliament was never called for the purpose to meddle with complaints against the King, the Church, or State matters, but ad consultandum de relus arduis, Nos & Regnum nostrum concernentibus; as the writ will inform you. I was never the cause, nor guilty of the Election of my son by the Bohemians, neither would I be content that any other King should dispute whether I am a lawful King or no, and to toss Crowns like Tennis-balls.  
Besides if the Count Palatine had been elected in any show of order, a main defect yet lieth as a block in his way: For the Aur. Bulla cap. de confirmat. Regis Bohemiae, setteth down this clause, as an essential axiom: volentes ut quicunque in Regem Bohemorum Electus sit, accedat ad nos & successores nostros (which Frederick did not) sua à nobis Regadia accepturus, (which he likewise never did) and it must be done debito modo & solito, to show the use, custom and duty. And to take away all cavils, he binds it with à non obstantibus legibus municipalibus, that the pretence of impostors, the name of liberties, and the title of Vicarius Imperij might have no place for excuse. And to prove the necessity of his investiture. Read Aur. Bullae exp. 2. and Curia Nurimbergh art. 7. & 8. Si quis autem Principum Electorum, aliusve, feudem à sacre tenens Imperio, supra & infrascriptus Imperiales constitutiones adimplere noluerit, aut iis contraire praesumpserit, ex tunc cateri Coëlectores à suo ipsum deinceps consertio excludant; And surely the Palsgrave had ill council, and as weak a judgement, to seek to dispossess the Emperor of his right and title, who was to give him the investiture of Bohemia, and by disorder to seek a Crown also, by men who had no power to give it: by which ambition came the ruin of that mighty family, who aspiring to a Crown it could not rightfully challenge, lost that Crown which it had lawfully long possessed.   

CHAP. 5. Of the proscription of the Palsgrave.  
NOw I come to the main point which the Puritans call the head of all these evils, the proscription of the Palsgrave; wherein we must examine whether it were done de jure, or injuriously, and whether there be just cause why the Father should vindicate the honour of his son; the grounds of the proscription were too solid. For after the assembly at Frankford 1619. where, by the plurality of voices, Ferdinand was Elected (the Palsgrave not contradicting it) the Count Palatine took the Crown of Bohemia (as it were) from the head of the Emperor, he joined with the Directors, begun this unfortunate tragedy made himself head of the union (the most dangerous that ever was contrived in Germany) consented to the invasion of the Lower Austria, and at Retz the States being assembled 2. August. 1620. Fredericum Palatinum Dominum & Protectorem elegerunt.  
Besides he assisted all the malcontents of the State, and raised Armies for his defence, as if he had not been fully satisfied with the Crown of Bohemia, except he had likewise dispossessed him of the Empire, and forced him to fly into Spain for succour, as it is evident by the Records of Cancellaria Anhaltina.  
Nay the same Count Palatine in his Letters to the Duke of Saxony, confesseth that he took upon him the Crown of Bohemia: First, that the kingdom might not be longer restrained from the exercise of their Religion: Secondly, that they might enjoy their privileges: Thirdly and chiefly, that the Election of the King of the Romans might be in the power and choice of the Protestant Electors: fair Colours on a false ground: zeal to Religion out of Charity is made to break the peace of Europe, and to maintain the liberties of Bohemia, he must needs violate the Laws and orders of the Empire, and to enlarge the dignity of the Secular Electors, he would tread upon all the ecclesiastical.  
But to say more plainly, he scorned to hold the stirrup, while the House of Austria did mount and surmount him.  
But to proceed; was their end only to relieve Bohemia? no surely: For they solicited the revolt of Hungaria: they joined with Bethlem Gabor the Turks vassal: and if you look well into the scope and intention of these correspondents, you shall see a Medusa's Head.  
For what was their project? by the Rolls of Cancellaria Anhaltina, the union intended to give the Palsgrave for his share more than Bohemia, Alsatia, and a part of Austria, and to enlarge his Dominions with the spoils of the bishopric of Mentz and Spires, the rest of the Correspondents purposed to share the fattest morsels of Germany amongst them. Onoltsback gaped for Writzburgh. Barl●n thirsted after Brysack and to oppress the poor Count Eberstein. Anhalt hoped to supply his prodigali●ies with Brambergh, and some escheats in Bohemia▪ all of them resolved by fire and sword to extirpate pied a pied, the Papalty. And Blessen i● his letters to P. Anhalt 27. November 1619. certifieth him, unitat in conventu Noric● bellum decrevisse in catholicas. Ecclesiast. invasio, pag. 67. Cancellariae was resolved upon, and the deprecation also of Tryer, and the surprising also of that Prince Electors country, and pag. 131. it was concluded ut adversae partis Provincia invadantur.  
Besides, as if they went to cast the Empire in a pure mould, and refine the government, they designed to swallow up the house of Austria, whereupon that Atheist Beth●ehem Gabor assured the great Turk by his letters, that the Palatine and Brand●nbergh would not endure nor suffer the advancement of Ferdinand. And so did Anhalt write to Danau besides to weaken Austria, the union agreed to assist Gabor to ravish the crown of Hungaria and possess it.  
