COLONEL JOSEPH BAMFEILD'S APOLOGY, Written by himself and printed at his desire.  Facit indignatio versus. 
ANNO 1685.   

PREFACE.  
ALbeit the unbounded liberty of the press, may sufficiently warrant my necessary undertaking; and that a modest, and needful Apology, free from all passion, or unlawful Aims, may he, by an ordinary charity excused; if not fully justified; yet I had not run the hazard of the public censure being conscious of my own incapacity, had I not been in need thereunto by some reasonable pressages, that the end of my misfortunes (which can find no other period) and that of my life, nearly approaches.  
1. Neither had this alone prevailed with me; unless constrained thereunto by the injust and (to any ingenious nature) most insupportable injuries, and Calomnies, of some, who are totally ignorant of the truth of my affairs; nor have ever had the least provocation, on my part, to couver the cruelty of their secret practices, and obscure proceed against me, to the endangering of my life, even since I came in this Province of Freesland; which (next the protection of God) I, think has been chief preserved by my neglecting it: I not being ignorant of my danger, nor of the causes thereof, which I saw no certain means of preventing, but by flight, disguise, and concealment; which I have ever through the whole course of my great troubles, been resolved against; choosing rather to die once, if I could not fairly defend myself; then live in fear of dying always: Especially having a long time, considered death (if not in a dishonourable way) as the only end of my calamities, which I could reasonably hope for, and my most sure azile.  
2. No less have their sinister and malicious practices, contributed to the traversing of my fortune, which (I am persuaded) had not otherwise, been thus long desolate and obscure: by increasing the jalousies, and indignation of some; who I have never willingly offended; nor otherwise, then through the insupportable necessity of my affairs heretofore; and the indispensable compulsions of honour; which would not permit me to do what I might) and most others would) have done: nor to have left undone, what in policy, and the general practice of mankind, I ought to have avoided, as essentially needful to my interests, and to the raising me, out of this sepulchre, wherein I have for some years lain buried alive; which peradventure I should not have come short of, had I not been secretly calomniated, and circumvented, by underground, dark, and unavowed (or rather never to be avowed) mines, and trains, which in some kind, have not a little contributed, to the rendering my wounds incurable, as well in England as elsewhere.  
3. This being really my case, is also the sole cause, why I am enforced to expose my discreation to the capricious censure of critics, rather than to abandon my honour, by a womanish modesty, timidity and silence: leaving these persons triumphant in their victory, which they have achieved by indirect, and most unjust means, I am not ignorant, what wrongs have been done me, by whom, and how; but know I shall never be openly accused, and by consequence, not have any occasion of vindicating myself, but by this means, to which only I can have recourse, and although, I am far from all hope of recovering what I have lost; yet I shall endeavour to let some see demonstratively, how far their credulity has been abused, and my innocency wronged; which I can not otherwise perform, then by declaring truly, and sincerely, what I have done, or not done; leaving it to the judgement, and sentence, of all unprejudiced, and unpassionate persons, to what degree I have been either unfortunate, or criminel.  
4. What my transactions have been in some great conjonctures, I shall be as sincere and candid in; as if my eternal happiness, or misery, depended on the truth, or falsehood, of what I here expose, to the common view: which I only make public for the vindication of my honour, though I clearly foresee, my interest may suffer by it; which weighs so little with me, that if this adventure meets but with a charitable reception from good men, and unpreoccupied; I believe (as far as I know myself) I shall not be much troubled, if my death should prove immediately after the Epilogue, to this tragedy.  
JOS. BAMFIELD.   

AT 17. years of age, I began to serve the late King of happy memory, Charles the-First, being ancient under my Lord Ashley, General Major of the Army, in the first expedition against the Scots; an Accord was made as other agreements in those times, of very short continuance; for the spring following, the war was the second time declared in that expedition, I was first Lieutenant in the Regiment of Colonel Henry Wentworth, brother to the Earl of Cleveland; shortly after, a company falling vacant in the same Regiment, by the favour of the King I obtained it. In the space of a year the peace was again made, and the Armies disbanded. The war betwixt the King and the Parliament followed shortly after; I continued in his Majesty's interest and service; I commanded the Regiment of the late Duke of Somersent, at that time Marquis of Hartford. General for the King in the Western Provinces.  
2. In the first encounter, which Arrived betwixt his Majesties and the Parliaments forces; I was hurt and taken Prisoner; brought so to London, by the late Lord Hollis, at that time Colonel under the Parliament. Not long after, being at liberty; the King honnoured me with a Commission, for a Regiment; not being at that time, full twenty years old: having levied it, I returned to Oxford, where his Majesty held his court. Few days after, his Hyghness Prince Robbert, gave me a Commission, which he had procured of the King; to be Governor of Malmesbury; whereof I knew not any thing, before he was pleased to deliver it me. About the month of April following; his Majesty sent me order (being pressed for troops) to march with three Regiments of foot, and as many Compagnies of horse, to Join his Army; for the relief of Reading; besieged by the Earl of Essex; and was rendered by Colonel Fielding, at the same time the King arrived there; which might greatly have endangered his Army; had the Enemy seen, and made use of their advantage.  
3. In the month of June following, his Majesty sent Prince Maurits, and the Duke of Somerset with an Army into the west, whereof my Regiment was part; to Join with My Lord Hopton, and Lord Berkeley; who had beaten the Parlements forces, Commanded by the Earl of Stamford, not long before, in the Province of Cornwell, the Conjunction was made; the towns of Weymouth (whereof the late Earl of Shaffsbury was left Gouvernour) Taunton, and Bridwater being taken, and garrisons placed in them; the body of the Army Marched, towards General Waller, having first despatched my Lord Berkelay, with four Regiments of foot, and some few troops of horse, to blocque up Exeter, to prevent the Earl of Stamfords raising of forces in Devonshire. Who was General in the West for the Parliament; but after the Battle of Stratton reduced to the Gouvernment of that City.  
4. The first day, we came before it; the Enemy despising our small Number; sillied out, with a very considerable party; but was vigorously repulsed, beaten, and some of their out worcks, and the south suburbs possessed; which by reason of our want of Ammunition; and our few forces we quitted of our own accord, very many of their men where killed, and taken prisoners. The siege continued about twoe months: the Parliament endeavoured twice to secure it, once by land, from plymouth, and Dartmouth; which where surprised in their march, beaten and totally Dissipated.  
Secondly by sea, with the Parliaments fleet, commanded by the Earl of Warwich, having two thousand soldiers aboard, which he designed to land at Apsom, under the favour of his Cannon; but was prevented by our sinking (the night before) divers vessels with stones in the Channel. He endeavoured to land at other places on the strand, in his long Botes; but was always repulsed with loss, one of his ships was fired by us; another so raked through, by our Cannon; that they were Constrained to fire it themselves, not able to bring it of.  
5. About this time Bristol was taken by the King's forces. Prince Maurits arrived before Exeter, with about 3000 Cornish foot, and some horse; having viewed all the quarters, and Approaches; resolved on an Attaque; by the south gate; which was Committed to Colonel Chudly, and me; with 2000 men, the manner left to ourselves, at the place where we intended to fall on; the enemy had twoe out guards, advanced from the southgate, the distance of musket shot, of about 3 or 400 men; with a line of communication from the port, to the out works, which, we could perceive was but slightly manned; we resolved with fire locks, and Pikemen, with pistols by their sides; that light matches should not discover our design; to march silently an hour before break of day, to assault the line jointly, by way of surprise: he on the left hand neat the outguarde, I on the right, near the port; hoping thereby (if success full) to cut of the retreat of the Enemy, which we did; by this means all in the out work, were either killed, or taken. Whereupon we Lodged ourselves under the wall, reasnably well couvered; so near the port that they durst not attempt à sally: in this condition and consternation; they beat a parley, desired a treaty, sent out hostages; Sir Richard Cave and I, were employed to treat, and had the place rendered even on our own terms.  
6. Having refreshed the Army, twelve or fourteen days, the Prince marched to Dartmouth, though late in the year, to begin a siege; before the several Quarters were fully fixed, his Highness; the Earl of Marborow, General of the Artillery, etc. and Major General Basset, fell all three at one time dangerously sick, which caused disorder and delay; the greatest part of the Officers were inclined to raise the siege, and retire the Army into Winter-quarters: Sir Richard Cave, Colonel Chudley, and myself opposed it, and wrote to My Lord Berkeley, (who was Gouvernour as well or the Province, as of Exeter) to come to the Army; at whose arrival resolution was taken to attack the Town in two places: Colonel Chudley, and myself were ordered (as at exeter) to assault one post, in divers places, he entered the first, beat the Enemy out of some Works, but being unfortunately killed, his Troops were repulsed; those I commanded entered likewise, drove them from all their outworks, which was their chief strength in that quarter; and commanded the Town, which immediately treated, and rendered: whereof Colonel Seymour was made Gouvernour.  
7. Towards the end of October, the King sent order to my Lord Berckely, to dispatch me with my own Regiment, and what other troops he could spare, with all expedition, to join with my Lord Hoptons' Army, for the relief of Basin, then besieged by Sir William Waller. I was immediately sent away with a Brigade of Foot, consisting of his Lordship's Sir William Courtenays' (not he of Devonshire, but another of the same name) Sir John Acklands, Colonel Strangeways, and my own Regiment: with three troops of Horse: I joined my Lord Hoptons' Army; Basin was relieved, Waller retired, encamped advantageously under Farnham castle; General Hopton followed him; presented him Battle; the one would not dislodge, nor the other attack him as he lay; the day following, a Council of war was held, about the beginning of December, where it was resolved, that the Amy should separate into four Brigades, and retire to Winter-quarters, one with my Lord Hopten to Winchester, another under Sir Charles Vavasour to Alsford, a third commanded by Colonel Boles to Alton, the fourth with me to Petersfield, the Horse were divided accordingly, a party with every Brigade of Foot, whereof I had with me Sir Edward Stowels Regiment of Cavalry, Sir Edward Fords, Sir Edward Bishops, four Troops of my Lord Bellasis his Regiment, commanded by his Major Bovel, with the three Troops which came with me out of Devonshire. One present at the Council, declared his opinion, that it was dangerous to divide the Army into so many open quarters, whilst Sir William waller's remained in one entire Body, since he could in one night (as his custom was to march) force any of the nearest to him, before the others could be advertised, join, and secure the quarter aetacqued; this coming from a very youngman was neglected as of no moment, though the consequence, ten days after, made it appear, as one of Cassandra's predictions, which though always true, were never believed, till accomplished, or pastremedy.  
8. Four of five days after, my Lord Berkeley arrived at my quarter, from Oxford, bringing with him Sir William Butler his Regiment of Horse, with the King's commands, to march incontinently towards Arundel, to take it if possible. I marched all tuesday with the Horse, and as many Musquetiers as I could mount, being favoured by a great mist, without any discovery, about four of the clock, wednesday morning, we surprised, and forced the Town; the greatest part of the Enemy retired into the castle, which was rendered the Saturday following (when my foot came up) that the Soldiers should go whither they would, leaving all Arms, and Ammunition, both of war, and mouth having in three or four days, given the necessary orders, touching the defence of the Town and castle; I left Sir Edward Ford there, with 400. Foot, marching all night with the rest (at the instances of Sir William Butler, whom his Majesty had made Sheriff of Kent) hoping to have taken Bramber castle, but were prevented by Colonel Morley, and Sir Michael Livesie, who had possessed themselves of the place and passage over the River, with about 2000 Men, out of Kent, whilst I was seeking another ford, where I might pass the River with more conveniency then in the face of the Enemy; my Lord Hopton by an Express, sent me advertisement, that the General Waller (as was foreseen, and foretold) marching all the night from Farnham, to Alton, had forced that quarter, about break of day, killed Colonel Boles who commanded the Brigade, and all the soldjers either out of, or taken prisonners, and totaly dissipated the Earl of crawford's Brigade of horse, which misfortune had so weakened his Army, that he could not hinder the enemy's progress, which he was persuaded would be for the recovery of Arundel, before it could be provided of all things, necessary for its defence; which he recommended to me with great earnestness, desiring me to keep what forces I thought needful for the place, and to send back Sir William Butler, with the rest, to join his Army; assuring me, that if I were besieged, he would relieve me in eight days; expecting suddenly forces from Oxford.  
9 I retained near 800 Foot, with the four Companies of my Lord Bellasis Regiment of Horse, and my own Troop; sending back all I could, under the Command of Sir William Butler; in less than four and twenty hours after, General waller's Army appeared before the Town, which I resolved to defend, as long as I could; and in case of necessity to retire to the castle, it was assaulted in three places, and no fortifications, but the ruins of an old wall, and without it (at some distance) a more ancient Line, and Ditch; but without Flanque; where I judged they might be most useful, I placed Major Bovel with his horse; and perceiving not far from me, that a considerable body of the enemy's Foot had passed the Line, with eight or ten blue Colours, which were of Sir Arthur Haselrigs Regiment, commanded by Colonel Birch (who I think still lives) and began to range themselves in order; I desired Major Bovel to charge them with me, for if we broke them not, the Castle might be lost as well as the town; we charged, routed, and drove them back over the Line: Colonel Birch was (as I remember) wounded in the belly, and one Captain Bedel casting himself amongst the dead bodies (as if killed) was discovered, and taken prisoner: my horse was shot with a musket-bullet in the hip, and fell with me; I had (aparently) been killed, unless rescued by some Officers of my Lord Bellasis Regiment. Another post where Major Fletcher commanded, was forced; he dangerously wounded, and taken prisoner; with great difficulty we retired into the castle, where the Enemy thought to have entered with us, but was repulsed.  
10. In these conflicts many were killed on both sides. I found means to advertise the King of the state of the place, both as to its strength Ammunition, and Victual; of the twoe last we were very ill provided, by reason of the suddainess of the siege, as soon it was taken. I received assurance from his Majesty, that within ten, or twelve days, I should be succoured; if I could defend it so long, which was (in some manner) endeavoured, but succeeded not. I held it out five and twenty days, to great extremity, it was rendered by the Council of War, upon quarter for life: I never signed the Capitulation, and might have been denied the benefit of the Articles, and quarter, had General Waller been cruel. Of above 900 Officers, and Soldiers, Horse and Foot, which I retained before the siege; few more than 200 marehed out, the rest either killed, or dead of the bloody flux, and spotted fever; with the first whereof I was myself attacked, as soon as recovered; I was sent prisoner upon my parolle to London, without guards, were rendering myself; I was committed to the Tower; remaining there about six months, until I had liberty from the Earl of Essex, to procure the freedom of Sir Ellis Layton (at that time Colonel of horse under the Parliament) and of one white, Captain in the same Regiment, in Exchange, or to return again to the Tower within eight and twenty days.  
11. The King granted their liberty, as soon as I arrived at Oxford, where I stayed but two days, and went post to Exeter by his Majesty's commands, having dispatched my affairs, for which I was sent, I returned towards Oxford; on the way I understood, that the Earl of Essex, and General Waller, were before it, the King broke through them, with what forces he had and retired to Worchester; Waller followed him: Essex halted some time at Burford, near which, in my way; I fell into a small party of straggling Souldjers, without any Officer; I told them I had the Earl of Essex his pass for 28. days; that not more then half the time was expired, and was therefore free; that satisfied them not; I was unwilling to be taken having papers of importance, and cyfers in my clothes, and saddle; I was wounded in my left eye, and in danger to have lost it by the blow of a pistol, which had been fired in vain; I was made prisoner, brought to Essex, who caused me to be dressed by his Chirurgeon for 2 or 3 days, and set me at liberty, according to my pass: I went to Oxford, where I remained till cured, and then returned to Exeter.  
12. Prince Maurits, who had always honoured me with his favour, in whose service I had not been unlucky, employed me in his Army; the Earl of Essex marched Westward, whereof his Highness being advertised, risen from before Plymouth, and strengthened with 2000 Cornish men, resolved to march to Exester, and there encamp, under the shelter of the Town, and River, to keep himself from the necessity of a Battle, being very inferior in number to the Enemy; the same day the Prince marched from Okhampton, the Earl in the evening arrived at Tiverton, we at Kirton; some Quarter-masters of both Armies encountered, to make quarters in the same places; which was the first advertissement we had, where he was; and I believe he knew as little of us: upon the alarm the Prince dispatched me with a thousand Foot, and some Horse, in the night to possess Exbridg, lest the enemy should have been before hand; I did it, and cast up a breast work. His Highness followed with the Army; the Earl pursued his march to Pliemouth, and thence into Cornwell; leaving the Prince, which seemed strange to most. I conjectured at his reason, and found shortly after, that I had not divined amiss, but the recite is long, and here needless.  
