Vera Effigies GUILIELMI BURTON L. L. Baccalaurei. A COMMENTARY ON ANTONINUS HIS ITINERARY, OR JOURNEYS Of the ROMAN EMPIRE, so far as it concerneth BRITAIN: WHEREIN The first Foundation of our Cities, Laws, and Government, according to the Roman Policy, are clearly discovered; whence all succeeding Ages have drawn their Original. The ancient Names of their Garrisons within this Island are restored to the Modern, with their Site, and true distances; Their Military Ways, and Walls; with many Antiquities, Medals, Inscriptions, and Urns, are recovered from the ruin of Time. A Work very useful for all Historians, Antiquaries, Philologists, and more particularly for the Student of the LAWS. By WILLIAM BURTON Bachelor of LAW. Index's to the whole WORK. Marcianus Heracleota, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. What is well known, I shall rehearse In brief; what's not, my following Verse More largely shall discourse: and show What's more obscure, and few yet know. LONDON, Printed by Tho. Roycroft, and are to be sold by Henry Twyford in Vine-Court Middle-Temple, and T. Twyford at the Inner Temple-Gate, 1658. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, JOHN Lord GLYN, Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Upper-Bench. MY LORD, I Esteem myself happy that before my Journey to another World, (which I foresee, I am shortly to undertake) I have in readiness to present to your Lordship ANTONINUS his ITINERARY through BRITAIN: Not that I conceive the Present of that Worth that your Lordship can be much concerned in it; but that I am able to leave some Testimony behind me, of my Gratitude and Observance, which you (my Lord) may challenge by so many Names: for, not to mention the particular favours conferred on myself, I can never think on those you have bestowed on my near Relations, without the highest Sentiments of a grateful Heart. Nor ought I to forget the happiness I enjoy by my Interest in our national Rights (though a poor Proletarian) under the prudent Administration of your Lordship; who like another Papinian (whose Story this Work affordeth) may be justly styled a Spartian. in Caracalla. Juris Asylum & doctrinae Legalis Thesaurus. That I might testify my Obligations after this sort, I have been encouraged from the Nature of the Subject, which is a piece of Antiquity, and that no sterile piece (such as too many are employed on) but such as may serve to illustrate the History of our Nation; which I take to be a study most proper to the Lawyer. b In Praefat. Inflit. Dr. Cowel tells us, that the Common Law of England, is nothing but a mixture of the Roman Civil Law, with some feue●…all customs; and though this Discourse professeth not to teach aught of that Law, yet it contains the Story of the whole Roman Government here, which lasted near CCCLX. years, and a diligent Student surely may hence gather some particulars that may give light to our present Laws; and therefore it was, without doubt, that Mr. Selden in that c Janus Anglorum. Book of his, where he sets down the Original of our Laws, does not omit the History of the Roman Times. And if the Lawyer be the fittest student, who can be so apt a Patron as your Lordship, who is the Father of the Law? For mine own performance herein, it is a Commentary that hath cost me many years study, and I may, without breach of modesty, say, it has been approved by him, than whom in this or any kind of Phylologie no man knew more; yet do I not recommend it as an object of your Lordship's study, which I well know is conversant about matters of a higher pitch, but only pray that under your Patronage and Protection, it may come into the hands of the Lovers of Antiquity, and particularly of the Students of the Law; And though this stranger will not press upon your Lordship's Business and more serious Studies, in which the Good of so many persons are concerned, yet he craves leave to attend you in your Circuits and Recesses, where, perchance, he may point to some Monuments of that glorious Nation, both of Persons and things, not unworthy your observation. The pleasure of such Contemplations are so great, that d Lipsius' in Epist. Cent. 1. Epist. XXII. Lipsius was not able to express it, Quanti (saith he) & quam arcani gaudii ista visio? Cum non animo solum, sed poene oculis sese inferunt Manes illi magni & sola premimus pressa toties ipsis. My Lord; the Person that thus offers his service, is no less than a Roman e Or is at least supposed to be the Emperor Antoninus Pius. Emperor, to that purpose I have set him forth as like himself as I could, and better (I may say without ostentation) than he has elsewhere appeared; if not sufficiently well, the worthiness of his Person may plead my excuse, who, as I have endeavoured to do him due Rites, so had I by doing it in this public manner no other aim, then to let your Lordship and the World know, that I am My Lord, Your Lordship's most grateful and faithful servant, W. BURTON. THE PREFACE TO THE READER. Courteous Reader, THough all Nations have been apt to consecrate their own Originals, and the History of Brute for that only Reason finds many Favourers; Yet certain it is, that unto the Romans we owe what ever of Magnificence or Elegancy our Britain could boast; Namque ut homines disperse ac rudes, eoque bello faciles, etc. For whereas the Britain's were rude and dispersed, and therefore prone to every occasion of War, Julius Agricola (as Tacitus tells us) to induce them by pleasures to quietness C. Tacit. in vita Agric. and rest, exhorted them in private, and publicly assisted them in building Temples, Palaces, and places of general Commerce; commending the Forward, checking the Slow, and thereby imposing a kind of necessity, whilst each man contended to ●…nerit Favour from the Lieutenant. Thus were erected those stupendious Fabrics, the Relics of which, even in their most deformed Ruins, move Reverence and Astonishment in every Beholder, whilst the Vulgar celebrate them as the Works of Giants; And the Learned by judicious view and diligent inquiry restore in great measure the past to the present, and future Ages. Amongst whom I may presume to say, None hath deserved better from the Lovers of venerable Antiquity, than our laborious Author, whether you consider the Choice of his Subject, or the manner of his prosecution: For if ever any thing required the pains of the ablest Antiquary in this Nation, I am confident all men will determine it to be, a Commentary on Antoninus his Itinerary: And if any Rules in this kind of writing aught to be preferred, our Author hath certainly made the most prudent choice, comparing the three notable Editions of Aldus, Simler, and Surita, and by comparison establishing the truth, correcting every where the errors of Scribes, reconciling, as much as is possible, various lexions, supplying all copiously (but never impertinently) with Marginal Annotations; Things familiarly known, or of little use when made familiar he lightly passeth over, insisting every where on the more material, and remote from vulgar observation; where certainty is to be hoped, he discovers and determines; where it is only to be wished, he guesseth so luckily, and yet so modestly, that ●…ou will not readily conclude whether more to admire the Man, or his Fortune: Proceed then in Your fair Journey; The Ways are now again repaired and paved (as once by that excellent ●…mperour Trajane) Bushes and Brambles rooted up and removed, unfordable Galen lib 9 cap. 8. Method. medend. Rivers supplied with Bridges, Fens drained, Causies cast up in Valleys, the inaccessible ascent of Hills made easy by winding Paths; which, declining the Desert and waste ●…ountry, lead you through the best inhabited and remarkable places of the Nation; And wheresoever you find the ruined Fragments of a Military Station, Temple, Bath, Urn, or Altar, and raise your thoughts to the contemplation of their Original use and beauty, pay a thankful acknowledgement to this worthy Pe●…son, from whom you received the happy occasion. Who is there among us that doth not reverence the Roman Name? Who is there that bears not an indulgent fondness to his native Country? This Book than can want no recommendation to the Gentry of this Island, since no man, though of ordinary condition, would be thought either illiterate or unnatural: Which I presume to say in the behalf of this Reverend Gentleman, whose death prevented a more solemn Preface. Farewell. A Catalogue of such Authors as are cited in this Commentary. A. ABbo Floriacensis 200 Adam Bremensis 95 Abulseda 28 Ado Viennensis 104 Aethicus 4 Aelianus 956 Agathias 28 Agellius 62 141 G. Agricola 215 Alciatus 12 133 Ammianus Marcellinus 2 9 11 17 20 22 29 35 39 49 50 51 69 78 85 87 105 106 115 122 164 187 189 259 Ambrose 3 8 133 189 222 Anastasius Sinaita 174 Io. Annius 133 Anonymus editus a Valesio cum Am. Marcelline 16 Appianus 34 57 101 187 189 Apollonius Rhodius 56 Apuleius 49 Aristides 40 101 114 125 Aristoteles 18 119 259 Arnobius 51 Asserius Menevensis 24 202 Athanasius 86 166 167 Athenaeus 9 154 221 Avienus 188 Ausonius 21 22 133 170 Austin 4●… 48 50 100 131 B. Rog. Bacon 5 Balaeus 1 129 168 207 223 Herm. Barbarus 18 Mart. Barletius 71 Baronius 5 81 111 199 Barthius 44 6 Basilins 189 Beda 12 23 25 34 43 53 85 88 90 103 104 105 109 110 111 122 123 128 130 131 145 174 179 185 201 202 205 223 262 265 Henr. Benedictus Altissiodorensis 117 Phil. Bergomensis 168 Phil. Barterius 85 Gotcel. Bertinianus 25 Pet. Bertius 42 212 Binius 166 Bodinus 220 H. Bradshaw 129 Breviarium Theodsii 12 196 Breviarium ad Valentin. 11 Barn. Brissonius 10 40 64 Christ Browerus 168 214 G. Buchananus 4 10 105 106 117 146 196 207 209 238 I C. Bulengerus 222 Guil. Burtonus 121 140 213 214 C. JUl. Caesar 2 7 11 14 32 38 63 92 125 133 140 144 146 147 148 151 157 161 170 173 174 175 177 189 224 225 235 244 Io. Cajus 1 220 223 228 Leon. Calcondylas 174 Callimachus 261 Cambdenus 1 17 19 25 36 46 65 68 105 110 111 118 121 122 126 130 134 135 138 139 142 144 153 163 169 171 172 176 180 187 202 203 205 206 211 212 217 228 229 230 238 240 242 245 246 247 264 Camers 25 Ang. Capellus 229 Hier. Capugnan. 9 jul. Capitolinus 171 Lud. Carrio 151 Is. Casaubonus 32 33 35 86 114 126 196 Mer. Casaubonus 33 101 180 Catullus 10 Censorinus De die natali 51 jac. Chiffletius 13 N. Choniates 941 00 146 joh. Chrysostomus 32 33 121 Alph. Ciaconius 24 Cicero 2 8 31 38 160 187 Claudianus 2 44 66 98 99 108 133 220 Claverius 76 80 P. Cluverins 14 133 174 Clemens Romanus 2 187 Codex Theodosii 72 107 122 166 230 Constantinus De Administrat. Imperii 40 De Themat. 115 Cooper 222 223 Rob. Cornalis 18 Cujacius 40 116 218 Cuspinianus 4 D. DElrio 25 Th. Dempster 14 Digestum 65 Dio Cassius 15 31 63 64 65 67 68 69 73 75 97 98 125 158 161 164 232 Dionysius Periegetes 205 Dioscorides 171 205 Donatus 73 Doomsday-book 66 Douza 154 Lat. Pacatus Drepanus 107 108 E. EAdmerus 187 Sir Thomas Eliot 176 223 Const. le Empereur 29 Erasmus 185 201 Ernstius 95 172 Ethelwerd's Cron. 25 33 194 Eumenius Rhetor 100 101 163 Eusebius 83 104 166 Eustathius 10 115 117 Eutropius 104 105 F. PEt. Faber 87 Fabricii Roma 183 Faganus 83 Festus 28 51 71 72 143 Io. Fleet 170 Flodoardus 6 Franc. Floridus 151 Luc. Florus 14 16 57 171 235 Floyd descript. Brit. 27 Steph. Forcatulus 73 Fordon 103 Venant. Fortunatus' 168 214 Fragmenta a Fulvio Ursino edita 115 Marq. Freherus 141 Frontinus 62 231 Guil. Fulk 41 118 129 134 202 206 241 242 248 G. GAlfrid. Monumethensis 21 24 60 94 105 116 147 157 170 171 199 205 212 Guil. Gameticensis 224 Gennadius 168 Geographus Nubiensis 28 189 Gervasius Tilburiensis 202 Gesner 223 Gildas 13 111 174 218 254 Giraldus Cambrensis 61 96 Lil. Giraldus 5 Glossarium vet. 232 Godwin 84 251 266 Goltzius 56 Goropius Becanus 133 207 jac. Gothofredus 32 104 joh. Gravius 28 Gratius Faliscus 219 Nic. Gregoras 157 Gregorius 61 Gruterus 42 171 Gunterus 133 H. Joh. Harding 213 Harrisons descrip. Brit. 25 37 56 61 83 91 119 129 131 166 176 177 216 220 225 254 260 Hegesippus 2 189 Heliodorus 56 Paulus Hentzer 162 Const. Hermenopulus 32 104 Hermolaus Byzantinus 146 162 170 207 Hero 32 104 Herodianus 2 11 16 35 64 67 72 75 78 91 99 101 128 171 Herodotus 3 28 32 107 170 Hesychius 171 Hieronymus 3 28 29 76 78 165 Radulp. Higgen Polycronicon 95 127 172 212 Hilarius 8 167 Hirtius 39 69 115 L. Holstenius 76 168 F. Holyoke 132 174 241 Homerus 68 98 170 Honorius Augustodunensis 164 Mich. Hospitalius 18 R. Hoveden 42 95 207 H. Huntingdon 42 95 147 201 203 I. JAmesius 1 Th' jonsonus Botanicus 261 jornandes 29 102 196 josephus 2 28 josephus Exoniensis 252 Paul. jovius 41 Isiodorus 18 25 Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum 9 julianus 55 80 97 Hadr. junius 16 200 209 justinianus 2 justinus 18 154 juvenalis 20 70 186 208 K. KEplerus 10 L. LActantius 52 70 Lambert's Perambulation of Kent 24 25 178 Lampridius 230 Chr. Landinus 97 Lazius 218 Io. Lelandus 18 56 60 131 207 212 238 245 246 Humph. Lhuyd 45 89 94 122 151 171 176 177 224 228 232 238 249 Libanius 2 189 Licetus 10 Geo. Lily 176 Lindenbrogius 69 Lipsius 31 80 96 126 155 1●…9 Livinius 80 Livius 132 G. Logotheta 154 Lucanus 20 225 Lucianus 46 Lucretius 51 Lycophron 205 Io. Lydius 40 M. AEMil. Macer 31 173 Macrobins 51 231 Malleolus 4 Malmesburiensis 85 118 127 131 218 258 Manilius 1 26 41 239 Ald. Manutius 86 121 Marcianus Heracleota 12 154 Marianus Scotus 206 211 Marinus Tyrius 175 176 Barth. Marlianus 73 183 Raym. Marlianus 222 Martialis 123 154 199 Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis 2 54 61 78 129 184 Val. Maximus 20 38 86 235 Menander Rhetor. 104 Pomp. Mela 13 116 240 Merula 32 Meursius 40 115 jac. Middledo'pius 56 Minutius Felix 69 jos. Moletius 41 54 93 Car. Molin●…us 108 Fines M●…ison 162 N. NApier 171 Pet. de Natalibus 166 Gaebr. Naudaeus' 10 Alex. Necam 96 257 Nemesius 219 Alex. Nevil 134 224 225 229 Dom. Marius Niger 19 Ninnius 13 60 89 105 133 134 173 206 265 Notitia Occidentalis Imperii 〈◊〉 109 115 119 121 206 215 240 241 Io. Noviemagus 10 173 O. ONuphrius 85 156 Oppian 2●…0 Orosius 4 23 104 105 120 131 175 Ortelius 5 14 46 123 Osorius 98 Ovid 43 67 76 P. PAEanius 104 Panegyrica 2 17 76 82 100 105 107 Pancirolus 2 3 35 36 45 46 81 130 162 187 206 218 241 M. Paris 88 147 153 Paterculus 62 139 Patricius 10 Pauliuns 189 Pausanias 48 56 58 100 110 D. Petavius 70 80 81 249 Peutingeri tabulae 7 175 178 185 194 229 239 Iul Philyrgarius 97 Philo judeus 154 Curt. Pichena 174 Steph. Pighius 86 171 Pet Pithoeus 51 170 174 Pitseus 168 172 223 Plinius 4 7 10 13 16 17 20 27 31 32 33 52 123 161 170 175 189 196 215 223 231 236 Io. Price 224 Plutarch 27 30 31 39 47 56 86 116 173 196 Polybius 30 132 205 jul. Pollux 32 Polyaenus 121 Porphyrius 81 powel 6 45 132 150 Procopius 2 106 Propertius 4 10 Prosper 131 Ptolemaeus 10 12 14 20 28 34 37 53 58 61 93 105 114 116 126 132 134 161 162 173 175 185 193 205 207 208 212 216 217 218 229 231 235 245 249 R. Io. Radcliff 89 Ranulphus Cestrensis 127 130 Calius Rhodoginus 170 Rosinus 126 Io. Rous 213 252 ja. Rutgersius 38 69 89 129 Rutilius 30 130 198 S. WIll. Salisbury 45 Salmasius 5 6 9 25 30 42 74 102 171 Sannazarius 152 189 salustius 156 Savil 10 125 jul. Scaliger 66 209 jos. Scaliger 2 6 17 32 53 81 143 170 187 209 M. Scardeonius 79 Sosip. Charisius 121 Hart. Schedel 84 Io. Scoppa 11 And. Schottus 8 222 Scholiastes Aristophanis 259 Scholiastes Invenalis 187 Scholiastes Sophoclis 56 259 Seculus Alarcus 229 Selden 19 49 56 59 62 73 84 86 94 116 127 128 132 160 167 169 170 199 200 237 242 264 Seneca 20 26 68 71 88 91 117 121 155 208 234 Servius 2 18 50 97 160 230 233 Fulk. Shellney 153 Sidonius Apollinaris 133 Car. Sigonius 159 Sil. Italicus 120 Simlerus 6 7 93 116 207 215 241 Sirmondus 166 Smetius 47 Socrates 22 Solinus 10 24 42 258 Sozomenus 18 39 Spartianus 16 57 61 65 67 73 74 75 85 100 104 117 194 210 Speed 19 Spelman 29 40 85 88 95 Spencer 151 152 Statins 153 160 Ric. Stanihurst 129 Guil. Stephanides 170 172 Stow 169 225 Car. Stephanus 257 Strabo 9 14 56 69 117 120 132 144 146 154 157 165 189 198 205 236 248 Oct. Strada 158 Tho. Stubs 84 Suetonius 7 14 15 31 67 91 148 158 164 196 130 232 236 Suidas 28 207 Sulpitius Severus 87 124 168 Will. Sumner 176 180 Hier. Surita 11 30 36 42 206 211 217 Simcon Dunelmensis 165 Symmachus 51 220 T. TAcitus 15 21 35 45 54 56 57 58 62 83 85 91 92 96 97 106 107 121 128 129 132 139 148 149 154 151 161 173 175 187 200 203 207 209 223 225 233 234 235 236 245 254 Talbot 1 18 36 41 45 58 89 93 119 130 139 141 153 176 177 179 197 202 204 206 212 239 Tertullianus 70 83 171 Thorn 180 Thuanus 35 177 250 Thucydides 18 32 Ben. Tudelensis 28 Turnebus 18 Twinc 19 177 U. VAlens Accidalius 234 Varro 1 2 38 52 100 Vegetius 2 8 38 120 Polyd. Vergilius 25 44 174 229 238 Vertranius 2 Verstegan 19 Aur. Victor 15 22 35 40 73 81 102 104 105 115 208 Pub. Victor 31 72 29 121 230 Mich. Villonovanus 41 54 129 Vinc. Belvacensis 84 Virgilius 2 14 18 57 68 205 Pont. Virunnius 11 Vitruvius 213 Rich. Vitus Basinstochius 19 65 120 194 265 Ulpianus 18 44 65 101 120 122 Bon. Volcanius 40 115 Vossius 4 117 124 Jac. Usserius 13 81 85 103 105 110 124 132 135 145 146 166 168 170 187 199 208 244 W. WItichindus 99 X. XIphilinus 121 235 Z. ZAcutus 131 Zonaras 98 Zosimus 248 An Index of such British and Saxon words as occur in this Treatise, especially in names of Places. A. Alcluith, petra Cluith. Avon, caput fluminis. B. Ban, a high noted place. Bederick lucky. Belin, yellow. Benna, vehiculum. Bod, a mansion. Bourne, a torrent, Sax. Briga or Briva, a City. Birth or Guith, a Separation. Bulch, a partition. C. Cam, any thing that winds. Cester, a City. Comb a Valley or bottom. Cruc Maur, a great Hill. D. Delgive, Idolorum statuae. Dinas, a City. Dour guent, the white water Dour whern fluvius rapidus or aqua ex alueto fluens. Dorbrys a quick stream. Dour, water. Dour arguern, aqua juxta paludem. Dufyrrha, a sleep place. Duriob, rubra aqua. Dunus a Hill. F. Fosswad, digging. G. Gesum, a weapon. Glanes, a bank or 〈◊〉. Godmundingham, Deorum fanum. Gron, fennie. Gual, vallum. Gual Hen, antiquum vallum. Guent, white. H. Hean, old. Henford, an old way. Hith, an Haven. L. Leach, stones. Lettui, diversoria. Lhan, a Temple. Lhin, a Lake. Lhong a Ship Lugos, a Tower, or as others, a Crow. M. Magus, a Town or House. Main, a stone. Morgan, one borne at Sea. R. Ratis, Ferne. Rwyd, Speed. Rid a Ford. R●…th Rid Tufith, a Ford obstructed with Sand. T. Tascia, tributi denarins. Tasdyd, praecipuus tributi collector. W. Wire, a woody lawn. Wic, a Castle. Sax. Y. Yuis Rhuochim, the Rutupian Island. Is, low. An Alphabetical INDEX of the several STATIONS mentioned in this ITINERARY, With the English modern NAMES set down to them, according to the sense of the COMMENTATOR. A. ABo Aventon 255 Agelocum vide Segelocum 226 A●…ne, Allenton by Whitbey Castle 241 Ausae or Ad ausam 229 Aquae Solis, Bath 257 Ariconium, Kenchester 254 B. BEnnavenna, Vedon on the street 142 Blatum Bulgium, Bulnesse 114 Blestum, Old Town 254 Bonium, Bangor 130 Bovium, Boverton 248 Bravonium 251 Bremenium, Rochester 41 Bremetonacim, Overburrow 242 Brige, Broughton 267 Bravatum, Brovonacis, Brougham 119 Burrium, Brubege, Uske 250 C. CAsaromagus, incert. (Chelmford, Talbor) Brentwood 195 Calacum, Whealp Castle 242 Calcaria, Tadeaster 122 Calleva Atrebatum, Wallingford 224 Camboricum Grancester 201 Cambridge 202 Cambretovium, by Breton spring. 229 Cambodunum, Almonbury 123 Camulodunum, Maldon 239 Castra Exploratorum, Burge upon Sands 114 Cataractonium, Catarick bridge 55 Causennis Castaven Bridgecastleton 203 Cla●…venta, ad fl. Wentsbeck 240 Clausentum, Southanton 218 Clevum, Gloucester 254 Coccium Riblechester 242 Colonia, Colcester 199 Condate, Congleton 124 Cononium, Chelmsford 239 Conovium, Conwey, Caer-hean 245 Corstopilum, (Curia) Corbridge 42 Crococalanum, Ancaster 215 Cunetio, Marlburrow 257 D. DAnum, Dancaster 206 Delgovitia, Godmanham 90 Deva, West-Chester 125 Derventio, Aldbie 88 Dubris, Dover 186 Du nonovaria, Dorcester 266 Durobri●…, Dornford 203 Durocobrivae, Redburn 144 Durobrovis, Rochester 179 Durocornovium, Cirencester 255 Durolipons, Gormanchester 202 Durolitum, Leyton 239 Durovernum, Canterbury 185 G. GAlava, Wallwick 240 Gessoriacum, Boulogne 13 Gobannium, Abergenny 250 I. ISiani, Icborough 201 Isa●…navatia, vide Bennavenna Isca Leg. 2. August. Caer Leon 249 Isca Nunniorum, Exeter 266 Isu Brigantum vide Isurium Isurium, Aldburgh 57 L. LActodurum, Stony Stradford 144 〈◊〉, vide Legeolium Lavatrae, Bowes 121 Legeolium, Castleford 206 Lemanis portus, Lime 193 Leucarum, Loghor 247 Lindum, Lentor, Nottingham, Lincoln 204 Londinium, London 155 Luguvallum, Carlisle 116 M. MAdus, Maydston 178 Magiovinium Dunstable 144 Magmim, old Radnor 251 Manduessum, Manchester 140 Manucium, Mancastle 124 Maridunum, Caermarthen 247 Cunium, Manchester 610 Margidunum, near Beavoir 214 Mediolanum, Matrafall, Lanwellin 132 Meridunum, Seaton 266 N. NIdum, Neath 248 Noviomagus, Woodcot, Croyden, Crayford 176 P. P●…crucium, Pencridg 138 Add Pontem, Paunton 215 Pontes, Colebrook 225 R. RAtis, Leicester 212 Regnum, Ringwood 217 Ritupia, Sandwich 20 Rutunium, Rowton 134 S. SEgolacis, Littleburrow 205 Segontium, Caer sejout 244 Sitomagus, Thetford 229 Spina, Spinae 255 Sorbiodunum, Salisbury 267 Sullenia●…, Brockly Hill 153 T. TRajectus, Oldbury 257 Trip●…ium, Torcester 211 U. VAgniacae, Maydston 178 Vary, Bod-Vari 246 Ven●…nis, Cleybrook at Highcroffe 141 Venta Belgarum, Winchester 218 Venta Icenorum, Caster 228 Venta Silurum, Caer-Went 257 Verlucio, Warminster 257 Verometum, Burrough 214 Vertera, Bou●…gh 625 Villa Faustins, St. Edmundsbury 200 Vindocladia, Wimburnminster 266 Vindomora, Walsend 43 Verulomium, St. Alban 147 Vindonum, Silcester 267 Vinnovia, Binchester 46 V●…reda 118 Uriconium Wroncester Viri— 135 Usocona, Oken-gate 138 Out of William Harrison; for he is the Author of the three Books of the Description of Britain, Printed with Ralph Hollinshed's History of England in his first Edition thereof. PROECDOSIS Itinerarii Augusti vulgo dicti juxta primum exemplar Guilielmi Harrison●…, Antiquarii Britannici, in fine Descriptionis ejusdem. A LIMIT, ID EST, A VALLO Praetorio usque M. P. CLVI. sic: COrstopicum, M. P. XX. Vindomora, M. P. IX. Viconia, † M. P. XIX. Vinovia, Vinovium. Cataractoni, M. P. XXII. Darrington. Isurium, M. P. XXIV. Aldborough alias Topcliffe. Eburacum legio VI Victrix, M. P. XVII. York. Deruntione, M. P. VII. Tadcaster. Delg-ovitia, M. P. XIII. Wentbridge. Praetorio, M. P. XXV. Tudford. ITEM A VALLO AD PORtum Ritupis, M. P. 481. 491. sic: Castra exploratorum, M. P. X. 15. Luguvallo, M. P. XII. alias a Luguvalio. Carleill. Voreda, M. P. XIV. Verteris, M. P. XX. 13. Lavatris, M. P. XIV. Cataractone, M. P. Caturractonium, Darington. Isuriam, M. P. XXIV. Isoriam. Aldborough, alias Topcliffe. Eburacum. M. P. XVIII. Eboracum York. Calcaria, M. P. IX. Cac●…ria. Camboduno, M. P. XX. Mannuncio, M. P. XVIII. Manucio. Cer. M. P. XVIII. Devalegio, XXIII. CI. M. P. XX. Mediolano, M. P. XX. Rutunio, M. P. XII. Urio Conio, M. P. VI Viroconium, Shrewesbury prope. Uxacona, M. P. XI. Penno-Crucio, M. P. XII. Etoceto M. P. XII. Mandues Sedo, M. P. XVI. Venonis, M. P. XII. Lactorodo, M. P XII. Lactodoro. Maginto, M. P. XVII. 12. Magiovintum. Duro-Cobrivis, M. P. XII. Dunstable. Verolamio, M. P. XII. S. Alban. Sullomacis, M. P. IX. Barnet. Longidinio, M. P. XII. Londinio London. Noviomago, M. P. XII. Vagniacis, M. P. VI Durobrovis, M. P. V. Duroprovis, Rochester. Durolevo, M P XVI. 8. Durorverno, M. P. XII. Droverno, Duroverno. Ad portum Ritupis, M. P. XII. Durarvenno, Darverno. ITEM A LONDINIO ad portum Dubris, M. P. 56. 66, sic: Dubobrus, M. P XXVII. Durobrovis, Durobrius, Rochester 58. Durarvenno, M. P. XV, 25. Canterbury. Ad portum Dubris, M P. XIV. Dover-haven. ITEM A LONDINIO AD portum Lemanis M. P. 68 sic: Durobrius, M. P. XXVII. Rochester. Durarvenno, M. P. XV. 25. Canterbury. Adportum Lemanis, M P. XVI. Limming haven. ITEM A LONDINIO Lugu. Valio ad Vallum, M. P. 443. sic: Caesaromago, M P. XXVIII. Colonia, M. P. XXIV. Villa Faustini, M. P. XXXV. 25. Icianos', M. P. XVIII. Camborico, M. P. XXXV. Duroliponte, M. P. XXV. Durobrivas, M. P. XXXV. Gausennis, M. P. XXX. Lindo M. P. XXXVI. Dano, M. P. XXI. Lege Olio, M. P. XVI. Logetium. Eburaco, M. P. XXI. Isu, M. P. XVI. Cataractoni, M. P. XXIV. Levatris, M. P. XVIII. Levatrix. Verteris, M. P. XIV. Lugu Vallo, M. P. XXV. 22. ITEM A LONDINIO Lindo, M. P. 156. sic: Verolami, M. P. XXI. Duro Cobrius, M. P. XII. Magiovinio, M. P. XII. Maginto. Lactodoro, M. P. XVI. Magis. Isanna Vantia, M. P. XII. Isanna vatia. Tripontio, M. P. XII. Isanna varia. Venonis, M. P. IX. Ratas, M. P. XII. Verometo, M. P. XIII. Margi-duno, M. P. XII. Croco Calana, M. P. VII. Crorolana. Lindo, M. P. XII. ITEM A REGNO Londinio, M P. 116, 96. sic: Clausentum, M. P. XX. Venta, M. P. X. Galleva, M P. XXII. Gelleva. Pontibus, M. P. XXII. Reding. Calliva. Walingford. Londinio, M. P. XXII. ITEM AB EBURACO Londinium, M. P. 227. sic: Lagecio, M. P. XXI. Dano, M. P. XVI. Dancaster. Lindo, M P. XIV. Crococalano, M. P. XIV. Margi duno, M. P. XIV. Vernemeto, M P. XII. 