Moreover Anhalt counselled Danau by his letters 1619. to surprise a City which should be worth thirty two millions.  
I will be brief, and omit infinite impieti●s▪ never was there any plot so profane and graceless as this one; sclt: to set open the gates of Christendom to the Turk, and suffer him to march into the heart of it.  
I will draw the curtain and reveal the mystery of iniquity, to amaze their favori●●s, and make themselves blush; for, undoubtedly to bring in the Turk to subdue the Emperor, is all one as to fight by Mahomet to expel Christ, yet so did Gabor certify the Turk, that all the Princes of the union, Sultan, et toti nationi Mahom●tica corde et anim●, omn a officia fidelissimi praestabunt: and that thortly Ferdinand should be forced to abandon Germany, and upon this monster the Palsgrave so much relied, asby his letters to him July 13. 1623. appeareth in their chancery, where he honoureth him with the name of Father and Gossip, as if yet he hoped for a sunshine day by his intercession. And that th●se things may not be denied (because they had not success) wherefore did Count Thurne (the Author of those tumults) accompany Gabors ambassador to the Turk? only to crave succour against the Emperor, and draw the janissaries into his Country, 1622. wherefore did the Palsgrave in his prosperity at Prague receive a Chaous from the Turk, and after treaty with him dispatched an ambassador to the Port? and wherefore did he afterward by his letters dated the twentieth three of July 1623. and directed to the confederate Provinces, advise them to consider de augendo legationis Turciae spl●ndore? And wherefore was John of Coelen sent to Constantinople by the union? Wherefore did Count Hohenloe often threaten that the Turk should come in to vex their enemies? whereupon did Gabor solicit the Grandvizier for aid to prosecute the wars of Hungaria? Whereupon did the Turk write his letters to the Palsgrave, and to the Prince of Orange, that he had given order for the aid they desired, and exhorted them to take the field courageously against their enemies meaning the house of Austria, &c.  
They pretend that religion moved them to this, and esteem nothing for truth but the word, and therefore let them hear sic dicit Dominus, cap. Esay 30. vae qui ambulatis, ut descendatis in Egyptum, et os meum interrogatis, sperantes auxilium in fortitudine Phar●nis et habentes fiduciam in umbra Egypti. That is as he saith. cap. 31. peribunt qui spe in Deum●r licto, c●nfugiunt ad humanum auxilium, what a blindness than was this to invite the Turk, for their ambitious pretences to march into the Empire, and suck the blood of Christians that favoured the house of Austria. And therefore, upon so great and imminent dangers to the Church and State, the league was made by the Catholic Princes at Mulhowes in Turingia 1620, for their necessary defence, against which the Palatine published an invective, and termed it a council of blood.  
But to omit all these, who can by law defend or warrant the raising of such an army against the Emperor, in the Empire, as the Palatine had? or their confederations with Yagendorffe, P. Aubalt, On lizba●h the marquess of Auspack, Durlack, Baden, and the Duke of Wittenbergh, besides the assistance of Nurembergh, Frankfurt, and many imperial towns? or the association with Holland, Denmark, and the Duke of Bullion? or the large contributions which Cogmandolo setteth down to have been taxed upon each of them particularly from the year, 1608. to 1619. against the Emperor.  
What Orator then can excuse the Count Palatine, extenuate his offence, or plead against his proscription? specially seeing (which arrogateth his offence) that he still is content to usurp the ti●le of Bohemia, and not to renounce it. Nay though the Duke of Baviere sent an herald to the Bohemians, they despised his letters, the E●ector of Saxony dissuaded the States, exhorted and admonished them but surdiscecinet, they would listen to no pacification. The Emperor himself wrote his moniteriall letters unto them, but the Palsgra●e too obstinately refused all, for a crown is an infectious and tempting bait, and as men stung by scorpions which breed the infection, so nothing pleased Ph●eton and his aspiring ambition, but to guide currum solis, rather desirous to die then live losser than a King.  
Therefore the Emperor had just cause to proscribe him, and publish the Bann.  
If you ask whether for the order of proceedings it were lawfully done, I answer, that the cause is already judged where the offence was committed, for in the imperial-diet at Ratisbone the ambassadors of the Duke of Saxony; and the M. of Brandenbergh (Electors) and Lewis landgrave of Hessen, made this answer to the Emperor's propositions, Anno 1624., that they condemned the hostilities of Mansfield, and the proceedings of the Hollanders a Westphalia, and so in their consciences that they condemned the practices and proceedings of the Palsgrave, and they acknowledged that the Emperor had cause to publish the Bann, because they would not give ear to the council of the Electors, nor cease to assail the Emperor in his own territories, but still disturb the peace of the Empire,  
And the ecclesiastical Electors joined with them, that all of them had deserved the Bann, both for the causes aforesaid, and for prosecuting the Emperor's principal officers of Bohemia, and for soliciting the Turks (enemies of Christ) to invade the west Empire, and put the whole State in danger and confusion.  