13. The very same day, his Highness received an Express from the King in cipher, whereby he was advertised, that his Majesty had beaten waller's Army, at Croplie Bridg, and was on his march to join both Armies in the West, if possible: His Majesty not knowing certainly, whither our Army was come Eastward of Essex or not, thus unknown to either, things where in as good a posture, as if concerted; the Prince sent me immediately to the King, with an account of all.  
14. I met his Majesty in march towards chard, being joined, his Majesty followed Essex; we would have come to a battle, he not; we encamped near together; we had daily scermishes; our design was to streigthen them for victuals; at the end of about 14. days, his horse broke through Eastward, under Lieutenant General Balfourd, the Foot disputed their post a while, and then capitulated, to leave their Arms, Colours, Artillery, Ammunition, and Baggage, and to march away with cudgels only. Essex embarked himself at Foy, this blemished his reputation, and shortly after lost him the Generalat.  
15. The King marched towards Oxford, in his way thither was forced to the second battle of Newbury, were his Army was something unfortunate, and had been more so, if the jealousies (or rather the Diametrally opposite principles, and aims) of the Chiefs of the Enemy, had not at that time (in some kind) favoured his Majesty.  
16. The Winter following, the whole model of the Parliaments Militie was changed, the Earls of Manchester, Essex, and General Waller put out: Fairfax made General, Cromwell Lieutenant General, and the officers and soldiers composing the Niew Army; for the most part (if not all) at Cromwel's devotion, almost all considerable persons of the Presbiterean party put out. The King had for the following summer assembled, rather a good than a great Army, betwixt which (despising the new model) and that of the Parliament, was fought that fatal battle of Naesby, where his Majesty lost his Army, and as the unfortunate consequence thereof, not long after, his Crown and Life.  
17. The King being returned to Oxford the Winter following, employed me to London (Sir John Bamfield having procured me a pass to return thither) to penetrate as far as was possible, into the designs of the two parties in the Parliament, in relation to his Majesty's Person and Authority. I wanted neither means, nor assiduity, to perform what I was commanded. I found the one very severe in their principles, as well to the civil, as Ecclesiastical Gouvernment: the other which was influenced entirely by Cromwell, resolved (and labouring) to change and destroy both; I clearly saw, by Joining, with the first, the root of monarchy, was to be preserved, and did believe, the branches would again grow out: to trust the latter, I saw no reasnable ground; what ever the specious pretences of some amongst them were; in their secret Correspondency with persons, of great quality, and no less credit about the King.  
18. The Bulk of the party, and the leading men (as I knew, always said; and writ both to the King himself, and divers others of the greatest quality; some whereof yet live) were resolved upon an entire subversion of monarchy, and the Establishment of a new Government.  
19 Having (as I thought) light sufficient, to make these twoe points, as Clear, as by a Mathematical demonstration; I disguised myself, in my Grooms Clothes; and went with the Tame Carrier to that Town; and thence on foot to Oxford; where I Entered in the Evening, without being known to any; only the Captain of the guard caused me to be brought to Sir Thomas Glemham, who was then Gouvernour; but I was so disguised that he knew me not; I told him in private that I came from London about some affairs which Concerned his Majesty; desiring him to appoint me to some convenient place; where I might be private; and that he would send one of his servants to Mr. Oudart (who at that time was Undersecretary to Sir Edward Nicolas principale Secretary of State) to come to me; which he Immediately did, and returned forthwith, to acquaint the King with my arrival, who sent him back, with his commands to put the heads of what I had to say to him in writing, that he might have time to consider of it, and would speak with me (at large) the night following; in the day, it being almost impossible, without discovery.  
20. Accordingly, about eight of the clock, the next evening, I was brought where his Majesty was; none being present but Mr. Secretary Nicolas; the Duke of York; came in for a moment to receive his father's Benediction, before his going to his rest. The King debated at large Every point, and circumstance, contained in my memorial; being at that time fully convinced that he could not expect any thing, but ruin from the Army, and there adherents in the Parliament; giving me new instructions, concerning divers eminent persons, of the Presbiterean party, with letters to two of the Chief; and to a great and a wise Lady, who was in extraordinary credit, and had much influence upon the transactions of those times. His Majesty commanded me to acquaint the Queen, from time to time, with all that passed betwixt him, and me, and of all my transactions concerning his service; which I could better do from London, than he from Oxford, which I did perform, by a constant Correspondence, with the Earl of St. Alban, during the space of about three Years, until I was commanded out of England for other services.  
21. The King having charged me, with new Instructions, letters, and all things expedient for his service, dispatched me again to London: when immediately upon my arrival I spoke with those, to whom his Majesty had written; too whereof where unwilling to receive their letters; but contented to hear them read; and after to see the hand, and signature; which they knew to have been all his own.  
22. By these means, some where gained by public, others by their own particular Interests: a few, who had been his Majesty's menial servants, and in his favour; I think repent really what they had done; and resolved to efface. What had passed, by their future fidelity  
23. But much the greatest part where brought about, through the apprehension, that the power of the Army, which daily increased, would overgrow the authorithy of Parliament; treading under foot all laws, and constitutions changing the Gouverment, and Gouvernours; as frequently as the Praetorian Chohorts, did that of Rome, whereby the public miseries, of the preceding civil war, might prove but the prologue to the following tragedy; Anarchy, usurpation, and tyranny; which begun, was nourished, and ended in blood: as the whole world, has been witness of.  
24. Not long after, I had left the King at Oxford; the Army having reduced, all the rest of the Nation (some few places excepted) marched towards that City, to besiege both his Majesty and it; who being resolved not to fall into their hands, as long as he could avoid it, was constrained to save himself disguised in an Ecclesiastical habit: which was the most proper he could assume who not long after, sacrificed his life, for the maintaining of that profession; which he was fully convinced, was of Apostolical Institution; and had sworn at his Coronation to uphold; as it had been established by law, at the first solid reformation under the Reign of Queen Elisabeth, who though a most Zealous Protestant; and the greatest pillar of the reformed Religion, throuwghout all Christendom; could never be induced upon any consideration, to the taking away of the Episcopal function.  
25. The King having for that time, thus Escaped; threw himself upon the Scotish Army, which then besieged Newarke; and upon the rendering of the Place, was conducted to New Castle: Wither (immediately at his arrival) he sent me his commands to Come with all diligence: having obeyed, his Majesty was Pleased to Acquaint me, with the State of his affairs, with the Scots; Whose conduct towards him, had not Given him the Satisfaction, which he reasnably hoped for when he had volontarily, betaken himself to them, for Refuge in his distress: having heard all I had to represent, concerning the affairs at London, which could any ways relate to his person, or Interest; since his Escape from Oxford: he commanded me, to make a short deduction of all, in writing to leave with him, for the refreshment of his Memory.  
26. Having remained there a few days: his Majestye was pleased to trust me with new Instructions, according to the change, and Exigence of his affairs; and to dispatch me back to London.  
27. Not long after I received a Letter from him by an express whom he eminently trusted, to whose Information, he referred me chief in the following terms.  
The Several ends I have in this dispatch, I have fully communicated to the Bearer; resulting from what you left with me, when you where Hear; and from what you, and others have written to me since; the Particulars are to long, and troublesome, to be put in chypher, and to important to be hazarded out of it: Wherefore I must refer you to him for answer, to your two last, and for direction in your conduct, touching what you have propounded.  
Your assured friend CHARLES R.  
28. Part of this Business needs not to be mentioned Hear, being in some Kind particular; relating to what degree two or three persons, might, or might not be trusted, and in what Matters: but the principal thereof was, to Engage the Earl of Essex, the Earl of Holland, Mylord Willoby of Parham, with several others of both houses; so to contrive the Business; by their own, and friends credit: that the propositions of the Parliament, which were resolved, should be drawn up (upon his Maj. message a little before, pressing earnestly a treaty) might be as moderate, as possible Can be Procured; and that such commissioners (by the influence of these persons, might be chosen to compile them, as near the model, which his Matie. had given in writing, to the person all ready mentioned, as Can be effected.  
29. The business was communicared, where it was most convenient: but the sudden death of the Earl of Essex, through an apoplexy, rendered the propositions more harsh, and difficult; then peradventure they would have been, had he lived; who was animated; resolute; would hazard more than all the others; had credit; and was every moment incited, by the influence, and persuasions of his sister, the late Duchess of Somerset.  
30. However, Cromwell, the army, and their adherents in Parliament, fearing the very possibility of the King's assent; in that extremity of his affairs: and by consequence, the frustration of their designs, leading to the destruction of his person, and the subversion of Monarchy; Employed all the artifices Imaginable, to have the King disposed to reject entirely, the propositions, Without so much as demanding any treaty, or Explication: which they concluded, would disgust (to that height) both the Scotch, and severer of the English presbyterians (as indeed it did) that they should the easilier arrive at their great design, in the overthrow of all; as it after fell out, and chief through that maxim, which he all a long pursued, of keeping the King, and Presbiterans from agreeing; whereof the success, was even at that time clearly probable.  
31. To this end, they connived at the escape of a person out of the tower, there Prisoner; and in reasnable credit, with the King: being moreover, a clergy Man; animated in the highest degree, against the Scotch, and presbyterians; was a very proper instrument for their design; though I shall do him that right, as to declaer my persuasion; that he suspected not the deceit wherein he was flattered, employed, and deceived; as many others were, unblemishedly faithful to the King, but to credulous. This man (as I have said) escaped; made his speedy repair to Niew castle; being fortified with powerful recommendations, from twoe, or three, great, and worthy persons.  
32. The same day that he parted from London, one who was at that time, very intimately my friend, and in the secret; gave me a visit; telling me, (with joy even in his eyes) that he came to tell me the best news, that ever I had heard; being a particular recite, of the Escape of the fore Mentioned person; with his Message, instructions; and the ouverteurs he was charged with, to his Maj. from some of the army; and principal persons, of their adherents; who as he said were absolutely resolved to restore the King; upon his utterly rejecting the Parliaments Propositions; and granting them a full liberty of conscience; and such a power in the Militia, as might secure all to them, which his Maj. (as affairs stood) should find himself necessitated to accord them.  
Sect. 33. He added (as already in triumph) that the business was as good as done; and that in less than three months, we should see the King on his throne; and in the full Execution of his Regal authority having heard him, with great attention (for his discourse was weighty, although his judgement deluded) without one word of interruption; I answered him at length, that I was sorry, I could not rejoice with him, at his triumphant niewes; which I should undoubtedly do, as much as any Man alive; if I believed the success would prove, what he and those engaged in that design, figured to themselves; for he had told me who they were; three or four of the greatest, and one of the wisest men that served the King, on whose prudence, and integrite his Maj. relied, as much as any man's. I added, I believe (or rather I know) this to be a manifest cheat; concerted betwixt Cromwell, Ireton, and some chief persons of their adherents in the twoe houses; whose real, and hidden end is (what specious pretences soever they make to abuse the credulity of you, and others) to render this treaty ineffectual, which has been browght about, with great difficulty and, against strong opposition, even of those persons, who make these ouvertures now; hoping hereby to frustrate by address, what they Can not hinder, by their debates; in the twoe houses and by Making it break of abruptly; by his Maj. Rejecting all the propositions in General; cast the odium upon him; and render the breach irreconcilable betwixt him, and the presbyterians; whereby (as I had much reason to fear) the most zealous, the most violent, and the least reasnable (which are always the greatest number) would entirely abandon the wisest, and most moderate; uniting themselves to the army's party in both houses; whereby, the authority of Parliament, being joined to the power of the army; both the King's person, and Monarchy would be desperately exposed.  
Sect. 34. I alleged further, that I knew his Maj. would never consent to the propositions as they lay; nor was it councellable he Should: only that he would demand a treaty, and debate, by a power given to the commissioners to explain and discuss, Every article apart, and in particular; which was the likeliest means to produce a good Effect: and that by such an answer, and demand, those persons who had (as then) the most credit, and chief direction, would endeavour to despose the Parliament to consent by which means, and through reasnable expedients, which might be found out; the severest things might have been moderated; and great difficulties remouved. To which end I told him, I had already written to the King; who seemed to be very well satisfied therewith; and disposed to give such an answer.  
35. He replied, that he was (upon good grounds) assured, when his Maj. had hear●d, what this messenger forementioned, had to propownd; be would not demand any treaty; and that the army would set him on his throne and make him a great King: I besowght Almighty God, that it might prove so; but that I feared, thy would at last take away his life, and crown together, putting him in a capacity of possessing another in Heaven, more durable.  
Sect. 36. The next day, I went to wait on the Marquis of Hartford, since Duke of Somerset; who the forenamed Gentleman had told me, was acquainted with all this transaction; and concurred in it: which I found true; and that he was persuaded the army would restore his Maj. suddenly: perceaving me obstinate, in the contrary opinion; he said these words to me: Colonel Bamfield, I have always wished you well, and do so Still; and therefore would advise you, not to oppose yourself further, to obstruct this course towards the King's recouvery; for some of the clergy begin to suspect, that you have particular interests, in your transactions with the presbyterians; which weigh more than that of his Maj. I made answer, that I had no other worldly interest, but what was involved in, and subordinate to, the Kings: that I never expected any advantage neither from the one, or from the other party; but that I was so fully convinced, of the desperate designs, secret practices; and principles of the army, and their adherents (where of I did not want light) that the groundless controversy, of some men, nor their deluding hopes, should never make me prostitute my reason, nor act against it; or have any thing to do with those, whose end, and underground workings were for the destruction of the King's person, and Monarchy.  
Sect. 37. A few days after this his Maj. answer came, but not altogether such, as these his friends, who, I have mentioned, desired; but unhappy enough for him, to do the army's business at that time, for the most Zealous part of the presbyterians left, the wisest; and most moderate (who endeavoured to have made the Kings answer the fowndation of a treaty) and being likewise irritated, by the Schotish Ministers, Gyllaspy, and others; joined with the armies adherents in Parliament; to demand of the Scots, the delivery of his Maj. person, to commissioners, who were sent to receive him; and guards commanded by Colonel Graves. This was clearly foreseen, by the late Duke of Lauderdalle (than one of the Commissioners for Scotland) the Earl of Holland, my Lord Willowby of Parham; my Lord Hollis, Sr. Philip Stapleton, and very many others in both houses; who were are that time entirely for the King's restauration, upon as moderate terms, as their conduct, and credit in Parliament, Can possibly work out: and as the only expedient, to remove difficulties, wished, and endeavoured to bring the business to a personal treaty: by which means, they hoped to abate the severity of some demands, which all reasnable, and truly conscientious men amongst them, knew his Maj. Can not grant, without violence to his conscience, in the breach of his oath; and divesting himself of all power, to maintain ye laws, protect his subjects; or to preserve himself; and his posterity, from being deprived, of that less than half his regal, and just authority; which his assenting to those propositions (in the terms they were drawn up) would have left him: the remaining part of his power being but precario; and at the arbitrement of every succeeding Parliament.  
Sect. 38. The wisest amongst them, Considered, and acknowldged these truths; and seeing a part of the Nation disposed with the army, and their adherents, towards a popular Gouverment; would willingly have had more power in the King; then when they began the war, they desired, or designed.  
Sect. 39 On the contrary; the adverse party, was absolutely against a treaty, which they feared might lead to moderation on both sides; and produce an accord; destructive to those great projects, the chiefs of them, had figured to themselves, for a long time; and resolved upon, after the niew modeling of the army: to prevent an agreement; they must hinder a treaty; to which end, that party, in both houses having at first, vigorously opposed, sending of any propositions to the King; but that being carried against them, in the affirmative: by great address, and infusing jalousies concerning Religeon, into the greatest number of the presbyterians; (few of them being States men, by experience, and peradventure, not all by reason) they easily drew them to a vote, that his Maj. Should be obliged to sign the propositions in the terms, as they were sent him by both houses, allowing no latitude, to the Commissioners by whom they were sent; to treat or debate one syllable: knowing very well, that the King; neither would; nor indeed Can; consent to them as they were; neither with Conscience, honour, or safety: however, lest the extreme danger whereunto he lay exposed; might have prevailed with him to consent; they made use of the stratagem, I have already mentioned, of infusing into the belief of many of the most considerable of the King's friends, that the army would restore him, upon certain conditions specified; who led his Maj. himself to some hopes of it.  