〈◊〉. Ratis, M. P. XII. Vennonis, M. P. XII. Magio Vinio, M. P. XXVIII. Durocobrius, M. P. XII. Dunstable. Verolamo, M. P. XII. S. Albans. Sullomaca, M P IX. Barnet. Londinio, M, P. XII. London. ITEM A VENTA ICINORUM Londinio, M P. 128. sic: Sitomago, M. P. XXXI. Combretovio, M. P. XXII. Cumbretovio. Camoloduno, M. P. VI Canonio, M. P. IX. Caesaromago, M. P. XII. Durolito, M P. XVI. Londinio, M. P. XV. ITEM A GLAMOVENTA Mediolano, M. P. 150. sic: Galava, M. P. XVIII. Galacum, M. P. XIX. Galacum. Coccio, M. P. XX. Mancunio, M. P. XVIII. Mammucio vel Manucio. Condate, M. P. XVIII. Mediolano, M. P. XIX. ITEM A SEGONCIO devam, M P. 74. sic: Canovio, M. P. XXIV. Varis, M. P. XIX. Deva, M. P. XXXII. ITEM A CALLEVA alias MUridono, alias Viroconiorum. Per Viroconium. Vindonu, M. P XV. Vindomi. Venta, M. P. XXI. Sorvioduni, M. P. IX. Vindogladia, M. P. XIII. 15. Durnovaria, M. P. VIII. Muriduno, M. P. XXXVI. Scadum Nunniorum. M. P. XV. 12. Iscadum. Leucaro, M. P. XV. Nido, M P. XV. Iscelegua Augusti, M. P. XIV. Iscelegia. Burrio, M. P. IX. Gobannio, M. P. XII. Magnis, M. P. XXII. Viriconio, M. P. XXVII. ITEM AB ISCA CALLEVA, M. P. 109. sic: Burrio, M. P. IX. Clevo, M. P. XV. Durocornovio, M. P. XIV. Spinis, M. P. XV. Calleva, M. P. XV. ITEM ALIO ITINERE AB Isca Calleva, M P. 103. sic: Venta Silurum, M. P. IX. Trajectus, M. P. IX. Verlucione, M P. XV. Cunetione, M P XX. Spinis, M. P XV. Calleva, M. P. XV. ITEM A CALLEVA IScadum Nunniorum, M. P. 136. sic: Vindomi, M. P. XV. Venta, M. P. XXI. Sorbiodoni, M. P. VIII. Vindocladia, M. P. XII. Durnonovaria, M. P. VIII. Durnovaria. Moriduno, M. P. XXXVI. Iscadum Nunniorum, M. P. XV. Out of ROBERT TALBOT. What I have spoken aught to have that consideration and regard, that I might, as well as I could, declare how much this one little Book ought to be weighed, and esteemed of, which contains under ANTONINUS AUGUSTUS his Name, the ways and journeys of all the Provinces of the Roman Empire, which yieldeth to us an income of so wonderful Profit, that it affords most clear light to Strabo, Pomponius, Mela, Pliny, most excellent Authors in the explication of the whole World, as it were in great darkness. So far Robert Talbot. Out of the Preface of the famous man Andrew Schot, set before Antoninu's Edition of Surita at Coleyn M. DC. IX. Rutilius * Whose learnedest Edition is that of Caspar Barthius. Numatianus afforded us his Itinerary in Elegiac Verses, but Antonius, or whether he is Antoninus Augustus in bare name, which in a Land, Journey, and military way and march, the Roman Captains made use of (of which kind we see some in Italy and fewer in Spain used by Passengers, where at this day they are carried on horses which are appointed for speed.) But for Itinerary Tables, which are very useful in matter of War, Fl. Vegetius is to be seen lib. III. De re Militari, cap. VI Of what kind of Military Tables the famous man Mark Velf●…r, one of the seven Magistrates of the Commonwealth of Auspurg, very well deserving of all Antiquity, lately found out in the Library of Conrade Peutinger, a noble man there, and also adorned with Scholia's, or Notes. But Ortelius our friend (the Prince of Geographers) set forth all of it also cut into Brass; by the Printing of john Moret: in which kind I think nothing of ancient Monuments to be extant, either to be preferred, or comparable to it. I can bring nothing of certainty concerning the Writer; Only thus much, That this Itinerary may seem to be written by some learned Measurer of Land well acquainted with the places: but afterwards who by the command of some Emperor, it is likely after Marcus Aurelius, Antoninus Pius, for good luck's sake retained the Surname, and publicly took the name and authority of Antoninus Augustus; although most old Books have Antonii, perhaps by the usual fault of the Transcribers, whereby they often confound Constantius and Constantinus. Jerome Surita a very learned Spaniard, prefers this Work to Antoninus the Son of Severus, by reason of the mention of certain places of BRITAIN: but Critics contend, and the strife is still before the Judge. Now it appears that such an Itinerary was composed for the Captains and Soldiers with the proconsuls and Praetors marching into the Provinces, lest they should mistake their way, and fall into ambushes, mistaking the right way. How necessary these Itineraries were Fl. Vegetius is the Author, and St. Ambrose in his Sermon upon the CXVIII Psalm. Now the way did not always lead straight, as at this day, but wheeling about, yet more beaten and safe, which are called by Ammianus, the King's Highway, and the Soldier's way and wont Journeys. Concerning Highways, Galen the Prince of Physicians is to be seen lib. IX. cap. VIII. Methodius & Procopius in the beginning of the second Book, de bello Persico; He writes: I believe that the City Strata was so called by the Romans from the Military way which they called Strata. It remains that the account of my undertaking may appear: for this was principally intended while I searched forth the Notes of Jerome Surita, a learned man, upon the Itinerary of * That this Itinerary was composed under the Empire of Antoninus Basiannus the Emperor, the Son of Severus, in the beginning of the British journeys shall be showed, that I was by conjecture persuaded. But Reader, if thou pleasest, see the ve●…y place. Augustus, which lay hidden in the dark. Out of John Annius of Viterbium. Antoninus Pius Caesar Augustus wrote an Itinerary. Now the Itineraties which we have now are not Antoninus', but collected perhaps out of some fragments of some former, to which many things added, many things diminished, more things changed: an argument whereof, you have a Certain'y Annius means by all this the confounding of Antoninus with Aethicus, concerning which we have spoken sufficiently, presently after the beginning of this book. two Fragments; for the first Fragment, it belongs to the Preface: but to this which we have in our hands belongs no Preface; besides the common ones use no miles, which the Italians alone do use. Again, the common ones make use of the succession of Towns, because you have described all the Journeys of the World in all Nations: which succession of Towns is without miles, whence it appears that b By all means see Angelus Politians Epistles, one of the first of the first Book. Florence was not in the time of Antoninus; by which it appears, that these vulgar Books are not all of Antoninus, but that there is a great corruption of the Book by men in after times through addition, and diminution, procured by private men's doings. Out of John Leland, Antiquary under Henry the eighth. Antoninus' lived in the times of Constantine the Great, for he mentions Constantinopolis, Dioclesianopolis, Maximinopolis, so unlikely it is, that Antoninus the Emperor wrote the Itinerary, which goes about commonly in his name. Out of the excellent Doctor Usher in his learned Book which he hath Entitled, De Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Primordiis, pag. 78. Hence also in the Itinerary (to which the ordinary Books give the title of Antoninus * Flodoard. Histor. Remenseccles. lib. 1. cap. 1. Thomas Flodoardus of Aethicus; but the old MS. of Scotus.) Roma, Romani. Hence came those words a Pro. Alastore vel Sicarto a Romans. Russian, Rumney, used by the old Britain's, and others. * Virg. Aeneados. lib. 3. Dempster. Hist. Ecclesiastic. Scotor. lib. 1. p. 60. Tantum aevi longinqua valet mutare vetustas, Great alterations grow by length of Time. Out of William harrison's second Edition in the same place. A LIMIT, ID EST A VALlo praetorio usque M. P. CLVI. sic: ABramenio Corstopitum, M. P. XX. Vindomora, M P. IX. 5. Viconia, M. P. XIX. Vinovia, Vinovium. Cataractoni, M. P. XXII. Isurium, M. P. XXIV. 8. Eburacum legio VI Victrix, M. P. XVII. Derventione, M. P. VII. Delgovitia, M. P. XIII. Praetorio, M. P. XXV. ITEM A VALLO AD PORtum Ritupis, M. P. CCCC. LXXXI. 491. sic. Ablato Bulgio castra exploratorum, M. P. X. 15. alias a Blato. Luguvallo, M. P. XII. alias a Luguvalio. Cairletl. Voreda, M. P. XIV. Wrderad. Brovonacis, M. P. XIII. Bravoniacis. Burgham. Verteris, M. P. XX. 13. Wharton. Lavatris, M. P. XIV. Lowthier. Cataractone, M. P. XVI. Caturractonium. Grynton, Gritobrioge. Isuriam, M. P. XXIV. Isoriam. Eburacum, M. P. XVIII. Eboracum. Calcaria, M. P. IX. Cacaria. Helcaster. Camboduno, M. P. XX. Camborough. Mammuncio, M. P. XVIII. Manucio. Standish. Condate, M. P. XVIII. 39 Deva legio XXIII. CI. M. P. XX. Bovio, M. P. X. 44. Bonio. Mediolano, M. P. XX. Rutunio, M. P. XII. Urio Conio, M. P. XI. Viroconium. Uxacona, M. P. XI. Penno-Crucio, M. P. XII. Etoceto, M. P. XII. Utoxeter, Utceter, Touceter. Mandues Sedo, M P. XVI. Mansfield. Venonis, M. P. XII. Colewestford. Bever. Wansford. Benna venta, M. P. XVII. Banna venta. Lactorodo, M. P. XII. Lactodoro. Maginto, M. P. XVII. 12. Magiovintum. Stonystratford. Duro-Cobrivis, M. P. XII. Dunstable. Verolamio, M P. XII. S. Alban. Sullomacis, M. P. IX. Barnet, Shelney, between S. Stephens and Ilshe. Longidinio, M. P. XII. Londini. London. Noviomago, M. P. X. Leusham. Vagniacis., M. P. XVIII. Maidston. Durobrovis, M. P. IX Duroprovis. Rochester. Durolevo, M. P. XVI. 13. Sittingborne. Talb. Durorverno, M P. XII. Droverno, Duroverno, Durarvenno, Darverno. Ad portum Ritupis, M. P. XII. ITEM A LONDINIO AD portum Dubris, M. P. LVI. 66. sic: Dubobrus. M. P. XXVII. Durobrovis, Durobrius. Durarvenno, M. P. XV. 25. Ad portum Dubris, M. P. XIV. Dover haven. ITEM A LONDINIO AD portum Lemanis, M. P. LXVIII. sic: Durobrius, M. P. XXVII. Durarvenno, M. P. XV. 25. Ad portum Lemanis, M. P. XVI. Lympne, Talb. ITEM A LONDINIO LUGUvalio ad Vallum, M. P. CCCCXLIII. sic: Caesaromago, M. P. XXVIII. Chelmsford, Talb. Coloniam, M. P. XXIV. Villa Faustini, M. P. XXXV. 25. Halsted. Icianos', M. P. XVIII. Crney by Newmarket. Hincson between Cambridge and Waldor. Camborico, M. P. XXXV. Cambridge. Talb. Comberton, three miles from Cambridge. Duroliponte, M. P. XXV. Huntingdon, Talbot. Durobrivas, M. P. XXXV. Stamford, Talb. Peterborow. Gausennis, M. P. XXX. Casteven. Thecford. Ancaster. Decping. Lindo, M. P. XXVI. Segeloci, M. P. XIV. Agle. Dano, M. P. XXI. Lege Olio, M. P. XVI. Logetium. Pontfract. Ebucaro, M. P. XXI. Isubrigantum, M. P. XVI. Isurium Brigantum. Cataractoni, M. P. XXIV. Catarick-bridge. Levatris, M. P. XVIII. Levatrix. Verteris, M. P. XIV. Wharton. Brocovo, M. P. XX. Bracovicum. Lugu Vallo, M. P. XXV. 22. ITEM A LONDINIO LINDO, M. P. CLVI. sic: Verolami, M. P. XXI. Duro Cobrius, M. P. XII. Stonystratford. Magiovinio, M. P. XII. Magi●… Lactodoro, M. P. XVI. Bedford Magis. Isanna Vantia, S. Needs M. P. XII. Isanna vatia. Tripontio, Capston. M. P. XII. Isanna varia. Venonis, M. P. IX. Stanford. Ratas, M. P. XII. 〈◊〉, ●…tingham, Ca●…r, ●…orts. Verometo, M. P. XIII. Grantham. Margi-duno, M. P. XII. Ad Pontem, M. P. VII. Pons Aelii. Bonston. Croco Calana M. P. VII. Crorolano. ●…eke, Cre●…and. Lindo, M. P. XII. ITEM A REGNO, Ringwood. Londinio, M P. CXVI. 96. sic: Clausentum, M. P. XX. Northampton. Venta Belgarum, M. P. X. Winchcomb. Vendomis, Fulc. Galleva Atrebatum, M. P XXII. 140. Gelleva, Gilford. Calleva. Pontibus, M. P. XXII. Londinio, M. P. XXII. ITEM AB EBUR ACO. Londinium, M. P. CCXXVII. sic: Dano, M. P. XVI. Ageloco, M. P. XXI. Seg●…co Lindo, M. P. XIV. Crococalano, M. P. XIV. Grantham. Talb. Margi-duno, M. P. XIV. Vernemeto, M. P, XII. Verometo. Ratis, M. P. XII. Vennonis, M. P. XII. Banna vanto, M. P. XIX Northampton. Magio Vinio, M. P. XXVIII. Stonystratford. Durocobrius, M. P. XII. Dunstable. Verolamo, M. P. XII. Londinio, M. P. XXI. Item A VENTA ICINORUM. Londinio, M P. CXXVIII. sic: Sitomago, M. P. XXXI. Combretovio, M. P. XXII. Cumbretonio. Ipswich. T. Ad Ansam, M. P. XV. Ca●…warbridge. T. Camoloduno, M. P. VI, etc. Colnecester. Canonio, P. M. IX. Esterford, i. Reldon. Talb. Colne. Caesaromago, M. P. XII. Chelmsford. Durolito, M. P. XVI. Burntwood. Talb. Londinio, M. P. XV. ITEM A GLAMOVENTA Mediaolano, M. P. CL. sic: Galava, M. P XVIII. Welford. Alone. M. P. XII. Alauna, Aliona, Alione. Aleyton, Coventre. Galacum, M. P. XIX. Galacum, Brignatum. Lichfield. Bremetonaci, M P. XXVII. Trentham. Coccio. M. P. XX, etc. Congleton. Mancunio, M. P. XVIII. Mammucio vel Manucio. Condate, M. P. XVIII. Standish. Mediolano, M. P XIX. Lancaster. ITEM A SEGONTIO DEvam, M. P. LXXIV. sic: Canovio, M. P. XXIV. Conway. Varis, M. P. XIX. Berrow, Barrow. Denbigh. Deva, M. P. XXXII. Pot. vary in Asaph. Diocesi. ITEM A CALEVA, alias MUridono, alias Viroconiorum. Per Viroconium. Vindonu, M. P. XV. Vindomi. Venta Belgarum, M. P. XXI. Brige, M. P. XI. Brage. Sorvioduni, M. P. IX. Vindogladia, M. P. XIII. Durnovaria, M. P. VIII. Durn●…guier. Dornecester. Muriduno, M. P. XXXVI. Scadum Nunniorum, M. P. XV. 12. Iscadum. Leucaro, M. P. XV. Legcaster. Bomio, M. P. XV. Reu●… citra Landaf. pass. in Fulcon. transpos. Nido, Bomio. Nido, M. P. XV. Neth. Iscelegua Augusti, M P. XIV. Iscelegia. Burrio, M. P. IX. Gobannio, M. P. XII. Magnis, M P. XXII. Monmenth. Bravinio, M P. XXIV. Brovonio, Bridgenorth. Viriconio, M. P. XXVII. Wirconcestir. ITEM AB ISCA CALLEVA, M. P. CIX. sic: Burrio M. P. IX. Bristo. Barkley. Blestio, M. P. XI. Gobannio, Copenhant, Camby. Ariconio, M. P. XI. Clevo, M. P. XV. Durocornovio, M. P. XIV. Hungerford. Spinis, M. P. XV. Calleva, M. P. XV. ITEM ALIO ITINERE AB Isca Calleva, M. P. CIII. sic: Venta Silurum, M. P. IX. Chepstow. Abone, M P. IX. Brightstow. Trajectus. M. P. IX. Aquis Solis, M. P. VI Verlucione, M. P. XV. Warmister. Talb. Chipnam. Wilton. Cunetione, M P. XX. Marlebury. Spinis, M. P. XV. Nubery, Spinhamlands. Calleva, X. P. XV. ITEM A CALLEVA ISCADUM Nunniorum, M. P. CXXXVI. sic: Vindomi, X P. XV. Witney. Venta Belgarum, M. P. XXI. Brige, M. P. XI. Brightstow. Sorbiodoni, M. P. VIII. Vindocladia, M P. XII. Durnonovaria, M. P. IX. Durnovaria, Dorncester, Moriduno, M. P. XXXVI. Honiton, Somerton, Couton, Iscadum Nunniorum, M. P. XV. Exeter. Doctor Fulck a singular Ornament in his time, both as a Divine of the University of Cambridge, and Antiquary, so illustrated this Itinerary, as I was sometime informed by the Reverend and Learned Primate of Ireland Doctor Usher, who was also the Author and Occasioner of my undertaking this same Work, as many, yet living, of good credit, can bear sufficient witness. And for me to have omitted a man, by whose diligence our Countrymen had the first notice of this Writer, had been an offence against civil courtesy, and what became Learned men mutually from one another. ITINERARII ANTONINI PER BRITANNIAS Tabula Geographica Anglico Latina▪ map of Antoninus 'itinerary through Britain A COMMENTARY On the ITINERARY of ANTONINUS Concerning BRITAIN. Accord to the Editions of Aldus Manutius, William Harrison, josias Simler, Jerome Surita, etc. ITER BRITANNIARUM.] ITER] The first that ever wrote upon that Itinerary of the Roman Provinces, which goeth commonly under Antoninus Pius, the Emperor's Name (I mean that part thereof which belongeth to BRITAIN) was one a Abrah: Ortelio in Sinon. Geogr: in Cessoriacum, perperam Ioannes nomenatur. Robert Talbot, an Oxford Student, and Canon of Norwich, under HENR. JIX. a man very well skilled in the Antiquities of this Island; as, besides the testimony of many b Antiquarius praestabilis, Io. Caio de Antiq: Caniabr: lib: 2. Antiquitatis bene peritus Candeno in Icenis. vi. Guil. Lambard: Xenogog: Cant: pag: 144. & 353. Prafat: item ad Matth: Westmonast: nec non v. Balanm & Pitsenm. Learned men, may appear by some Collections of his yet c In Biblioth: Coll: S. Benedicti Cantabrigia. Vide ●…amesii Eclogam MSS. utriusque Academia, & Caiam d. l. pag: 357. extant, and to be seen by such as can obtain the courtesy. He then in his Annotations (so he calls them) upon the XVI Britain journeys, containing the removes and distances from one Station or Garrison to another, is displeased with the very Epigraphe or Title before them, wishing for Iter, to read Itinerarium Britanniarum; and so to make this a distinct piece from the other before it, which is inscribed, Itinerarium Provinciarum omnium, etc. His conceit is, that the mistake arose at first from the curtailed writing of the word IT. which the Calligraphus, or Transcriber might at his pleasure, he thinks, make Iter, or Itinerarium, or else he conjectures it might have been written abbreviated ITINER. which some smattering Copyer (it being a word which did never light in his way) might correct into Iter, although Itiner is a word used by good d Varroni. apud Noa Marcellum & alios. Authors, and namely by e Astronom. l. 1. Minilius, a Writer in the time of Augustus, and had in high repute with the Learned'st, in this Verse. Fecit & ignoti●… Itiner commercia terris. And Travels, 'twixt strange Lands, fixed mutual Trade. But in very deed there are some good reasons, which might seem to confirm this conjecture of his, by which he divides the whole Work into TWO several Itineraries. For besides that the Voyages, or Places which they usually accustomed to touch at in their expeditions by Sea, set down after the recension of our Britain Stations, have the Inscription of Itinerarium maritimum, not Iter, for the Britain's indeed were generally accounted by the Romans themselves, during the several Ages they continued Masters of them, to be, f Virgil. Eclog. 1. toto divisi orbe, and their Country likewise g Claudian: Paneg: 8. in Consul: Manlii Theodori. diducta Mundo, wholly severed from the World; and therefore not only by their Poets, but by their graver Writers also, thought worthy to be termed h Seru. in Virg: Ecl: 1. Vellejus lib: 2. Plorus l. 3. c. 10. etc. Altar, or i Claudian: Paneg: 3. in Stilich. Auctor Paneg: Constan●…o d. Maviniano falso inscript. etc. All us O●…, and k Agrippa or●…t. ad judeos, apud joseph. de bello Iud: lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in lat. 16. & ex eo Hegesippus lib: 1. cap: 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, another habitable World. And that not 〈◊〉 flourish only, but in very good earnest; in so much that l Dio Hist: lib: 60. Di●…, a Consular Historian, tells us, That upon the apprehension hereof, A. Plautius' his Soldiers were very unwilling to follow him out of Gaul in his expedition hither, seriously imagining it to be some service quite out of the World. So that the Britain's might very well seem to deserve a Notitia, or Survey, by themselves apart in the Description of the whole World; Nature having first separated them by the vast, and (sometime thought) m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clemens Rom. epia. ad Corinth. & Libain●… in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad Constantium Imp. unpassable Ocean. More I could say by way of enlarging this Argument, but I purposely forbear, and refer it rather to another place: Only this I add in this behalf, that the word Iter doth not so fitly serve the turn in this place. For first of all observe, that here it doth no way exactly agree with what either the great n Instit: l. 2. tit. 3. ex l. 1. D. rust. praed. Lawyer, or o De L. L. lib: 4. Varro, make the signification or meaning of the word to be: in the latter of whom, by the By, I cannot choose but take notice of a Paradiorthosis, or false emendation of Vertranius in that very place, where he tells us what Iter is, reading militare iter, for limitare; by which Varro understands nothing else but a small Path made in the confines of several men's Land, ordered by a p Apud Cicer: de LL. lib: 1. Law of the XII. Tables, to be not above V. Foot broad. For had he meant those public Thoroughfares, or Ways, which the Soldiers raised by uncessant and toilsome labour, for their more convenient march from Station to Station, (called by Ammianus and others, Aggeres itinerarii, and actus publici; q Histor: lib: 8. by Herodian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and * Stratam, viam latini dicunt. Procop. de bello Perfect. lib. 2. initio V. Sealig: in Auson: lect. l. 2. c. 27. quem vide voce Gla●…ea. Strata by Beda, and such kind of Writers) he would not have said Iter militare, but via militaris, the usual word indeed; Via, as r Institut: d. l. justinian teaches us, containing in it, both iter, and actus; and in ancient Authors iter militare, is only quantum uno die militari gradu, as Vegetius speaks, conflci possit, or One days march; by Caesar and others called justum iter; and by barbarous Writers, † Ad S. Gem●…am tertia dicta citra Ro●…am. etc. parvis dietis versus Scotiam proficiscens. Matth: Westm: aliique. dieta. In the second place we may consider, that here are XVI. several Itineraries, or set marches (not to be expressed by the singular Iter) described from so many Garrisons to Garrisons, (it is likely of more * Ideoque regales, ut videtur, dicuntar, D. Ambrosio, v. infra. esteem and concernment) through others perhaps of less note, here also set down; to signify all which, Itinerarium must needs be thought far the more proper and significant notion, by them that understand what it means, and know besides to what excellent purpose such Itineraria were first instituted and appointed. For they that are conversant in Antiquities of this nature, cannot but take notice, that to set down in writing, & likewise publish their particular Journeys and Marches by the several Camps, Stations, Mansions, and Mutations (so they were called by the Romans, being places from which, in after ages, great Towns and Cities took their Originals) was a thing, for divers useful respects, always observed amongst the better managed and disciplined Nations; and it was a business that tended to extraordinary advantage, especially in great Empires and Dominions. The people of Israel, who had GOD for their Leader through the Wilderness to the Land of Promise, most heedfully observed this course in their whole pilgrimage, even from t Exod: 12. 37. Romese, the place of their departure out of Egypt, to the very Banks of jordan; and that not without the special Commandment u Numb; 33. 3, 4. etc. see chap: 21. 10. of GOD himself. These are, says Moses, the journeys of the people of Israel, which went forth out of the Land of Egypt, with their Armies under the hand of Moses and Aaron. And Moses wrote their goings out according to their journeys, by the Commandment of the LORD; and these are their journeys according to their goings out. And then he sets down no less than two and forty Journeys, from the beginning of the Chapter to the 50. verse, which S. x In Epitaph: Fabiola ad Oceanum. jerom calls Catalogum omnium mansionum, per quas de Aegypto egrediens populos pervenit usque ad fluenta jordanii. Having passed over jordan, and under the Conduct of their victorious General, either destroyed, or dispossessed the Inhabitants beyond it: y Jos: 18. 4, 9 Three men are appointed out of each Tribe to go through the Land and describe it. And the men went and passed through the Land, and described it by Cities, into seven parts in a Book, and came again to Joshua to the Host at Shiloh. As for the Kings of Persia, we learn from z In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sive lib: 5. Herodotus, that they had the distances from Station to Station, exactly set down through their great and vast Territories. This is to be seen in him by that accurate enumeration of the several Mansions, from the Sea Coast in the lesser Asia, even to Susa the Royal Palace; containing in all C and XI. Mansions: All which described in a brazen Table, with the * What they were, v. infra. Parasangs they were distant one from another, Aristagoras the Militian brought to Cleomenes King of Sparta, intending to urge the advantage he might gain thereby, as a chief Argument to work him to the invasion of Persia. Although indeed he missed of his aim, by unadvised and overhastily telling him it would prove an expedition of some three months' Journey, before he had made it appear to him with what ease he might perform it; his Marches and Quarter being by that Table beforehand scored out for him. a Rer. Scot: lib. 1. Buchanan therefore needed not to have sought so low for the antiquity of Draughts of this kind, as the authority of b Prop Eleg: 3 lib 4. Cogor 〈◊〉 è tabul●… pictos ediscere 〈◊〉. Propertius, Maps and chorographical descriptions being of so long standing. And for Alexander the Great, we may not imagine that so great a Commander would neglect so requisite and necessary a piece of Soldiership, especially when we find that the Commentaries of his Marches were extant in c Plin: lib: 6. cap. 17. Pliny's time, described by Diognetus and Beton, whom he calls mensores itinerum Alexandri; and he tells us a little before in the same Chapter, that [Comites Alexandri M.] his followers diligently numbered and set down the Towns of that Tract of India which they had conquered: and out of some of their Commentari. s, it is very likely, was taken the sum of the 57 Chap. in Solinus, inscribed 〈◊〉 Indicum. Having spoken of ●…lexander, I may by no means leave out his great parallel, julius Caesar, who though he hath left little to this purpose in those immortal Commentaries of his own expedition; yet there are (a) that will tell you, they have seen an Itinerary of his, or Description of the World: in which d joan 〈◊〉. & Fel●… Malleolus Dialog: de Nobilit: Descript▪ Orbis a 1. Caesar. etc. Baldericus, Novicomensis & Camara●…ensis Episcopus ante annos prope sexcentos claruit Chronici Cameracensis, et Atrebatensis lib: 1. cap: 3. qui jubente Yulii Caesaris ex S. C ab eruditiss. De Cosmographia inscribitur ubi quidem vetus Rome nominis universa loca 〈◊〉 distinguit. Vide etiam Clariss: Vostium de L. ●…ist: lib: 1. cap: 13. Nec non Caesparem Rar●…m lib: 14. cap: 8. Gentes & civitates singulae cum suis distantiis in itinerario annotatae essent. But because their Witness may perchance be excepted against by some, being but late Writers, we will therefore hear what Aethicus in his Cosmography says to it, who is indeed an Author ancient enough, as being transcribed in some places by Paulus Orosius, in his Histories dedicated to S. Austin. julius Caesar, saith Aethicus, Cum Consulatus sui fasces erigeret, ex S. C. censuit, etc. So soon as he began to exercise his Office of Consul, made an Order, confirmed by a Decree of the Senate, that the whole Roman World should be surveyed and measured by Learned men, and well seen in all parts of Philosophy. In his Consulship, therefore, with M. Anthony the World began to be measured; from which time to the * third Consulship of Augustus which was with Crassus, being * XXI. years V. Months, and IX. days, Zenodotus was taking a survey of the whole East. From that Consulship of Caesar likewise to Augustus, his being the X Cos. in * XXIX. years VIII. months and X. day's time, the Survey of the Northern part of the Empire was brought in by Theodotus. From the very same Consulship also of Caesar, Quae habet Oros●…de Britaniae specula, lib: 1. cap: 2. uti 〈◊〉 alia non pau●…, ex Aethico transcri●…it. to the Consulship of * IV. Saturninus and Cinna, the Southern part was measured by Policlytus in * XVII. XXXII. years I. month and X. days: So that in about the space of * XXIII. XXXII. years, the whole World was surveyed, and a general account thereof brought in to the Senate. Thus far Aethicus: From which relation, we may deservedly observe the greatness and vast extent of the Roman Empire, whose Notitia, or Survey, was not taken under such a time, although just exception may be made against the account of years here, as also in respect of the Consul's Names; in both which he is foully out: And out of this very place of Aethicus, I presume (else I am to seek whence) is taken that which I find in a Farrago of divers things, published when Printing first began among us, as you may easily see by the English of it; * Pag: 65. julius Caesar used in his time to insearche and mesured the World in lengeth and breed, and did make thereof great Books, and of all the Parties, Contrays and Provinces, and Wondres in him contained; and that Book acorded to Bartylmew, and to Marcus Paulus, and to Claudius Tholomeus, and to the great Arystotell that went with standing, and been proved tre●…e be many dyvers reasonable provynges, etc. We make use of * Basilea An: ∞ D. LXXV. Simlers' Edition, which we conceive the best as bad as it is, till such time as we shall have the good hap to meet with Salmasius his Aethicus, † Long dissi▪ milis a vulgato Aethico. Salm. ad Aug Hist: Script: p. 140. great hopes of which he gives us in more than one place. In the mean while, see Baronius in the * Appar: Sect. 97. 