So here is the Decree and judgement of the Electors themselves, peers to the Vicarius Imperij, and his judges without appeal: And here is also a concurrence of the whole Diett, although Charles the fifth proscribed great John, Frederick and the Lantsgrave who never pleaded that in bar, that they were not justly condemned because not by their Peers.  
But let the Law itself determine the question. First, for his dignity, there is no doubt to be made by the feudal constitutions, for by Aurea Bulla it is forfeited, tit. 1. & 10. the which was made by Carolus the fourth Imper. ex communi omnium at singulorum Electorum & multorum S. Imperij Romani Principum, Comitum, Nobilium, ac fidelium concilio & consensu. And by Farinaecius qu. 116. num. 72. and all Lawyers agree, that for rebellion they lose all Feuda, old and new inheritance, and expacto, both Father and son.  
So Gigas l. 3. q. 4. Hernia Farinaccius de crimine laesae Ma●estatis q. 116, num 80. Molina l. 4. c. 11. Socinus Iu. consil. 65. num 2. l. 3. Et in hoc omnes convenire affirmant And Gail. l. 2. c. 13. num. 21. de pace publicae. And H. Rosentall is confident in this opinion, that the Emperor cannot pardonne the sons, l. de Feud. c. 10. Concls. 38. whereunto I cannot subscribe: But to put Camerarius by Law to silence. And Gail. overthroweth all their plots and practices, l. 1. de pace publica cap. 5. in crimen laesae Majestatis incidit, qui bellum in Imperio sine Caesaris licentia gerit, & movet. In what State then standeth he that warreth against Caesar himself, and that for his own inheritance? And to put all out of controversy, he yieldeth this reason, Quia usurpat sibi ea quae sunt solius Principis, nam movere bellum ad solum Imperatorem pertinet. It is a mark of supremacy and an inseparable prerogative to Kings. Is Vicarius Imperij here excepted? N: for the same man, c. 1. l. 9 saith conditio pa●is publicae omnes omnium ordinum status Imperij, majorum & minorum gentium, cujuscunque dignitatis personas aequè obligat. And, that you might not imagine the laws of the Empire are made like spider-webbs, only to catch flies, and to be broken by great ones, he adds this clause, licet sit contra potentiores promulgata. Nay further, here that great antiquary, and a Protestant, Goldastus li. tit. 190. who citys this ancient Law, Nemo inter Imperij fines, militum sollicitate, nisi de voluntate Ducis istius circuli: Curetque side jussione statuum, nihil se contra Caesarem, Principes subditos, & clientes Imperij moliturum.  
But the Directors of Bohemia began this war against the Emperor Mathias, and the Palsgrave and they continued it against Ferdinand.  
And the said Goldastus relateth a decree made by the Emperor Ludovicus Pius, against the King of the Romans and his Confederates, as guilty of a high treason, for attempting against him and the State, for which cause the King was judged to lose his head.  
And the like judgement was pronounced by Otho 1. against his son Ludolphus King of the Romans.  
But I will conclude all with the Law of Land-freiden, made by Maximil●an the first, Pacem publicam armatâ manu violantibus, poena proscriptionis, quam Bannum Imperiale vocamus, irrogatur, sc●vi●ae necisque.  
And so I leave this cause rather to be pitied, then disputed, if the offenders had not been too long advocates of their own offences, and had not sought rather to exasperate the victor, then to pacify him, till it was too late.   

CHAP. 6. Of King James his not taking arms to vindicate the honour of his Son proscribed.  
HAving thus curiously examined the grounds and causes of the Proscription of the Count Palatine, and how they stand in Law and conscience, without any partiality, neither taking affection to the one part (whom I know not) nor to the other (whom I pity) but as the truth of the cause leadeth me, I ask this question: Why is King James accused for not taking arms to vindicate the honour of his Son so proscribed? And why should the King of England give over all treaties, and enter into war with Spain, if the Palatine be not restored; being the King of Spain neither did, nor could proscribe him▪ but the Emperor? For Spain (as your majesty knoweth) hath no command in the Empire, nor title, nor authority.  
The Archduke Albert sent aid to King Ferdinand his nephew, with the consent of Spain, to aid their family, and to revenge so intolerable injuries to the Emperor in a just cause: First the Count Bucquoy, and after marquess Spinola (great Commanders) marched thither, whereof the one with the Emperor's forces dispossessed and ejected the Palatine out of Bohemia, the other invaded the Palatinate and took possession of it, An. 1620. and Verdugo and others his successors did hold it, as well to weaken the Emperor's competitor, to discomfort their party, to force the Palatine to relinquish his title (for arma tenenti omnia ●at qui ●ustanegat) as also to engage the same for a pawn, to satisfy the charges of four just a wa●, and to pay the penalty of an offence so odious.  
And there is no reason why the King of Spain might not succour the family whereof he is the Root, seeing these lands were the proper possession of Charles the Fifth, And by him freely given to the family.  