Sect. 40. By these means the King was by the Scots delivered to the commissioners, sent by the Parliament to receive him; by them browght to Holmby, one of his own houses: where he was rigorously guarded, and very hardly used, in all considerations; not permitted to Speak with any man, but in presence of some of the Commissioners; not one of his domestic servants suffered about him, nor the liberty to write, or receive a letter, from the Queen, any of his Childerens, or friends: knowing nothing what his enemies did; or what he was to do himself. In this deplorable condition, one nepar (whom the Parliament had placed about him, as his barber) being gained; whose employment every morning, and evening near his person, gave him the opportunity of conveying letters, unpercevably into his hands; how strictly soever he was watched: by this conveniency, having written to him at large, concerning many things; and especially, of the desorders, begun betwixt the Parliament, and the army; and of all else which I judged necessary for his Knowledge, in that estate he was; he did me the honour, to write to me an answer, in the following terms.  
Holmby the 15. April.  
Sect. 41. I have received your cipher, and your twoe letters both without date; desirnig you to mend that omission here after. And now to come to the business without further preambles; you must know that I am guarded, with such extreme severity, that I can neither write, nor receive any letter, nor speak with any of my friends (to let pass all other rigours) which are such, as I cannot but often times, profess publicly, that I can neither with honour, nor prudence, answer to any proposition, which either has been; or can be made me, whilst I am in this condition; for what ever I can now offer, or consent to; will rather be interpreted to proceed from fear, or at best, to mend my condition, then from any motif of public good: for I am as a blinded man; without the least light, of what I am to expect, from my enemies; or hope for from my friends: saveing what God's Providence affords me; by the industry, and hazard of those, who are most faithful to me: inso much, that I cannot change my resolution; unless upon the certainty of gaining some advantage for the public, which may counterbalance, the passing by this real point of honour: for I cannot admit of your distinction; of promising things now, to be ratified when I am at liberty. But when you can give me such an assurance, as may reasnably be depended upon, that the answer, which I am able to make to the propositions, will produce the effect of bringing me with honour to London; I shall not delay to give it; even before the twoe houses demand it of me.  
And lest your not knowing of my mind, might hinder you, from answering me fully, and particulardy, I have thowght good to give you under my hand, what the satisfaction is, which I can give; to the four chief propositions.  
First for Religeon, I shall consent to confirm the Presbiterian Gouverment, and the directory for three years (being the time as yet limited by the houses) provided I and my household, have the liberty, of serving God as formerly: and that allsoe, a consultation, and free debate, be agreed to, with the assembly of divines at Westminster (only twenty of my nomination being added to them) where by, I, and the twoe houses may agree, how the, church shall be Gouverned upon the expiration of the said term of three years. Secondly, I will consent, that the Militia, by act of Parliament; as well by sea, as by land, shall be in the twoe houses for ten years: and at the expiration of that term, to return to the Crown, as in the times of Queen Elizabeth, and of my father, of happy Memory.  
Thirdly for their great seal, I will confirm it, and all acts passed under it: Provided that I be not pressed to disannul those passed under my own; and that the Gouverment there of, for the time to come, be in me; according to due course of Law.  
Fourthly for the business of Ireland, these other things being agreed, I shall give satisfaction therein.  
I am content to lay aside, much of my own proper right, for the public tranquillity. And to agree to all, tending really, to the conservation, and better reformation of the Protestante Religeon, as far as I may without wownding of my conscience, by the breach of my oath. And assure all those, with whom you treat, about these Matters; that no humane consideration, shall bring me further, as to these four propositions; tell 128., that without encouragement from him and from you, I shall not go thus far.  
Be careful, that the twoe enclosed letters, be suddenly, and safely delivered; the one to my wife, the other to the French Ambassador Adieu.  
Your assured friend CHARLES R.  
Sect. 42. Having showed this letter to some of the chiefs of both houses, who I had gained into the King's interest: and that they had consulted, such of their friends, as they could trust, concerning his Maties. resolution touching these four principal propositions; and done all in the business, which was necessary, and (for me) possible; I gave his Matie. an account there of: with all that I had learned, and observed, touching the twoe parties; as well, as my humble opinions; there upon grounded; in answer whereunto; I received shortly after this following letter.  
Holmby April ye 27.  
SEct. 43. I have received yours of the 24. present on thursday; to which in short my answer is; that no apprehension, nor yet certitude, of any evils, which can befall me; shall make me leave, out those twoe clauses, you mention; which are not circomstantiel, but most essential: and in such things, to rely to much on their good nature; or to belive, that they care not to conserve, what they desire with so much ernestness; or like children shall be soon weary of it, seems to me a most inexcusable folly. Wherefor, I command you, to assure all, with whom you treat, or think further fit to speak with about my affairs; that I shall adhere firmly, without addition, or substraction, to what I wrote to you in my last; only adding their expedient, which you sent me, concerning the Covenant; as to the substance, but not in the same terms, which they have drawn up; which I hope will give satisfaction to all reasnable men. Let no man see, the note in cipher, but do all you can possible in what it contains. The greatest of the enclosed, is for my wife; the other for the Ambassador Bellieure, to whom I have written, to acquaint you with what he has done; or hopes to do with those of the Scotch commissioners, which he believes he has influence upon; to the end you may write it to me in cipher. Let me know by your next, who gave you the note in French, which I found in your last: althowgh I believe it a cheat; yet I have made no great scruple, to answer it; which you are to deliver, as soon as you can: and here after do not engage yourself to secrecy, in such addresses; for I will not receive any thing from those who Conceal their names; inconveniencies may befall me by it. If they think fit to trust you; they May me.  
I am your friend CHARLES R.  
Sect. 44. Shortly after, upon the advertisements, which I had given his Matie. touching the Parliaments resolution to disband the army; which effected (some pretended to me, that they Can treat with the King, in greater liberty and securety.) But suspecting, that he would not meet with such reasnable Conditions, after, as before, the army's Cassation: I gave him the advertisement, with my humble opinions there upon, beseeching him to send his offers whilst things were in the condition, they then Stood. He was pleased to answer me as follows.  
Holmby May the 8.  
SEct. 45. Your advertisement, of the Parliaments resolution to disband the army; and of its discontentement, lets me, see the cause, of their delaying to send me the propositions: Were I assured that they would deal sincerely, and moderately with me afterwards; I should witsh te armies cashiering; but the very ill usage, I receive as yet, from them, makes me suspect alle things: that I can hardly resolve, what is best for me to do, in such an unhappy conjoncture; and shall deliberate a little longer: however take you hence the occasion; to let those see, who say they are my friends; how much more reasnable I am (even according to their own rules) than the authors of these desorders; which can never be appeased unless they agree with me: they know what will satisfy me; but the bottom of these men's designs, is not easily sownded: upon the place where you are, you know best how to urge this, with the most efficacy. According to the advice, your next letter brings me, I shall take my measures. Send the enclosed to my wife; and deliver the other yourself to my Lord Dumfermlin; and keep my correspondence with him secret. farewell  
Your friend CHARLES R.  
Sect. 46. Upon the answer which I made to this letter, which contained very many matters of fact of great importance, betwixt the Parliament and army, whose differences flew very high; with the opinion of others, as well as my own there upon, the particulars where of, all although to long to be Here Mentioned, may be guessed at by the King's answer, which follows.  
May the 16.  
SEct. 47. Monday last, I received yours; which put such thowghts into my head; that I could not delay the dispatching my Message to the twoe houses; for undoubtedly, reason will be sooner heard by unreasnable men; when they dispute who shall be master; then when there is no opposition: and certainly, seeing many of those in the Parliament; who pretend to be my friends; make so little account; of what you have offered them in my name; I can expect nothing from them, but extremest rigour, when they have no competitors; for in the incertainty of their affairs; they may judge me necessary, but then useless. What I send you now, is no more than what you know already, touching the four chief propositions: and for the covenant, I have. Done as much as I promised them. 'Cause my message, to be printed, and published all you can. Make my excuse to the french Ambassador, for what he has written to me in his last, is of so little concernment; that it is not worth the pains to answer it in cipher to himself.  
Assure him, from me, that neither Dumfermlin (who is now here) nor any else (saving you) shall know what passes betwixt him and me. Send the enclosed to my wife; to whom fail. Not to give an account of all that passes, farewell.  
Your friend CHARLES. R.  
Sect. 48. I have many other letters, from his Matie. touching these negotiations, at that time, not necessary here to be inserted, for the end I propose to myself. The Parliament had passed an ordinance, in both houses, for the disbanding of the army; which would not obey: their refusal, and proceed there upon, were very high, and factions; and out of the power of the houses to restrain; their only force, lying in their votes, and orders; which the other laughed at, and despised; who having thus begun, found themselves obliged to go on; or perish. The Parliament, was here at much alarmed; and the wisest amongst them began to repent, their having rejected a proposition, which was secretly made to them, and often urged, with weighty reasons: not to send the Scotch army out of England entirely, and at once; but at the same time to disband part of their own; and send away a like proportion of the Scots; and so by degrees make themselves quit of both. But this was refused, without alleging any solid reason against it; but only depending on Parlementary authority, which they said, the army would never dare to disobey: they were likewise sorry, they had so long, and so much neglected, the great advances which the King had made; and told me plainly; they would endeavour the passing of a vote, in both houses, for the Kings coming to London; but that they apprehended, the army, there upon, would seize upon his person, before he could come thither.  
Sect. 49. They desired me to write to his Matie. to know his inclination. I told them I would go myself; to a friend's house, within less than an hour from Holmby, and would write from thence, which I did all the same night post. Arriving where I intended before noon, the next day from thence I wrote I mediately to his Matie. enclosing my letter, in one to the Earl of Dumfermlin: I acquainted him with the great danger he was in, of being seized by the army; to prevent which, I saw no means, unless his Matie. would, and could save himself by night in desguise; and that I would have horses ready, very near the place; to bring him to London; where (as affairs stood) I was persuaded, he might come to a reasnable accord, on the fowndation of his Message. The next morning he sent my Lord Dumfermlin to me; who gave me, the following lerter.  
Holmby June 4.  
SEct. 50. Referring particulars to the Earl of Dumfermlin, I shall only tell you, that what you proposed to me by your letter of yesterday, is quickly to be answered; that ever since I heard of the army's refusal to disband; I have often thowght, of what you now propownd; and am resolved, not to fall into their hands, if I can avoid it: I have sownded the commissioners; about the expedient which you mention, of escaping with them to London: I have assured them to confirm my last message; and to treat with the Parliament concerning the other things in question: I have laid before them, the public danger, as well as of my person; in case I should be taken by the army; all agree to it except two; who say they cannot Consent, without order from the Parliament, it being to betray their trust; so that I see no way to shun falling into the hands of the army, if they have the design to take me; as soon as Dumfermlin returns; I will try again, what may be done with those who make the greatest difficulty. Expecting your answer this evening; if I can put in execution by any means, what you move; you shall know my resolution speedily; to which end, you shall do well to remain where you are, farewell.  
Your friend CARLS R.  
Sect. 51. My answer to this letter was very short, having acquainted my Lord Dumfermlin fully with all things; who had likewise himself, received letters from some of the Scotch Commissioners at London, which confirmed all I had written, and saved; and therefore concluded some thing was to be done out of hand, for the King's escape. He named the twoe persons to me who opposed it; one where of commanding the troops which guarded his Matie., without him it was not possible to have been done. The next morning, in stead of receiving any advice from the King, how I might serve him in his escape; the news came, of his being secured by a party of the army, commanded by a cornet named Joyce, by his trade a tailor. His, Matie. demanded of him; what commission, or authority he had, to offer him the violence he did: without so much as mouving his hat, or showing the King the least respect; he shown him with his hand, the five or 600 soldiers which he commanded; saying there is my commission; his Matie. without any (the least) emotion smilingly replied, 'twas written in avery fair hand. In short; he was carried away to the army: some furious spirits amongst them, as Major General Harrison, and others, were for the putting of him to death, by an unammous sentence of the army: but Cromwell, Ireton, and the most politic heads, were for delay, and temporizing, so long, by amusing the King with hopes that they would restore him; till they had entirely broken the Presbiterean party, and rendered them powerless; and themselves more absolute. Upon this fowndation, Cromwell, Ireton; and other principal persons of the army, became very civil, and some thing respectful to his Matie. making great protestations of having no other design but the setting him, with honour, upon his throne; on his granting them a free liberty of Conscience; with such a power in the Militia; as they judged convenient for their assurance; that they might not be deprived thereof at pleasure: but that time was needful, to prepare the way; and to dispose the minds of the army, to a submission thereunto.  
Sect. 52. These promises, and deep Protestations, seconded by a free permission of his friends to wait on him: of some of his domstiques to serve him; and of his chapelens to perform their functions, in his devotions; according to the Constitutions, and Customs of the Church of England; wrought very much upon the King; especially from the hopes he had; of not being constrained in his Conscience, in Matter of Divine worship, and church Gouverment wherein he was much more sensible; then in what concerned his prerogative, or the rights of the crown.  
Sect. 53. The chiefs of the army (especially Cromwell, and jerton, who were great masters in that art) made large promises, and specious apparencies, without effecting of any thing; or making any demands tending to a positive conclusion, of what would satisfy them, or of what they would do for his Matie.: and which was then to me remarkable, and worthy at all times of observation; that amidest all these fair pretences, the armies adherents, in both houses, who did not any thing, but by secret concert with Cromwell, continually clamoured in Parliament, at the seeming liberty which the King had; often aleadging that he should be more restrained, and that the chief delinquents (which was the Phrase in those times) owght to be brouwght to condign punishment.  
Sect. 54. Twoe or three of the leading men, who thirsted for his blood, several times let fly expressions of that kind, directly against his person; and others a little cautious; more obliquely: but so, that both the end, and the way to it, which these men had long projected, by mutual agreement, was in my opinion sufficiently visible; where of I advertised the King constantly; and frequently, the Queen; by my constant addresses to the Earl of St. Albans, who lived when I wrote, and intended to Print this relation. As I mentioned all particulars of that nature, spoken in both, or either house, so I named the authors; having had ordnarily once in four and twenty hours, knowledge of all that passed, which concerned the King, who was trained from place, to place according to their apprehensions, and designs, during the space of divers months; till Colonel Hamond was made Gouvernour of the iste of wight, and Kairesbrooke castle more magnificently furnished, out of the public wardrobe; then was needful for him, or suitable to his condition; which by some others was taken notice of; and by me especially, through an unexpected accident, to long to be here inserted; which gave me cause to suspect, and fear what shortly after unhappely arrived; which important circomstance, joined to divers others, not of much less weight, put restless thowghts into my head, till such time as I could obtain a particular audience from the King; to whom I gave an exact account of my apprehensions, with the grounds of them.  
Sect. 55. His Matie. answered; these reasons have weight, one may fear as well to little, as to much, especially as my condition is, yet if there be any faith in them, they will never come to such extremities; however their feeding me hitherto, with good words, and deep protestations, without real effects; or coming in all this time, to any particular, or positive conclusion; makes me some times doubt the event; but on the other side, I cannot fall into all your apprehensions, which seem, now and then, to hyppocondriacal.  
Sect. 56. I replied, I beseech God thy may all prove so; where unto I added, that I hoped there was yet an expedient, either to constrain them to do his business, or to have it done without them. He smiled, and told me such a proposition was well worth the hearing, ask me what it was.  
Sect. 57 I answered, some of the most considerable persons of both houses (who I named) were unchangeabley convinced, that the army juggled with him, who were resolved upon a totalle change of the Gouverment; which design (they who had sat during the space of five, or six years, in the same assembly, with them; and had been privy, to their principles, and debates; and (without doubt) to many of their most secret contrivements) could see further into them then any else; and wished his Matie. would bring them to a short, and peremptory resolution, touching what would content them; as likewise what they would do for him: because that every day, they gained power; and others whoe really desired his Maties. Conservation, and reestablishment lost it.  