98. Apparatus to his Annals. Now that which here chiefly we shall take into our cognizance, will be, first, To examine who this Aethicus was; and secondly, Whether Cuspinian, and Malleolus, and others, who take upon them to have seen an Itinerary, or Description of the World under julius Caesar's name, do not mean this very piece of Aethicus, with Antoninus' Itinerary, as they are commonly joined together. For Aethicus, he is called by some Sophista, ex Istriâ oriundus; by our most admired f Roger Bacon Compend: studii The●…l. part 4. Francis Bacon, he is styled Astronomus. But you must take notice that they have two distinct Cosmographical Works, which bear the name of Aethicus: this vulgar one, which hath often been Printed, and another never yet published, joined to the other Aethicus in Thuanus' MSS. but I have seen it in the Bodleian Library in the same Volume with an ancient Solinus in Parchments. In some Copies it bears this Title, Incipit liber Aethici Philosophico editus oraculo, ab Hieronymo presbytero translatus in latinum, ex Cosmographiâ & mundi scripturâ. In the Preface you shall find, Hic Aethicus Istria regione Sophista claruit, primusque codices suos Cosmographiam nuncupavit. And yet Aethicus Ister philosophus is often urged in this very Book, which is the same, I dare boldly say, which Bacon and others mention, and it is cited by g Lib: De- Navigiis. Lilins Giraldus, under the Title of Antiquitatis Historiae, quae ab Hieronymo in Latinum sermonem è Graeco conversae creduntur: A Book indeed containing many things fabulous, and foolish, and unworthy S. I●…romes pains in the translating, if he ever did it. The vulgar printed Aethicus, whom we have now to do withal (termed Monstrosorum vocabulorum auctor, by * In Synonym: Geograph: Ortelius) in Thuanus his ancient written Copy, is called julius' Orator (a Writer mentioned by Cassiodorus) as h Plin: Exercit. in Solin: p. 770. 836. 1113. & in addend. 1339. Salmasius, who had the use thereof, Witnesses in more than one place. And this name Julius, which Cuspinian perhaps, and Malleolus found before their Books (for they mention not the name of Aethicus) as also their finding of the Senate's Decree procured by Julius Caesar for the surveying of the Roman Empire, in the very Preface of this Work, made them (as it is very likely) inscribe it with the following Itinerary, which goes usually under Antoninus', to Julius Caesar's name. For that these two pieces are jointly intended by them, appears plainly by the words of one of them before cited: [Gentes, & civitates singulae in Itinerario] We referring the word Gentes to Aethicus, in whom you have Oceani Orientalis gentes. Oc. Occid. Gentes, etc. And Asiae situs, cum suis papulis, etc. And the Civitates cum suis dist intiis, to Antoninus' Itinerary. And indeed i Flodoard H. R. E. lib: 1. cap: 1. Flodoardus the Presbyter seems to make both these but one man's work; For Aethicus is quoted by him for two several Journeys, which are not to be found otherwhere then in Antoninus. In like manner is Ethicus cited by the learned Welshman * Powel in Cambr. Itin. l. 2. David powel (for Nemo contrarium saith he) which is in Antoninus' second Journey. And again, before that Itinerary, in a very ancient Copy, the Preface concerning the Dimension of the Earth, belonging to Aethicus, was found prefixed, as * Praefat. in cap: 4. Antonin. Simlerus informs us. And in a word, * In Claudian. ad Paneg. in 6. Consul: Honor. Caspar Barthius, the flourishing Philologer of this age, tells us plainly, he had observed, that Aethicus was the Author of both Pieces. Now from the foregoing Discourse, all that we can conclude, comes to thus much; That, although the Title of Aethicus be exploded and utterly cashired from having any thing to do with these Writings, as Salmasius (contrary to what Barthius imagines) will have it; yet for all that we cannot (with Felix Malleolus) absolutely say, that Julius Caesar was the Author of them, or Antoninus Pius of the latter part, as most do; and that (not to urge other reasons) because the names of many Cities and Places are to be found in both of them, which had not any Being till long after their times. However, we being none of those who dare Litterarum monumentis consecrata, as k Val: Maxim. lib. 1. cap: 9 he says, Perinde ac vana refugere. Though we have the testimony but of an l Incertus auctor quem Aethicum vocant. Salm. in Solin: p. 318. uncertain Author, we are bold from thence to affirm, that some such Description, or Itinerary was published by Caesar's authority, and in following times by Antoninus also, collected and framed; out of which, after many alterations and additions, and interpolations by the injury of time, and bad hands, we have only continued to us these unperfect, and corrupted Pieces, which in some Copies may perchance have retained their names, by whose appointment such Works were first instituted and begun, though now in a manner wholly changed, and different from their first Originals. So in like manner the most learned m Lib: IV. epist: 384. ad David. Hoeschel. Scaliger was of opinion, that those chorographical, or military Tables, as some call them, drawn out merely for the use of the Roman Armies, in regard of their Marches and Quarters, and * In Biblioth Conra●… Peutingeriano V. C. found out and illustrated with Notes, by the Noble Mark ●…lser of Auspurg, were nothing else but a Description of Stations and Cities out of Antoninus, and Ptolemies Geography. But that we should any farther question Caesar's care and provision in this respect, Suetonius will not suffer us; who plainly tells us, n Suet. in Caesare cap: 58. In obeundis expeditionibus exercitum neque per insidiosa itinera duxit umquam, nisi perspeculatu●… locorum situs. That he never led his Army by any dangerous ways, but where he had formerly diligently surveyed and observed the Situation of places. And to confirm it, Suetonius here says, It is very observable out of his own * Caes: de bello Gal lib 1. words, that when in his expedition against Ariavistus the Germane, not only his Followers, and Friends, Centurions and Commanders of Horse, but beaten Soldiers would out of Cowardice have abandoned the Service; yet pretending, among other things, angustias itineris, the troubles and casualties of the March, he roundly takes them up and answers them, That they dealt saucily to cloak their fears with a false conceit of the difficulty of the ways; that it was his duty to look to that, which they ought by no means to make question of; Haec sibi curae esse: de itinere Ipsos brevi tempore judicaturos; They should ere long see that he had well enough provided for that. Which he could not do better, then by sitting and preparing Itinerary Tables and Descriptions to that purpose. This wariness and forecast we see practised by Augustus Caesar his Successor, when he sent his eldest Son Caius with an Army into Armenia to compose the Parthian and Arabian affairs, dispatching before him Dionysius the Geographer, ad commentanda omnia, as o Plin: lib: 6. cap. 28. Pliny tells us, to describe and measure the distances of such Towns and Stations, as he was to march by. This Dionysius he calls Terrarum orbis situs recentissimum autorem: and yet p Lib 3. cap: 2. he mentions besides a Table of the World, which M. Agrippa described out of his own Commentaries, and intended to set it forth in a Po●…ticus for the public view; which being begun by his Sister, and left imperfect, was afterwards finished by Augustus himself. Under whom when a Description was taken (for it is not well translated Taxing in our Bibles, Luke 2. 2.) of Judaea, (Quirinius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the holy Text calls him, or Procurator) being then Precedent, and indeed of the whole World subject to the Roman power; Proculdubio, faith Simler, q Simler. praefat in Antonin. singula oppida provinciarum omnium diligentissimè descripta fuerunt: For truly the Text saith, they went to be listed, or enroled, r Luke 2. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Every man unto his own City. Such kind of Itineraries, or Journeying Tables, with the removes and distances from place to place, accurately (for the most part) set down, were exceedingly useful, as I said before, and advantageous in several respects. To let pass the great use that Students, and men of Sedentary lives, made thereof, as often as in the reading of Histories they chanced to meet with foreign Expeditions, long Marches, Battelis, Sieges, and Descriptions of Cities, and Countries, and the helps likewise that may be gained from thence, for the illustration and correction of Geographical Writers, such as Strabo, Mela Pliny, Ptolemie, etc. The direction and benefit was extraordinary much, which Merchants, Pilgrims, * Refectione viantium, congrua mansionum intervalla dimensa sunt. D. Hilar. in Psal. 118. and all kind of Wayfaring persons received thereby; But especially they were intended for the use of Generals and Armies; the trouble and danger of marching in strange Countries, being accounted the * Itinerum primus labour & vel maximus in re militari. Cicer in Verr: Act. 7. first and greatest care by wise men in Cicero's judgement, who was Commander enough to know that, and the neglect thereof gave Sp. Posthumius the Consul, with all his Forces, an ignominious overthrow by the Caudini, as Livy relates. The use & benefit of such Tables, we shall best learn & find in Fl. Vegetius, as in its most proper place, he being almost the only ancient Roman Writer that is come to our hands, concerning Military matters. s Veget. de Re Milit: lib: 3. cap: 6. Primùm, saith he, Itinerariae omnium Regionum quibus bellum geritur, plenissimè debet habere prescripta: ita ut locorum intervalla, non solùm passuum numero, sed & viarum qualitate, perdiscat. ●…er compendia, diverticula, montes, flumina, ad fidem descripta consideret: Usque eò ut solertiores deuces Itineraria Provinciarum in quibus necessitas gerebatur, non tantùm annotata, sed etiam picked a babuisse firmentur, ut non solùm consilio mentis, verùm etiam aspectu oculorum viam profecturus eligerat. He tells us that wise and provident Commanders, had not only Itinerary Tables, wherein the distances of places were noted by the number of miles, such as this in our hands, which bears Antoninus' name, but exact draughts also, wherein the windings of Ways, Rivers, and Hills also were lively described & expressed, such as that t Quo in genere autiovorum monumentorum extare puto nihil prius, aut secundum. Andr. Schottus de eadem Tabulâ. Table (〈◊〉) is, whereof we spoke even now; which being curiously cut in Brass, was by the care and directions of Ortelius first published at Antwerp, and since by Bertius joined to his Edition of Ptolemie, the latest and very best. To this place of Vegetius, I will only add another out of S. Ambrose, who indeed was some time after him, the one flourishing with the Title and Dignity of a Comes at CP. under Valentinian, to whom he inscribes his Works, the other being Archbishop of Milan under Theodosius the elder; It is a place very pertinent, and will better than any, illustrate our present Discourse, by informing us to what purpose such Lineraries were first instituted, and in this regard it will make amends for the length of it; for I cannot forbear but transcribe all of it hither u Ambros: serm: 5. in Psa: 118. ex D. Hilario, ut vid. Miles qui ingreditur iter, saith that Nectarian Doctor; viandi ordinem non ipse disponit sibi, nec pro suo arbitrio viam carpit, nec voluntaria captat compendia, ne recedat à signis, sed Itineratium ab imperatore accipit, & custodit illud: praescripto incedit ordine, cum armis suis ambulat, rectaque via cenficit iter, ut inveniat commeatuum parata sibi subsidia. Si alio ambulaverit itinere, annonam non accipit, mansionem paratam non invenit, quia imperator iis jubet haec praep●…rari omnia: qui sequuntur, nec dextrà nec sinistrâ à praescripto itinere declinant; meritoque non deficit, qui imperatorem suum sequitur. Moderatè enim ambulat, quia imperator non quod sibi utile, sed quod omnibus possibile, considerate: id●…o & siativa ordinat, triduò ambulat exercitus, quarto requiescit die. Eliguntur civitates in quibus triduum, quatriduum & plures interponantur dies si aquis abundant, commerciis frequentantur, & ita sine labore consicitur iter, donec ad eam urbem perveniatur, quae quasi regalis eligitur, in qua f●…ssis exercitibus requies ministratur. I will not be farther troublesome by translating; only instead thereof observe, that Itineraria among the ancient Latins, are in Greek Writers called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. The Descriptions, or Annotations of Mansions: particularly in x Geograph: lib: 2. & 15. Strabo more than in one place. Divers Grecians have set forth Books inscribed simply * Mansiones. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the Eastern Countries. As Amyntas, mentioned by y Dipnosoph: lib: 10. & 12. Athenaeus and z Ael. in Hist: Animal: lib: 17. cap. 17. Aelian, with others: Their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the Roman Mansions, the one borrowing the name from a word that signifies * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. to stand, the other from a word that signifies to stay a V. Salmas. ad Aug. Hist: scriptores. manere, which most anciently signified as much as Cubare, to lie, or rest all night. Sometimes in long Journeys, I mean, they reckoned not so much by the number of miles between Mansion and Mansion, as by the number of the Mansions themselves, which we learn by this * Apud Hieron. Capugnan. in Addit. ad Iran. Schotti Itiner. Italiae lib. 1. old Inscription. Martina chara conjux quae venit de Gallia per Mansiones L. Ut commemoraret memoriam mariti sui: Bene qu'eseas duleissime mi Marite. They called them also Stationes. The Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Eustathius interprets by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by which word the Greek Lawyers, and later Historians do constantly render the Latin Mansio, which contained in it usually some three or four Mutations, although the * Ex Riblioth: V. C. P. Pith. ancient Hierosolymitane Itinerary hath not, most and end, for every Mansion above two Mutationes, by which word the Writers after Constantine's age, signified as well † Discessit vectus mutatione celeri cursus publici. Ammian. ll. 〈◊〉 the Post-horses themselves, as the set places where they were kept and provided for the use of the Empire. I may add here likewise, that in the same age Itinerarium signified the charge given, in token the Army was presently to march; Itinerarium sonare l●…tuos jubet, being in Ammianus l. 24. just as much as is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Pollux. But to have spoken so much concerning Itineraries and Mansions, by way of Preface to the whole, will be thought sufficient, if not more then enough. BRITANNIARUM] Britanniarum hear in the plural number is not so to be understood, as if thereby were meant all those British Islands which by one general name were called Britanniae, according to that of a Nat: Hist: lib: 4. cap: 16. Pliny [Albion ipsi nomen fuit, cum Britanniae vocarentur omnes.] But by an Archivism, or antic manner of speaking, we must take it for the greatest among them, containing in it at this day England, Wales, and Scotland, and named, as he says, to difference it from the others, Albion: & that by b Fr. Patric: Inscuss: Peripatetic: Tom: 1. lib. 6. Brissonius, Cra●…anthorp: Portun. Licetus, etc. Aristotle, or c Buchin: Rer: Scot: lib: 1. Theophrastus, or who ever was the Author of that Book * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. De Auctore ejus post Muretum, Hensium, aliosque, adi omnino Cl. V. Gabr: Nandeum quaest. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ejus five de Fato. Of the World; Apul●…ius the Translator thereof, d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Marcianus Heracleota, and e In Dionysit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eustathius, following f Geogr: lib: 2. Ptolemy in his Geography, for in his Mathematical, or Great g Almag: lib: 2. Syntaxis, which the Arabians call the Almagest, it is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Great Britain, to distinguish it from Ireland, which there also he calls * Little Britain. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, if at least the same Ptolemie be Author of both works, which I see h Joan: Noviomagus, Baroecius, etc. some have questioned, but certainly without cause, † Lectur: in Euglidem. as Sir H. Savile thought. There are examples enough for this manner of speaking to be found both in later and more ancient Writers, but the names of Provinces were especially so expressed, as well in Prose as Poets: In i Propert. lib: 2. Eleg: 17. Propertius. Dic alias iterum navigat Illyrias. Let him once more other Illyria's find. k In Polyhist. ex edit: Salmas. cap: 2. Solinus of the best Edition, Graecias cogitamus. And the Grecians themselves seem to have used it: to confirm which, as Homer (HE 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) And this Verse of Euripides is urged also. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Islanders and Europe afar of. For certainly he means Europe, which not only in Holy Writ is described by the l Gen: 10. 5. Isles of the Gentiles; but in m lib: De fa. die in Orb Lun●…. in quem v. joan: Repleram. Plutarch also the Inhabitants there are called Insulares, or Islanders: As for Britain in particular, these places out of the learned n Catull: Epigr: 26. Catullus may be sufficient. Hunc Galliae timent, timent Britanniae. Let him the Gauls fear, and the Britain's too. And again, o Epigr: 42: Mavult quam Syrias, Britanniasque. Rather than th' Syrians or the British Stem. Neither may we possibly imagine, that by this Plural expression any division of Britain into smaller Provinces is meant in this place, such as that Quadripartite, in Sextus, p In Breviario Ad Valentin. Imp. or rather Festus Rusus (Camden in naming but three out him was deceived by a false Copy) into Maxima Caesariensis, q Amm. Mercellin. lib. 28. Flavia Caesariensis, Britannia prima, and Britannia secunda: of which division they make Constantine the Author; Or into five Provinces afterward by Valentinian r Vide Notinam Oc●…d. Imperii, & illic Gu. Pancitolum. adding Valentia in honour of his Brother Valens; namely, Britannia I. Britannia II. Maxima Caesariensis. Flavia Caesariensis. For both these you see were of later time. Neither may we understand that partion of it, which we find in s Die Hist. lib. 55. Dion Cassius, into the * Brit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Higher, or nearer part of the Province, and † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lower, or more remote, and Northern, called Britanniae pars interior, in t Com. de bell. Gal. lib. 5. Caesar's language; except any one have a mind to read interior in that place, which would not indeed so well answer to maritima, by which he distinguishes the nearer part, and known to the Romans, but would better agree with Dio's expression, according to whose division, we read in u Hist. lib. 3. Herodian also, that Severus distributed [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] The administration of government in the Nation into two Presidentships. But least of all may we imagine that division (which the Britain History only is Author of) into Lhoegria, Cambria, and Albania; although Cambria seems to * Fort in Lib: De obscur. Author. locis, & corrupt. nominibus. Neque, n. occurrit in Historia ejus Britannica, quam ex Galfrido descripsit. Sed vide Ortelium in Synonymia Geograph. Ponticus Vi●…ius to be well known to the Romans, as mentioned by Juvenal in this Verse of his VII. satire. Occidit miseros * Al. Crambe. Sed adi joan. Scoppam in Collectam. Cambre repetita magistros Cambre did butcher her returned Lords. But whether for this conjecture (among others) he may deserve the Title of eruditissimus both in Greek & Latin literature from the Learned Gosner's hand, I leave our Friends of Wales to be Judges. And for the division of Britain in former time, I shall have occasion elsewhere to discourse more at large. If in the mean while any one shall be desirous to know more exactly the Chorography thereof about the time that this Itinerary was written, if that be true which * In Bibliotheca. jerom Surita, a learned Spaniard, goes about to persuade us, namely, that it was published by the command of Antoninus Caracalla, the Son * Prafat. ad Anton Itiner. of Severus (making the recension of our Britain Mansions therein, sited so far Northerly, and conquered anew by them, as a ground of this his assertion:) he cannot do better than to join thereunto Piolemic's y Geograph: lib: 2. annumeration of the several Provinces, or People that then inhabited Britain, their more noted Cities, Rivers, Promontories, Havens, Islands, etc. he living not very long before the time that Caracalla was Emperor. And somewhat after Ptolemies age, you have the number of them all set down to your hand, I know not how exactly, by z In Periplo lib: 2. Marcianus Heracleota, a Greek Writer also. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is, Albion or Britain containeth in it, XXXIII. distinct Provinces, noted Cities LIX. famous Rivers XL. IV remarkable Promontories, I * A piece of Land almost environed with Sea. Peninsula, of more than ordinary note, V notable Bays, besides III principal Havens. The number of Cities here exactly agrees with that in Ptolemy, to whom I conceive he is beholding for the rest also: for that he was after him, evidently appears by his citing him; as he was also junior to the other Marcianus, of Heraclea also (a Writer of the same subject) whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in jambick Verse we have published by Fred. Mcrellus. In our Antoninus, the names of the Mansions or Towns, if you please to call them so, are well near double that number, there being reckoned no less than CXIV. in this Itinerary through the XV. Journeys. We may say then, that Antoninus set down all he took in his way; Ptolemy only the more noted. In the Notitia of the Western Empire † Breviarium Theodosii dicitur Andr. Alciato Pair rg●…r. lib: 5. cap: 13. under Theodosius the younger, you shall find not above XLVI. Garrisons in the whole Island, whereof IX. were kept on the Sea-coast, to hinder the frequent Attempts and Invasions of the Saxon Pirates, under the Command of the Comes Littoris Saxonici per Britanniam. XIV others more inland were commanded by the Dux Britanniarum (who had the Title of Spectabilis, as had also the other) whereof York is the first, under the notion of Legio VI Besides XXIII. more Per Lineam Valli, who had most of them their Stations very near the Wall, to keep off the continual Assaults and Eruptions of the Scots, and Picts, and other barbarous people. But the inland of the Country I believe was stored with many other flourishing Cities, which being named by Antoninus and Ptolemie, I cannot think were therefore sacked and ruined before this Notitia, or Survey was taken, because we find them not mentioned there: And this we may the more probably suppose, because that after the Romans had abandoned the Island, we find many of them still remaining in good condition, however, in succeeding times, and not long after their departure, we find not but XXVIII. Cities in Britain. But certainly they were of principal note, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as ptolemy's expression is; and such indeed are they described to be by Venerable Bede, the ancient glory of this Nation. Erat, says he, b Beda Eccl: Hist: lib: 1. cap: 1. [Britannia] viginti & octo civitatibus quondam nobilissimis insignita, praeter Castella innumera, quae & ipsa muris, turribus, portis ac seris erant instructa sirmissimis. He had for his Author our Countryman Gildas, who in his Epistle c De Excidio Britannia. (the ancientest Writing of any Britain that is now extant) tells us, That Britain was adorned, Decorata bis denis bisque quaternis civitatibus, That is, with d In quibus vulgares nostri Chronographi Flamines & Archistamines constituunt: unde & Episcopatuum & Archiepiscopatuum per Britanniam Noeitlas petunt: quod Commentum jam satis explosum. eight and twenty Cities. The Catalogue of whose British names collected by Ninnius the old Historian, being compared with the best Copies that are to be found thereof at this day, is published and illustrated (as well with the Roman names, as such as they are known by at this day) by the Reverend and most Learned e jac. Vsser. De Britannic: Eccles: Primord. cap. 5. Primate of Ireland. Having nothing therefore in my own poor store, to add to so great abilities, and exact diligence, it is high time for us to bethink ourselves of our passage from the Coast of France, where the most usual Port to set sail for the Island, while the Romans had the Command thereof, was Gessoriacum; whence also our Autoninus begins his Itinerary as follows. A GESSORIACO DE GALLIIS, RITUPIS IN PORTU BRITANNIARUM STADIA NUMERO CCCCL. A GESSORIACO DE GALLIIS.] From Gessoriacum out of Gaul; for which in the Sea-Itinerary, whereof we spoke before, you have A Portu Gessoriacensi, as Simlerus mends it: for in the Venetian Edition of Aldus and others, it is Printed Gesorigiagensi, as if the name of the place had been also called Gessorigia; of which more anon: as for the last g. in this word, for c. against the ordinary making, that is to be imputed to the frequent mistake of Transcribers, who most usually confound these two letters, as all know that handle written Books, and we shall see variety of examples for it, before we have done with Antoninus. Among divers others of the Ancients, Pliny also mentions this Port, calling it, Gessoriacum c Nat. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 16. Morinorum littus; which else where he expresses by d Ibid: cap. 23. Portum Morinorum Britannicum: for of this place I understand him there, rather than with (〈◊〉) Chiffletius that he should mean Portus Iccius; for indeed in his time, and some while before him, Gessoriacum (e) jac. Chiffl. in Portu Iccio cap. 6. was the only known accustomed Port, whence they set say I for Britain, as may appear by a place in Pomponius Mela, who wrote some what after the time that Claudius undertook his expedition hither, taking Shipping at this very place. f De situ Orbis lib. 3 cap. 1. Nec Morini, saith he, portu, quem Gessoriacum vocant, quicquam habent notius. They have nothing of greater note than their Haven Gessoriacum, which g Geogr. lib. 2. Ptolemy also confirms, in whom you find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gisorriacum, the Haven of the Morini; in whom by the Transcribers heedlessness [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] I●…cium the Promontory (for he mentions not the Haven) is got into the place that Gessoriacum should be in, as the learned Camden hath observed. And yet we deny not but that Iccius, Virgil. Aen. lib 8. or I●…us, was a Port also of these extremi hominum Morini, as † Virgil calls them. Strabo * Lib: 4. in descript. Britanniae. expressly witnesseth it; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Although Ortelius h Iccius Portus, Caletiuni pop. in Gallia Belgica navales ut Strabo scribit. Ortel. in Sinon. make it belong to the Caletes, a People neighbouring upon them, vouching for it the very same Strabo's authority. Besides Florus i L. Flor. lib. 3. cap 10. tells us, That Caesar set sail à Portu Morino, which himself in his Commentaries k De bell. Gal. Comm. 5. calls Iccius, ex quo commodissimum in Britanniam transjectum esse cognoverat: Whence he had observed the most convenient passage was over into Britain. However, because in aftertimes, Gessoriacum was thought to be so too; (Iccius perhaps being stopped up and become less frequented) we may not therefore with Cuverius l Phil. Cluu. Introd. Geogr. l. 2. c. 12. (having no more ground for it then his bare word) conclude that they were the same, which, he indeed, doth very resolvedly, without once question made thereof: Portus Gessoriacus, saith he, Qui antea itius, & postmodùm Bononia, nunc Boulogne; for this assertion hath as little proof for it, as Dempesters * Tho: Dempster: Paralip: ad c. 10. lib: 10. Rome Antiq Io: Rosini. wild conceit, that the Inhabitants of Gessoriacum were the most valiant people of Gallia, because he deduces the name from Gesum, a Weapon, by old Authors of both Languages peculiarly appropriated to the Gauls. After Julius Caesar's expedition hither, Strabo under Augustus and Tiberius sets down four several places, from which they then used to put forth to Sea for this our Island from the Continent m Strabo Geogr. l. 4. [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] From the several mouths of the Rhine, the Seyne, the Loir, and the Gironne, where also he tells us, that they that took Shipping from any place near upon or about the Rhine, sailed not directly out by the mouth of the River, but from the Morini. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, among whom also is Itium; naming it here only occasionally out of Caesar's own description of his passage (for he principally citys Casar's self about his own affairs, and the condition of things at that time in Gau●…) but by the context of his words, he may seem to intimate also some other Haven upon their Coast, which sure enough was Gessoriacum, though not yet used in his time: for from thence within a very little while after Claudiur took his Voyage into Britain, as Suetonius relates: n Sueton: in Claudio cap: 17. A 〈◊〉 Gessoriacum usque pedestri itinere consecte, inde transmis●…: After a land march from Marseilles, he passed ●…ver his Army from hence; and not he himself only, but such also as at any time he employed hither with Command, Aul. Plautius, P. Ostorius, Fl. Vespasianus, and others made use, it is most likely, of this very same Haven. Neither doth that conjecture want great show of probability, that immediately before him the stupid Caligula put his mighty Army in Battalia upon this very * Quod idem littus Bononiae Ammian. dicitur lib: 27. littus Gessoriacum, as Pliny calls it: For in a Bravado and mere flourish of a seeming attempt against o Sueton in Caligula cap. 46. Britain, at an ●…bbing Sea he commanded the Soldiers upon the sounding of a charge to fill their Bosoms and Helmets with Shells, as spoils of the Ocean, whilst himself, and some selected Friends launched out in their Galleys. To perpetuate the memory of which so vainglorious (or rather ridiculous) an action, he built upon the place (o) altissimam turrem, an exceeding high Tower, appointing it also for a seamark, with ●…e on the top by night, in imitation, no doubt, of that Pharus at the Port of Alexandria. Out of this Tower, if not the very same, there are learned men, who suspect that that was raised, which the Dutch and we call The old man of Bullen, but the French name it Tour d'ordre, at this day, standing very high upon the Port of Bologne, or Bononia, which they will have to be a later name of Gessoriacum, as we shall see in what follows. Neither doth it any whit hinder that the Inhabitants entitle Julius Caesar to be the Author thereof, for besides that in the Fasti Capitolini, Caligula is expressly entered Caius Julius Caesar Augustus, etc. We know full well from instances to be made at home, * The Tower of London. The bath. Chester Arthur's Oven, in Scotland, etc. how uncertain and groundless the reports are, which are given out upon tradition, concerning Caesar's structures. Moreover, the words of Dio, and Xiphilint out of him, concerning this mock-show [Caligula † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio lib. 54. specie in Brittanniam transgrediendi. Aurel. Victor, ut Schol: emend. observ. ib: 3. c. 21. came to the Ocean as to war in Britain] compared with his intention, do, in the judgement of a most p E. B. in Nerone Caes: cap. 24. Sect: 8. learned man, seem to carry his encampment and towering structure, far enough off from Holland, where notwithstanding * Making it to be Britten. huis. i. Domus Britannica. the most do place it; And he himself, as mad as he was, could not but know by Julius Casar's example, there were nearer cuts over hither then so. However it is very remarkable, that the Seat of so notorious a piece of Masonry should become questionable to Posterity: the works of foolish Princes, as well as their Counsels, most commonly coming to nothing. In succeeding times likewise, when Britain was now become a Province of the Romans, this was the only frequented place for taking Sea thither. To say nothing of Nero's Generals: For Julius Agricola's passage over under Vespasian, (whose Propraetor, or Precedent he was in the Island) methinks I could out of q In vita ejus legendo cum B. Rhenano Rutupensis, pro Tiutu●…sis. Tacitus corrected, prove it was from hence; of which more, when I shall speak of Rutupiae. And for Hadrians Voyage hither, we do not once imagine that it was begun from any other place; especially Gessoriacum being mentioned by an Author of that time, who made himself pastime * Apud Spartian in Hadriano. in Verse with his expedition hither, for which he was then thought worthy of no other payment, then in the same coin from the Emperors own hands. It is L. Florus (whose elegant Breviary we have of the Roman History) where he takes a view of the military actions of the Commonwealth in its Infancy, compared with its well-grown habit and constitution in his time, and somewhat before. r De gest. Rome lib. 1. cap. 11. Idem hunc Fregellae, says he, quod Gessoriacum: By which he means that in elder time to have attempted by Arms Fregellae, a small Town of the Latins, was accounted of equal hazard to the conveying over an Army from Gessoriacum in his days, for the settling of the Affairs of Britain; which it is well known Hadrian did do. And upon the mentioning this passage, I list not now to make stay to inquire what occasioned that foul mistake in learned Hadrian Junius his additions to his Nomenclator, out of Ortelius' Theatrum, whereby Iccius Portus is here said to be called Fregellae, by Florus: and instead thereof we shall add in this place, that Albinus Caesar also did here land his British Forces against Severus; which I conclude from his marching directly to Lugdunum, or Lions: For seeing we are told by s Nat. hist. lib. 4. cap. 23. Pliny that Polybius (I know not whom he should mean, except the Historian) took the measure of distance from the Alps to the Portus Morinorum Britannicus (which I think we have proved to be this Gessoriacum; and Camden, I am sure, thought so) by the way of Lions, where else should he, that was to give Battle at Lions to Severus, land out of Britain, but at G●ssoriacum? And Herodian means no other than this very Port, by his t Herodian. lib. 3. [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Gaul just over against; which expression [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] at large, as they say, he uses; not only for the arrival of Albinus at this place, but of Severus' Sons also with their Father's ashes, which they landed here to be conveyed to Rome; where after the solemn Obsequies performed, they made him a God, whose Body the Britain's a little before had seen consumed in flames. As for any other place to arrive at besides, the memories of this age, and of the former are utterly silent. And in following ages also the same Haven was continued during the time the Romans had command of Britain, as a Province; however, they say the name was changed, and that, it seems, somewhat before Constantius Chlorus had the Government here assigned to him. We learn this by a u Anonym. editus ab Henr. Valesio, cum Amm Marcellino. Eundem scriptorem MS. laudat. Pecav. de Doctr. Temp. ex Biblioth. Sirmondi. Writer of those times, whose name is lost, though not his History, wherein he relates, that Constantine his Son making his way with all speed through Italy, to escape Severus, created Caesar by Maximianus, who pursued him, hockt all the Post-horses he left behind him in the public Mutations, or Inns, and so came safe to his Father [Apud Bononiam, quam Galli prius Gessoriacum vocabant] to Bononia, which the Gauls former y ●…led Gesoriacum. Zozimus also u Hist: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib: 2. remembers the fact in his new History, as also Aurel. Victor: and though they add nothing about the names of the place, yet others observe the very same concerning the change of them. The Author of this Military Itinerary Table found in Peutinger's Study, formerly mentioned: Gessoriacum, quod nunc Bononia. But we need not seek for more Authorities of this kind, nor yet too exactly urge the distance of miles between the old Ambiani, and G●…ssoriacum, in our x Itin: Gal: Belg. M. P. LXXIV. sive Leug. L. qua mensura potissimum usi sunt olim in Gallia. v. infra. Antonius, which is the very same, as it is said, at this day between Amiens and Bullen; most certainly the same with Bononia in ancient times; for [Quod instar omnium est] saith y In Cantio. Cambden, that which outweighs all arguments, to prove that Bononia and Gessariacum were [necessario unum idemque opidum] the very same Town, is this, That the piratical faction of Caransius his raising, which is said, in one z Cujus Pr: Si mihi Caesar. Maximiano dictus, perpecam habetur in cod●…: vulgatis. Panegyric, spoken to Constantius, to be shut up and defeated by him, Gesioriacensibus muris (the last Edition which I now use, for want of a better, hath Gessorigiam, censibus, muris, very corruptly, as indeed the whole Pericope;) is by a Cujus Pr: Facerem. another to his Son Constantine said, Bononiensis oppidi littus insedere. And it is not to be thought, as he adds, that men of that quality, speaking to so great Princes, should either of them be mistaken in the place, or its name, the memory of the Victory being as yet fresh. I herefore to him the name seems changed in Constantine's days. Yet as resolved as he concludes the business b Ios: Scal: Auson: Lect: lib: 1. cap: 23. Scaliger will by no means have it believed. Ne credas unquam Bononiam Gessoriacum dictam, semper enim eam appellationem habuit. Thinks not, says he, that ever Bononia was called Gessoriacum; for it never had any other name. B●…nonia indeed, he tells us, was anciently c Nat: hist. lib: 4. cap: 17. Pagi Gessoriaci (as Pliny calls it) by which he understands that whole Tract, Qui pertinet à Normannis Belgis ad Bononiam; and in which even at this day, a Town remains, yet called Gissore from thence, the word Pagus, being not oftener taken for a Village, or Town, then for a great Lordship, or Territory. Neither doth he see any reason, as he says, why we should give it any other name besides Bononia, seeing it is so ancient, as appears by Amm. Marc●… (whose authority however is some deal lower, which we may observe by the way, then that before out of the Panegyric) in his XX. Book: Notarius Bononiam mi●…titur observaturus sodicitè, ne quisquam fretum Oceani transir●… perm●…tteretur; that is, into Britain: and there he tells us also, that L●…p cinus dispatched by Ju●…ian, to compose the British affairs took shipping at the same place, & elsewhere; that d Ammian: hist: lib: 27. Theodos. did so likewise, being sent by Valentinian. They likewise which returned hence back again to the Continent, made this their constant landing-place. Of Constantine the III, commonly called the Tyrant e Zosim. Hist. lib. 6. Zosimus, bears witness; as also Olympiodorus Thebanus, who wrote the History of Honorius the elder, Theodosius, and Honorius the younger; out of one of whom, or both, f Sozomen. lib. 9 Sozomen the Ecclesiastical Historian relates the same thing, saving that his Text is corrupt; for you have there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the dexterity of the Editioner, or Interpreter hath turned into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence is the Latin Burbonia, which is just nothing in that place. But by this time we have almost lost Gessoriacum, indeed about the ancient Site whereof, there hath not been a little more ado among learned men, so far are they from agreement where it might have been. g Calligat. I'lin. lib. 4. cap. 16. Hermolaus Barbarus thought it to have been Brugge, a famous Mart-town of Flanders: likewise h Hist. Scot lib. 1. H●…ctor Boethius places it in Flanders; but at Sluys, both, truly, with no little mistake, not observing the distance between Gessoriacum and Britain, set down by Pliny, and here also; of which anon. Our Countryman i Annotat: MS, in Antoninum. Talbot, and k Histor: Gallicae lib: 2. Rob. Cornalis the Frenchman, assign C●…letum, or Calais for it: but the Noble and Learned l In epist: de Caleto expugna●…a. Michael Hospitalius sufficiently disproves them, showing that it was not anciently, but a poor little Village, till such time as within a few Ages, Philip one of the Earls of Bologne enlarged it, and strengthened it with a Wall. m Adversar: lib: 8. cap: 21. Adrian Turnebus (that the consent may be as little as may be) makes it to have been at St. Omars, in vico Soaci dicto; But besides that it is a new Town, as Ortelius tells us; he says, That Gessoriacum by the ancients being described a Haven Town, he dare not seek for it in any inland place, though there be some allusion to the same: Our famous Antiquary John Leland most judicially places it at Bologne, or Bononia, which the Dutch call Bennen; And him doth Camden follow. justin. hist: lib: 4. de Sicila. Hence then in good time let us set sail for Britain; for we cannot stay here to dispute the question, Whether BRITAIN were not from antiquity, as remote as the Flood rend from the main land of Gaul, Velut a corpore, majore impetu superioris maris, quod toto undarum onere illue invehitur, n Medium, spatium, aut per humilitatem obrutum e aquis, aut propter angustiam s●…issum. Sallust. apud Isidorum. as he speaks of the Island Sicily; for which that it was so torn from Italy (o) Sallust, Trogus Pompeius, p Aen●…id. III. Virgus, q Nat: Hist. l. 2. cap: 88 Qris terras interruperint ma●…ia quem, si quid libet, adi. Pliny, and others do seem to have credited. Albeit r Thuey. hist: lib. 6. Thueydides refers you only to the Poets for it, as if himself believed it not. And s 〈◊〉: de verb: si●…n. s. L. XCIX. U pian the Lawyer tells us, That Siciliam m●…gis inter Continentis a●…cipere nos oportet, que modiro freto Italia dividitur. For Aristotle himself tells us, t Me●…cor li. 2. that Islands near to the Continent, are parcel of the Continent. But as for BRITAIN, that it was at any time so separated from the Contin●…nt, the first that ever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 affirmed it, that I can tell of (since Servius upon Virgi●…'s Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos, And Britanny divided from the World. J. O. Whom he mistakes, as learned * De Anno jud. cap: 18. Adi eundem ad Cant: 18. Pol. sublimis poetae. Mr. Selden thinks; as that also of Claudian. — Et nostro diducta Britannia mundo, And our Britanny parted from the World. Is misunderstood) was * Comment. de Britan. cap: 2: Dominicus Marius Niger, the Venetian Geographer, whom Antonius Volsius, an Italian likewise, with Bodine, hath followed. Mr. Speed, besides these; brings one Vinianus for this opinion. Upon search who he should be, I found since it is Vivianus the Lawyer, for whose testimony he is beholding to Richard White * Hist: Britan. lib. 1. Not. 11. of Basingstoke, as he is for all the rest of his authorities almost to the learned Caniden. He, discoursing concerning the Presidentships of several Provinces, hath these words by way of instance: a F: ad Macrum in l. 3. de Offic. Adsessor. Anglia & Gallia fuit divisa in duas Provincias, & ambae posteà fuerunt sub duobus Praesidibus constitutae. Nam Anglia & Gallia fuit una terra ab initio. Interpreting which, unam terram appellat Vivianus Continentem, saith White. And from his division from the Continent, he conceives BRITAIN, had its name corrupted from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Perad-cain; learning it, b Vetus Histor. Britan. lib. 1. Not. 25. & Praf: ad l. 9 ad Episc: Atrebatens. as himself tells us, from his Colleague at Douai, Joannes Pallas a German, and Regius Professor there of that Language. But since our own Countrymen at home took the question in hand, it hath found many to hold the Affirmative; among whom, the most confident for the maintaing of it, is c De Reb. Albion: & Britan. John Twine, deriving the name of the Island after the same signification from Brich, which, as he says, is as much as Guith, i. A separation in Welsh, whence the Isle of Wight was so called: Guith, and Wight, being soon made of each other. And next to him is Richard Verstegan in his Restitution of decayed intelligence in Antiquities. As for our other Antiquaries, they are such, who following the opinion the one of the other, as the same Verstegan well observes, are rather content to think it sometime to have been, then to labour to find out by sundry pregnant reasons, that so it was indeed. I always except the learned Camden, whose resolution herein is very grave and discreet, making it a high matter of Religion, De divinis operibus Supinè sententiam far: adding moreover, that lands scattered in the middle of the Ocean (the Divine Providence seeing it good it should be so) do confer no less to the ornament of the Universe, then great Lakes and Meers dispersed up and down in the firm Land do, as huge Mountains near unto vast Plains. But Antonine calls us aboard: and as I said before we cannot stay. Di●… nobis facilemque viam, ventosque ferentes. Grant us, ye Gods, fair way, and prosperous Winds. RITUPIS, or Ritupiis, IN PORTU BRITANNIARUM.] And now are we, in good time, arrived in BRITAIN, at Ritupiae, or Rutupiae, a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ptol: Geograph: lib. 2. as Ptolemie calls it, making it one of the two (for London is misplaced there for a third) principal Cities of the CANTII, or Kent, not of the Atrebati●…, as Surita, by a foul oversight, tells us, they being far more inland. In our Voyage from Gaul, we have passed over a boisterous and surging Sea, Attolli horrendis aestibus adsuetu●…, b Am. Marcell. lib: 27. saith Ammianus of it, and therefore not without cause described such by Lucan in these brave Verses. — c Lucan. lib. 6. Veluti mediis qui intus in arvis Sicaniae, rapidum nescit latrare Pelorum: Aut vaga, cum Tethys, Rutupinaque littora fervent, Unda Caledonios fallit turbata Britannos. As who in midst of Sicily safe dwell, When rough Pelorus barks can never tell: As Northern Britain's cannot hear the roar Of flowing Seas against the Kentish shore. T. M. d juvenal. S●…t: 4. Juvenall expresses it by Rutupinus' fundus, calling it so from this famous Haven-town standing upon the shore, where he celebrates the Oysters taken there, and conveyed thence to Rome, among other farfetcht Dainties, and commends Montanus the Roman Senators judicious palate in the tasting of them. — Nulli major suit usus edendi Tempestate mea; Circeis nata forent, an Lucrinum ad sax●…m, Rutupinone edita fundo Ostrea, callebat primo deprendere morsu: Et semel aspecti littus dicebat Echini. — in all My time, his taste was most authentical. If Lucrin Rocks or Circe's th'Oysters bred Or were they with * Kent: Richborough water fed He found at the first taste, and by the look Of Crabfish told upon what Coast 'twas took. Sir R. Stapylton. And truly we are not to understand Val. Maximus, where he speaks of Fishes e Val: Maxim. lib: 9 cap: 1. Ab Oceani littoribus, & infusae culinis Ostreae: or Senica's f Consol: ad Helv: cap: 9 Conchylia ultimi maris ex ignoto littore, of any other than Oysters taken upon these shores. For g Nat. Hist. lib: Pliny expressly mentions Ostrea Britannica out of Mu●…ianus, making them indeed somewhat less luscious than those of the Lucrine Lake, as likewise they were not so large as those of Cyzicum: his words are, Cyzicena majora Lucrinis, suaviora Britannicis. But in after ages Ausonius the Poet seems to have admired them above others in these words. Sunt & Aremorici qui laudent ostrea ponti, Et quae Pictonici legit accola littoris: & quae Mirae * Britannicus. Caledonius nonnunquam detegit aestus. Some do the Given Oysters highly fame; Some those are gathered by a Scottish Dame: Some those the Flood leaves on the British shore. They are in his IX. Epistle to Axius Pontius the Rhetorician; in which you have variety of good Oysters: thither therefore I send you for better satisfaction, or else to Apicius, and the Doctors of his School, the Gulae proceres; for we must return to Rutupiae. To pass by therefore the Interpreter, as it is pretended, of the British History, who tells us, that not only * Galfrid: M●…num: Hist: Brit: lib: 1. cap: 22. Julius Caesar landed here [in Rutupinum portum] at his third entrance (of which yet himself * Ibid: cap: 26. makes no mention) but also that Vespasian, being sent hither by Claudius to make all quiet; Cum ad Rutupi portum applicare incaepiss●…t, was hindered from landing here, and so forced to wheel about as far as Totnes in Cornwall: In an unquestionable Writer, Cornelius Tacitus, we find this place called Portus Rutupensis: for not only all learned men in general beyond the Seas approve this correction of that place by B. Rhenanus; but Sir Henry Savile also his most accurate Interpreter; whereas indeed before it was read h In vita Agricola. Et simul classis secunda tempestate ac fam●… Trutulensem portum tenui●…, unde proximo latere Britanniae tecto * F. exierat. redierat. i. And withal, the Navy with