Neither did Spain break the treaty with England, an. 1604. in any article, by that support, and therefore they shall do well to set the saddle on the right horse, and accuse the Emperor for proscribing the Pal●tine, and the imperial diet for ratifying the same, which no wise man will do. For it cannot be honourable to justify an unjust and condemned action, or seek to take vengeance on the execution of justice on offenders, decreed by the general consent of the whole Empire. And it was wisely said of King James in his oration to the Parliament Quis me constituit judicem inter vos?  
He were very well ill advised that would persuade the King to fight for the Church of Bohemia, and undertake to preserve God's children in France, (as they call them) by the sword. For, as that worthy Iohannis Roffensis said lib de potestat. Papaec. 20. Quis tribunal, illud erexerit in terris, in quo Rex de Rege, pa● de pari judicet? Iudex alterius Regis nemo Rex●conditus est, et rempublin rempublicam concitant. I know King James was defensor fidei; but in his own circle and imm●●; intra quat nor maria: for Kings like planets have their proper spheres and bounds of authority, in which they move proprio motu, and may not extend their prerogative of dignity into places where it hath no jurisdiction or influence, but by intercession and graces.  
But Spain hath abused us (they say) with hopes and promises given, and not performs, for they keep yet the Palatinate: what do they inter upon this? to trust no more your enemies, but give over all treaties with them.  
We expect (saith Tom. T. T.) to see an army raised as well as subsidies, and that the King would really and royally engage himself in the right way.  
Touching the first, the Spaniard can restore no more than he hath, and for that it is fit Don Carolo be heard, who is a man of integrity and plain dealing, the Infanta hath ever had a princely compassion of my Lady's grace, the Countess Palatine: and all her council can witness how really she did mediate, that the town in the Palatinate belonging to her dowry, might by the Spaniards be preserved for her, and not suffered to fall into huks●ers hands, and though C. Gondamore hath been much defamed in England for a juggler in this case, yet I have heard by wise men, that he employed his friends, conferred sincerely with men of action, and employment, and used all means he could invent and contrive how to satisfy the King of England but ultra posse non est esse. It is neither the fault nor the fallacy of Spain, and for the restitution of the Palatinate, your majesty well knoweth, and I think hath discovered that there is a knot in that business which only the Duke of Bavaria can untie.  
The Emperor cannot, except he would hazard to lose part of his own inheritance, (the upper Austria) and what, if that cannot (during the Duke of Baviers life) be yet effected; will you break of all treaties with Spain, for a matter he cannot compass, nor prevail to effect? Will you make a perpetual deadly feud with Spain, because he cannot yet therein fully satisfy you? It is a cause neither charitable nor politic, for mark the reason and project of this silly statesman. pag. 13 your children (saith he) perhaps may have committed a fault, and though you thought good to purge them, yet to let them still drink of affliction, you may be thought justus sed crudelis pater.  
Well, how should the King help his children, and show his royal wisdom as well as natural affection, and regard the kingdom, as well as his cradle? A secret treasure (saith he) lies hid in your people's hearts, we will contribute more to redeem the credit of our nation, then to regain the Palatinate, men and money are the engines of war, send forces that shall be able to make their way thither.  
Mark I humbly pray your majesty, how ignorance roveth and loseth itself, and yet he saith as much as any other can object. If you ask him, shall they march into the Palatinate? No saith he; there is great difficulty to get thither, the Palatinate is ill seated for us to war in, being remote from the sea, and surrounded with enemies, and the protestant league is beheaded (which should have succoured you) and therefore here solveth that you must not confirm the action to the bare Palatinate; for so it will never have an end, but draw itself into such a circle of troubles, as we may look twelve years hence to see two such armies keep one another at a bay in the Palatinate, as now they do in the low Countries.  
So by this his Argument, to recover the Palatinate, you must not march thither, For the reasons he wisely allegeth, for that it is out of your way. Is not this man in a labyrinth? for he wisheth a thing whereof he hath no hope, something he would have done, but he knoweth not what, nor how, what then? qua spe quo concilis, would he proceed? hear a counterfeit Hannibal speak like a soldier: give the Hollanders your helping hand, and lend the Palatine an army to dispose of as he shall see cause.  
Consider well, first, that his plot is to relieve or revenge the Palatine, but not to recover the Palatinate.  
I hope your prudence and providence is such, as you will be assured how they will employ this army. For, if the H●llanders must tutor him, they will assail Flanders, or some parts of the Empire, or invade Spain, or the Indies, and your Majesty shall bear the name of the great Nimrod, have all the blame and malice of your neighbours, and yet the Pala●ine himself shall gain nothing by these sharkers; who serve only their own turn by you both, and when you come to the account and reckoning for the charges, you shall find neither honour, comfort, profit, thankfulness, nor reputation by dealing with them.  
Nay, Tom T. T. in all his book hath but one wise sentence, and that touching them; the pedlars whom we ourselves set up for use, are become our masters in the East-Indies, and think themselves our f●llowes.  
It is now given out in Holland, that your majesty meaneth not to make peace with Spain, but to confirm the treaties made with the Hollanders at Southampton before the last journey to Cales, which report I cannot believe, for your wisdom may foresee many dangers and inconveniences by it, it is neither for the benefit of your merchants, nor for the wealth of your realm, nor the peace of Europe, nor your own safe●ie. And I believe France will find in the end occasions to cast them off, for the Gummarists and the Huganots draw in one line, have sucked one nurse, and like no royalty.  