Sect. 58. If they meant sincerely, as they pretended; Cromwell, and Ireton, Can absolutely, engage, that party in both houses, to a concurrence with them; who were inseparably linked to his interests: and that the presbyterians, would not hinder, but further it; to prevent what they reasnably, and exceedingly feared; to late finding that they had raised a spirit, which they could not easily lay again. And that the event was very uncertain, in their opposing of that power, which insensibly they had let glide out of their own hands, and nourished against themselves, to long, to be able to give limits to it.  
Sect. 59 They considered that if the liberty of Conscience, which the army seemed to insist upon, were consented to, and the penal statutes repealed, the presbyterians would have been included, as well as others; and for the power of the Militia, which was demanded for security, it must have resided in King, Parliament, or both: for in the Officers of the army, it could not be, without keeping up a continued standing Militia, which the nation Can not bear, as unsafe, both for King, Parliament, and people.  
Sect. 60. They were therefore of opinion, that his Maty without further delay, should have pleased to press them to a particular, and Catigoricall explanation of their full demands; which if he found such, as he could agree to; and that the army's party in both houses, would sincerely concur; there Can be no insuperable difficulty in the business; nor any opposition, saveing what the Scotch Ministers, could have stirred up, who would never have approuved of a liberty of Conscience, nor of any thing less than a Presbiterean Gouverment jurê Divinô; which the armies adherents in both houses, were declaredly against; and I dare boldly say (for I understood at that time, the temper, and costitution, of that Parliament, as it really was) ten of those, who went by the name of presbyterians, were not of the Schots opinion; but either for a moderate episcopacy, as the King had volontarily offered it, at the treaty at uxbridge, when he was under no force, as the wisest expedient, to have remouved all jalousies about Religeon; or else were erastians; and for having the politic Gouverment of the church dependant, on the civil, as it had been from the middle of Henry the eights reign, to that very time, (the six years of Queen Mary, only excepted.) And undoubtedly there was great, and clear reason; foreseeing, that where the Ecclesiasticale policy of the church, in the one, or the other extreme, is received (or shall be) as Jurê Divinô, the hierarchy, has, and will gouverne more absolutely, than the civil, and supreme Magistrate; which has been manifest, for many ages, and is as demonstrable for the future, as any problem of euclid; from which clear, and experienced ground, it may be thowght, that no wise sovereign Authority, will volontarily part with the best half, and surest fowndation of its power.  
Sect. 61. But insensibly, I forget myself; this not being my business; nor was then, any part of my humble representation to his Matie. though above a year before, he had towght me that lesson, when he was at new-castle; in so much, that by what I have here said upon this subject, I become but his echo.  
Sect. 62. Wherefor I shall return, without going further astray, to the matter, which led me to this short digression; to conclude, as I did then, to the King; that the opposition of the Scotch Ministers (though it might have made a little noise, could not have occasioned any interruption, to the success of what has been said.  
Sect. 63. But in case, his Matie. Can not bring the army to such a conclusion, as this council imported; and that he found himself convinced; that their promises, and protestations, were but delusory; they who gave this advice, promised to endeavour, the passing of an order in both houses, to command the army to retire further from London; and to permit the King to come to some of his houses near the city, to treat personally, for a well Grounded peace.  
Sect. 64. His Matie. replied, this has some weight, being what I hearty desire; but I much doubt, the army's obedience; either to leave me at so much liberty; or to retire to such a distance. However, I will press them as far as is possible, and prudent for me in the condition, I am; to a fixed, and positive Conclusion with me; and by you, shall acquaint them with the success, if I find it useful to me. These men who propownd this to you, see to late, that they have improvidently cut out more work, than they can make up without my help; but I cannot resolve to do it all, at my own expense.  
Sect. 65. His Matie. (however) put this in practice with all the ernestness he Can; but met with continual demurs, and delays: that things were not yet sufficiently ripe: that the army was not so unanimous as was hoped it would become: that there were desordres in it (which Cromwell underhand raised, to have a colour for protarction, and for other greater ends which appeared on the the theatre shortly after) that their friends in the Parliament, Can not be wrowght to a full concurrence with them.  
Sect. 66. These pretexts, were so gross, and obvious, that the King's hopes diminished daily. Where upon, those persons already mentioned, procured an order in the twoe houses, that his Matie. should reside at Richmond house; that he should be attended by the same persons, who were about him at Holmby; thirdly that Colonel rossiter's regiment should guard him. All which Cromwell refused, and laughed at; declaring that the King should come no nearer to London, than the Parliament permitted the army's quarter to be. Where upon I alleged, to those persons, that all their votes would signify nothing, unless means could be found out, where by their orders, might be seconded, by such force, as in some degree was able, to counterbalance that of the army. To which end none Can be thowght on, saveing the Militia of London: which at that time, of trained bands, and auxillianes amounted to at lest fiveteen, or sixteen thousand foot, and to have been browght together in six hour's time; they were for much the greatest part Commanded by Presbiterean officers; which in divers battles had done as good service, and fowght as well as those of the army.  
Sect. 67. Whereupon the Earls of Manchester, Holland, Lauderdalle (who though not of the Parliament, but one of the Scots Commissioners, had great credit in the city) my Lord willowghby of Parham, my Lord Hollis, Sr. Philip Stapleton, Sr. William Waller, Major General Mastey, Major General Browne, all which and divers more, who had great influence on the city, judged it now the crittical season, to engage it, to petition the Parliament, for the continuance of their Militia, under the establishment it was; which Cromwell, and his adherents laboured to have changed; but secondly to order that the King, should be left at his House at Richmond, in order to a personal treaty; thirdly that the city should be authorised to raise forces, for the Parliaments, and its own defence, and have power to choose their General Officers. Fourthly that aleaven members of the Parliament who had been (a little before) through an impeachement of the army, sequestered from their session, with their own consent, should return to their places in Parliament; this design was Carried on (in the beginning) with as great secrecy, as such a transaction Can be, by the persons above mentioned, where in I slept not.  
Sect. 68 I acquainted the King with it, who approuved the whole conduct: withal commanding me, so to Gouverne myself, in my part there of; that he might not be necessitated to appear there in; first for his personal safety, as being in the power of the army: secondly that he might have been free, in Conscience, and honour, to agree with the army, in case that this design should drive them to the necessity, of making good their several protestations to him, which without being forced to it, he perceaved they would never do.  
Sect. 69. Besides he told me, most of those with whom you treat, play now their own after game; they began these troubles, which have browght me to this estate, and having by their own Improvidence, through their rigid dealing, when they had the power to have agreed with me, lost the dignity, and authority of Parliament; would now recouver themselves by my hazard; wherefor, I shall go as far along with them, as I find consistent, with the public; and my own interest; chargeing you, not to engage my name further.  
Sect. 70. I replied, that to communicate what measures his Matie. intended to take, would never be approuved by those leading men; and might break of, and Frustrate the whole dessein, upon which (one way or other) his personelle safety, and restauration entirely depended: therefore the best course, I could steer, was not to let them know, that I had lately spoken to him about it; and that in case, they should press me to it, that they might have his engagement, to adhere to them, in their proceed; I would employ all the address I could, to divert them from urging his Matie. to any promise against them, in whose hands, and power he was, and many of them (if not all) desperately disposed to his destruction, which would undoubtedly produce violent, and precipitate practices against him, if they came to the least knowledge, or even controversy, that his Matie. was in any kind of colusion against them. He approuved of this expedient; adding, that it was neither more, nor less than truth.  
Sect. 71. Shortly after I was desired to mouve the King herein; where upon, I alleged the above mentioned reasons against it, with such enlargements, as they were satisfied. In fin, the train took; the city put in excecution all that had been secretly contrived: petitioning the Parliament, for the confirmation of their Militia, according to the Establishment where in it was.  
Secondly that they might have power to raise new forces, for the defence of the Parliament, and themselves.  
Thirdly that they might be empowered to choose their own General officers. Fourthly, that the King should come to London, in order to a personal treaty; and that the aleaven secluded members, should return to their session in Parliament.  
Sect. 72. Here upon all Cromwel's party, in both houses resorted to the army. The rest which constituted more than the number requisite remained assembled, voting all the city's demands. Who began to raise forces: chose their General officers, which were Sr. William Waller, Major General Massy, and others. These enroled, both horse, and foot, which came hourly in to them.  
Many officers, and soldiers; who had been reform, at the instances of the army, as being of different principles from them, were again employed. A proposition was made of seizing all the horses, within the lines of Communication, where withal, they Can have mounted 4 or 5000 troupers, which joined to the city Militia, with the new levied foot; would have made a more considerable force, then that of the army; which they knew, and apprehended. Where upon, Cromwell concluded, that the fox might on that occasion, do more good, than the lion; employed all his artifices, even totum ulissem, to hinder all accord betwixt his Matie. the Parliament, and city; and the King's party from joining: prognosticating the entire ruin of all his vast designs, with the inevitable destruction of his person, and complices, from so fatal, and ominous a conjoncture: which to prevent, he presented aleaven proposals to the King.  
Sect. 73. First for the repealing of all the penal Statutes against recusants; with the taking away of all coercive authority from the Bishops.  
Secondly, the repealing of all acts, constraining the use of the common prayer.  
Thirdly against the enforcing of the Covenant. The next proposal, was compiled, in most ambiguous, and conditional terms; whereby (as I conceived) the very quintessence of this cheat was manifest, as follows here.  
Fourthly the things before mentioned being sufficiently assured; and provision made, for settling, and securing, the rights, liberties, safety, and peace of the nation: his Maties. person, and Royal issue, may be restored, etc.  
In this proposal, all man kind may see, that there was nothing positive, nor to have been certainly depended on, for the King's person, or posterity: the means, for satisfaction in these great matters, which compose the body of the proposal, being left indeffinite; must have been the subsequent, result, of a new treaty, whereby a port remained open, to render the later clause of no manner of Effect; seeing they might continually have declared, that no concessions which the King Can consent to, with the preservation of Monarchy, were judged by them sufficient, to have secured (in their sense) the rights, liberties, safety, and peace of the Nation.  
The seven following proposals, concerned entirely, the moderating of divers severities towards the King's party; which were wise and just in themselves; but most Achittophally politic, as to his end, which was only to bind up the hands of the Royal party, at that conjoncture, and to hinder a coalition.  
Sect. 74. To render all his offers to the King fruitless; he had this reserve, which he had formerly made use of, on the like occasion; before his Matie. escaped from Oxford: that though he, and most of his officers, had thowght those proposals, a good fowndation for the King's reestablishment, and for the nations safety; yet if the Parliament would not be led to the same opinion, he could not constrain them. That he, the officers, and army, were but the nations, and Parliaments servants, not their masters. That they could only recommend their proposals, not enforce their acceptation.  
Sect. 75. However, his Matie. having perused these proposals, debated them, and lent to favourable an ear, to his, and his son inlawes explanations, and deep protestations; did conceive very strong hopes, that they were in earnest, and really intended his restauration, upon which grounds (whereunto was joined the counsels, and pressing persuasions, of three persons, permitted by the army at that time about him, and in great credit with him) as likewise, being in their hands, and power, might apprehend, that his safety required his compliance. At their desire, he signed a paper, utterly desavowing, and disapprouving, the proceed of the Parliament, and city; embracing the armies proposals, as the surest fowndation for a well grounded, and durable peace.  
Cromwell having obtained this, caused some thousand of copies, to be immediately printed, and dispersed through the city, and nation; which gave so full a satisfaction, to almost all the King's friends; that they dissuaded what citizens, they could have influence upon, not to oppose the army.  
Sect. 76. Having gained this great point, he marched furiously towards London, where the desordre, and consternation was so great; by the paper his Matie. had signed; by the endeavours of the Royal party; and of Cromwell's own, which were considerable in that place; as at his arrival, he found no opposition. Sr. William Waller fled into Hollande, Sr. Philip Stapleton to calais, where he died in eight or ten days after; and many others retired to several other places: divers of both houses, as well as of the city, were imprisoned. A great part of his army marched through London, in triumph, he made one of his own party Lieutenant of the Tower, modelled the Militia to his own pleasure, and interest; left some Regiments about the Mews, and Whitehall, to encourage his friends, and terrifye his enemies in Parliament.  
Sect. 77. This though (at that time) a bloodless victory, was in effect, one of the greatest, that ever he gained; making way to that unbownded power, which he after achieved, and waded to, through a sea of blood, in all the three nations; and which was most extraordinary, died in peace, and declared his successor.  
Sect. 78. This having succeeded, according to what he had long designed, yet hardly hoped for, but was resolved to hazard; he began to put of the mask, where withal he had hithirto disguised himself, as to what concerned the King; though not as to other subsequent, and great projections.  
Sect. 79. He quartered part of his army, in the adjacent places near London: Conveyed the King further from it; the counsels of the officers, and agitators, were assembled at putney: 'twas now thowght high time to break with his Matie. and for him, with his Myrmidons, to appear in their pure naturals.  
Sect. 80. Subjects for desperate, and bloody debates, touching the King, were propounded in their meetings, by his, and his son in laws instruments and secret instigations: though it was yet unseasnable, that the scene of execution showld be exposed.  
Sect. 81. He seemed much concerned for the danger he had plunged the King into, and would appear willing to quench a real fire, (which he had kindled, nourished, and now chiefly, administered fuel to) with an imaginary water.  
Sect. 82. This danger of his Matie. was communicated to him, both by his friends, and enemies; but with very different intentions. Cromwell would not appear the last, nor the least concerned for his security; which undoubtedly, and visibly was, to have it provided for, in the Isle of wight. To which end he wrote a letter to his Cousin, Commissary General Whaly; who had the guard of his Maties. person; signifying the desorders of the army, with the King's danger; which being communicated to his Matie. he recalled his word, which had been given, that he would not endeavour to escape: notwithstanding, whaly took not the least care to prevent it, which he undoubtedly would have done, had he not foreknown, what arrived very shortly after.  
Peradventure being at that time a preacher, (as most of the officers than were) he was likewise a prophet; and Can divine, that his Maties. escape, would prove but a translation, from an ill imprisonment, to a worse. In short he left Hamton Court (I will not say saved himself from it) few knew what path he had taken (though some I am confident did, besides those with him) till the news came to the Parliament, of his being in the hands of Colonel Hamond in the Isle of wight.  
It not being my business here, to enlarge to much, or to discant upon other men's allegations, for the excuse of Cromwell's, and Iretons after proceed, as extorted from them, through danger, and necessity, for their own preservation; some whereof being false; others frivolous, and childish; I shall leave them as they are, without further reflections; passing on cursorily, to some few matters of weight, leading to the fatal event of this most unhappy business.  
The King being in the Isle of wight, and not finding his entertainment, answerable to his hopes; and that the personal security, oraculously promised him, was to be interpreted, in the sense of his enemies, tending directly, to his stricter, and surer confinement; and in the extremest danger which could threaten him; his escape was become much more difficult, if not impossible; and being advertised from London (means having been suddenly found out for correspondence with him) of those things which most nearly concerned him: and particularly, that propositions were preparing to be sent him. to obviate which, that he foresaw would be to his prejudice. He wrote a letter to the Parliament; confirning what he had offered them, in his Message from Holmby, some months before, with other very considerable additions; of the Militias being in their hands during his life; together, with the choosing the council, and Ministers of State; as likewise the payment of the arrears of the army; and concerning other things; he earnestly pressed, that he might with honour, and safety, have come to a personal treaty at Londen.  