prosperous wind and success arrived at the Port Trutulensis, from whence it had departed, coasting along the nearest side of Lr. tanny, and so returned thither again. By which it is plain, that here was the usual Harbour where the Romans Navy road at Anchor, and consequently that this was the ordinary landing-place from Gissoriacum, or Bononia, in those times, as it was in after ages also, which we shall show. As for this place of Tacitus, if it be not so to be mended, Trutulensis will sound nothing, and be no where to be found. But Ammianus will make it good; A Writer who began his History of the Roman Emperors, just where Tacitus left off; and indeed he is the first after him (except Juvenall) who mentions Rutupiae; the name of it being lost for so long togegether, with the former part of his History, even to the times of Constantius and Julian) under whom Lupicinus, being dispatched into Britain to repulse the inroads of the Scots, and Picts, i Ammian: lib. 20. Bononiam venit, & observato statu secundo, ventorum, ad Rutupias, sitas ex adverso defertur, petitque Lundinium. And elsewhere he tells us, That Theodotius appointed also hither by Valentinian, k Idem lib: 27. cum venisset, ad Bononiae littus, transmeato lentiùs freto defertur Rutupias, stationem ex adverso tranquillam: Was carried to Rutupiae, a calm Harbour over against; and therefore fittest for the Roman Fleet constantly to lie there, Decius' Ausonius the Poet, who under Valentinian l Epiced. in Patrem. & in Mos. as himself tells us, had the Praefectura of Gaul and Britanny, hath also preserved the memory of this famous Station in his Parentalia, where he celebrates the Funeral of his Father's Brother Claudius Contentus, who having put out to use, and improved a Mass of money in strangers hands in Britain, lost it all by his sudden death in this very place; if Ausonius do not rather by tellus Rutupina, mean Britain in general, which some have thought. Et patruos Elegia meos reminiscere cantu; Contentum; tellus quem Rutupina tegit. Magna cui, & variae quasita pecunia sortis, Haeredis nullo nomine tuta, perit. Raptus enim l●…tis, & adhuc florentibus annis Trans mare, & ignaris fratribus oppetiit. My Kinsman muse, in mournful Notes deplore Contentus buried on the Kentish shore; TO whom Fortune gave great store of riches where He without Issue died, and left no Heir: In foreign Land Fate him deprived of breath In's prime, whose Brothers knew not of his death. For Clemens Maximus the Tyrant (who vanquished two Emperors) slaying Gratian, and making Valentinian abandon Italy, being called Rutupinus latro by the same Ausonius; many have from thence, as also from a place of m Ecclesiast: hist: lib: 5. cap: 11. Socrates misunderstood in his Translation (to speak nothing of our own Country n Qui plerique omnes Maximum fuisse forsitan volun●…. Writers in old time, and what they thought of him) concluded him a Britain, although in very truth he were of Spanish birth and extraction, as both o Zosin: hist: lib. Zofimus witnesseth, and may most evidently be collected out of Latinus Pacatus his Panegyric to Theodosius. All indeed that can he concluded from this Epithet, given him by Ausonius, is only this, That in Britain he first put on the Imperial Purple, and so passed into Gaul, as Socrates is to be understood, and p In Epitome de Imp. Aurel. Victor plainly writeth. Neither doth that want some good show of probability, which Mr. Camden hath, that Maximus perhaps had the Government of this Station, and of what forces else lay near upon this place; and therefore was so called by him in this Verse: Punisti Au●…onio q Auson. in urbibus in Aquileia. Rutupinum mart latronem. By thee the Kentish Rebel was subdued. For besides that, Ausenius himself in his forenamed Parentalia mentions such a Presidentship there sometime sustained by Fl. Sanctus his own Wife's Sister's Husband (whom there he hath asserted from oblivion, in this Epitaph; so that we may see they do not wholly die, who have a Poet to friend. Tranquillos Manes, supremique mitia Sancti, o'er pio, & v●…rbis advenerare bonis: Militiam nullo qui turbine sedulus egit: Praeside laetatus quo Rutupinus ager. Octoginta annos ●…ujus tranquilla senectus Nullo mutavit deteriore die. With pious Lips, and holy Prayers thou must Adore blest Sanctus Soul, and quiet dust, Who made War easy, and whilst he did Reign Gave peace and plenty to th' Rutupian Plain. Full eighty years he lived with happy fate, Then humane life changed for a better state. The Notitia also, or Survey of the Western Empire, thought to be taken not long after this time, le's us know, that the Praepositus of the II. Legion, called Victrix Augusta, resided [Rutupis] at Rutupiae, sub dispositione V●…ri spectabilis Comitis Littoris Saxonici per Britanniarum, to hinder the Piracies and inroads of the Saxons, r Comment. in Notit: Oxid: cap. 72. Guid. Pancirolus in his old Book found Praefectus for Praepositus, which is the better, being the usual word. As for the Legion itself, we shall have fitter occasion to speak of it elsewhere in this very work. s Oros: hist: lib. 1. cap. 2. Paulus Aurosius. the Spanish Priest, calls it a Pity, as well as a Haven: Britain, saith he, hath Gaul on the South, Cujus proximum littus transmeantibus civitas aperit quae dicitur Rhutubi portus. Out of whom Beda adding moreover the site thereof, and name also in his days: t Eccles. hist: lib. 1. cap. 1. Britannia habet à meridie Galliam Belgicam, ●…ujus proximum littus transmeantibus ap●…rit civitas, quae dicitur Ruthubi portus, qui portus à gente Anglorum nunc corruptè 〈◊〉 vocata, interposito mari à Gessoriaco Morinorum gentis, littore proximo trajectu miliarum quinquaginta, sive, ut quidam scripsere stadiorum quadringentorum quinquaginta. He says, That the Saxons in his time corruptly called it Beptae●…ster, which afterwards was altered into Ruptimuth, and Richbery, and of late ages into Richborow, all, no doubt, from the old Rutupiae. which also before Bede in the Military Tables was corrupted into Ravipis and Ratupis. As for the deduction of the name, Camden I see is not (as usually his manner is) so confident in deriving it from the ancient Britain's Language: I would, says he, t Si auderem. if I durst, bring it from Rhyd Tufith, which is as much as A Ford stoptwith sand. The denomination indeed is at this day very suitable to the place, considering not only the obstruction of the old Haven, but of that too which belongs to the new Town, risen of late ages out of the ruins of Rutupiae, and called indeed Sandwich, from the store of Sand forceably by the Sea cast up from the Godwin upon this shore. But that anciently it should be from thence so called, when it was an Harbour for the Roman Navies, I would fain have some body to satisfy me therein, how it might be, except they then had some foresight of what in after ages would come to pass. Besides, if this be the Etymon, I would be told also, by them that can, whence u Plin: Nat: hist: lib: 5. cap: 1. Portus Rutubis a Haven on the Coast of Barbary, mentioned by Pliny, was so called; for to allude to the same Pliny's words in another place, x Ibid: l: 3. cap: 16. Pudet à Britannis Africae rationem mutuari: We may by no means out of our old British Tongue seek the Originations also of Town's names in afric: y Xenagog: Cantii p: 90. Will. Lambard had rather derive it from the British word, which signifieth a Net, in token that it stood by Fishing; or of Rwyd, which signifieth Speed: because from thence, as some thought, was the most short and speedy course over the Seas. The Island indeed which stands situate over against Rutupiae, retains yet some parcel of the old name thereof in our British, being called z Ynis Ruhin: Asser: Menevens: Ynys Rhuochim, that is, the Rutupian Island, as Humphr. Lhoyd interprets it; But whether Rhuochim were the British name for this Rutupiae, in that famous History, the Translator of which Geffrey of Monmouth (B. afterwards of S. Asaph, and Cardinal a Alph: Gacco: de gest: Pontif: etc. as some say) makes himself; to be where it is related, That King Arthur, returning from his expedition against I know not what Emperor of Rome, with an Army of CC. and LXX. M. men, arrived in b Hist: Brit: lib: 7. cap: 7. Rutupum portum; as also in those places before mentioned: they only can tell us, who have looked into a British Copy thereof; one of which c Xenagog: Canaeae pag: 75. Mr. Lambard says he had in his possession. We call it Thanst, of which Jul. Solinus in his Polyhistor thus, being the first of the Ancients that mentions it: d Solin: cap: 35. sive 22. ut Salmas. Thanatos insula alluitur freto Gallico, à britanniae continenti aestuario te●…ui separata, selix srument●…riis campis, & gleba ub●…ri. Nec tantum sibi soli, verùm, & aliis salubris locis. Nam cum ipsa nullo serpatur angue, asportata inde terra, quoquò gentium inv●…ctasit, angues necat. All which is very true, saving his last observation, That not so much as a Snake creeps in this Isle; and that the Earth of it conveyed from hence, killeth them wheresoever they are found elsewhere, which proving nothing so, Isidore doth trifle, who says, It was so called b Isidor: Etymol: lib. from the death of Serpents brought thither. Aldus Printed it Athanatis. But Salmasius finding Adtanatis in a very ancient book, mended it, At Tanatis, assuring us that is the true name of the Isle; about which c Annot: in Solinum. Camers and Delrio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. so much trouble themselves, and of whom the former surmises it might be d Pro Vecta, sive Vectis. Etta corrupted in Antonine; or else (but in that he is the whole Seas wide) to be Ptolemies Agatha, which he places in the Mediterranean Sea, over against Languedoc, and Province: whereas the site of Tanet is well known out of Solinus, distant enough from thence. With far more probability doth our Camden conjecture it to have been Ptolemies Toliapis, especially finding it written Toliatis in some old Copies. Beda calls it Tanatos, and exactly describes it, as it was an Island in his days; whose words I will here set for better satisfaction of them that seldom handle him: e Eccles; hist: lib: 1. cap: 25. Est ad Oriensalem Cantii plagam Tanatos insula non modica, idest, magnitudinis juxta cortsuetudinem estimation is Anglorum familiarum D C. (It is falsely Printed miliarium in all Editions I have seen) quam à continenti terrae secernit Vantsumu, qui est latitudinis circiter trium stadiorum, & duobus tantùm in locis est transmeabilis. Utrumq●… enim caput protendit in marc. That is, On the East of Kent is Thanet, no small Isle, able to maintain six hundred Families, which the River Wantsum divides from the main Land, above a quarter of a mile over, and fordable only in two places, being branched two several ways, it runs into the Sea, making it an Island. But at this day it is but a Peninsula, or By-land, one of the streams being dried up f Pol: Vergil: Hist: Angl: lib: 4. some hundred years ago, or somewhat more, which parted it from the Continent of Britain. Now whereas Bede in the same place relates, That Augustine minor (for so g Ethel: Chronic: lib: 1. Fabius Ethelwerd calls him, to difference him from S. Augustine of Hips) the Monk, who first converted the Saxons to the Christian Religion landed with his Company in this Island, and that Ethelred the King of Kent came into the Island to visit him: and also, that ancient * Gotcel: Bertinian: in vita Augustini Cant. Writers likewise report, That Ethelred had his Palace at old Rutupiae; I cannot tell how Leland, h Xenagog: Cantii pag: 91. Lambard, and i Descript: Brit: lib: 1. cap: 8. See Camb: p. 3, 4. Harrison could make it good, that Rutupiae stood in the Island; but that since, as they say, the water changing its course, hath shut it clean out. Contrary to what Camden seems to have thought, and delivers concerning the ancient situation of the place: Ad ausirale Wantsumi ostium, quod alveum mutasse credunt, è regione insulae apposita fuit urbs, quae Ptolemaeo Rutupiae, etc. At the mouth of Wantsum Southward (which some suppose, says he, hath changed its Channel) quite over against the Isle was a City, by Ptol. called Rutupiae, etc. And so likewise long before him Talbot, whose conjecture also it is, that Ptolemie therefore places it among the inland Cities k Talbot: Annot: MS. in A●…onin. Quod propter objectum Thanati, sive Tenedi, insulae pauso interrùs sita videatur; Because it seemed to stand more inwardly, by reason the Island Tanes was placed just over against it. As for Ethelred's Palace, that it was Rutupiae, no man will question their authority that writ it, who shall once understand, that the old Saxon Kings through all Britain, constantly held their residence in Roman Stations, which afterwards by that meaas grew into great and frequented Towns and Cities, as will easily appear to the not indiligent Reader of Beda, and that in more than one place. And although I conceive much may be said to prove that Rutupiae stood always on the main land, yet I, of purpose, forbear to bring any thing of mine own the more to confirm it, till such time as some good opportunity shall give me leave to visit the place, and to become an eye-witness of the situation thereof. My main undertaking here is only to illustrate the names in this Itinerary, with what I find in most ancient memories, and Monuments of remotest times concerning them. However in the mean while, we may do well to observe the strange and dismal effects of the powerful execution of Time. Valleys exalted into Mountains, and l Juga montium diffluunt; totae desedere regiones. Ipsius naturae opera vexantur. Sen. Ep: 92. great Hills abased into Valleys; firm Land become a Sea, and the Sea again turned into dry land: and in all things so great and various a change, that if our forefather's, who lived some Ages ago, could awake now for a time out of their Graves (as they say Epimenides did out of his long sleep) they would meet with so far a greate●… alteration than he, that they would either not at all find, or else not know their own Country, and the very Land in which they were born, and drew their breath so long together: So true is that of the excellent Poet. m Manilius Astron: lib: 1. Eputae variant faciem per secula gentes; Necse cognoscunt terrae vertentibus annis. Th' Epulans still their Garb and Fashions change, Whose Land, in time, unto itself grows strange. And this is that Station, or City. — Rutupiae notissima fama, — Rutupia most renowned: Dives opum Veteri Roma dum regna manebant; Nunc tantùm simus & statio malefida carinis. Rich whilst old Rome did the World's Empire sway; Now a wild Road for Ships, and dangerous Bay. So famous in old time while the Roman name and power was able to manage its own Victories and greatness. Now it hath little more to boast of then its Ruins, which are themselves too m How many, that I may so speak, whole Cities, both men and Towns, H. Pomp-He●…. and others, innumerable, are dead and gone. Antonin. M. De Se lib. 4. num. 39 & in Cas: almost perished; Some Roman Coins, as well Gold as Silver; The draught of its streets crossing one another, which appear in the ●…eilds, and are known to have been so by the thinness of Corn in them after it is come up; the remainder of some Walls of a Castle, of a rough Flint, and long British Bricks, in form of a Quadrant: scarce, all put together, a shadow of its former Glory. And after so many arguments both from the name, and other antiquities, to prove that Rutupia had here its being, we shall have no need to confute them, who did so mordicu●…●…en re (as Mr m Frag: descriptonis Britan. Floyd●… words are) Tooth and Nail maintain, that Dover was anciently so called, any other ways than by a bare relating of their opinion; although indeed Dover was a famous Haven-town, even in the Roman time, and named Dubris in this same Itinerary, in which it is one of the three noted Havens upon this Coast. But of that in its place; here, I am afraid, of Rutupiae too much. STADIA] There have scarce been more great Nations in the World of ancient times, then there have been also different Measures, thereby to know, not only in Journeying the exact distance from place to place; but withal, the quantities and space of Lands and Possessions. This we learn from Herodotus in his second Muse, where he tells us, That the poorer sort among the Egyptians, and such as had the smallest Possessions, used to measure by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Passus, that is, by paces, which contained five Feet. They of a better condition by the Stadium, which we take for our Furlong; of which more anon. They that had larger Demesnes then ordinary, by the Parasang. But the Owners of great Lordships and Territories, measured altogether by the Schoenos. Now of the two last, the former is by Grammarians said peculiarly to belong to the Persians, the other properly to the Egyptians. But that indeed they were promiscuously used by both Nations, appears not only by this Verse of a Apud Plut. lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Challimachus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nor measure Wisdom by the Persian Schoenes. But by the Authority of b Nat: hist: lib: 6, cap: 26. Pliny also, and other good Writers. However the SCHOENOS was most properly the Egyptian measure, and it contained two Parasangs, or threescore Stadia; as Herodotus also tells us in the same place. Pliny observes how ancient Authors differ about the quantity of its measure, as doth c Geograph: lib: 17. Strabo likewise before him out of Art●…midorus. But for further satisfaction in this, the more exact and learned Reader may have recourse to the anciently admired d Geograph: lib: 1. cap: 11. 12. Ptolemie, in whom you find it to consist not of above thirty Stadia. e In joelem cap: 3. S Jerome, it should seem took it not for an Egyptian word (neither indeed have I it in my Catalogue of such, collected out of old Writers) for he renders it by 〈◊〉, making it signify from the Greek: In Nilo flumine, says he, solent naves sunibus trah●…re, certa habentes spatia, quae appellant funiculos; they use to tow, or hale their Ships with Ropes, for certain limited and distinct spaces, which they call 〈◊〉, along the shores of Nilus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying a Rope, but especially such a one as is made of Bul-●…shes. The PARASANGA was, apud Persas viarum 〈◊〉, a measure of ways among the Persians, saith Feslu●…. The Etymologists deduce it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Parash, A Horsman, and * Unde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Math. 5. 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Angari, which in Hesychius, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Persi in word; and he interprets it, The King's Messengers, or Letter-Carriers (called also in the same Language f Hes●…ch: Said. Eustath. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Astande) placed in equidistant Stations, or Mansions; as doth Suidas also, following g Herod: lib: 8. Herodotus, and h Antiq: lib: 11. cap. 6. josephus. This measure consisted of XXX. Stadi●…, as Herodotus writes in the place before cited, i In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and elsewhere. So k Apud Suidam. Xenophon, l Hist: de Bellis justin. l. 11. Agathias, Hesychius, Suidas. But Strabo is very inconstant, according to the divers Authors he uses in several places, making it sometimes thirty (as the most) sometime forty, sometime sixty Stadia. Agathias, though he follow the former authority for the measure, yet he uses not the word, but for it sets down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, somewhat answerable to it, which signifies resting, or baiting places. And for Hesychius, though he grant thirty Stad. for the measure, yet you shall find in him moreover, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Parasang contains four miles. But then he counts but seven Stad. and an half to the mile, and so it agrees exactly with his former reckoning, thirty Stadia; of which measure more anon, it having in the mean while occasioned the mentioning of these others. And here I may by no means omit, That by the Persians even to this day it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Farsang; the name not yet quite corrupted, or abolished; as also by m Cod: MS. Abulseda the Geographer, who says it was esteemed but three miles by the Ancients, as well as Moderns: Which observation we owe to the exactly learned Mathematitian n Praes: ad lib: de Pede Rome: ad Claris: Seldenum. Mr. john Greaves of Oxford. But that I myself may observe some measure, and have done with it; I will refer them that desire to know more, either concerning the Arabian Parasangs, in the Nubian Geography of George Elmacinus, or the jewish Parasangs, in Benjamin Tudelensis his Itinerary, and how they differed one from the other, to what he shall find in Constantinus, L' Emperor's discourse, by way of Preface thereunto. And so much in this place of the Persian Parasang. The ancient Gauls journyed by the LEUCA, or LEUGA; which o Histor: lib. 15. Ammian. M●…rcellinus in plain words doth witness, where he describes the beginning of Gaul: Exindeque, saith he, non ●…enis, passibus, sed 〈◊〉 Itinera metiuntur: From thence they measure not their Journeys by Miles, but by Leagues. Now the Leuca or Lea●…ue, as we call it, was exactly a mile and half, or M D. paces. jornandes sets it so plainly down, Leuga Gallica mille & quingentorum passuum 〈◊〉. A Gallic league is a thousand and five hundred paces. And we may as plainly collect just so much out of the same p His●…: lib 16. Ammianus, where, speaking of the Wars which julian. Ca●…ar made in Gaul, he hath these words, A loco unde Romana promota sunt signa, adusque val●…um Barbaricum, quarta l●…uca signaliatur & de●…ima; idest, unum & viginti millia passuum: From the place, whence the Roman Ensigns were advanced, to the Wall (so it is in English) or Fortress of the Enemies, were fourteen leagues; that is, one and twenty miles. Such another passage is in the Acts of the Martyrdom of S. 〈◊〉, which I forbear not to transcribe hither; Ab Aurelianense Urbe usque 〈◊〉 civitatem, quae III. ●…ugdunensis 〈◊〉, perhibentur stadia 〈◊〉, milliaria sep●…a, inta quinque; 〈◊〉, quae adhuc veteri Gal●…rum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quinquaginta: From Orleans to Tour●… are said to be six hundred Stadia, seventy five miles, fifty leagues, as they are yet called in the old Gallic Language: Although this supputation agrees not with what it is at this day. Besides if you look into this very same Itinerary of Antoninus in our hands, you shall find some Journeys in Gaul, which indeed have the miles set down, but resolved into leagues: others reckon it only by leagues, (neither of which he doth in any other Roman Province) and it exactly observeth the forenamed proportion, as Lunna M. P. XV. l●…ng. X. etc. as far as Gessoriacum over against our shore, of which you have former mention. So that q Origin: lib: 15. cap: 16. Isidorus by all means is to be corrected, and read, Luca finitur mille passibus quingentis; in the Printed book mille being left out, either by the oversight of the Transcriber of the Copy, or else of the Composer. This was observed before me, by one who was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Concerning the leagues of later people, and times, I refer you to the very same most industrious and judicious r Spelman: in Archaologo. Antiquary. The measure which the Germans of old times used, was the RASTA: s Hieron: in joel; cap: 3. Viarum spatia rastas appellat universa Germania. All Germany calleth the spaces of ways, Rastae. What quantity of way this contained, we cannot know better then from the old Agrimensores, or Surveyors of Land, among the Gromaticall Authors, where you read pag. 14. t Edit. Paris. M l●…iarius & dimidius apud Gallos Leuvam facit, habentem passus mille quingentos. Duae Levae, seu milliarii tres, apud Germanos unam rastem efficiunt. A mile and half among the Gauls makes a league, which contains M D. paces; two leagues, or three miles make a R●…sta among the Germans. To these we might add some other Dimensions of distances. intended for the benefit of Travellers, as the DEXTRI: but to what people they belonged is uncertain. The old u Diction: M S. in Biblioth: Coll: K. Oxoniis. Papias renders them, Passus mensurandi apud quosd●…m; but he tells us not whom: you shall meet with them also in Florentius concerning the Acts x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Martyrdom of S. Felix; A loco isto usque ad Castrum Toringum habentur dextri ducenti. From thence to Toring Castle are reputed two hundred dextri. We may take notice likewise of the MIGERIA among the Spaniards of old time, three of which, as you may learn out of the Partita, being the second Volume y Tit: XVI. leg: 3. apud Hier: Suritam Hispanum. 〈◊〉 Matth: 5. 