Forget not your Amboyna, and the imperious and cruel usage of our merchants in the Eastindies.  
Forget not how scornfully they used Sir William Morison (your father's admiral of the narrow seas) not without apparent contempt of your majesty.  
Forget not how th●y used your sea men, and Fishers in Gre●neland.  
And call to remembrance how unthankfully they used Qu●ene Elizabeth (their patron and protector) Anno 1594, wh●n she se●t Sir Thomas Bodley to demand the money she had la●ed out for them.  
And as if they hated royalty and the King himself, they cause and suffer to be printed Tom Telltruth; and other malicious libels, and scandalous, to defame majesty, and bring it into contempt, and secretly publish them in Brabant and Flanders.  
Consider also how presumptuously they only use the fishing on your coasts without licence, and challenge it as a due to them, which the French never durst do.  
Besides you may discern clearly what insolency Armata semper militia ever groweth unto, and I can witness how falsely they dealt with the Earl of Leicester and my Lord Willoughby, who was forced to write an Apology for himself against them.  
And as for your glorious Father, I protest, for all his favours to them, (which were many and great) yet how shamefully they spoke of him both living and dead, I cannot with modesty relate.  
Nay they have dared to shear the grass from under their feet, and laugh at his council; and therefore they have planted so many low-country-men in England to serve their turn, who robbed you, and transported all your gold thither, that the States might make their benefit of it, which your star-chamber can well witness: and these men are yours externally, theirs in heart and affection, neither hath your Majesty cause to repose too much trust in them, for their ginger Dr. Fink long since foretold them of a star rising out of the east, which I perceive they long to see come into England, that they might adore him.  
But to speak freely and loyally, it would be censured by foreign Princes, as a great weakness in so wise a Prince to hazard your own safety, and the welfare of the kingdom and the lives of your dearest Subjects for a cause so desperate.  
And on the contrary part, to enter into amity and league with your ancient confederates, with Spain, and all men of judgement, and impartial, hold it most honourable and profitable.  
Your leagues with the house of Burgundy were ever wont to be tied with a su●e knot and inviolable, even by Hen. 2. Rich. the 1. and Hen 3.  
Edw. 1. bestowed upon Flanders and Brabant great pensions, as it appeareth by the records of the Exchequer.  
Edw. 3. loved no nation better, and so did they him.  
So long as Hen. 6. preserved amity with the Netherlands, he prospered, and flourished.  
Yea (say the enemies of peace) but now the case is altered, Burgundy was then in mediocrity, now it is in extremes, for the King of Spain is grown too great, too potent, and seeks to over shadow his neighbours, and terrify them with his titles of greatness, as if Jupiter would ravish Europa.  
These are vain thunderbolts of fancy: for, the benefits which the realm may reap by peace with Spain (being well settled) are of far more advantage than can any way be expected by joining with Holland. For thereby you shall again establish commerce and traffic, set all trades on work in the realm, every your merchants, advance your Staples, (which be your majesty's Indies) increase, or at least continue your customs, and so store and furnish your Exchequer by peace, which the wars will continu●ally exhaust and draw dry.  
Moreover by this peace, you may better hold Holland in awe, and a little restrain their insolency, by a virtus unita, and I see there is need to do so; if you will bridle their headin●sse, you must keep them between hope and fear, neither make them despair of your aid, by entertaining their enemies, nor give them cause to presume, by rej●cting the amity of Spain. And so holding them in suspense, they will seek by all good offices to win you, for they know that England only can curb them, and advance their enemy. And so a state always living in arms must be used, because they are more dangerous neighbours then all others, and want neither will, nor means to offend, and by necessity are forced to respect only themselves, and to use all extreme shifts to uphold so broken and corrupt a state.  
And for that argument of the greatness of Spain, I say it is therefore the greater honour to England, to have so great a Prince to seek and embrace your amity.  
Philip the third 1604. sent the great Constable of Castille, with an olive branch in his hand to seek peace, bury all offences, and reconcile the two Kingdoms with a perfect Amnestia, here you see their greatness is no obstacle to amity, and the rather, because there never was till of late, between England and Spain any national contention, nor any antipathy between the two crowns: but now there is; true, but ab initio non fuit sic: and cursed be he that would make variance continue perpetually between Kings and realms.  
But that your highness may know how great and entire the love and amity long continued between Spain, Portugal and England hath been, the records show, that Anno 36. Hen. 3. Alphonsus' King of Castille made a league with England for him and his successors solemnly contra omnes homines, which he constantly observed. So as when the French solicited a tru●e between them, he denied cessation of arms, and would harken to no motions of a treaty, till King Edw. 2. did mediate for it, and the knot was so fast tied between these two realms, that Edw. 1. did marry Elinor the King's sister, who proved a dear and loving wife unto him, and plausible to the whole realm, in respect of which contract and marriage, King Alphonsus renounced and r●signed to King Edw. all his right and title to Aquitaine.  