Sect. 83. In answer where unto; the Parliament passed four bills to be sent to the King, provisionally, for his ratification; which being returned as acts, his Matie. should be admitted to a personal treaty. These bills were large; and needless to be recited here verbatim; the first regarded the Melitia, both by sea and land, to be entirely in their hands; and for the raising money, for the maintenance there of, the last by inevitable consequence, must have contived that Parliament to all perpetuity, by investing them with full power, to prorogue, and meet again at their pleasure. By twoe of these acts, the King must have devested himself, and his posterity of the sword, and treasury, and established them in it. And by the last; given them such a power, as was little less than the legislative; which in a short time, they would undoubtedly have drawn to themselves. It is here, remarkable, that Cromwell, and ireton, who six or seven months before, by an address from the army, had in a mennacing manner, demanded of the Parliament, to resolve upon, and declare a fixed period, to their session; thereby to make room for a triennial to be assembled; in this occasion were the most violent in pressing these four acts; before his Matie. were admitted to any personal treaty. And when the King had passed all, at this time demanded; and came to a treaty, it was in their power, whither they would have agreed with him or not; from all which considerations, and divers others, which undoubtedly he had; he waved the ratifying of any acts, until all were agreed.  
Sect. 84. Upon this refusal (which he foresaw from the very nature of the demands must ensue) Ireton after an invective speech, tending to the King's rejection, and to the settling the Gouverment without him, moved, that it might be resolved to make no more addresses to him; the debate lasted long, and as Ireton began, Cromwell ended, with bitter reproaches against his Matie. and threatings of the Parliament, if they passed it not: at length, this resolution, was forced out, not without vigorous opposition, of near the half in both houses.  
Sect. 85. First, that no further addresses be made to the King.  
Secondly that no application be made to the King, by any of his subjects, without permistion of Parliament, under the penalty of high treason.  
The last vote, was relative to the first as before these votes (all most as soon as he was in the Isle of wight) I had found out means of correspondence with him, and of giving his Matie. constant advertisements, of all occurrencies, which concerned him, so notwithstanding this danger, of being punished as a traitor; I continued it even to the last: continuing to write to him, and to receive letters from him, both for myself, and others; the greatest part, of his intelligence, both with english, and Scotch passing through my hands, whilst I remained in England, not without great hazard, (as may easily be conceived,) which had it ever been discouvered, no humane means that I saw, could have secured my head.  
Sect. 86. Cromwell having (as I have already said, and demonstrated) from time, to time, opposed, and by his several artifices; prevented all treaties (as much as he possibly could) and agreements betwixt the King, and the presbyterians; by degrees, wrowght the Earl of Essex, Bedford, and Manchester; the General Waller, Major General Massy, Major General Browne, and all those Military persons, out of all employment, whom he judged capable, to bring any opstacle to his projects; in some Kind reduced the city of London: and juggled the King prisoner into the Isle of wight, in the custody of Colonel Hammon, one of his creatures, he belived his game sure; which was the sole reason, why I ever declined, all treaty, or colusion, with those people, foreseeing clearly their ends, and as visibly their ways to them; even when the Generality of the King's party, assured themselves, that they would infallibly restore, both him, and them.  
Sect. 87. My steadfastness, in the contrary opinion, and my endeavours, against that gross delusion; not prostituting my reason, to other men's fantasies, procured me many enemies, with very severe censures; leading divers to a controversy, that I had riveted myself into that interest, rather for my own private ends; then for his Matie. service, or for the public behoof of the Nation; which most groundless, and unreasnable credulity, together, with the animosities, and calomnies which arose therefrom, had prepared the way, and facilitated my after mine, all though I solemnly, and sincerely protest; that I alone declined the one party, as being unchangeably convinced, that they designed his Maties. destruction; nor applied myself to the other, then by his commands, and (as things were in those times) that I Can perceive no other means for his preservation.  
Sect. 88 Upon advertisements, I gave the King (which I know he had from other hands (of the foregoeing votes, as likewise of what Cromwell, and jerton, had said against him, he saw to late, how perfidiously they had juggled with him, which first disposed him to treat with the Scotch, and with as many of the presbyterians in England, as safely Can, and would be treated with: which evidently refutes that ridiculous assertion of some, who pretend to be the King's friends; that Cromwell, and Ireton, broke with his Matie. because he treated with the Scots; making the effect, the cause; it being notorious to all, who had any transactions in (and knowledge of) the affairs at those separate times; that the King (after the army's proposals) had no treaty with the Scots, or any else, till the votes of non addresses; and unanimous protestation of the army, to live and die with the Parliament, in the persuance of those votes; and for the setlement of the Gouverment, without his Matie. and a little after; the like was done, by the Parliament, to live and die with the army, for the same ends: and which was the wonder, of wonders; the house of Lords Passed this resolution first; with great zeal; and sent it down to the Commons for their concurrence; who for some time opposed it vigorously; till threaten and fear, caused many members to absent themselves; so that it was carried in the affirmative, by five or six vooices. Thus the commons contended to preserve the Peerage; for the abolishing of which, the Peers themselves laid this fowndation; which ensued in about a year after.  
Sect. 89. These proceed having been visible; and, his Matie. no other recource for the gaining of his liberty, with the preservation of his crown, and life; came to a conclusion with the Scotch Commissioners, who were permitted by the Parliament to, repair to the King, about the Gouverment of their own nation.  
Sect. 90. The agreement with them, gave such satisfaction; that they engaged themselves to enter into England with an army, as speedily, as well could be; and in order to conjonction with them, several treaties were secretly managed, with the principal persons of the Presbiterean party. In a Parliamentary way; nothing Can be done with them, nor by them; because of the awe of the army; and the incertainty of many amongst themselves; who in divers debates, voted with the contrary party. Besides, that the very late resolutions, and protestations of both houses; rendered all propositions of that Kind, vain, and exceeding dangerous: in so much, that there remained no other way, but to treat with them a part, and with the greatest Privacy. The result was; that they should declare at the same time with the Scotch, the King's party being to join with them. Upon the Scotch commissioners leaving the Isle of wight; his Matie. was more severely guarded then ever. Not with standing, I had constant correspondence with him: all (or much the greatest part of) his intelligencies, either with the Kingdom of Scotland, or England, passed my hands; not without great difficulty, danger, and expense. When all these transactions were concluded; the King sent me the following letter of credit, to be communicated, to as many of the Gentilemen of the Eastern assotiation, as I should think fit; with the advice of those, with whom I had before treated. The Duke of Lauderdalle did me the honour to deliver it me, at his return from Cairsbrook castle; and to let me know what was concluded, betwixt his Matie. and the sotch Commissioners.  
Cairsbrooke Decemb: 1647.  
SEct. 91. Gentilemen, I have been long since advertised by Colonel Bamfield, who I have often employed to you; of your good affections to my service: and since there may fall out, in a short time, an occasion, wherein they may be useful to me; in the present condition I am, it may prove inconvenient for me; and to you dangerous, that I should give you Particular directions under my hand; I have left it to Colonel Bamfield, who knows my affairs; and has order to communicate to you as much of them; as is necessary for the direction of your Counsels; and endeavours; for the public good of your country; and for him who is.  
Your most assured friend CHARLES. R. For the Gentilemen of the Eastern association.  
Jan. the 24.  
SEct. 92. I have received yours of the 17 present; but have not as yet decypherd, the other letters enclosed; because I would first fivish this dispatch to my wife, the Earl of Laneric, and my Lord Willowby: wherefor excuse me to the Earl of Southampton, that I have not answered his; which I shall do by the first occasion: I am advertised, that it has been deliberated, by some of the army, to possess themselves of the Duke of York: consider if you cannot find means to convey him out of England; cause the enclosed, to be delivered to him; for it concerns me nearly to have correspondence with him at this time: let me know as soon as may be, your opinion touching this business; farewell.  
Your assured friend CHARLES R.  
Sect. 93. Upon the receipt of this letter, I caused the enclosed for his royal Highness, the Duke of York to be delivered him by a sure hand, who had that access to him which I could not have: and unless my memory fails me, (as I am persuaded it does not) he had been pleased, not long before, by Message; to let me know, that he had promised the King his father, whilst he was in the hands of the army; to make his escape out of England, as soon as he Can attempt it, on any reasnable appearance of success; demanding if Can not serve him in it; which I am confident I had undertaken; in which resolution I was fully confirmed, by these his Maties. commands; and not knowing whither by this occasion he had mentioned the business to the Duke or not; with his own letter, I sent his royal Highness mine; which was transmitted again to me; and upon his resolution, and answer; I framed mine to his Father. The Duke was pleased to command me, not to precipitate the business; but to take necessary time; and use all circomspection, not to plunge him into a worse condition than he was; Having duly considered what measures were fittest for me to take herein; and given the King an account there of: his Matie. was pleased to write me the following letter.  
Cairsbrooke the 22 Feb.  
SEct. 94. I have received yours of the 14 present; and being weary with deciphering it; I cannot answer to all its particulars; nor is it needful: I will only tell you in General; that I approve what you have already done; and what you propose, for the saveing of the Duke of York. I confirm the promise he has made to Howard; and the assurances, you have given him in my name; to be continued in the Charge of Master of his horse, althowgh the Parliament has made him so. The rest I leave to your conduct; committing you to God's Providence: trawble not yourself, about my other affairs; but think only of what you have now in your hands: bring him (if possible) either to his Mother, or sister; farewell  
Your assured friend CHARLES R.  
Sect. 95. For some Important reasons, which I acquainted his Matie. with, I delayed this business until the end of April following; at which time, it succeeded happily; to the great contentment of the King, and of the royal family: his Highness arrived first in Zealand; and the next day in Holland.  
Sect. 96. About six weeks after, the Parliaments whole fleet, quitted their unlawful masters, came to anchor in Gorée Road; delivering themselves up to the Duke of York as their Admiral; which they knew he was by the King his father's patent; and was really the occasion of their coming thither; and submitting to him.  
Sect. 97. The wind which was favourable to bring them into Holland; prouved a storm to me, which occasioned my wrack ever since; having unhappily given some council concerning that fleet (it seems) with to much precipitation; which was well meant; very ill taken, because most bitterly represented, by a person of quality, and (to do him but Justice) of merit; betwixt whom, and me, there was at that time some competition, about particular matters; who according to the ordinary practice in such cases; to ruin my credit, and increase his own; held it expedient, to couver his private animosity, under the specious veil of Zeal to a more public interest. I shall again declare, what I have ever protested; that I had no other end, or design; then either freeing the King out of his Imprisonment in the Isle of wight; or (if it were found Impossible, which I did not then believe (nor do now) that is was) to have landed 1500. or 2000 men at yarmouth, to have countenanced a rising in norfolk, suffolk, and the other adjacent Provinces of the eastern assotiation: the probability of the one, or of the other, I shall here expose to any reasnable consideration.  
Sect. 98. First touching the King's freedom; I had been assured out of England, of a landing place in the Island; which I looked upon, as the greatest difficulty.  
Sect. 99 Secondly, that we Can have landed with 2000 Men; having raised at that very time in Holland about 1200 English Soldiers, of the reduction, which the States had then made of the troops of our nation, and might well have added to them upon such an occasion; 1000 sea men chosen out of the Fleet; besides that great assurances were given, that the inhabitants, would have risen, with us, if we could have furnished them with arms, which was to have been done.  
Sect. 100 Thirdly, I could never conceive (in case of a free descent on land) any great, or long opposition we Can have met with by sea, not the least; the Parliament, not having had one ship of war fitted out, in ten weeks, or three months after. By land, as little; except what Colonel Hamond Can have made, with not above 5 or 600 foot, which was all he had; nor Can have hoped for more. Cromwell with the greater part of the army was marched against the Scots; Fairefax engaged before Colchester; and some considerable parties, of the army, diverted into walls, by rise there for the King at the same tyme. Moreover, if they Can have sent an army entire to portsmouth; or any other part upon that coast; to have been transported into the Island; not a barque, or boat Can have passed, without either being sunk, or taken. Besides there were many of the bravest, and best officers, who had served his Matie. whoe were Embarked in the fleet: as Prince Mauris, Sr. John Boyce, Colonel Washington, Sr. Francis Mackworth, and very Many more; who we found retired into Holland at our arrival, and some followed; nor is it to be Imagined, that in so glorious an enterprise; but that the greatest contestation would have been, who should have been readiest to have sacrificed themselves. For my part I never could apprehend any other difficulty in this attempt, then to have landed; which we had great, and likely assurances of; and in all events, our retreat was sure, and the fleet at liberty for any other design, in case that could not have been effected.  
Sect. 101. Which was, to have landed at yarmouth; where we were sure of a free reception: and did persuade myself, that a body of 2000 Soldiers would have had the reputation of double the number; and have encouraged the whole county of norfolk to have risen: which had been very well prepared by my transactions before my leaving of England; with Sr. John Hobart, and divers more of the Gentry of that shire, by the King's commands and credentials.  
Sect. 102. These were ye only ends I had in that transaction, which was than ye first step to my utter ruin: if there were any little irregularity as to some formalities, in the way leading there unto; the most it Can have amounted to, was an error committed through to much precipitation, & ernestness, which (I hoped) could not have been considered as a crime.  
To have given advertisement to the Queen, and Prince; fourteen days time (at least) must have been lost; which might have rendered the whole dessein, either Impossible, or much more difficult, and hazardous. More over, if it should have been refused (as peradventure it might) to have gone forward with any enterprise, how necessary, how profitable, or how glorious soever, would have been considered as desobedience, and have fallen under the interpretation of contempt.  
Moreover, I considered, that the first, and chief duty which then lay upon me, was to contribute all I could towards the conservation; and liberty of the King; being likewise pressed by a second, which I concluded, weighed not much less, both of dependence, and obligation; from all which reasons joined to the Importance of the design, which Can not admit delay, I thowght the wisest course was to put it immediately in practice, and after, to have excused the omission of some circomstances, by the weight and pressure of the affair. Besides, I considered, that if the success followed, which was reasnable to hope for; a small error would have needed no great apology: and if it did not; I was resolved to bear the blame; which I have abondantly done, though I did not foresee, it would have fallen so heavy on me, nor have dured to perpetuity.  
In the midst of these transactions, his late Matie. arrived at Helvot sluice; to whom a very bitter representation was made, of my proceed; notwithstanding, twoe days after, his Majesty was graciously pleased, to vouchsafe me a free, and particular audience, to hear indifferently what I could say; either for my Justification, or excuse, which was much to the purpose, I have here alleged. Having patiently heard me; his answer was, very near in the following words, or at least, exactly to the same sense. Colonel Bamfield, I am unwilling to belive all I have been informed, concerning your late proceed, about this fleet; for if I did, I should trust you no longer; wherefor I am willing to credit what you say, as to the ends you had; but even according to your own acknowledgement, you cannot deny, but that you have (in the way to them) very much failed in your duty, and respect to me; but being contented to hope, that it has been through haste, and inconsideration, without malice; I pardon this fault freely, and charge you not to be discontented; for if I shall ever perceive that you are, I shall be more displeased with you, than I am, for what you have now done.  
I confess nothing could have been, more generous, nor more gracious; and I resented it accordingly; with that humility, and thanckfullness, which I was obliged to do.  
About the same time, the Scots with an army, of 20000. Men, marched into England, answerable to the accord, that their commissioners, not long before, had made with the late King, of ever happy Memory: his faithful subjects in England, began to rise in several parts of the nation; as had before been agreed upon; it began in Kent, some thing unseasnably, and through ye little (or rather no) experience of those who commanded, was more easily, and more speedily dissipated, then was expected; had they understood their undertaking; to have left their own province, and marched to Arundel, in sussex; ye near adjoining county; which was prepared to have risen with them, before I left England: having possessed themselves of that fast place, defended on the one side by a navigable niver; on another, by a strong castle, situated on all most an in accessible elevation; on a third by a deep lake; near musket Shot over; and by cutting a narrow dam betwixt it, and the river; the water Can have fallen into it if needful; on ye fourth, by a wall, and ditch, though without flanque, which in twenty four hours Can have been cast up, after the manner of a good entrenchment: about 200 paces further advanced; was an old rampart of Earth, sufficiently high, which reached from the elivation of ground, where on ye castle stands, to the side of the lake, which was a singular help, to a most advantageous retrenchment; which in eight and forty hours, by many hands, Can have been rendered of Admirable defence; by the direction of any, who understood the advantages of ground, for an encampment; and that had any indifferent, general knowledge of fortification; which most officers, of any consideration, either understand reasnably, or owght to do: besides, if it came to be forced; all the ground within it, was commanded, both by the castle, and town; and this part was the weakest of the four; I mention this only, as one of the strongest, and most Important posts in England, or any where else that I have seen, for the defensible encampment of any reasnable body of an army; which that rising in Kent, then amounted to; and would have been double the number had they marched to Arrundel, by the addition of force, they would have had, out of sussex, and Hamshire; both which Provinces, were for divers months before prepared to rise, with the first reasnable occasion; and posting themselves fastly for defence, I much question whither the army of Fairfax (which consisted nor at that time of 7000 foot) would have attempted them as they might have laid: at least, would have found a long work to have reduced them; and given time, and aportunity to the rest of the nation to have risen; and form themselves, into some considerable, and solid bodies. And as this had been, the most councellable, and altogether Practicable, in that part, and occasion; so had it been much more needful, and profitable to the whole undertaking, and common interest of the King, and his faithful prople; had the Scots army taken the same measures, when they were advertised that Cromwell advanced towards them; and having encamped themselves advantageously, with a sufficient entrenchment, as they had places in abondance, where they marched to have done, almost Impregnably; and by that means have kept themselves from the necessity of fight, unless upon such certain advantages, as must probably have produced the ruin of their enemy.  