41. of the ancient Spanish Laws, made a League; So that it was some half a mile, and not much more. But the Mile was Roman, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by * S. Matthew Plutarch, D●…o, etc. by Pae●…nius the Greek Metophrast of Futropius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and commonly MILLIARIUM, mille passus, from a thousand paces, of which exactly it did consist, every pace containing five feet Roman, somewhat larger than ours. This measuring by feet was called Podismus, of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was to measure by paces, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the Stadium; by which they computed their miles, as well as by the Passus, as Polybius witnesseth, speaking of their miles z Polyb: hist: lib: 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is, heedfully, but how heedfully we shall see anon. The Stadium also consisted of paces, as an old Author urged by a Salmt in Solin: p. 688. Salmasiu●…, tells us; Per passus stadium, per stadium milliarium. At every miles end exactly, as I said, laid forth, they used to set up a b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plut. in Gracchis. small Pillar of stone, first ordered so by the appointment of the Gracchis, as we find in Plutarch; whence the usual expression grew, Ad tertium ab Urbe lapidem, ad IV. ad V. etc. That is, so many miles from the City. And from these Pillars which also were called Cippi, we find in Strabo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because in the high ways from Rome, such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Pillars, were placed at each miles end: which c Rutil: Itinerar: lib: 2. Rutilius Numatianus, an Heathen Poet, hath very quaintly expressed. Intervalla viae fessis praestare videtur, Qui notat inscripius millia crebra Lapis. The Weary well are pleased to see that Stone Tells them how many miles 'tis to the Town. Now the Romans took their account of miles from the c Post Plutarch: in Galba adi in Barth: Marl. Topograph: Rom. lib: 3. cap: 18. Alex Donatam. De urbs Roma lib: 2. cap: 14. Milliarium aureunt, set up by d Dio hist: lib: 54. Augustus in Rome, in the head e Plin: lib: 3. cap: 5. P. Victor: in 8. Vrb: regione. of the Forum, under f Suet: in Oath: cap: 9 Saturn's Temple, in unibilico urbis; the count of their Journeys through all Italy beginning at it, and ending there, as it is commonly delivered. Howbeit we are told by an old Lawyer, Aemil. Macer, that g D. de Verb: signis: Tit. 154. Mille passus non à mulliario urbis, sed à continentibus adificiis; numerandi sunt. At new Rome too, or Constantinople, which imitated all things that were in the old, was also a milliarium aurium; you may see for it in Cedrenus the Greek Chronicler: yet by him, as also Suidas, it is described rather as an Edifice; when as the other is expressly called h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. A Golden Pillar. For the very same purpose, as the Learned Camden is of opinion, was that Stone set up with us in Canning-street, called London-stone, alleging to confirm his conjecture, the placing of it in the midst of the City, where it runs on in length, and within that way the old Roman Street or High way did lead, which, forth with going along from it, is called Watling-street; of which elsewhere I shall have more occasion to speak. In the mean while I must by no means let pass, that the miles used in this Itinerary, are much shorter than the shortest this day in Italy, or any where else; they being but precisely M. paces, as aforesaid: which in more places than one in this ensuing work, we shall be put to it to remember you of. For whereas the ordinary league now a days is accounted three miles, it may not be understood of these in the Itinerary, but the usual ones, according to the measure of later ages; This will appear by the intervals of Stones remaining even to our times, with their Inscriptions yet legible in divers places; especially in Portugal, wherein the Military, or Highway to Emerita Augusta (so called from the Emeriti placed there by Angustus, now ) Merida the several Pillars inscribed, do distinguish the several miles, and they that have taken a dimension of the space (among others is i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sium Cent: 3. epist: 59 Charolus Clusins a very learned man) do affirm that four of them do make up one league, as it is considered now a days: And for the Mile so much. The STADIUM (which occurring in this place, hath given us occasion to mention the foregoing measures) was the more especial dimension of the Grecians in ancient times, and also in later, as well by Sea, as Land. For the use of it by Sea, this Itinerary in this very place doth show it; so that I need not much to urge that place in S. john's Gospel: k john 6. 19 And putting forth about five and twenty, or thirty [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Furlongs, as we translate it. Nor that neither in Cicero l Cic. ad Titonem lib: 16. epist: 9 A portu Corcyraeorum ad Cassioperi stadia CXX. processimus: But that it contains the description of a Voyage of his from beyond the promontory of Leucas in Epire to Brundisium in Italy; not unlike to that of S. Paul, by Sidon from Caesarea to Puteoli, and so to Rome, most accurately set down by n Act: cap: 27. & 28. Luke the Historian of the Acts of the Apostles, neither of them unsuitable to this discourse. The Sea-stadium seems to have differed from that by Land, which we observe from o Thucyd: hist: lib: 6. Thucydides, where he tells us, that the compass of Sicily is little less than eight day's sail for a Ship, and though so great, is yet divided with no more than twenty Furlongs, Sea measure, from the Continent. We cannot seek beyond Herodotus to learn the measure of the stadium, which thus he expresseth, p Herod: Luterpe, sive lib: 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Interpreters thus render it; Centum autens justi passus sunt stadium unum sex jugerum turnius: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Passus, which indeed is described by q Pol: Onomast: lib: 2. Pollux to be the measure, or space, from the extremity of each long Finger cross the breast, when both arms are stretched out, which in English we call a Fathom; and about that quantity Herodotus expresses it to be in the next words, Passus inquam mensurae sex pedum, sive quatuor cubitorum. So than it is mensura pedum sexcentorum. Herodotus his stadium will be of a hundred and twenty ordinary paces, and just so many doth Maximus Planudes, or whosoever else translated Caesar's Commentaries into Greek, allow, resolving his miles into stadia, as appears. Commonly they make a Stadium to be a hundred and twenty five paces, and so eight of them will be just M. passus, or a mile; yet others reckon but seven and a half to it; as r jae: Gothofr de Suburb: Reg: p. 13. Dio. Cassius, s Chrys: in Idon: Tom: 2. p. 817. edit. Savil. chrysostom, t Const: Harmenop: Epit: juris lib: 2. tit: 4. Casaub: ad Strat: lib: 6. Julianus Ascalonita, u Hero lib: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 MS. quem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse negat Savil: lectur: 2. in Euclidem. Hero the Surveyor x Scalig: Euseb: p: 203. Georgius Syncellus, Suidas, etc. Hence it is we read in Plutarebs Gracohi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. A mile is little less than eight stadia. And this shall be enough to have spoken concerning the stadium, and other measures of ways, if not perhaps more than enough. But I always think of that of Pliny, y Plin. epist: 2. lib: 6. Satius est supervacua dici, quam non dici necessaria. It follows. STAD. NUMERO CCCCL.] In the Maritine Itinerary of Simlers' Edition, which follows this, you have but CCCCI. Certainly it should be mended from hence, for it is right so in that of Aldus. We will here take a view of the several passages in old time, and how they differed, according as several Authors have set them down. And first Caesar, who had the credit first of any Roman to sail hither, tells us, that not only z Caes: Com: 4, & 5. brevissimum a portu Iccio, but also Commodissimum in Britanniam transjectum esse ignoverat, circiter millium passuum XXX. à continenti; the shortest, and most convenient cut, into Britain was from Portus Iccius. In Caesar's best Copies you have XL. as Merula witnesseth, which, says he, according to our reckoning at this day, will be thirteen leagues, or Germane miles: and much about such a distance between the shores by Gessoriacum, or Bononia (West of which, and very near, he supposes Itius to have been; but Cluverius, as you have heard, thought them the same) and the nearest Coast of England. This Iccius in Ortelius is Sithien, as it were, Sinus Itius: and in Camden, it is Vitsan. But De Portu Iccio, there is extant a particular discourse of one Jacobus Chiffletius; and the learned b Mer. Casaub. Comment. de 4. linguis ubi de lingua veteri Anglica. Doctor Casaubon gives us hope, we shall ere long see a Discertation of the same subject by Master William Somner, an acute and industrious Antiquary of Canterbury; and so clear those doubts which have so long held us incertain, notwithstanding studious and diligent disquisition about it. The correction of this place the learned c Is. Casaub. in Strab. lib. 4. Is. Casaubon the others Father (for Casaubon is nothing but a name of great learning) much approves of, especially because it was so in that Book of his, which Strabo used so long ago 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he arrived the next day having sailed CCCXX. Stad. which will make XL. miles. Neither doth d Eustath. in Dionysij. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eustathius his setting down, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is three hundred Stadia; or thirty seven miles and a half, where he in relating Caesar's passage, word for word almost follows Strabo, trouble us at all, as knowing that he, as well as other good writers, makes use of the round or even, little minding the overplus number: except any one will say it is the Transcribers, or Composers heedlessness, who for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, might copy out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which yet I think not. Now indeed the same Strabo writes, that there were, as I told you before, IV. passages, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which they commonly make use of going into the Island; From the mouths of the Rhine, of the Sein, of the Loire, and of the Garonne. He tells us also in the same Book, that the passage, from the Lexobii and Casetes into Britain, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, l●…sse than a days sailing. Yet admitting that, whereas he says that the passage from Rhine, and Sequana, is but 320. Stadia, the very distance, (according to him) from Itius, or the shores of the Morini, surely therein he mistakes himself, being able to speak more exactly, would he but have remembered himself. For the Sein is much remoter from the Coast of Britain, and e Zosim. Hist. lib. 4. Zosimus the Greek Historian affirms, that from the parts lying by the mouth of the Rhine to this Island, are 900. Stadia, which resolved into English miles, make 112, and a half. But others make the nearest passage into Britain X. miles further than Caesar. As f Plin. Hist. Natur. lib. 4. cap. 16. Pliny; Britannia abest a Gessoriaco Morinorum gentis littore proximo trajectu L. millium minimum: Britain is distant from Gessoriacum (which was Iccius, as you heard, or very near it) fifty miles at least. Take notice of that minimum, for others, as Antoninus here, make the distance 56. miles and a quarter. So g Dio Hist. Rom. lib. 39 Dio Cassius, speaking of Caesar's first expedition, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the very shortest cut is CCCCL. Stadia, that is 56. miles and a quarter. Venerable Beda, the ancient glory of our Nation, puts together, for better satisfaction, both the sums. His words are, speaking of Rutupiae: h Beda Eccl. Hist. Angl. lib. 1. cap. 1. Interposito mari a Gessoriaco Morinorum gentis littore proxima trajectu milliarium quinquaginta, sive, ut quidam scripsere, stadiorum quadringentorum quinquaginta. In the former he follows Pliny, in the latter, I am confident he had his eye upon this very place of Antoninus. For Dio was an Author scarce known, if at all, in his age. Later times made us acquainted with him, and with what ancient memorials of ours he hath happily rescued from the devouring jaws of oblivion and time, which soon consume the best and noblest Monuments. But I had well-nigh forgotten the distance in i Diodor. lib. 5. Biblioth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Appian. Alexandr. 〈◊〉 Iberico. Diodorus Siculus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The least cut over is from the Fore-land of Kent, which they say is distant from the Continent about a 100 Stadia, that is 12. miles, and an half. What to think of it, I know not, but that the number is corrupted in this place. It is to be grieved therefore that we have lost Diodorus his fortieth Book of his Histories, in this here mentioned by him, wherein he tells us he would set down the British matters, or Caesar's invasion; out of Caesar it is most likely (for in his age he lived) and so the loss comes to be so much the less. And now, having after an uneven passage, arrived safe in the Island, let us more luckily, if we can, begin our journeying upon sure ground, which yet we shall not do from this very place where we first landed. We must take our way then in the Inland, as we see it set down, and scored out for us. THE FIRST JOURNEY. A LIMIT, ID EST, A VALLO, PRAETORIUM USQ. M. P. CLVI.] This first Journey is from the LIMBS, or bound of the Roman Empire in the North part of our Britain, XIV. miles beyond the Picts Wall, as they call it, or Severus his Valum; to Patrington, an old Haven-town upon the Yorkeshire-side of Humber, called by Ptolemie, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a Ptol. Geograp. lib. 2. ●… Aestuarium Abi. ID EST, A VALLO.] The learned Camden, by a right conjecture, advises to exclude these words [id est a Vallo] as a glossema foisted in by some sciolus, who endeavouring to illustrate the text, hath made it more obscure, and the site of the first station in this Journey, and so of the rest, less easily to be guessed at. And yet two very learned men, but strangers indeed to our Affairs, have still retained and asserted them: so much could the fame of Severus Wall do. Itinerarium, Vallum, imperii limitem, appellat (saith b Guid. Pancirol. Comm. in Notit. Occid. Imperii cap. 89. Guidus Pancirolus: (The Itinerary) he means this in our hands) makes the Wall, the Limet, or boundary, of the Empire in Britain. And Jerom Surita the Spaniard, who hath written a Commentary upon this very Itinerary (which yet in c Thuan. in Suritae Elogio. Thuanus' judgement might better have been entitled Variae Lectiones) tells us, that ratio ipsa docet, reason itself showeth, Bremenium opidum in Valli limit, that Bremenium, a Town by the Wall, was made choice of, as a set place to begin this Journey at. Whereas by this Itinerary, Bremenium which is the Limbs, must needs stand XIV. miles beyond the Wall, as we shall see hereafter. Now seeing among the several sorts of the LIMETS of the Roman Empire; as c Oceanus, & mare Mediterr. circa Pontum & Meotim. Seas, d Danub. & Euphrates aliquando Rhenus & Tigris. greater Rivers, e In Asia Taurus: 〈◊〉 ●…ibi. Mountains, f Herodlan: lib: 2: Desert Lands, and unpassable, such as be in this Tract: g Ibidem. Trenches, with their h Muris Barbaros sumovere, Hadrian us, nisi fallor, primus instituit. Rampires, i Tacitus An. 1. Ammian lib. 16. Vide & Casare●…. lib. 5, ubi quid sit opidum apud Britan. docet. Mounds of Trees cut down or plashed, k Herod: ubi supra de Augusto Aurel. Victor de Trojan. Zosim. lib. 2. de Dioclesiano sed tu adi sit Is. Causab: ad Spartiarum. Castles were ever thought of most efficacy, and serviceableness to repel the Enemy; and there remaining, yet the carcases, or ruins, of many to be seen hereabout, we may well place the Limbs, or bound of the Empire here, about the time this Itinerary was published, in this place; the unreduced Northern people having made their impression near so far, bearing down Antoninus Pius his Wall in Scotland. And yet, though we cannot admit, that the Vallum was the Limbs in this place, we grant however it was built and already reared up at that time, as appears by the next journey, which begins at Blatum bulgium, or Bulnesse, an old Station at the end of the Wall in Cumberland. And had Bremenium been so near the Wall, he would have begun this Journey A VALLO, as well, and rather, than the next, without A LIMIT; or else in the next to have added A Limit also. But if any shall by way of objection urge that place out of the Novel Constitutions of Theodosius the Emperor: M●…jorum dispositione Vallo Limitis ab incursione Barbarica defensatur, quicquid intra Romani nominis concluditur potestatem: Whatsoever was Roman in old time, was kept with the rampire of a Limet from the incursion of enemies; we have nothing then to say for ourselves, but that Bremenium was one of those Agraciae stationes, which Vegetius speaks of, used in the Roman warfare, to be placed in solo Barbarico, upon the Enemy's ground, to descry and reveal what new attempts and stirs they made: such as were those Exploratores, I may render them Scouts, placed at Bremenium for that purpose, as we shall see by the following Inscription. These Grounds and lands recovered from the Enemies, Alexander Severus, the Emperor bestowed on the Captains [Limitaneis ducibus] and Soldiers of the Marches, so that they became their propriety, if their heirs served likewise there as Soldiers, supposing they would provemore heedful and wary in defence of what they supposed to be their own, Verba haec velim notes, saith judicious Camden, nam hinc vel species feudi, vel origo feudorum. But have recourse to himself at thy leisure, Gentle Reader. And here, having taken notice of Theodosius his Testimony concerning the ancient fencing of the limits of the Empire, we may do well to give notice of those several Stations in his time, placed per lineam Valli, to keep off the frequent inroads of the more Northernly Britain's, called the Picts, as also of the Scoti Attacotti, and others. But a more special survey of them, standing much nearer the Wall then Bremenium, will be taken more conveniently elsewhere out of the Notitia Occidentalis Imperii, written not long before the power of the Empire began to decline in Britain; and because it contains the State of the Roman Affairs here in his days, it is called by Andr. Alciat, the famous Lawyer of the last age, Theodosii Breviarium, as is already said in what goes before. Concerning the Limbs Saxonicus in Britain, you may see more in * Comment. in Notit. Occidentis cap. 75. Pancirol. M. P.] Mille passus. A thousand paces, or an Italian Mile, exactly measured, and marked out, as I have showed before. Wherefore Surita, where he sets down M. P. Apud Antoninum quid significet: deservedly, as well as sharply, censures the stupidity and illiterateness of him, who in all Copies before his time, one only a very old one excepted, interprets these marks M. P. by Millia plus minus: so many, or so many Miles, more or less, under or over: Very sencelessely. Nor is our f Annot. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Antoninum. Talbot, of whom in the beginning, free from this joculary conceit, or rather foul mistake. See the old Valerius Probus de Notis Antiquarum Literarum. M. P. CLVI.] From the Limbs, or Bound, to Praetorium, or Patrington, are set down in the foot of the Account 156. miles: and to so many do the particular numbers arise, if with Aldus, and Simlerus, we make the distance from Isurium to York to be 17. miles, not as in Surita's edition, 14. but he notes withal that he found 17. in two of his Copies: And that is the distance between these two Stations in the next Journey of his Edition: although in Aldus and Simler it be 18. The Interpolation, and corruption, of numbers, not in Ptolemie only, but in our Antoninus also, hath been the main cause of doubt and difficulty in assigning the right places to many mansions in them both. But now we come to examine, after this preamble, the particulars of the Journey itself: Editio Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana. Ab Remaenio A BREMENIO CORSTOPILUM. M. P. XX. Bramenio Corstopitum. VINDOMORAM. M. P. IX. VINOVIAM. M. P. XIX. Viconia. CATARACTONEM. M. P. XXII. ISURIUM. M. P. XXIV. Ebur— 17. EBORACUM LEG. VI VICTRIX. M. P. XVII. Ebur— 17 DER VENTIONEM. M. P. VII DELGOVITIAM. M. P. XIII. PRAETORIUM. M. P. XXV. A BREMENIO.] Here than we begin at Bremenium, some XIV. miles beyond the Wall. The name of this Station hath met with much interpolation, whether through the transcribers fault, or Composers at the Press, or both, it much matters not. Aldus hath Ab Remaenio; but that may be soon mended. Simler Prints it Bramenio; which Ortelius seems to accept of, and our a Harris. Descrip. Britan. lib. 4. ad finem. William Harrison follows him. Bremenio, as it appears, was constantly written in all those old Books, and they not a few, which Surita used; otherwise, he would have noted it. So likewise all Ptolemies Copies have it, which I have seen [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] except that, which otherwise is accounted the very best, published by Petrus Bertius out of the Palatin MS. where you have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aremenium; doubtlessly by the Printers mistake. In him b Ptol. Geograph. lib. 2. it is a City of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Otadeni. And certainly the true name is Bremenium; which the Inscription of an old Altar makes unquestionable, taken up at c i e. Castrum in Rupe. Rochester in Northumberland, standing upon the brow of a steep rising Hill (whence it is named) not far from the spring or head of the Rhead, where it was found buried among the rubbish of an ancient Castrum, or Camp. D. R. S. DUPL. N. EXPLOR. BREMEN. ARE AM INSTITUERUNT N. EJUSC. CAEP. CHARITINO TRIB V. S. L. M. It means thus much: The Companies of Scouts receiving double pay; or rather, the Soldiers of the Band or Company of the Scouts receiving double pay, dedicated an Altar at Bremenium to his Majesty (you must conceive some Roman Emperor:) When they made good this their Vow willingly, as by him deserved: Caepio Charitimus (for so it must be read) was then their Tribune, or chief Commander.) It is a piece of Antiquity highly to be valued, almost near veneration, which having still preserved the name and memory of the decayed Station, may now be instead of a Tombstone to it fallen into ' its own ashes, as well as it was formerly erected for a Monument to the Emperor's honour, and for his safety. And if Cicero could make such boast for finding out the Grave of the Mathematician d Cic. Tuscul. Quaest 5. Archimedes, humilis homunculi, as he saith, a very mean man, not full two hundred years after his Burial, yet quite unknown to his Country men the Syracusians, how much more deservedly might our Camaen have taken upon him, who, after thirteen hundred years at least, discovered the name and ruins of the most valiant and resolute Garrison of Britain, the Bulwark sometimes, and defence of the Natives, as well as the Provincials. Wherefore to illustrate it a little, in behalf of the Youth of this Island, studious of glorious things long before their own times, I shall account no loss of time, or my pains. DUPL.] There were in the Roman Malitia, Duplares; such as received double pay, double provision of Corn, raiment, etc. and Simplares; who had only single pay. The Duplares were also named Duplicarii; quibus ob virtutem duplicia cibaria ut darentur institutum est, e Varro de L. L. lib. 4. saith Varro. The Greeks called them f jan. Rut. Variar. lib. 5. cap. ●…0: in Isaac: Porphyrogen. Charact. Gr. & Trojanorum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (for Hesychius is to be mended in whom you find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:) from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Soldier's allowance in Homer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cowards and valiant men have all one pay. So that from him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies in Vegetius his words; g Veget. de Ro. milit: lib: 2: cap: 7: qui binas annonas consequitur. Such was that Cohort in Caesar: h Caes. de bello Cir: lib: 3: Cohortem duplici stipendio, fiumento, veste, pecunia (so the exact Antiquary, Ant. Augustinus reads; others otherwise) militaribusque donis amplissime donavit. To add here, though not to my purpose, that Cassius Scaeva, i Val: Maxim: lib: 3: cap: 2. whose valour so extraordinarily appeared upon the British Coast, in Caesari time, and whose name is so rife in our History, was the Centurion of this Cohort, I hope will offend no body. But of him enough elsewhere. You have not far from k 〈◊〉 Otadenis etiam. hence another Stone likewise inscribed Duplares Alae l A Sabinae Hadrian 〈◊〉 Imp. uxore. Sabinia●…ae. Such as exposed their lives to greatest hazard and danger, as every where here about upon the Limet, by excellent reason deserved double pay, and encouragement. N.] Numeri. In the ages of the declining Empire, the Legions themselves by little and little came to be called Numeri. There is a special place in Sozomenus his Ecclesiastical History; m Sozomen. lib. 1. cap. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (by which word, as also by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not only the Auxiliae, and the greatest Companies, and numbers whatever, but the Legions also are to be understood in Zosimus, and others.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which now they call Numeri. And the command over such a Body of men, could not but be thought very honourable, when as Valentinian the Emperor having made Fraomarius King of a Nation of the Almains, somewhat overrun with war, to make him amends for his harassed Kingdom, he dispatches him into Britain, and bestows upon him the Tribune-Ship of the Numerus Alemannorum there, n Amm. Marcel. lin. Histor. lib. 29. multitudine viribusque ea tempestate florenti, excelling at that time for multitude, and strength. The Tribune here, is C. Caepio Charitimus; of whom we know nothing else. EXPLOR.] They were the Scout-watch, always upon the Guard, to learn and discover, what inroads and invasions were attempted by the Enemies upon the Frontiers. By the ancient Greeks they were called o Ebr. 11. 