And his love and amity still increased, for John protector of Castille, Anno 18. Edw. 2. sent a thousand horse, and ten thousand foot to aid the King of England against France, and so afterwards 18. Edw 3. before he made his challenge and invaded France, King Peter of Castille agreed with King Edw. mutually the one to aid the other, and the same King made the like league with Ferdinand King of Portugal.  
But of all others John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, by his actions, his marriage, and his titles, did incorporate in a perfect union these two crowns, as if nature had determined by an holy Sacrament inviolably to couple and link together these three Kingdoms, and by an union of blood to confirm that amity (for of him all the Kings of Spain and Portugal are descended.)  
Whereupon, after the civil wars in Eng. were ended (K. H. 7. a politic Prince) sought to match his son Prince Arthur with the Lady Katherine of Spain, that there might continue a perpetual succession of consanguinity between the two crowns, and therefore renewed the old league with Philip the first of Austria. an. 1505. the which continued warmly and faithfully until the schism and unkindness of Hen. 8. made some variance unfortunately between them  
But all this notwithstanding, they object that the like is not hereafter to be expected of Spain, which by the union and access of Austria, Portugal, and both the Indies cannot be contained in any circle, nor tied by any pact to hold friendship with any Prince farther than he pleaseth.  
These are the scarecrows of Amsterdam, vain and untrue, for Maximilian the Emperor after that great union, made a league with King Hen. 8. 1507. and held so good correspondency with him, that at Turvey he did his majesty the greatest honour that ever was done to England, to take a hundred crowns a day to serve under his standard, and he further promised King Henry to assist and aid him to take possession of the crown of France.  
Besides, Carolus 5. (on whom the greatness and glory of Spain and Austria was most eminent and powerful) did be not come to visit King Henry in England? did he not make the treaties of intercourse with him, Anno 1515. and 1520? did he not confirm their amity by the treaty of Cambr●y, 1529? So as there was a reciprocal and inviolable friendship between them, till the King's divorce from Queen Katherine, the disgrace of his Aunt, the schism of England, and King Henry's confederation with the French King, did much alien the Emperor's heart from him: but it was no rooted hatred. For, notwithstanding all his supereminent of titles and kingdoms, Anno 1543 they embraced one another's friendship, and renewed it again, tractatu auctioris amicitiae.  
And lastly, King Edw 6. being dead, the same Charles 5. (as if he had foreseen how one of these crowns stood in need of the other) married his legitimate son to Queen Mary; with such conditions as were most honourable and profitable. And after her death nothing but a quarrel of Religion ambition, and faction broke the bond, which prudently, and out of his temperate disposition, King Philip 3. laboured to tie a new, and bind with a faster knot, if his royal offer had been as wisely accepted, as by the Count of Villa Mediana it was nobly tendered.  
By all which appeareth their folly and vanity, that think there can be no peace made with Spain, nor articles kept, nor faith nor fidelity observed.  
But consider, who can oppose this peace with reason. The Hollanders will I doubt not, and they have means and spies in your Court, I dare not say in your council, as others here confidently affirm that know it: but their quarrel is de capite; for which they seek their own ends, not yours, and though some of your puritan Subjects will dare to contradict it; yet let traffic be heard, and consult with your merchants who can best tell where intercourse and commerce is to be for their most advantage.  
And I am sorry that so religious a King, and so magnanimous as the King of France, for privatum odium, & singulare commodum, I should lay any block in the way of peace, yet your highness knoweth that France hath their particular exceptions and piques against Spain, which no way concern England, and pretend what they will for your good, it is their own they seek, and keep Spain low, and draw dry their finances, but you shall show to the world both great policy and virtue to glorify your judgement, if you can keep them both your friends, albeit, è duobus milibus utrum 〈◊〉 tibi ut, your Majesty and council can best judge.  
Therefore, I beseech your Majesty consider what inconveniences may happen to England, if either you should be counselled to restore the Palatine, or revenge his quarrel in despite of justice, whom the law and justice have cast down. For, cui bonos? it can be no honour to defend a man's errors, who might have said with Albinus, Arma ameus capio, let not a non putaram be laid to your charge. The realm hath no such interest in the quarrel of foreigners, but by alliance, and I should pity that counsellors weakness, who should advise your highness to the contrary; for nothing is so near and dear to a King as his crown, and solus populi supreme lex est, it is not your case, but by consequence and participation, and if you would attempt to restore or revenge him by indirect courses, how are you provided to perform it? Vana est sine viribus ira, and to break with Spain, and do the Palatine no good, is to damnify England, undo your merchants, and blemish the honour of your judgement.   

CHAP. 7. Reasons why the Count Palatine is not to be restored by arms.  
CAll therefore (most gracious Prince) true polici, experience, and virtue to give you council, and consult whether that your attempt be honourable, falsible, and for a King of England.  