As it was Cromwell's interest, and resolution, to fight them as soon as possibly he Can; so was it no less theirs to temporise, by a defensive war. After them; divers of ye nobility, and chief Gentry, in Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Yorkshire, were in a combination together; and raising of forces with all diligence; in so much, that had the Scots but avoided fight, for the space of one month; which with great ease they might have done, by the advantageous posts, whereof in divers places through which they had marched, they Can have had their choice: by a good entrenchment (which at other times, was observed, they sufficiently understood) the forces of the four Provinces I have named, would have in that time, composed a solid body of an army, more considerable for Number, and in all other regards, then that of the Scots amounted to. Besides those of the eastern assotiation, were fully, and unanimously resolved to rife: Cornwell; Devon, Somerset, and Dorset, the like; and wanted only a month or six week's time: in sine, the whole nation was prepared as to the same end; and were in the way towards it; when the strange, and almost wonderful defeat of the Scots army; by Cromwell's, not consisting of half their number; broke all other measures, which had been taken upon that fowndation, by concert some months before.  
As they had neglected what I have already mentioned, touching encampment; so when they came to fight (as if there had been a fatality, both in the conduct; and success, they neither made use of the great advantages of their number, their army having been so ranged, that the greatest half of their troops never came to fight; nor profited themselves, of that benefit of the choice of ground, and other commodities, which a defensive army may have, against an enemy who attacques it; which owght always to be held in chief consideration, by all experienced; and Provident soldiers.  
But to cease from all further reflections; that army was unfortunately beaten, and so totally dissipated, that it was not believed that 5000. of them, ever returned to Scotland: this miscarriage and misforture, stifled divers great designs abortively, upon the point of their production; and cut of others, which were begun, before they Can come to any maturity.  
Having been at that time, privy to all the designs, and measures, form and taken, in that conjoncture, and in those transactions; as likewise actively industrious, in the contriving, and advancing of most of them; which (according to humane Judgement) I was fully persuaded, could not have failed of the end, where unto they were directed; of the King's liberty, and happy restauration, both for himself, his porsterity, and subjects.  
His late Matie. was out of the hands of his enemies; the King now reigning escaped out of England; the Parliaments whole fleet leaving them, returned to their obedience to their Sovereign; the Scots entered into ye heart of England, with the form body of an army of twenty thousand men; rise in several places; an universal, and well form resolution, through the whole nation, to do the same; and upon the very point of being put in execution; one great (and indeed unreasnable) error; and twoe, or three others, not much less (which to avoid tediousness, as well as for other reasons I mention not) ruined all; and shortly after, the whole fabric of Gouverment; causing such a violent, and General Conflagration, as I fear even to this day, has never been totally extinguished; but as fire hid in the caverns of the earth, is often subject to make very dangerous eruptions.  
The Scotch army totally defeated; Cromwell Marched towards Scotland; all other parties in England, which had declared for his Matie. were easily dissipated, and all places suddenly reduced; the humane cause, of this extraordnary, and most un apprehended ruin of the Scots forces, was attributed, to the secret correspondence, which was more than believed, to have been, betwixt some of the dissenting clergy (which were much the greatest number) with other of the nobility, who had opposed most violently, that expedition into England; and Cromwell. As likewise to the great influence they had upon a considerable part of that army; which was known to some; and had very convincing appearences to all: both from their extraordinary conduct, in suffering themselves to be constrained to fight against their wills, and contrary to the common interest, of the Cause they had in hand; and when they engaged; so Improvidently to have ordered the business; as not to have browght half their army to fight: as likewise from the transactions, and accord, betwixt Cromwell, and that party of the Scotch, when he came upon their borders.  
The whole face of things, being thus unexpectedly changed, the more severe part of the presbyterians, who had not long before concurred, with the army's party in both houses, to the vote, of non addresses to the King, apprehending (when it was to late) the danger of the total subversion, of the ancient Gouverment, of the three Nations; by these almost prodigious successes of the army, changed their minds; forsook the army party; and joining themselves, to the moderate presbyterians (whoe in truth, and reality, were strong Protestants, but no presbyterians) were by much; the more numerous in both houses; nullified the former resolution of non addresses to the King; and agreed to a speedy treaty with him; hoping to have concluded it before Cromwell's army, Can March southward, and join with Fairefax; so to have browght his Matie. with freedom, Honour, and safety to London: to have voted all the General officers commissions void; to have employed others in their charges; and at the same time, to have raised a niew army in, and about London: by which means, it was hoped, all parties would have agreed together, who were friends to the ancient Gouverment; and to the laws of the Nation; which were undoubtedly, nine parts of ten, in all three Kingdoms.  
A day was prefixed, for the beginning of the treaty, forty days limited for its continuation; though that it was belived, it would have been concluded, in ten; through the necessity of the interests on both sides. Which had it been, I am confident the King had been happily restored, and a multitude of Calamities prevented; which ensued at (and since) his death; and (as may be feared) are not yet so entirely ended, as wise, and honest men may wish. Articles were drawn up, and Commissioners sent away with them to the Isle of wight. About which time, Mr. William Moray then of the bedchambre to his royal Highness, who was permitted to be about the King, during the treaty; wrote me word, that his Matie. had commanded him, to let me know, that if I Can come into England, either by permission of the Parliament (where the presbyterians had at that time the power) or secretly; my negotiations, at that conjoncture with those who had formerly had communication with me, about his affairs; and my advertisements to him, might be of great use.  
As soon as I had received the letter, without much balancing, concerning the danger which I exposed myself to; I repaired to flushing, hired a fisher boat of expressly, having disguised myself, as much as I could, arriving in twoe days at London, where I remained secretly during the treaty. Very shortly after, having spoken with Mr. Moray, who the King sent expressly to me, with a letter, and with his Commands; I found means to speak with General Waller (who was returned from the Hague, whither he was constrained to fly, some months before, and sat now again in Parliament) and by his means, and ordnarily at his house, with divers others of both houses. The great, and severe demands about church Gouverment, which really, and sensibly, touched his Maties. conscience, in regard of his oath, and of other considerations, the first forty days to which the treaty was limited were expired, without coming to a conclusion; in which time I had written very often to the King, and received letters from him; in all I writ, I humbly, and yet freely (as the matter required) represented to him, the dangerous, and almost desperate condition of his affairs, by the protraction of time; and dit not fail on the other side; to lay before those persons, of both houses, with whom I had daily Communication; as demonstrably, and as forcibly, as my reason Can reach to; the horrible confusion, which would inevitably arrive, both in religion; and the Politic Gouverment, to the utter ruin of the nation; the consequencies where of, their posterity might feel, and bewaille, in case the accord were not concluded time enough, to make some reasnable, and solid Provision; against the desperate designs of Cromwell, and his army (which was on its march furiously towards London) before it Can arrive there; desiring them to consider; that they would find empty Imaginations, supported only by the votes of both houses; to weak to encounter the real dangers, which threatened them, and the Nation; by the audacious violence of those, who had already gone so far towards their pernicious projects, that they Can never think themselves secure, but by going boldly on to ye bloody accomplishment of it: which was clearly, and daily perceaved, by the comportment of Cromwell's party in both houses.  
I wrote an ample letter, as sensibly, and convincingly as I could to the same effect, to the late Lord Hollis, which to my knowledge, having effaced my name (whither for his own, or my consideration I know not) he read to others of the commissioners; and found means to let the King see it: though at the same time, I wrote fully to his Matie. particularly, and plainly: it being then no season to lessen, or render objects more agreeable, than they were in themselves. I represented, that Cromwell's army advanced with all possible diligence, I acquainted him with the practices of his party, both in the Parliament, the city of London, and in several other parts of the Nation where they had influence: humbly beseeching him to conclude the treaty, before the army Can approach, to hinder the effects of it: that the Parliament might have had time, to have declared all the General officers commissions void; and some others, who were most desperately active: to make niew Generals, and to raise an army in the city of London, and in the nearest adjacent Provinces: and to bring his Matie. with honour, and freedom to London: and since it was feared; that he who commanded the Guards about the King, would not have obeyed; as to what concerned his person; in such an unhappy event, I added some particulars; which I thowght most conducible, not only to the prevention of the greatest, and nearest danger to which his Maties. person lay exposed; but in the worst which could fall out, to the preservation of Monarchy, in the persons of his posterity, in their just degrees, according to the due course of law, in that case provided, and not otherwise: it is most true, that upon a weighty matter, I had a most just, and necessary occasion, to mention nominally twoe of his children to him (as I had done when I judged it requisite very often before) adding for the conclusion of that paragraph, which contained my humble opinion (for it was no more) these following words: that it would undoubtedly be a great security to his affairs, and of no less encouragement to his friends; when his children were at the head of those who should appear for him; where withal I ended my letter, which was the last that ever I had the honour to write to him. Had it been then printed, would have fully convinced all men who might have read it, of my Loyalty, and Zeal, to the King; and for the preservation of his person; and no less of my fidelity, and affection to the service of his lawful successors in their just degrees; as God, Nature, and the laws of the Land had ordained; without ever mentioning, or so much as thinking upon, that villainous, and most foolish hysteron, proteron which I was secretly accused of (not long after the King's death) by one single person alone, to have inserted in that letter. Had it been so; it neither was, nor is comprehensible, how he Can have known it; I never trusted him enough; to let him have seen any letter I either wrote, or received: nordid I ever know, any person of what quality soever, more exactly circomspect, in Keeping of his correspondencies secret; and the letters of those who wrote to him, than his late Matie. was: nor Can he have had any end, which might have counterballanced, the inconveniencies that were reasnable to apprehend for his service; by communicating that letter to him; or indeed to any else; unless it had been for their Council (which this person in the judgement of all who knew him, was no ways capable of, nor proper for) in which regard his Matie. would rather have communicated it to some other persons, of the greatest capacity in the nation; and of the greatest credit with him; and were at that time permitted about him; then to a yongue Man, of no Importance; and who had never served him: the truth is; had I wrote, what I was accused to have done; it had been in the highest degree, factious, and seditious; as well, as the most foolish project, and proposition, which Can have entered into the thowghts of any man, not actually in a frenzy; and fit for bedlam, then for any reasnable society: nor Can I ever observe, that my greatest enemies; were at any time inclined to place me in that cattegory. In fin my letter was never produced; nor seen by any man, that I Can hear of; but by my accuser; nor by him neither, in that sense he reported it. I well know to what an extent words written, as well as spoken, may be wrested; if there can in them, be any possibility of a double sense, the change of a point, of a comma, or of the least accent, may vary a whole sentence, or period; as may be confirmed by a multitude of examples, both in history, and frequent modern practice: but in what I wrote, there was nothing but simple and categorique naratives, of matters of fact; pregnant, and visible dangers; and humble representations, touching the best, and likeliest means, to obviate, and prevent them: where of his Matie. himself, was the most competent judge, whither they were reasnable, honest, and appliquable to the condition he then was; to have been made use of, or rejected; according to his own prudence, and pleasure. I shall here conclude this; where upon I have the longer insisted, as being the fowndation of my utter ruin: the source, of my great sufferings, during six, or seven years; and those calamities, and necessities whereinto I was plunged, at that time, the causes of my offending his Matie. to that degree he ever remained.  
It is beyond the limits I propownd to myself, to enlarge to a particular relation, of the articles presented to the King, of the debates, and disputes there upon, during the treaty, which has been already the work of other pens more proper for it then mine, I shall only say, that had his Matie. and the Parliaments Commissioners, come to the same conclusion, they at last did, fut twenty days sooner (which they might have done, for to the best of my remembrance, there were twice fourteen days added to the first forty, which was spun out to the last three or four) the King in my opinion, had not come to a violent death; the Nation, and the protestante Religeon, had been free from the infamy there of; and secured, against the cruel confusions, which immediately followed the effusion of that blood; all although his Matie. and the Parliament were fully agreed; and his concessions voted entirely satisfactory; and a sufficient fowndation, for a happy peace, and firm establishment in all his Dominions; yet by the violence of the army, which over whelmed all; very much the greatest part of the Parliament were secluded; and always kept out; till immediately before the Present King's restauration; divers of the members imprisoned, and others constrained to save themselves beyond sea.  
In this deplorable condition of things, his Matie. a little before he was remouved from Niewport by the army to Hurst castle, apparently calling to mind what I had several times represented to him, was graciously pleased to send me by Mr. William Moray, the ensuing letter.  
THe danger, to which you expose yourself, cannot be contreballanced, by any service, there now remains for you to do me; the severity of the presbyterians, having ruined me, and themselves. You will do well, to save yourself, and to return to your Master; and I command you, not to Council him to any thing, touching public matters, without the knowledge, and approbation of the Queen his Mother, and of the Prince his Eldest brother; having no more to say to you, then to commit you to the protection of the Almighty God, I remain.  
Your assured friend CHARLES R.  
immediately after his Maties death; I was suspended from the Honour of waiting where I had done; and my coming to the court prohibited; which caused me to continue secretly, and disguised in England, in several places, not knowing well (in the disgrace I then was plunged) how to subsist else where; besides that I hoped there, to find some favourable occasion, of serving the King; where by to remouve his displeasure, though it prouved not so easy a matter, as some to Consolate me, flattered me with the belief of.  
I remained in that condition about a year, some times in one place, and some times in another; till at length, I was betrayed by one who had served me long, whom I had bred up from a boy, and much obliged. I was taken, and Imprisoned, and had certainly lost my head; unless by the extraordnary Providence of God, I had found the means of saveing myself through a window of the Prison; which (all circonstances considered) was little less than Miraculous: the sea ports were so laid for me, that I was constrained to remain secretly in the city of London, in faithful friends houses during the space of three weeks, when at last, I was conveyed over into Holland, by Sr. Roger de Lyvedy Capitaine of a Man of war belonging to Rotterdam, whose brother was since vice Admiral of the Meuse; twoe or three years after, his ship was seized upon at Hull, he put in Prison, where I have heard he died.  
I had no sooner set foot on land, but I was forced into another misfortune, which was unavoidable, that constrained me for some time, to take my refuge at vienna near utrect; which added to his Maties. indignation; but it pleased God, that the occasion in few weeks was taken away; where upon I repaired to Breda, where the King was in treaty with the Scots Commissioners; his Matie. would not permit me to appear in his Presence, nor at his court; he agreed with them, went into Scotland; it was not allowed me to wait on him thither, though I made use of the intercession of some great persons, in no less credit with him, to obtain that Grace.  
Shortly after I followed, in company with the with the Earl of Disert, where being arrived Duke William Hamilton, who was killed at woster, the late Duke of Lauderdalle, with most of the Nobility of Scotland, who were then about his person, employed their mediation, as earnestly, as duty, and discretion would admit, to bring me into grace, but Can not obtain any thing; which constrained me to return again into Holland.  
In this State I continued about five years, endeavouring to do all the services I Can: frequently, agitated, betwixt hope, and despair; till at length I had the happiness to perform such a service as that some very great persons, both in quality, and credit, Improuved it all they Can, to restore me to his Maties. favour; who prevailed so far, as that he was pleased, to admit me into his Presence, and to kiss his hand; as allsoe to receive the account I had to give him, of some matters which regarded his service; and to deliver his opinion freely enough, concerning persons, and things, relative there unto.  