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who were sent out todescry the motions of the Enemy. But I conceive they were no others, than such as by stealth, and in a skulking way, did what they did; as the Spies, which Rahah entertained at p josh. 2. 〈◊〉. Jericho; Ulysses, and Diomedes; as also Dolon, in q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer, upon whom Eustathius, expounding the word [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] (for in him Hector is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Troiae; that is, Defender, and Guardian: and such are they, whose careful watching preserves the people:) he doth it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, interpreting it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they that are sent to the Enemies; that is, to spy out and discover their doings. Hence have you in Cicero ad Atticum, and r Plutarch. in Catone. Plutarch, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Exploratoria navigia; and Catascopum, perhaps in s Hirt. lib. de bello Africano. Hirtius. Literis celeriter in siciliam conscriptis, & per Catascopum missis: for such a Boat, or Vessel, as waited upon the courses of the Enemy. We will see elsewhere. But these Exploratores here, were whole Bands, Troops, or Regiments at least, still lying between home and the Enemy, to give intelligence; by t Plutarch. in Galba. Plutarch called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By u Marcellin. lib. 16. & 18. Amm. Marcel●…inus, sometimes, Speculatores sometimes, Excursatores; as in the XXIV. Book: Excursatores; quingentos & mille sensim praeire disposuit, qui cautius gradientes ex utroque latere, ●…idemque à front, ne quis repentinus irrueret, prospectabant. x Dio Hist. Rom. lib. 55. Dio Cassius, they say, calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but searching out the place, in the speech which Ltvia hath to her Husband Augustus, I find that nothing is there meant, but domestic spies and Informers; the very plagues of great Courts: and that in allusion to the Persian custom, where the King had his Ears, and Eyes; of which Officers what the Ancients have spoken, y Barn. Briss. de Regno Persar. lib. 1. Brissonius hath exactly collected. However the same z Dion. Fragm. n. 83. Dio, in his Fragments which Fulr. Ursinus set forth, calleth these Explaratores, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and separates them from Tabellarii, or Letter-carriers, with whom learned men not withstanding have confounded them: but of them more, when we come to Ptolemies ALATA CASTRA. The Glosses upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Imperial Constitutions: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who were sent, ad explorandum si qui hostium motus existerent, as a Vict. in Caesaribus. Aurel. Victor speaks. And Ammianus Marcellinus thus accurately describes his Speculatores Areani, or Exploratores; removed from their Stations in Britain by Theodosius upon a charge of Treason: * Marcellin. lib. 28. Id illis erat officium, ut ultrò citroque p●…r long●… spatia discurrentes vicinarum gentium strepitus nostris ducibus intimarent. He says there that they were genus hominum a veteribus institutum, but why so called not a word. † An ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Uidendus est 10. Lydius, & Henr. Spelman. Archaeolog. in Arimanni. Perhaps he had done it in actibus Constantis, whither he refers us; but they are utterly lost. In the very later times of the Empire, Constantinus Porphyrogeneta the Emperor b Const. de Administr. Imper. cap. 53. calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and c Idem. in Themat. Orientis. elsewhere, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, corruptly. In the former place the learned Meursius mends it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and renders it Exploratores. In the later place Bon. Vulcanius restores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which at that time was usual for Auscultatores, of which see especially the admired d jac. Cujac. Observar. lib. 6. cap. 33. Cujacius, besides Meursius in his Greek Glossary. But to have done. In several places else there is mention of the Exploratores in Britain; perhaps in, or near upon the same age. In the next Journey of Antoninus there is, Castra Exploratorum. And in the Notitia, or Survey of the Western Empire, Praefectus Numeri Exploratorum Lavatre; a place on this side the Wall. And Praepositus Numeri Exploratorum Portu Adurni, sub dispositione V. Spectabili; Comitis littoris Saxonici per Britanniam; an Haven in Sussex-coast; all which you shall meet with, by that we leave off. Briefly, and not be troublesome, the Stations appointed for the purpose we have all this while spoken of, are handsomely called * ●…r, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i Towns of view or discovery, by Aristides the Orator in his Panegyric of the City Rome. Many of this kind did Dioclesian, after other Emperors, out of his providence appoint upon the Limets of the Empire, as a jos. Histor. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Zosimus relates, all which that Constantine the Great did afterward dismantle, I have some good reason, from the writers no good effection to him, not to believe. And thus much for this Inscription, so highly to be valued, as I said before; without which we had never known for Antonine where Bremenium was to be found; though Ptolemie indeed afford some light thereto, the situation well enough agreeing with the numbers in him; and yet for all that among so many several ruins of old Camps, and Fortresses near one another, hardly otherwise to have been pointed out from the rest. That it was therefore at Rochester, besides what hath been said, the name at this day, as is before hinted, will evidently conclude; it signifying as much as Castrum in Rupe, the Camp or Station on the Rock; a fit place for the purpose it was here placed. And indeed it is to be observed that all places ending in Chester, fashioned in the Saxon times, arise from the ruins of the old Roman Castra; and therefore the ancient Stations about the Wall, the carcases of many of which at this day appear, are called chester's by the Country people. Besides, all the Roman Colonies, Towns, Stations, or Forts, generally were set upon Hills: b Manil. Astron. lib. 2. which Manilius the Poet doth elegantly in these verses express. Ac veluti nudis surgunt cum moenibus Urbes, Conditor & vacuos muris circundare Colles Destinat— And as great Cities rise with Turrets Crowned, Whose Hills when Builders skilfully surround, With spacious Walls— But it is a pitiful thing to see how other learned men have misplaced this Garrison, and in vain searched for it. Talbot looks for it at the East-end of the Wall: but at last resolves it was at Bamborough Castle near Berwick. Mich. Villanovanus, and Paulus Jovius will have it at Berwick. Jos. Moletius sets down Brevish (a Town I am yet to seek for in the Map.) to his Ptolemie, whom our Wil Fulke, a studious Antiquary, as well as a great Divine, dissents not from: but to Antonine he noted Bambarow, as Talbot had done before. And Camden himself had pitched upon Bramton in Northumberland likewise, till he had the good hap to light upon this Stone. And so much of Bremenium. We go forward. CORSTOPILUM M. P. XX.] Robert Talbot, though Priest and Canon, yet scarce shows himself to be Sacerdos ad Grammaticam, as he said, when he tells us, c Ad Iter. 11. in Brovonacis. that in this Itinerary, ferme est perpetuum, ut nomen loci, ad quem sit motus in Dativo ponatur. Surita, though a better Grammarian, as putting the name of the place, whereto motion is, in the d Surita in Antonin. p. 188. Accusative case, according to rule, not the Dative, yet therein also is he far mistaken in these writings, and others. And though he lay the fault, for that it is otherwise, in omnibus codicibus, upon the inscitia librariorum, qui in summa earum rerum ignaratione, temporum vitio, versabantur; yet truly therein he doth but discover his own inanimadvertency; not taking notice, that from the age Solinus lived in (not long after Pliny) and so downward, by a custom they had, they pronounced the names of Cities in the sixth, or Ablative case; that is as Monootes, or undeclined. Testimonies there are enough of this Vopiscus in the life of Aurelian: Copto & Ptolemaide urbes cepit; and Salmasius desires you to see what he says to that place. Solinus, though falsely corrected in vulgar Prints, otherwise then in the old written Books a Solin. cap. De Hispania. Ibi Olysipone Ulyxi condituni: where you see no Concord. Fronto, the famous Orator, in an Epistle to Hadrian the Emperor, cited by the Grammarians: Durocortono Athenae vestrae, where you are to look for no Apposition. As neither in the old Book De Colonijs, where you constantly find, Opidum Corseolis. Colonia Veiis, etc. So that good b Surita ad Antonin. pag. 188. Surita needed not so earnestly to contest, and chafe himself, about Popleto fiumen, in Antony. But lest my credit should not be enough (for alas what can a poor Country Schoolmaster do?) hear him, whose authority is unquestionable, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. c Cl. Salmas. Exercit. ad Solini. cap. 23. & ibid. pag. 777. Itinerarium, quod Antonini Augusti nomine publicatur, saith Salmasius, sic omnia fere urbium vocabula concipiebat; quod mutatum non oportuit à doctis viris. We should then by this read here: Bremenio Corstopilo. But all editions, and MSS. having it in the Accusative Case; and Salmasius himself, as you see, dispencing somewhat with the general Rule, as it ordinarily happens; take your pleasure, for me, which way you will have it written; However I must not omit to note here, that all other Editions, as many as I have seen, except that of Aldus, have Corstopitum; with little change of one letter; And Surita denies not but that it was so in one of his Manuscripts. By the distance, and site, it seemed to the learned Camden to be the same with Ptolemies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Curia; though indeed formerly for Corstopitum, he had pitched upon Morpith. Which conjecture, as it may be countenanced perhaps by the distance from Bremenium, and also by a like sound of both names upon the close; yet hath it not to show any Roman Antiquity now appearing. Be it therefore Curia (or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Bertius his Ptolemy;) and then it will be Corbridge on Tine, which here is laid over with a Bridge: But in Corstopitum, what the last syllables signify, I am to learn; and which is worse, have none to teach me. Henry of Huntingdon calls it Cure; so Antonines Curia among the Rhoeti, is at this day called Chur; by the Italians Coira. Hoveden names it Corobrigg; to have recourse to whom will be worth ones pains. And yet not precisely Corbridge neither; but rather Rotchester, a place hard by, well furnished with store of Roman ruins, and rubbish; which declare what it hath been formerly; called most likely by the Saxons Corchester, from this Coria; but in process of time, as he said, † Ovid. in Fa●…is de Lemurib. 〈◊〉 Remo. Aspera mutata est in lenem tempore longo. And from the ashes and carcase of this, had the present Town its rise. Besides the termination from Castrum, that is, a Garrison; take notice, that almost all our great Cities, and Towns in Britain and elsewhere, had their beginnings from the Roman Casira; but were not always placed in the very same site, but at some distance, though not very remote; as S. Abane, f●…om Verulamium; and most others. As for the account of distance here M. P. XX.] It will be sufficiently convenient, and suitable, reckon which way so ever you are pleased. VINDOMORAM M. P. IX.] Surita, telling us he could not elsewhere find any mention concerning Vindomora, adds moreover, that all his written Books agreed in hanc auserendi casu lectionem; which confirms what we said erewhile. From Corstopitum to this Station are IX miles set down: and toward Newcastle, along by the Wall, at that distance is situate, as the learned Pausanias of Britain tells us, a small Village called Walls-end, which now seems to have possession of the Room of this Station. The signification, says he, of the old, as well as the modern name, is the same: for Vindomora, in the Provincial Language of the Britain's at that time, was nothing but Finis Muri, or, The end of the Wall. For beyond it no Vestigia of the ductus, or tract thereof appearing ever to have been there; the River Tine, it is to be thought, served for a Rampire, or antemur●…le, to keep off the Enemy. Neither doth Vindobala (another ancient name of the same Village, and of a like composition, mentioned in the Notitia Occidentis:) signify otherwise then so. Wherefore from hence (besides that the Wall in Salmasius his MS. Aethicus is called Ballum Britanniae:) we must take notice of that fraudulent distinction in the learned Presbyter Beda: * Beda Eccley. Histor. lib. 1. cap. 5. [Murus de lapidibus; Vallum de cespitibus, etc.] which so deceived the good man, that he believed this Work of Severus (even where he relates the thing done:) To be of Turfs, in which were great stakes fastened, not of Stone. But if we compare Eutropius, Jerom, Orosius, Cassiodorus, and Aurelius Victors Epitone de Caesaribus, where they use Vallum, speaking of this structure of Severus; with Aurel. Victor set forth by Andrias Schottus; and others, which have Murus, we shall certainly see, that they are but Synonimons to express the same thing. Spartinus, as the place in him is rightly restored by the famous Salmasius, hath it plain: Severus post Murum aut Vallum missum in Britannia: And Bede himself makes mention of a Royal Town, † Idem ibid. lib. 3. cap. 21. qui vocatur ad Murum, aee pall, as King Alfred renders it; because it was placed by Severus Wall; and at this day therefore called Walton. So likewise our Antonine reckons up among the Towns of Pannonia prima, or Hungary, a place called Ad Muro. which Wolfanyus Lazius takes for the same with Murocincta * Amm. Marcellin. lib. 30. edit. Lined. brogianae nam in Rob. Stephani deest, cui liber ille est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in Ammianus; I believe for no other cause, or reason. Now, as it is needless to bring authority from the ancients, to prove that this structure was of stone, every one that at this day hath been in the least way an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or eyewitness thereof, certainly knowing it; so shall it serve for enough to demonstrate that Murus and Vallum, signified the very same thing: contrary to what the Venerable Bede believed and wrote; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And consequently, that Vindomora, and Vindobala, though somewhat differing names, do yet belong to the very same Mansion. And for what Camden says, that they were so called in the Provincial Language of the Britain's, the studions Youth is to take notice, that, as the Provinciated part of the Roman Empire was Civitate donata, or made free of the City; and out of them their old a Hinc miles provincialis, pro legionario: Hygino. Legions recruited, and new ones also raised, the un-reduced serving for Auxiliaries; and that by a Law of Antoninus Pius the Emperor, thus cited by Ulpian. b Ulp. l. 22. ad Edictum. In Orb Romano qui sunt ex Constitutione Imp. Antonini cives Romani effecti sunt. Which c Claud. Paneg. 3. in Stiliconem. Claudian the Poet, speaking of Rome, and instancing in Britain in particular, hath neatly, as his manner is, thus expressed. Nec stetit Ociano, remisque ingressa profundum, Vincendos alio quaestvit in orbe Britannos. Haec est in gremium victos quae sola recepit, Humanumque genus communi nomine fovit; Matris, non dominae ritu, civesque vocavit Quos domuit nexuque piolong inqua revinxit. Nor stops she there but crossed the Sea with Oars, Britain, a new unconquered World, explores: Then in her lap receives whom she did tame, And to all Nations gives one common name; She as a Mother not a Victress calls Them hers, the distant joining to her Walls. So likewise in the Provinces (a constant course put in practice, by what ever Conqueror, among a people newly subdued:) was the Roman tongue every where commended, and urged for public use to the Natives: Imperiosa illa civitas etc. That domineering City, * Augustin. de C. D. lib. 19 says S. Austin, not only put a yoke of servitude upon the conquered Nations, but enjoined their Language also. As for Britain, there is a notable place of Tacitus in his Agricola, where he speaks of the courses he took to civilize them: jam vero principum filios liberalibus artibus crudire, & ingenia Britannorum studijs Gallorum ante far, ut qui modo linguam Romanorum abnuebant, eloquentiam concupiscerent: inde etiam habitus nostri honour & frequens toga. That is, Moreover the Nobleman's sons he took and instructed in the liberal Sciences, preferring the wits of the Britain's before the Students of Gaul, as being now curious to attain the eloquence of the Roman Language, whereas they lately rejected the speech. After that our attire grew to be in account, and the Gown much used among them. Thus far Tacitus, and so fully, that I need not bring in hither that of Juvenall in his 15. satire. Gallia Causidicos docuit facunda Britannos. Eloquent Gallia Britain's taught to plead. Neither did the nobler sort only thus liberally employ their studies and endeavours, but the meaner also generally had their Language interpolated, and mixed with the Latin; which though now left and abandoned, yet there remain of it in the British, those relics, that time itself will not easily wipe away, and deface. Of some words therein Humphrey Lhuyd, a singular Ornament of his own Wales and Britain in general, hath gathered a list; and William Salisbury in his British Glossary, and Doctor David powel, in his accurate writings, by no means deny it; men as learned as any of the Nation. Vindobala, as this Station was otherwise named in the Notitia of the W. Empire, had its being, Sub dispositione Viri Spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum per lineam Valli, where there lay in Garrison Tribunus Cohortis primae Frixagorum. For whom why Camden substituted the Cohors II. Thracum, who are placed indeed in the same Notitia at Gabrosentum, or Gateshed against Newcastle, not quite three miles off, I know not; except I say it is a light 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or oversight of his, such as may well be excused. But of what people these here were, I must take day to tell you: Neither name of the Station hath had the luck, to have the right site found out, till Camden came. For Talbot making it his business to illustrate Antonine, being come to Vindomora, he sends us to Vandnara in Scotland, merely for some very small consonancy in the names: though truly he confesses upon less extravagant thoughts, that so we take the wrong way: Pancirolus upon the Notitia would have Vindobala to be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ptolem. same with Vindogladia in Antonine, placed Westward in the Island far away, whereas this is per lineam Valli in the North, or else, which is as bad, he tells us that some read it Vindolana, which indeed follows after in this very Notitia, and is a distinct Mansion, where the Tribune of the IV. Cohort of the Gauls resided. Now what should be said of them both, but what I remember Ortelius says of one in a like case? Non toto tantum coelo, sed & terra quoque errarunt. The next Station is Vinnovia. VINNOVIAM. M. P. XIX.] It is not easily to be said, whether the ignorance of Monks, Bishopwrick of Durham. and other such Librarii, or Transcribers; or the heedlessenesse of the Composers for the Print, hath caused more foul faults, and errors, in old Writers. Of the oscitancy of both, this work in our hands, if any other, will give sufficient evidence. And particularly the name of this Mansion; which Simler's Copy had written Viconia. Surita's written Books, had Vinovia and Vinnovia; as it should be. Lhuyd, or his Printer, for Vinnovium in Ptolemy, published Bimonium, and Binionium: from whence Alex. Nevil a deal worse Bynionum. Camden, Binovia; and our Speed, Benovium. The Schoolboys know, that V. consonant, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and 〈◊〉. are sororiae literae, and of a near sound●…: and what to Ptolemy is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is to other Writers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Albion and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, otherwise spelt. What then in Ptolemy is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Antonine expresses Vinnovia. As for the difference in Gender, we are to note, that the Ancients pleased themselves in dealing licentiously therein, yea, and in number two: so, Luguvallum and Luguballia; Tyana, Tyanae, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for Lugdunum; Megara, Megarae, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And here we have mutuum muti. For as the right reading, which had been corrupted into Viconia, is restored and asserted to Antonine by Ptolemie: so from Antonine is the right posture of the Station recovered in Ptolemy, who makes it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a City of the brigants. For in him, saith Camden, it is so shoved out of its place, that it had always lain obscure, and undiscovered, except the other had pointed it out. By this direction than it seems Humphrey Lhuyd first found it in the Bishop wrick of Durham (a part of the brigants) upon the brow of a Hill, which overlooks the Were, not far from Bishops-Auckland, which stands on the other side of it; and now, from the old name of it, is called Binchester; In comparison of its former celebrity, at this time it scarce deserves the name of a petty Village: yet great store of rubbish of the old Buildings, and some remainder of the Walls yet to be seen. So true is that of Mercury, to old Charon in Lucian: * Lucian. Dialogo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I tell thee, Ferrimam, that Cities die as well as men. And what appears of it at this day, being but what is left of a City, plus quam mortuae, as Camden says, it was most friendly done of him, to gather, as it used to be done in the a Adi sit Desc. Heraldum Adversar. lib. 1. cap. 7. Ossilegia of the Ancients after the funeral fire, the scattered bones, as it were, and relics of its former glory. Of his rescuing therefore from Oblivion, and not falling into the same grave, which hath quite overwhelmed the City itself, are these Inscriptions Arguments of its outworn splendour, and magnificence. DEABUS MATRIB. Q. LO— CL. QUIN— TIANUS— COS. V. S. L. M. This first was reared up by Claudius Qnintianus, Consul under Maximimis the Emperor, about the year CCXXXVI. according to Cassidorus, upon performance of his Vow made to the Mother-Goddesses. But in the Fasti Consulares, more commonly received, and esteemed; with L. Catilins Severus, you have the name of L. Ringorius Urinatius inscribed before that year. And I cannot say that all these names belonged to one man. Besides this Stone, and another, the fairest and greatest Altar that hath been digged up in Britain, found out at Coccium, or Riblechester, in Lancashire, there is none else extant, among the Volumes of Inscriptions gathered through the whole World, that mentions these Goddesses, so far as I remember, saith learned Camden. But since his time, this age, so curious after the inquiry of the defaced steps of Antiquity, we meet * Apud Gra●…. & S●…ittium. with divers. This other stone was set up by M. Ingenuus Asiaticus, a Decurio of a wing of the Astures, a people of Spain residing here in the Roman service, and dedicated THIS MATRIBUS, somewhat differently; of which I can only observe this, That the more ancient used abus, in Ablatives and Datives plural, rather than is: not only to distinguish the female sex; but in other words also signifying no sex at all: as, portabus, ol abus, etc. in Sallust, and others, affecters of archaismes, and taken notice of for it by the ancient Grammarians, to whom, if you please, you may have recourse. Joseph Scaliger indeed upon Varro quite contrary makes Dijs, pro Deabus, and equis pro equabus, an archaism. See also in COCCIUM in the X. Journey. Industrious Camden tells us, that with all his searching he could not find out, what these Deae Matres were. However he citys a place out of † Plut. in vita Marcelli. Plutarch very much for their antiquity, which would not be omitted here: There is, saith he, a City in Cicilie called Engyium: it is no great thing, but a very ancient City of name, by reason of the traffic thither, for that there are certain Goddesses to be seen, whom they worship, called the * Mother's. Some say the Cretans were the first Builders and founders of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, apud Pansaniam in Atti●…is, idem sonare possunt. Temple there, where you shall see Spears and Helmets of Copper, and upon them are graven the name of Meriones: (He means the associate of Idomeneus, the King of Crect in Homer. Camden, and his Translator also, hath Metio; but amiss: I believe by the Printers fault:) and upon others Ulysses name also, which are consecrated to these Goddesses. Varro also hath made mention of some such Deities, as I find by a place of his urged by a August. de C D. lib. 7. cap. 3. Augustine: Dijs quibusdam patribus, & Deabus Matribus, sicut hominibus, ignobilitatem contigisse. If it were worth my while to conjecture, and without the offence of the severe ones, I should easily guess them to be the three famous Goddesses, highly worshipped by the Romans; yet deduced from ancient original among the Grecians; Vesta, Matuta, and Tellus: among whose indigitamenta, or several names and appellations, you shall frequently find Mater or Mother. And therefore it is likely that they may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at least; that is, worshipped upon the same Altar, and in some respects the very same Goddesses. For Vesta, b Cic. Orat. 30. Arusp. Respons. Cicero is my Author; Vestaeque Matris ceremonijs. And Virgil; c Virg. Georg. lib. 1. Dij Patrij Indigites, & Romule vestaque Mater. Our Countries Gods, Vesta and Romulus. She is of that antiquity, that the d Homer. in Hymnis. God of Poets makes her the Daughter of Saturn, the Father of the Gods. As for Matuta, besides e T. Liv. lib. 5. 