Cicero at Rome (the best school of civil government) being asked his opinion in a case like to this, whether it were good for Lentulus and the commonwealth, to undertake the charge to restore Ptolemy, and put him in possession of his kingdom, out of which he was ejected, he gave this advice, li. 1. epist familia si exploratum tibi sit posse te illius regni potiri, non esse constandum: si dubium, non esse conandum, and why? totius facti tui judicium non tam ex concilio tuo, quam ex eventu homines esse facturos, si cecidisset ut volimus et optamus omnes te & sapientur et fortiter, si aliquid est offensum, eosdimillos te et cupidè et temerè fecisse dicturos: apply this to yourself and you cannot err, Ptolemy was a Prince deposed, and to be restored by force of arms (who had cast his self into the protection of the Romans) and yet the danger, hazard, and uncertainty of that action did dissuade and discourage the whole state.  
I will show another precedent to guide your judgement, nearer to your case.  
Christian the second King of Denmark was deposed by his uncle Frederick, and his own subjects, his wife Isabel sister to Charles the 5th. as the Palatines wife is to your highness, and afterward he was betrayed by Canutus Gulderstein (who promised him in Frederick's name security and capitulations) but notwithstanding he was taken and imprisoned many years yet the Emperor his brother maintained her and her children very nobly, but though his cause was just, his title without question, his case lamentable, Halfnia, Malbogia, and both burghers and Paisants seeking his restoration, and his cause depending in suit at Spires, where he was like to have judgement for him (as is manifest by the acts and records there) Denmark contra Denmark in causa spolij, as Melchior Geldastus testifieth, yet for divers causes the Emperor resolved not to hazard himself and his people in a war so dangerous and unnecessary, and for a man of forlorn hope, and especially he himself being engaged in other occasions of more importance touching his honour, and safety, he neglected this, which though it were a cross to his friends, yet for their good he was not to neglect himself and his State.  
But, if the practices of your predecessors may be thought best to guide you, Queen Isabella, wife to King Edw. 2. flying to her brother the King of France for succour against the Spencers (the King's minions:) the French King's council advised him to give her money, and leave her to solicit such friends as she could procure, but in no sort to appear in the action, nor give commission to levy men against the King of England, for so he should give cause to renew the war, and set France in an uproar and danger, which were a thing incommodious to himself, and inconvenient to the State: such was their wariness and providence to prefer the place, safety, and prosperity of their Country, far above the respect of particular persons, not regarding the Queen his sister, so much as his crown and safety. And afterwards when Sir John Heynault Lord Braumont, undertook to restore her, both the heart of Heynault and his chief officers opposed it, as an enterprise of more courage than wisdom, and although good success made it seem good, yet it was not so of itself, but by accident, for the Queen having strong party in England, (as now the Palatine hath in Germany) the Barons sent over the Archbishop of Canterbury to assure her of their assistance and besides she carried over into England with her solem orientem, Prince Edw. the King's son and heir.  
It was lately objected to me, that the famous black Prince aided Don Pedro King of Castille against his Subjects who rebelled, and wrongfully expelled him: and therefore King Charles ought to do the like for the aid of his sister.  
I deny that he ought, and I say also, that the consequence is not good, for the Prince aided a lawful King against rebels, you shall aid a usurper against a lawful King and an Emperor, so in the cause there is odds. Besides, have you a black Prince (the mirror of all martial Princes) to be employed in this expedition? Or have you in Spain or Ger. such a Rendezevous to let in your Forces with facility, as he had in Aquitaine? And besides, you shall break a treaty of peace solemnly sworn, which the Princes did not; I add also, that valiant Cand●is dissuaded the Prince from undertaking the action: you ought (saith he) to be content with the state you have, and not to pull upon you the malice of foreign Princes: but Prince Edwards own reason why he undertook it, proveth strongly that your highness ought not to undertake the like for the Palsgrave: for his argument was as heroical as himself, that he would attempt it for the right heir, who was dispossessed of his inheritance, by one who had no right to it, the which was a matter of honour, and such as the King's son could not endure, because it was a bad precedent, and a wrong to the Royal state of all Monarchies, whereupon King Edward 3, his father gave his consent to the enterprise.  
Now, if that argument were forcible to move him, than it is as strong to move you not to assist the Palsgrave, either for his restoration or revenge, because he dispossessed K. Ferdinand without any just title or claim, and only upon quirks and cavils.  
Queen Elizabeth showed more wisdom, and taught them a wiser lesson, rather to have protected religion and the country, then to usurp the crown, and though for the safety of her own estate she went too far) yet her colours were well died, and had a good gloss, although in the end she repented, and sought for peace (Ann. 1588.) when it was too late.  
Lay this consideration to your heart before you strike up the drum, and learn by other men's harms to prevent your own.  
When Queen Elizabeth began to aid the low-country-men, I know she had 700 co. l. in her Exchequer, but before the 4. year of her reign, she was forced to sell her land, her people were taxed with subsidies, tenths, and privy-seals, above two Millions and 800000. l. all which the realm lost, and she gained nothing, no not sure and thankful friends.  
I will use no ominous predictions, nor tell you the astrological prophecy of Litenbergius, who lived above 140. years before the battle of Prague.  
I omit how that brave P. Sebastian King of Portugal ruined himself, and lost his K. by iuvenile concilium, by assisting a weak competitor against a strong adversary.  