Which gave occasion for me, and such as wished a period to my misfortunes, to hope that by degrees, I might have recouvered his Matie. favour; which I believe I had not come short of; unless unfortunately I had offended, a person of quality, and at that time in the greatest Credit and trust about him, who before my disgrace, had been one of my best friends, and very highly obliged me in many occasions; and after my misfortune, had carried himself indifferently, without doing me either good, or harm; until at that conjoncture, he began again to favour me; (giving) me his promise to do me what good offices he Can; but being diametrally opposite in his Judgement, Counsels, and Proceed; to my humble opinions, touching the likeliest means, leading towards the King's restauration; I unhappily used to much freedom in my argumentations with himself; and excessively more, in my discources with others, concerning him: in a letter I had written to the Earl of Difert, then at Antwerp; which was intercepted (to avow the truth) I had made some bitter reflections upon his conduct; though without (nameing) him; but being examined before his Matie. and his Council, whither I had written that letter or not; though only a copy was produced; and but three or four lines read (at first) to me; I owned it. The reading ended, I was asked who I meant, by the person not named, on whom I had made divers reflections; I waved the declaring thereof, by all the evasions that my invention Can furnish me with; foreseeing into what a labyrinth of niewe troubles I should wind myself; if I entered into the list with him: I knew it would be in all kinds, impar congressus A chilli: at length, the King himself commanded me to declare who I meant: which without the highest contumacy, I was obliged to do: thus finding myself in volontarily engaged; I undertook the Justifying of all the particulars of my letter; which I endeavoured with much more ardour, than was suitable to the condition where in I at that time was; whereby I offended his Matie. in the highest degree; and was blamed even by those present, who wished me well.  
This niew wound prouved incurable; leading the King to a resolution of remouving me entirely out of his service, whereof, I wanted not information: which made me seek an opportunity to have audience by him: which at length I obtained.  
I began to speak about things, which concerned his service in Scotland; having heard me; and demanded some questions, which naturally arose from what I had represented; I Can perceive by his answer in the conclusion; that he had no mind to have that string further touched upon: in so much that I passed from it; to my own particular concernments: after having laid before him, the unhappiness of my condition, through the long continuance of his displeasure; I humbly besowght him to grant me any one of three things; he was pleased to reject all; though they were easy; of small Importance, and without the possibility (as I conceived) of any harmful consequence: where upon, I threw myself on my knie, humbly beseeching him not to cast me entirely of; that I had served his Royal father; his Matie. himself, and the Crown; faithfully from my youth: that I had the same affection to his Person, and fidelity to his service, which I had ever professed; and in many occasions, signally demonstrated: that nothing Can diminish my Zeal, but unresistable necessity.  
His Matie. answered, he Can not belive, that those would serve him faithfully, who he did not think well affected to him: that I had ways of my own, and followed my own counsels in his business, which he would not suffer; I replied, that if I had done so; it had been when I was at such a distance from him, that I Can not receive his orders, and that what I did, I thowght best for his service; but that in the future, I would never do any thing relating to public affairs, without his Majesty's positive commands: he replied, I cannot grant any of the things you desire; one of them at this time, is not in my power; not being in a condition to help those I would: the other twoe, I do not think for my service; nor have I any further employment for you. The to sensible anxiety, wherein I was; finding myself irreparably ruined; utterly deprived of all means to subsist, and hopeless for the future: so trowbled my reason, that I broke out of those bounds of duty, and profownd respect; which in all conditions, I owght as a subject; much more as a menial servant, to have confined myself to; and said, it is Impossible for me to live thus any longer; if your Matie. will absolutely abandon me, I can have no other refuge, then to endeavour to return into England; and seek my bread amongst your enemies, who I have hitherto opposed, with all the vigour, and industry, I Can: where upon he risen from the cheer where he gave me audience, and told me; I have no more to say to you, nor will ever have more to do with you; and so retired out of the chamber.  
Some persons of the greatest Calibre, by whose means I had obtained that audience, who were present at a little distance, and had heard all that was said, reproached me with indignation, for my last words; calling them rash, undutiful, and insolent; and that none of my friends (afterwards) Can speak more in my favour; with many other such like expressions; and indeed, I found them ever after much more Cold than formerly: I procured an audience again from one of them; not without some difficulty; which was likewise, the last, I ever had; where representing the hardness of my condition, and mentioning (as modestly as I Can dress my complaints up) my past services for divers years, which were very well known to the person to whom I spoke; one who was by, made answer in some kind of heat; all your past services, are lost in the ill success of the King's business: Other expressions, as sharp as that, were added; which I then thowght (as I now do) were spoken, to drive me off from the hopes of subsistence, from those to whom I had addressed myself; fearing (peradventure) that my aim was to pin myself on them, who at that conjoncture, were in no very oppulent condition. I sowght, and (in private for all were cautious of me, seeing the King's great, and declared displeasure) obtained an audience, from another, where I had placed my last hope, and refuge: he heard me attentively, but said little: only in the conclusion, he told me he was very sorry for me, but saw not how he Can help me: to appear in my behalf would make my condition rather worse, then better; as he said I might myself easily conceive; and Can in some kind prove disadvantageous to himself; upon which terms I retired, never having spoken to him since; nor is it likely, that I ever shall.  
Thus finding my disease (under which I had long languished) become incurable; and that all those, who had either kindness, or compassion for me; began to apprehend my sickness as contagious: as is done in the pest (with a Lord have mercy upon me) had abandonned me: as perishing men in a shipwreck, save themselves as they can; so I returned into England, having no other refuge in nature: which I did openly, and avowedly, as I had before declared I should be constrained to do.  
During the interval betwixt that time, and his Maties. restauration, I did many things, which gave him Just reason to continue, and to augment his indignation, if that were possible.  
The King was out of his dominions, another authority established; where unto the three nations either volontarily, or by constrainte had submitted. Being thus Thrown out of his service, and out of all trust, and Employment; I abandonned myself to those counsels, which an insupportable necessity sugested to me, that according to the Judgement of the supreme legislator, renders divers other laws dispensable.  
I stayed not long in England; had no conversation with any of the King's friends; which I avoided more than many of them did me. I was seldom there; but having concluded a very advantageous capitulation, with Monsieur de Tillier, at present Chancellor of France; for the raising of a Regiment of 2500 English, and Scots, and had obtained liberty to do it; I returned to London, to procure Marchands security, for my performing the conditions, on my part agreed upon, before the money I was to receive, Can be paid me. Having accomplished, what was demanded, to the contentment of those concerned; a man of war was offered me, for my retransport to Deep, without my demanding it: I wondered a little, at the great civility; considering it, as a good presage, that I should meet with no niew interruption, in the progress of my business: I went the next day post to Dover; sending thence to the Downs, the order I had for a frigate to come thither, where I thowght to have embarked myself: whilst I waited for it, dreaming of nothing less than Imprisonment; the Gouvernour of the castle, with the Major of the Town, together with some Soldiers came into my chamber, showing me an order from Cromwell, to seize all my papers, and to bring me, and my servants, prisonners into the castle; not one of them, having been permitted about me; nor to speak together, before they were examined; which the next day was performed: but my turn came not until three or four days after; which was executed with great formality, and no less severity, upon seven Articles: which I looked upon, as very strange, and without any the least possibility of fowndation; in so much, that my answers, were positive, and some thing negligent; sufficiently knowing, that according to their own constitution, in those times; they Can do no more to me, then to revoke what had been granted, concerning my levies, and to keep me in restraint for some tyme. In a few days, I was again examined for the second time; not in the order I had been at first, but very confusedly, hoping to have entrapped me in some contradiction; but my answers, having been in substance the same, as at first, no advantage Can be found against me, by that course; and to have prouved any material point, I knew was Impossible: which made me appear very indifferent, notwithstanding, the uncivile, and rude threaten, of one of my Commissaries.  
The only thing, which had any shadow of truth, or reason, was; that a few days before my parting from London, a Gentleman with whom; I was very intimate, being at that time Gouvernour of a considerable place who in his heart, I knew was not passionately in love with the cause he was engaged in; having told me in confidence, that another, underhand solicited his charge, and he feared might deprive him of it. I was very free, and open, in my Counsels to him, touching the best means to conserve it; adding in the conclusion, that as long as he held that post, in all events which Can happen, he might keep himself considerable: he answered me not a word touching that point: but after a short, and deep Meditation; diverted his discourse, to another subject: the next day he acquainted Cromwell with the Council, I had given him; not without, both change, and addition: whither this had been concerted before, and that he was employed to counterfeit, jalousy, and discontent to in snare me; or that he thowght to profit himself in that occasion, by manifesting his integrity through his discouvery, to preserve his charge I Can wever know, nor with myself determine; this information, gave more credit to other Articles, than otherwise, they would have met with; which Cromwell himselve, as length reflected on, as artificial contrivements, of some who he knew (by many intercepted letters) were not my friends, to obstruct my levies; and to ruin my credit in England, at that time; to prevent my doing the harm, they apprehended, which I never meant: at this very conjoncture, there happened a misunderstanding at the King's Court (then) at Bridges in Flanders; some persons having retired thence to the Hage; where upon purposely to ruin me, advertisement was given to Cromwell; that all beit, I was very deep in his Maties. displeasure (which he knew as well as they) yet I was well with others, who were no less his enemies; and that my pretext for liberty, to make levyes for France, was but to couver the design I had, to begin a fowndation, for the advancement of another interest; some circomstances, relating to my affairs (where of he was not ignorant) afforded no small probability to this information, where in he was the more confirmed, by the Gouvernours' advertisement, who I have mentioned, being likewise strengthened, by another, of little less Importance: which was, that immediately, before my parting from paris, I had said something occasionally, to a person of quality of my own nation, in confidence; that concerned England, and Spain; he contrary to his promise, acquainted one of the French Ministers with it, who wrote it to Monsieur Bourdaux then Ambassador in England, and by him was communicated to Cromwell; these twoe circomstances gave much credit to the chief information.  
Having laid under this restraint, three weeks, and nothing to have been prouved, but the Gouvernours' advertisement, the business of Bruges being accommodated; the grounds whereof he at last knew; and was fully convinced that I was not faulty in the great design. Which being urged by Sr. John Renolds, with some others, through their frequent solicitations for my liberty; and for my permission to proceed in my levies; he acknowledged that nothing stuck with him, saveing the council I had given to the Gouvernour I have already mentioned: they alleged, that all humane affairs were subject to mutation; and that if any change should happen, my words Implied no more than a bare possibility thereof; but not that I knew of any; or that I did wish, or would further it. That the Council I gave, was to a friend, who demanded it; who then was, and who always had been in his interests; and that any man, upon the like occasion, might have given the same Council.  
His final answer was; that after having Imprisoned Colonel Bamfield, we can neither trust him, nor he us: wherefor I cannot now consent to his levies, nor to his continuance in any of the dominions of this common wealth: his liberty he shall have, upon his engagement, to retire abroad within four days; and not to return into any of the three Nations, without leave of the Gouverment: which I did, was set at liberty; and to keep my word more exactly than I was constrained to; having stayed one day at Dover; the next, I hired off an open shaloup to calais; where I fell sick of a violent fever; which confined me for some time to that place. Thus I found myself utterly ruined in his Maties. favour, cast out of his service for ever: and by this contrivement, and accident (for both were in the business) to gain my liberty, was constrained to enter into a volontary exile: lost with the Gouverment which then was; totally frustrated of the chief end (for which I had broken with all my former friends; by procuring leave, (contrary to their Counsels;) for my return into England) which was to have gotten myself to the head of a Regiment of 2500. Men of my own Nation, in the King of Frances service; whereby I Can have subsisted with honour; and Gouverned myself in other things, according to events.  
During my sickness, which was violent, I found myself suffiently contented to die; for being ruined with all the world, small hopes remaining to recouver myself; I Can better have submitted to a quiet death, then to have suffered those bitter anxieties of a turbulent, and afflicted life; which I fore saw I was likely to undergo, as hath befallen me, from that very time, to this day; but the period, either of our lives, or troubles comes not, as we often desire: Having recouvered my health; I endeavoured to calm my mind; which was not without disordre; and to bear patiently those calamities, which I then felt: and to fortify myself to suffer those, which I foresaw, I was likely to undergo; by a decree greater, and more sovereign than solomen; which would require a support, sublimer, than what reason, or Philosophy, Can afford; feeling in myself, Just cause for what I apprehended; when I deeply reflected, on the violent passions, inordinate affections, and to great infirmities of my life past. I knew, plethorique bodies, replete with vicious humours (if there were any hope of cure) had need of strong, and searching physic. Which preparitories, have kept me from being entirely overwhelmed, with what I have since undergone.  
I returned no more into England, till the death of Cromwell; which came to pass, near twoe years after: Sr. William Lockart, who was then Cromwel's Ambassador in France, and Gouvernour of Dunkirck, to whom I had been known, before he fell into that interest; gave me a pass; with a letter of recommandation to one of his friends, who was at that time in great credit.  
The factions, and divisions, in the army: the vinversall discontents, in all the three-Nations; which Can not longer bear, the confusions; of those times; being destitute of all Principles of Gouverment; either in church or state: the weakness of him who succeeded; and of those who followed him; that amidst the greatest Anarchy in the world, figured to themselves, a chimerical Democraty; which one of them Called a republic, as durable as the sun, and moon; wherein he vaunted himself to have more greatness, than he wished for; which in eight months' time afterwards, terminated in a strict Imprisonment in the Tower of London where he died; and his republic (as usually Anarchies do) ended in Monarchy, many of the greatest, and wisest men of the three Nations taking occasion of those desorders, which underhand some of them increased, all they Can; opened the way to his Maties. re-establishment.  
The next day after his arrival at whitehall, I was commited close prisoner to the Tour of London, into the custody of a person, who had been one of the late King's Judges, who was not only pardoned, but continued for some time, as Lieutenant of that place this may deservedly be considered as a wonderful dispensation, to see me (who had very often hazarded my life, for the service of the crown, and especially for the preservation of that King) become a prisoner under the care of one who had a principal hand in his death; because he was cunning enough, to help to destroy his fellows, but a few days before the late King's restauration, and when he plainly perceaved, there was no humane possibility to hinder it. I remained under a severe restraint about aleaven months; when by order, I was browght by Sr. John Robinson (then Commanding the Tower, the former having been remouved) to whitehall to be examined; which I was upon divers Articles; by the Earl of Clarendon, at that time Lord Chancellor, and by the twoe Secretaries of State, Sr. Edward Nicolas, and Sr. William Maurits. What was true, I acknowledged; pleading an inevitable necessity for what I had done; aleadging that those things, Can not amount to the crime, mentioned in the warrant for my committment; which was upon suspicion of misprision of treason; my Lord Chancellor told me I was browght thither, only to answer cattegorically, to what was demanded of me. That pleading of my cause, was for another place, if it should be thowght fit to bring me thither: notwithstanding that rebuke, upon my further examination; as the matter required, and Can permit, I defended myself, as reasnably as I Can; in so much, that his Lordship told me, Colonel Bamfield, I can perceive, that you have not been altogether Idle in the Tower; seeing you are arrived at so much knowledge in the law, at least as you believe; but I must tell you, that your wisest, and surest refuge will be, to have your recourse to the King's clemency, and not to your Justification. I answered him, I had great need of his Maties. Grace; that I threw myself at his feet, and Implored it with all humility; but was fully persuaded that his LoPP. desired not, that I should acknowledge myself, more guilty than I was: he replied no God forbid; but it behouves you to be very Careful, that some things you deny, come not to be prouved, which the King has been informed of, and believes: I added no more, but if they Can be prouved, I desired no Grace.  
This examination lasted longer there; then is necessary, it should do here. In the conclusion, I was commanded to withdraw into an aunt chamber, where some of the nobility, and divers Gentilemen were, standing by the fire; and I went alone to a window over against them; about half an hour after; my Lord chancellor, and the Secretaries Came out; and being ready to pass by me; his LoPP. drew a little towards me, and I with a profownde reverence, nearer to him: he said aloud in the hearing of all present: Colonel Bamfield, I am your friend: Mr. Secretaries, and I, are sensible of your sufferings, and will do all we can to obtain you the King's Grace, and to procure your liberty. And turning to Sr. John Robinson, said, Mr. Lieutenant you may let him have the full liberty of the Tower; and all his friends who desire it, the freedom to visit him as we returned back in the barge, to the tower; amongst other discourse (for then he was become very civil, who before had treated me exceeding rudely) St. John Robinson told me, that he had conceived my business to have been much otherwise then he found it: that my Lord Chancellor, had been as moderate in his reflections on my answers, after I was gone out, as he had been in the examination; and at the end of the debate, spoke these following words. The some of all is, that Colonel Bamfield has served the Crown from his youth; and when we left him, he left us.  
About three months after; his Matie. sent an order for my liberty. I continued some time in London, where I lived with the greatest circomspection Imaginable, not to give cause of jalousy, or offence to any. Till at length Sr. Allen Apsly (treasurer to his royal Highness) who did me the honour some times to see me, with a civil and friendly introduction, to very ill niews; told me in plain terms, that the court was again abondantly unsatisfyed with me; and that Particularly, his royal Highness, the Duke of York, had commanded him to tell me, that I owght to be careful of my comportment, that if I fell into any trouble, he would have nothing to do with me; adding these words, the Duke is so displeased with you; that I believe it easier for you to recouver the Kings favour then his.  
I with some Importunity urged him to tell me, if he knew any thing of the cause; to which he gave no other answer, then that the best course he Can advise me to, was, for some time to retire myself out of England; till the public affairs were so re-settled, that there might remain no grounds of jalousy concerning me. I replied, I shall take this night to think of it, and would the next day give him an account of my resolution; which I did the morning following before he was out of his bed.  
I told him, that I had duly weighed his council, and was determined to follow it; that though the storm I had stood out, seemed to have been abated, yet I Can perceive the sea was still unquiet, the wind contrary, and my anchors not the surest; in so much that I should seek another port; his answer was, you do very wisely; for in case the least new disorder should arise; I am so much your friend, as to tell you freely, that I persuade myself, you would be confined to a perpetuaile Imprisonment. I replied I had rather die; he told me brusquly, that; you may easily do, if you have a mind to it.  
I besowght him to acquaint his Matie. that if he pleased to give me leave; I would for some time retire out of his Dominions, till the affairs of state were so settled to his contentment, that my return might give no ombrage.  
The apprehension of a continuel Imprisonment, had so alarmed me; that I was willing to be gone as soon as I could; which made me hasten to him again, twoe days after: he told me he had found occasion to represent to the King my humble resolution of retirement; which his Matie. approuved.  
He added likewise, that he had acquainted my Lord Chancellor therewith; who he said commended my discretion; counselled me to carry myself abroad, circomspectly, and Dutifully, not having to do with factious, or schismatical people; by which means he hoped to see me (in some time) recalled from my volontary banishment. These discources of his, together with some advertisements I had, from a person of great Importance, at that time of his Maties. council, who either out of compassion, or friendship; by one of his near relations, had desired to meet me in a third place; caused me to hasten my departure with so much precipitation, as to leave my torn affairs, in a very desorderly condition: for he gave me some light, into the reasons of my niew desgrace; as my often frequenting of some places, though most publicly; which was interpreted to my disadvantage, as all things in nature, at that time, by some would have been: secondly that I had spoken words, to a certain person, with greater confidence, than discretion; which were looked upon, as marquess of remaining discontent, and of factious inclinations; he told me the expressions, but assured me, that he knew not who the reporter was: where upon I named the person; avowing that I had said those words, or to the same effect. Acquainting him with the occasion; which was that this Gentleman, was not at that time in very much greater grace, in the court, than I; with whom some times I met occasionally; and at other opportunities he did me the honour to visit me; one day I retained him with me at dinner; at the table, we discourced of many indifferent things, as I took them to be; for as long as he was there, one of my servants was present, and (till near the end of dinner) his footman; who being gone out of the chamber, he said some words to me absolutely in raillery, which was custumary amongst the great wits, of which number, he really was, both by nature, and acquisition, as any I knew of the Nation; the substance was, a paralelle he made, betwixt me, and one dead some time before, who had not been of the Kings most dutiful subjects; referring to the future course of things, as he said they might fall out: I (I suspecting nothing, for we had lived during the space of twelve, or thirtien years, with great kindness and familiarity) answered him, in the same dialect in pure, and manifest raillery; nor could the thing itself, about which he had spoken, bear any other sense, if weighed without passion; and my answer, much less: if the antecedent, as well as the consequent had been reported; but he in another place, and to other persons, repeated only (and that grammatically) my words, as separate from his own, which he never mentioned; in so much that where twoe sentences are relatives, if the later be reported, without the former, to which it related; the sense may be wrested oftentimes, to what one will. Having recited exactly the whole Matter, with all the circomstances, to this noble person; he shaken his head, and said, these are dangerous times, and such are most dangerous men; I besowght him that he would acquaint my Lord Chancellor with this business, and all its circomstances. He replied his Lordship knows nothing of my speaking with you, much less of what I say to you; and I desire he never may, nor any else. I have wished you well, as long as I have known you; and have been very sorry, for your misfortunes; and out of pure pity, have adventured to speak with you; to hinder your falling into greater; which may prove as lasting as your life; and therefore I hope you will keep this meeting, and what I have said to you secret; otherwise, you will deal unwisely as to you self, and unthanckfully as to me. Some persons of the greatest Calibre, are so prepossested against you; that your clearing yourself in this point, will in no kind help you; for the words themselves, can bear no action in law, nor be of any other consequence, then to confirm some in the belief long rooted in them; that you are discontented, and that your heart swells with mutinous, and revengeful thowghts; which is so engrafted, that if an Angel should descend from Heaven to declare the contrary, I may question, whither it would avail you. Retire yourself as soon as you can, be very circomspect in your whole comportment, and especially in your discources; wherein your best friends, condemn you, as often to free:  
Speaking to him about his royal Highness the Duke of York, and my Lord Chancellor; he told me, the Duke is not (as I hear) inclined to you as he has been; and I easily believe, that Sr. Allen Apsley said the truth to you (for I had told him what it was) that his Master will not meddle in your concernments.  
My Lord Chancellor had kindness for you; wrowght out your liberty; was opinion when you first came out of the Tower, that you might have been employed at sea; for the King would not endure to hear of your coming to Court; but now those thowghts of his Lordship are off; and though I can perceive, that he wishes not your utter ruin; yet if you should fall into any new trouble; you will find no favour from him.  
I have here inserted the substance of this noble persons discourse, and (as far as I can possibly recollect) his words. Upon these advices, twoe, or three days after, I embarked myself in a ship of Zealand, and landed at Midelburgh, where (meeting with very great civility, and kindness, from all persons in general) I remained near four years; when by the counsels, and very effectual recommendations of some of my friends I went to the Hague, where by their credit, and by the power of some persons in Holland, whom they had engaged to favour me; I had the honour to be received into the service of the State. Shortly after, Colonel Dolman and I were summoned by proclamation (without the specification of any crime, as the cause) to render ourselves in England by a day, which neither of us doing, we were both proscribed; and which (I believe) was never done before, by act of Parliament, without any Criminal charge aleadged against either; I shall not wear out time, with fruitless complaints, nor with any other kind of reflections, which can signify nothing. I only solemnly protest, that after my proscription, which was (I think) in the very beginning of the year 1666, till the month of April in the year 1674, I never wrote letter, nor sent message to any creature, in any of his Majesty's Dominions; nor did receive any. Having not had in all that time (being about eight years) the least correspondence directly, or indirectly, either to good, or bad ends.  
In the month of April 1674, when the peace was concluded, by the last treaty of Breda; I wrote three, or four letters, to twoe persons of great quality, in the most eminent employments about his Majesty, and in no less credit. Who had been bred up from their youth in the service of the crown; one (with whom I had formerly long and great correspondence) returned me no other answer, then verbally, to him who delivered him my letter; that he was very sorry for the unhappiness of my condition, but that the conjoncture Can not permit any man, to speak in favour of that unfortunate Gentleman. The other (I know) did move his Matie. in my behalf for my return into England several times; but Can obtain no Grace.  
Thus finding myself, most entirely ruined, and hopeless of ever recouvering, either in England, or else where; I betook myself to a resolution, as contrary to my temper, humour, and custom, as one opposite, can well be to another; where unto I could never constrain my inclination, through the whole course of my life, until that time: which was to retire myself not only from all kind of affairs, of what nature soeever; but even from the usual contentment, of humane conversation; as far forth as the possibility of subsisting Can admit; and to lead an Hermitical kind of life; to which end, having through the friendship of a worthy person, to whom I was known; procured in the country, a little house in a garden; (but as great as my design.) Thither I retired myself; and so continued during the space of five years; having had in all that time, very little other society, than my books, and meditations. notwithstanding this great circomspection; and harmless way of living; I Can not be entirely free from some practices, which had been (for a long time) one of the chief causes, of my great calamity; in so much that I then did (and do now) think; that if the very trees Can have had the discursive faculty; they would have been employed to my disadvantage; which made me as much as was decently possible, to avoid the speaking with all man kind: but in this egiptiene darkness (by intervals) God extraordinaryly afforded me such glimerings of light, that I Can discouver, the first mouvers, reasons, ends, and instruments, of all these practices; as likewise that passion in the first; and interest in the last, produced these effects; from which (I plainly saw) no manner of life, that I Can confine myself unto, was of sufficient force to free me.  
These considerations which were solid, and real; exempt from all Hypochondriacal vapours, or chimaeras; together with the very sensible decay of my health, through this way of living; as likewise, that melancholy sencibility of my to heavy distress, not having been Stoicien enough, to have lost my feeling; together with other reasons that I shall not mention; I concluded my return to Leuwarden (at least for the winter) more conducible to my health, to my security, and more convenient in other considerations than the country, about the end of September 1679, I posted myself there; where I lived as free, from all conversation, as I had done at Bergum. In the year 1680, coming to the knowledge of some things which concerned me in the highest degree; that I Can be touched with; and perceaving by the prints (which were frequent, and filled therewith) that the desordres in England, were risen to that Height; that the storm seemed to blow, from all points of the compass; and not only conjecturing that I should be suspected, but knowing that I was so (although innocent, as to all those transactions, as the child who had never seen the light) I begun to think with myself, what course was fittest for me to steer; and after much deliberation, I concluded it absolutely best, to write into England; which accordingly I did, to a person who I thowght Can not be exposed to any suspicion; and by their means, (if they would have adventured it) to have letters delivered to some of the Court, who had formerly been my friends; this person answered my letter, and undertook what I desired. Where upon calling the saying to mind, that he that wallkes circomspectly, walks surely (albeit I saw no necessity to have done it, as things were betwixt England and this State) I demanded leave, from those, who had the power to accord it me; for my writing to such of my friends, as would have endeavourd to get my proscription taken off, free and entire liberty, was granted me, very Generously; without those limitations, which I offered to Impose upon myself.  
I wrote three letters, to persons of Importance at the court; one took time to resolve whither he would receive his, or not; but after three or four days consideration excused it: the other twoe received my letters, promised answers; but as I have since known, not finding means to obtain any thing in my favour, wrote not to me. However, at length, one who had credit, was Induced to receive letters from me, and to write to me;  
My end, and endeavour was; first to make my innocency appear demonstrably, touching all correspondence, or colusion with any of his Maties. subjects; either in, or out of his Dominions; nor to have had so much as knowledge, of any contrivements or designs, tending in any kind, or degree, to the prejudice of his person, or disturbance of his Gouverment. And nevertheless, that I knew, negatives were most difficult to be prouved; yet by inductions, and necessary consequencies, much may be clearly demonstrated. Besides, I was certain, that it Can not be in the power of mankind, to prouve any such matter against me; having ever since my residing in Freezland, been so exactly circumspect, not to give any just occasion of controversy; that I have entirely avoided the speaking with any, who I knew, or did but Imagine, to have been suspected, by his Matie. as disaffected to his person, or Gouverment: and if any such, have desired any communication with me, I have civility excused it; as that which Can not have been beneficial to them, and might have proved domageable to myself. Nor have I ever done it, to this moment; either by interview, speech, writing, or Message; sent, or received.  
Nor have I had any other knowledge, of those plots, and practices, during these last ten years (which have filled all Christendom with noise) saveing what I have seen in print; and not before it was public.  
These truths having been so made appear, as that they neither had been, nor Can be contradicted, by any lawful evidence, or reasnable appearance, I flattered myself (as indeed I have done) into the hopes of getting my proscription taken off; and might have met with no opposition from England (which has always befallen me) to my obtaining employment abroad, in case of a foreign war, which till about eigh●een months since, I concluded unavoidable; having been positively resolved, to throw myself, into the first engagement, where I best Can, with the satisfaction of my Conscience, thereby to have honourably ended (if God had thowght it fit) an unhappy, and a burdensome life, more to my contentment; then the continuation thereof for many years has been.  
Perceaving now no means remaining, in this dead calm, which is Joyfully believed of 20 years' continuance, for the lawful persuance of my design; being likewise deprived of all hopes in England; I resolve, during the short rest of my life with as much tranquillity, as God shall please to vouchsafe me, to submit to his holy will, in whose book, the numbers of our days are registered, waiting on him till my change comes, who sways all men, and actions, to those ends for which he has ordained them: in this course, to meet with the less interruption; I yet determine neither to discompose myself, nor give any ombrage to others, by meddling with worldly affairs, further than the necessity of my subsistence may constrain me to it: which I conceive cannot happen, if I am dealt justly with, by those for whom I have visibly suffered, to great extremities, for Divers years.  
This being my sincere intention; I shall sum up the principal points, which have (in some kind) constrained me to become public, to the following heads, and so conclude.  
First I here declare, and protest, (which I do with a clear, and safe conscience) that since my leaving of England, with his Maties. permission; I have had no correspondence, by writing, receiving of letters, or Messages, into, or out of England, or of any other part of his Dominions, nor have had any consultations, or contrivements with any of his subjects abroad, tending to the raising, or fomenting any discontents, uproors, seditions, or treasons, against his person, or Gouverment.  
Secondly that from the year 1665, after the first war was declared by England against this State; I neither wrote, nor received any letter or Message, into, or out of England, or any other of the King's Dominions, until the year 1674. after the last peace concluded at Breda, and then only (as I have already said) unto twoe persons of as great honour, and fidelity to the King, as I have ever known, and of the nearest places, and trust about him: at which time, I wrote but twoe, or three letters, with Communication of some persons, in the greatest consideration in the Gouverment of this state. Nothing at that time, having been obtaynedned for me: I wrote not more, till the end of 1679, or the beginning of 1680; and then writh free leave of those in chief authority where I was; and only for the ends, I have already mentioned.  
Thirdly and lastly, knowing positively, and particularly, that by some very ill persons, I have been accused, to have spoken, undecently, and undutifully, concerning the late King, of happy Memory, as likewise of some other Princes abroad of the royal blood; which has been believed, and contributed as much to my late Calamities, as those other matters of a higher nature, and may yet reduce me to greater extremities, than I think decent for me to mention. Wherefor I do declare, that I have never at any time, nor on any occasion, mentioned his late Matie. neither any other Prince of the blood, capable of a legal succession (at any time, or event which can happen) to the crown, but with that due respect and modesty, which became a subject to speak of his Sovereign; or a sober man, of such who are in a legal possibility to become so.  
Few men can be ignorant (and to many not insencible) of the prodigious liberty, which has of late years been taken, of false informations in secret, (which being belived, without due examination; no man can be safe) as likewise, of Improbable, untrue, and contradictory evidences in public, and of most Impudent perjury, which renders it a bold hazard, for any man to lay himself open to, yet such is my innocency (as to all these matters) and so great, and full the satisfaction of my conscience, that I shall venture to declare; that if any man upon the earth; either of his Maties. subjects, or strangers, will say, and can suffiently, and authentically prove, the contrary to any one of these assertions; I shall freely with my soul forgive him, if he does it, and be contented to suffer death.  
As I began, so I shall end: that false accusations, with secret and detestable practices, to destroy me, or at least, to continue me under the Calamity which has long laid heavy upon me (much worse to me, than death) have constrained me to this course, as unfit for me, as I am for it; referring myself to the equitable censure of unpreoccupied persons; the judgement of my cause to God, and my soul in all events, to his incomprehensible mercy.  
FINIS.