The world seeth that Man field and Alberstate are buried in oblivion, and without a tomb, and nothing prospereth that is undertaken to a perverse end, or without good ground of justice.  
The magnanimous King of Denmark (albeit Tyeko Brabe had long before given him fair warning, and a good caveat to look to himself) yet for his friend's sake he hath dangerously run upon a rock, and hazarded his person, his estate, In land, Holst, the lives of his Subjects, and his honour, by taking arms against the Emperor. First, by assisting Halberstat, and after revenging the Palatine, I wonder that so great a Prince did not remember, that he and his predecessors did hold Dith-Marsh in feodo of the Empire, ever since Frederick the Emperor, and also the duchy of Holsten (for the which solemnly by an ambassador Pogge Wisch, he did swear homage and fealty to the Emperor) and yet, which was no small error, with his own hands he did in contempt, cast into the conditions of peace offered unto him by the peaceable Emperor Ferdinand, for which he may repent too late. But Paulus Nagel who promised him, mountains in his calendar, hath deceived him as Doctor Fink did the Hollanders, and surely he is felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum. For it is a safe council that Polybius gave, non tantum praesentia spectare, sed et futura prospicere, et quis exitus in de futurus sit. And as Niceas advised lib. 7. Thucid, temeritas superbiaque populorum injusta bella suscipientium, eos funditus perdit. But Claud l. 11. annal. Taciti, gave his friends this rule to rectify all your judgements in this desperate case: Princeps, quantumvis graviter offensus, prius securitati suae, quàm vindicte consulat. It is better to digest patiently some wrongs, then stir to revenge them, and to keep your own estate securely guarded, before you seek to damnify another's.  
And to say truly, it is no policy in you to venture further in these actions than were fit, and it were gross folly to hazard your own crown to recover a Coronet for another (in a time of so dangerous practices.) And it is necessary to foresees whether the Palatine being by force put into possession of his Country, the war may so be ended, and you may be sure to live in peace, otherwise you shall enter into a labyrinth, and be entangled in a perpetual encumbrances (which your father did wisely foresee) and if only revenge must end the quarrel, and satisfy you who then shall judge when the quarrel is sufficiently taken.  
To conclude, for the love and reverence I bear you, I will not presume the council your highness, but to tell you the council of the state of Corsica. lib. 1. Thucid non est semper prudentiae velle cum aliis periclitari: sed ubi extra teli factum et periculum tutus in aliorum discrimine, atque etiam post victoriam esse potiris: But how much then more when there is doubt of the victory? I will put your Majesty in mind of true judicious counsellors: Turpe est (said Hermotinus in Thucid) si quae respublica ut aliam ulciscatur acceptamque injuriam vindic●t, ipsam majorem quam alias parat calamitatem incidat. And how can you assure your state not to run this hazard? Let them not abuse you, and press you with your honour, for quicquid ex aequitate et justitia faciendum est licet sepè non ex dignitate reipub. fieri videatur, ut bellum et calamitas imminens evitetur. Remember that the Par. of England advised Rich. 2 to do homage for Callice and Guyen rather than to enter into war. And the most glorious and fortunate Prince Edw. 3. told the Parliament, anno 25. that to avoid the effusion of blood, he was content to disclaim all the right and interest he had in the crown of France, quietly and peaceably to enjoy his own chart. original. de renunciat in thesaur. If this King (so great and victorious and fortified with an issue borne to inherit fame) was desirous to embrace peace upon terms of inequality, and disadvantage, though it concern both the prosperity of the realm, and his own honour. Hath your Majesty reason to precipitate yourself and your kingdom into an unnecessary war, to endanger the state, and prodigally spend your treasure; and that which is dearer, the lives of your Subjects, for revenge of a quarrel ill begun, and now in desperate terms? A wise Prince will measure his undertakings by his power, and great attempts need the directions of great judgements. Forget not I pray you that Hen. 3. was driven to pawn his robes, jewels, and gold of St. Edward's Shrine, and Edward 3. mortgaged the crown imperial to Sir John W●senham, a merchant, invadavit magnam coronam Angliae, for money to supply him (saith record.) Therefore without urgent cause, be not by any giddy council drawn hereafter to do injuries to your neighbours, or any more to invade Cales or Retz. Hannibal invaded Italy, and thereupon came the lest of Carthage. King John of France invaded Aquitaine, and was led captive to England If by invadings, than first, the King of Spain, and the Emperor should invade you (which God forbid) how can the ill counsellors that misled you, satisfy the the realm, and clear your honour? or how can they with conscience answer posterity for so much blood of their progenitors shed by reason of their folly.  
Therefore this is my humble supplication and suit to your Majesty, that yourself would be pleased to peruse and ponder these few lines, and to be persuaded that nothing moveth me to this scribbling presumption, but my own fidelity, and the love of some of your servants here that pray for your happiness. Protesting and taking God to witness that I write by no instruction of foreigners, not for no pension, nor obligation to any foreign Prince whatsoever; but this Hanc animum concede mihi, ut caetera sunto.  
FINIS.