24, 25. Livies testimony, which were enough to prove her called Mother, I might add out of Verrius Flaccus, that her name is to be derived no way better, then from Mater. Matuta, says he, potius a Matre, quae est originis Graecae. He means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or as the Dorics pronounced it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And for Tellus Mater, it were putrid to heap Testimonies for it hither. Who knows not Homer's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The Mother of Gods, or Earth, Mother of all; or that Vesta and Mater Tellus were the same Deity; as Plutarch, Ovid, and others say. Now having thought thus much long ago, merely by way of conjecture; and making farther enquiry, whether Stata Mater, whom I found mentioned by Festus Pompeius, and whose Image he says was worshipped in Foro, were not the same Deity with Mater Deum, or Mater Tellus (as most probably it is) I luckily, after some good space of time, resuming into my hand the so much admired Syntagmata de diis Syriis, of M. Selden, that incomparable M. Selden I say (who was to borrow Ennius his words, Multarum veterum Legum, Divumque Hominumque Prudens— There many ancient Laws of Gods and men Well understood— If any one man ever were: I found out of * Apul. Metam. lib. 8. Apuleius, that Deum Mater, called also Tellus Mater, was the same with Astarte, or Dea Syria: and withal satisfaction sufficient for any man, concerning these Deae Matres from so learned a Pen, that to what I have blotted the paper with, thou mayst, favourable Reader, use thy spongia deletilis, if by chance thou so pleasest. But let us hear himself, who in all doubts is our Apollo Aperta: e Selden. de Diis Syris Syntagm. 2. cap. 2. In Britain also, says he, there is an inscription, now shattered indeed, dedicated to the DEA SURIA, or Syrian Goddess by Licinius a Commander under Autoninus the Philosopher, extant at this day in Sir Thomas Cottons Gardens at Conuington in Huntingtonshire. I am not ignorant that the Mother of the Gods was called also Terra by the Ancients: So Lucretius in his second Book explains the matter: And there is no body but knows that Heaven and Earth were wont to be confounded by the worshippers of Idols. Seeing therefore Astarte or the Syrian Goddess, was the same who at first was the Mother of the Gods, but afterwards called by many names; from hence perhaps may conjecture be made, who those Mother Goddesses were mentioned in old Altars, never taken notice of until this age. For as many names as there were, so many Goddesses were there accounted to be; so many Mothers. Then instancing in those two places, brought before out of Plutarch and Pausanias, and taking notice how this age, inquisitive after the remainders of Antiquity; hath found out in Europe many Altars so inscribed, as also others to the Junones, all to be seen in Gruter and Smetius; and mentioning these two already spoken of at Riblechester, and here at Pinnovia, or Binchester, he brings us a third taken up likewise in Britain, and communicated unto him long since by M. Camden. DEABUS MATRIBUS. TRAMAI VEX CERMA, etc. It is to be seen at Louther in Cumberland. What TRAMAI means, says he, I dare not once to guess: But now if Astartae were the Deum Mater, it doth needs follow that the Astarte were the Deae Matres; for so were they called in the Plural number, Astartae: even as there were many Juno's, many Venus', many Syrian Goddesses, by the reason of the multitude of their Images. So also there were many 〈◊〉; which perhaps they meant, who observing as well the Asiatic, as their own Country Rites, did dedicated Altars to the Mother Goddesses; at least it is very likely so. S. Austin indeed hath said almost as much in this that follows: f Augustin. ad judic. II. quest. 16. Juno without doubt is called by them (the Paeni) Astarte: And b●… those Dial●…cts (the Punic, and Phaenic●…an) do not much differ, the Scriptu●…e is not amiss believed to speak this of the people of Israel, that they served Baal & Astartibus, quia Jovi & Junonibus. N●…ther ought it to m●…ve you, that he said not Astarti, that is 〈◊〉: but as if there were many Juno's, he put this nam●… in the Plu●…ll number: For be would have the understanding referred to the ●…tuide of their Images, because every Image of Juno was call●… Juno, and hereby he would have so many Juno's understood as ●…r w●…re Images of her. So far the all knowing Selden. But of this more than too much. For the wise men of the age will laugh broad at these nice and fruitless inquiries, and I am loath to offend: Things, thi●…gs! say they; not words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The other Inscription taken up at Binchester is this; but thus by time shattered and broken, Tantum aevi longinqua valet mutare vetustas: So much doth time alter the state of things. TRIB. COHOR. I. CARTOV— MARTINO TI VICTORI. GENIO LOCI. ET BONO. EVENTUI. The name of the Tribune of the first Cohort of the Cartovii, who erected this, is quite lost: And so might well the name of the people be too, except we had better information and intelligence concerning them, out of Geography or History. The Dedication was made to Mars the C●…nqueror; every one knows him: next to him to the Genius or Tutelar Spirit of the Place, of whom a word. Servius the learnedst Grammarian of the Ancients, interpreting h Seru. in Aen. lib. 1. Virgil: Genium dicebant antiqui, naturalem Deum uniuscujusque loci, aut hominis. The one is that Genius, which being born with every man, still waits upon him, either for his good or ill Fortune; and of this Menander the Comic in these two Senaries, as they are cited by i Amm. Marcell. Hist. lib. 21. Vide Clem. Alex. Strom. lib. 5. Euseb. de Preparat E●…, etc. Ammianus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Each man his Genius protects, And in all Affairs directs. Or for his hurt, say others; and hence is that expression, Male advocatus Genius. Pomp. Festus, the Abbreviator of Verrius Flaccus speaks generally, Genium appellabant Deum, qui vim obtineret rerum omnium gerendarum, where you may better read gignendarum; as I see S. Austin did of old; or else genendarum out of: Censorinus. the Verb of which Participle is to be restored to Lucretius in these Verses. Nobis est ratio solis, lunaeque meatus, Lucret. de Nat. rerum lib. 1. Qua fiant ratione, & qua vi quaeque genantur. Reason's there are, how the illustrious Sun And Moon, their courses through the Zodiac run. Before it was likewise read amiss— quaeque gerantur: See k Censorin. cap. 3. Censorinus De die Natali. And if you be further curious, consult the several old Interpreters upon that in the Acts l Act. 12. 15. It is his Angel. But that which we shall oftenest meet with here is the Genius of any Place or City. Festus, Alii Genium esse putarunt uniuscujusque loci Deum. Hence it is that in m Arnob. lib. 1. Arnobius we read, Civitatum Genios'. They also bestowed names on them. And of this kind are those they called Dii Topici; Such as were here in Britain, Deus Viterineus, Deus Moguntis, Deus Mounus. Dui Civitatis Brigantum. Camulus Deus Sanctus. Gadunus, etc. which we find in the Inscriptions taken up here. Such was Besa in Ammianus: n A●…. lib. 19 Opidum est Abydum in Thebaidis parte situm extrema; hic Besae dei localiter appellati oraculum quondam futura pandeb●…, priscis circumjacentium regionum ceremoniis solitum coli. It will be worth your while to have recourse to that excellent Scholar Peter Python, in his o P. Pith●… Advers. lib. 〈◊〉. cap. 2. Adversaria, concerning the interpretation of this place. The Image of the Genius was sometime exhibed by a Boy's visage; most commonly by a Serpent; and that for some mystery, not here to be discoursed of. When any City was besieged, the enemies that lay against it, used to call forth the Gods or Genii thereof; which if it were to be taken, straightway issued forth: of which see p Macr. Sat. lib. 3. cap. 9 Macrobius out of others. In short, they that worshipped according to Pagan superstition, thought that as men had souls given them, when they were born, so Nations and Cities had their Genii bestowed on them when built. And thus thought Symmachus a Heathen, and a man of great esteem with the Emperors of his time: q Q. Symma. in Relat. ad AAA. pro res●…aur. Gentil. deorum culin. Suus cuique mos, suus cuique ritus est, varios custodes Urbibus cunctis mens divina distribuit, ut animae nascentibus, ita populis fatales Genii dividuntur. Et obsessis Hierosolymis audita vox est, numen urbis alio migrare, id est, Genium. But this opinion of his is stoutly impugned by Prudentius a Christian Poet, whose brave Verses I cannot but set down, and then I will beg pardon for my being troublesome. Romans dico viros, quos mentem credimus Urbis, Non Genium, cujus frustra simulatur imago. Quanquam cur Genium Romae mihi fingitis unum? Quam portis, domibus, thermis, stabulis soleatis Adsignare suos Genios', perque omnia membra Uibis, perque locos Geniorum millia multa Fingere, ne propria vacet angulus ullus ab umbra. That Rome a Genius hath we do maintain, Nor stands its Statue there set up in vain. Why do you think her Walls one Genius hath? When every Portall, Stable, House and Bath, Their Guardians have; Her Alleys, Streets, and Rhodes, Deities boast, and many thousand Gods. No Nook nor Hole, wants a peculiar soul. Next to the Genius of the place, Bonus eventus, or happy success, is here invocated by the Tribune: For the Ancients worshipped this Deity (so infinite was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) among others which were not Gods, but the fond conceits of their own distempered brains, and less beneficial and useful than Stocks and Stones, Gods the works of men's hands. However they worshipped them, which Varro witnesses, g Varro de R. R. lib. 1. cap. 1. Nec non etiam precor Bonum Eventum; quoniam sine successu & Bono eventu frustratio est, non cultura. The Image of it h Plin. lib. 38. cap. 8. Pliny hath set down: Simulacrum Boni eventus dextra pateram, sinistra spicam & papaver tenens. Neither do the Coins describe it otherwise; in that of Titus it hath in the right hand a Charger or broad piece, in the left it holds some Popy only, with Bonus Eventus Augusti. In that of Severus it stands robed, with corn in the Charger; Popy and an ear of corn in the left, according to Pliny. Whether it were the same with Fatum Bonum in a like inscription found at OLENACUM, or Elenborough in Cumberland, I will leave to the Reader to bethink him, till I shall have occasion to speak of it elsewhere. If in the mean while I have been somewhat tedious to you, this saying will in some part excuse me: i Lactan. lib. 〈◊〉. cap. ult. Primus sapientiae gradus est, falsa intelligere. I have said nothing at all of the distance of the places, for it was not needful; only this I may not omit, that there is a world of Roman Coin taken up in this place, which the neighbouring people of the Country call BINCHESTER PENNIES. CATARACTONIUM. M. P. XXII.] So the best Copies. The Neapolitan had Catorastorium. Others Cataractone, and Cartoni, abbreviatum pro Cataractonio, saith Talbot. Besides Antonine, Ptolemie also mentions it in the second Book of his Geography, among the Cities of the brigants, calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Catarractonium; and elsewhere in the same Work; a Ptolem. Geograph. lib. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cataractonium maximum diem habet horarum XVIII. & distat ab Alexandria versus occasum horis II. & triente. From this place of Ptolemie, as also another in his b Ptol. in Almagest. lib. 2. cap. 6. Great Construction (the Arabians call it Almagest, from their Particle Al, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so do they also compose with it many other words from the c Adi Scal. in Virgil. Culicem, ad Propert. lib. 3. Eleg. 20. Greek (as Alchemy, Alembik, Almanak; etc.) we may easily guess the celebrity and fame of this place in elder times. There he takes an observation of the positure of the Heavens, setting down, or describing the XXIV. through Cataractorium in our Britain, and making it distant from the Aquator LVII. Degrees. But whether this place may not receive light and correction, from that we brought before out of his Geography, as hath been formerly hinted by our learned Antiquaries let them look to it whom it more concerns. The place itself I would have transcribed hither for the Readers better satisfaction, but the Book at this time is not in my hands. The next time you find it, is not till Venerable Beda, in whom it is called Vicus Cataracton, and Vicus juxta Cataractam. In the d Beda Eccle. Histor. lib. 3. cap. 14. one place he tells us that Wilpapes-dun was near ten miles distant from it, the site of which place if we did now know, we should have little cause to doubt of Cataractonium: Remisit ergo [Rex Oswinus] exercitum. quem congregaverat, ac singulos do●…um redire praecepit à loco, qui vocatur Wilfares-Dun, id est, Mons Wilfari; & est à vico Conteractone decem ferme milia passuum contra solstitialem occasum secretus. In the other place it is expressed by a Periphrase; The Village by the Cataract or Waterfall: His words are these, where he tells, Paulinus flying out of these parts, was by King Edbald welcomed into Kent with the Bishopric of Rochester: e Ibid. lib. 2. cap. 20. Reliquerat autem in Ecclesia sua Eboraci Jacobum Diaconum, virum utique Ecclesiasticum & Sanctum, qui multo ex hinc tempore in Ecclesia manens, magnas antiquo hosti praedas docendo & baptizando eripuit. Cujus nomine vicus in quo maxime solebat habitare juxta Cataractam usque hodie cognominatur. I would I understood this place better, but however our great Antiquary tells us, the place hath its name from a Cataract, i. e. a Waterfall; and that (letting us know first that by this Station, as we shall see anon, Catarick upon the Small is meant) there is such a one somewhat higher in the River toward Richmond; which doth there, to use his own words, rather ruere then fluere, rush down violently, then run. Which if so, the reading methinks [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] might have been righter in Ptolemie; none knowing better than he, what the meaning of the word was. In Matthew of Westminster it is named Civitas Cataracta; where he says it was burned by Beornred the Tyrant-King of the Mercians, who afterward perished in the same manner by a just talio, Anno gratiae, DCCLXIX. Cataracta civitas igne cremata est à Beornredo tyranno rege Merciorum deposito. Sed ipse infelix eodem anno, justo dei judicio, incendio periit. But it revived again out of its embers, as I could show; but that it is my main undertaking to illustrate, especially, the Roman times. It hath been the study and trouble of learned Men, foreign and domestic, in the last Age, as well as this of ours, so busy in new inquiries, to design and set out the place where anciently it stood; but the greater part are quite wide of it. Paulus Jovius makes it to be Allerton, not much wide I confess in this: but how far his fashion is otherwise to be out in the ancient Chorography of this Nation, makes me think of the witty, though sharp, censure of the Author of Amadis de Caul, which I am sure I met with when I was a Boy, concerning his other Writings; though the World took his Romances, as indeed they are, to be but the fictions of his own brain, yet he doubted not but with after Ages they would find as much credit, as his Histories of his own Times. Michael Villanovanus thinks it was Carlisle; which, whether he had from Jos. Moletius, who hath so set it down to his Ptolemie, I know not. Yet every one knows that Carlisle was Antonines Luguvallum, or Luguballia. But the vanity, not to say imposture, of Hector Boetius the Scottish Historian (and he hath his followers) is notorious and shameless, who with I know not what Helktique Instruments (unknown I believe, to Vitruvius or our late famous Architect Inigo Jones) have removed Cataractonium out of Yorkshire, many scores of miles Northward, as far as the Baillery of Corict in Scotland: Carictonium (for by that he means this very place, or else just nothing) opidum in Caricta, vulgo Carik regione, cujus pauca vestigia restant: olim Scotorum regia fuit; and he tells us moreover, that it was called Caractorium, because Caractacus [gaza, & thesaurus] wealth and treasure was kept there; who indeed never came nearer it than the brigants; f Tacit. Annal. 12. & Hist. lib. 3. when being treacherously used by Cartismandua their Queen, on whose protection he had thrown himself after a long resistance of the Roman power, to gain favour and defence for her shameless Adultery, was by her more shamefully delivered up to them. g Polyd. Hist. Aug. lib. 1. Polydor Virgil, Boethius his Scholar, with more show of truth, as one who had read Tacitus with more diligence, brings it rather from Caricta the Region, in which, say they, sometime it stood. There are who would tolerate this device of Boethius in a Poet, but in an Historian (and thought no mean one abroad) who can excuse it; except you mean by an Historian one utterly unskilled in Geography? But wonder not at him. Solens facile; for he hath with the same sleight brought Camalodunum, the famous Colony sometime at Maldon in Essex, as far as the Banks of Carron in Galloway, where likewise it is Pictorum Regia, and hath its quaedam vestegia too. So hath he drawn the Ordovices out of Wales, and placed them in his own Country, where the old Annals for sooth call them Ordaci. But I have only this to say of him, Had not his Countryman Tho. Dempster a Murisk written the Scotish History after him, he had been the lyingest Historian that I knew of in the World. * Vide frequentes de Dempstero censuras apud Reverendiss. D. Usserium in Primord. Eccles. Briton. passim. He outgoes him, and is indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ralph Hollinshed conceited it to be Darlington. I have not aught to say to Cryton, or Cryton-bridge noted to Cataractonium in Antonine by the Learned Fulke: But to the same Station in Ptolemie he had set down Catarick-bridge. Very right; for so thought Talbot before him; and after him the learned Camden. The name itself says as much, and its Site upon the Military way, which here leads over the River, where it divides itself. If the distance from Binchester hither, seem not to agree with the number here, then think that the Italian miles used in Antonine, are a great deal shorter than the Northern with their Wey-bits; and that they took the Street way then, not the shortest cut they might, as we do at this day. Of this difference in ways, observed by the Romans, I could give divers instances: and hence it is, that h julian. Caes. Or●…. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Julian the Emperor opposes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or compendious ways, to public Roads, raised and laid with Causies by the labour of the Soldiers. I might add for the great antiquity of this place, which Camden doth observe, what a world of Rubbish is to be seen every where about in the Country near: Besides more Eastward hard by the River, a mighty Mount, and four Bulwarks, raised as it were with exceeding great labour, up to a great height: But now it is viculus pertenuis, a very poor Country Village; and as famous as it was of old times, we may at this day seek it in its ruins, and scarce, or not at all, find it. I have done with it therefore, and will shut up all in the words of the Psalmist, Come, says he, behold the works of the Lord; what desolations he hath made in the Earth. Thus much shall be said Psalm. 46. 8. of Cataractonium. ISURIUM. M. P. XXIV.] The distance between Catarick and Aldburgh (which is put for Isurium) will well agree with the number XXIV. here between that, and Cataractonium, if you do but remember and observe, what I said e'er now concerning the distances of old times, and those at this day; Taking notice also of the course they then took in their journeying; which quite thorough this Itinerary is to be heeded. In the 11. Journey, this Station is called Isuria: and in the fifth Isubrigantum, that is, Isurium Brigantum: for Ptolemie also makes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be one of the Cities of the brigants. They say * Guilford Harrison Descrip. Brit. lib. 1. cap. 11. it had its name from the Confluence of the Isis, and the Urus; a little above which it stood, not far from Burrowbridge, a place very famous of later ages: but of old for three Roman Trophies, set up not far Plutarch. lib. de Isid. & Osiride. from thence like Pyramids, a Io. Leland. Syllable. Antiq. Dict. ad Genethl. Edvardi Print. saith Leland, a little from the Highway. The Saxons called them, both met together, by one name the Ouse, or Uyan. That the old Britain's had knowledge of Isis, not only as acquainted with the Romans worshipping her, but otherwise also by their bearing arms for them in Egypt, where she was most adored, is to be made good by clear record: The Notitia of the Provinces of the East. Sub dispositione viri Spectabilis ducis Thebaidos Ala quarta Briconum Isui. In the Itinerary it is Isiu. Both places are to be mended Isij out of Plutarch; in whom, as also in c Hesiod. Aethiop. Hist. lib. 7. Heliodorus you have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying the City, and Temple of Isis, of which Stephanus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 witnesses, you have such large circuits of her Travelers in Cumens Alexandrinus, that it were no more wonder to hear of her name in these Northern Climates, then in Egypt. Hence it is said the d Suevi olim & Angli, Eudoset, Northuini Isidem colutrunt, etc. jac. Middendorp. de Academ. l. 2. Suides, and Angles, and Eudoses, and other Germans in old time worshipped her. Tacitus particularly of the Swedes. e Tacit de Morib. German. Isidi sacrificant, etc. What reason they have to use that strange Sacrifice I know not saith he; unless it be that the Image of that Goddess, being fashioned [in modum liburnae] in form of a kind of Boat, doth declare that their Religion hath been brought them from a strange Country. And therefore we wonder not now, that we have f Io. Leland. ad Cygn. Cantionem. three noted Rivers of her name among us. For by the testimony of † Pausan. Pausanias, and an old Coin published by g Hub. Goliz. Thesaur rei Antiquar. Golizius', she hath also the Title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Isis of the Sea. And truly the indigitaments of old Deities were often inscribed to Rivers; as * Adi Selden. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Syntagm. 2. de Diis Syr. cap. 1. Belisama, a name of Minerva, to the River Rible in Lancashire, and others: as the names of Saints are usually to divers places abroad at this day. Now whereas they say the Egyptians always fashioned and Painted Isis with h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aelian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lib. 10. cap. 47. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Adi Scholiast. in Sophoclis Ajacem. horns, some may conceit that done, because her name is attributed to Rivers; all Rivers being described horned by the Poets; I, and some called i Apollon. Rhod. de Istr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Horns, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Strabo. l. 10. by reason of the windings of their Channels. But the Fable affords a better reason, which tells us Jo (that is Isis) the Daughter of the river Inachus, was by Jupiter turned into a Cow; and so conveyed into Egypt, where, it should seem, she and Apis were horned Deities. But truly I must tell you, I had rather have met with one ancient authority out of Ptolemie or some other of old time, whereby I might be assured these rivers were so called sometimes by the Romans, than all that either Leland or Camden have wittily said: for Leland seems to me, one who had rather devise handsome names himself for any place, then diligently tread the very and certain steps of Antiquity. The Town out of its ruins is, as I said, called Aldburgh; the name signifying, The old Borough, or Town. On the very ground, where Isurium sometime stood, you may at this time see, either cornfields, or pasture: l Virg. Aen. lib. 3. Et campos ubi Troja suit. m L. Flor. de gest. Rom. lib. 1. cap. 12. Laborat annalium fides, ut Veios fuisse credamus; says the elegant Historian, concerning the old Veii. And our Antiquary says, that such Writers, as mention Isurium, would have much ado to make us believe it had once a being here, were it not for the proportionable distance from York, here set down; and the great store of Roman coin found daily hereabout. EBORACUM LEGIO SEXTA VICTRIX. M. P. XVII.] The distance here from Aldburgh to York is various, according to the variety of Copies, and the several journeys in which we meet with it. In the first journey you have seventeen miles, in some books sixteen; in the second, eighteen, and in this fourteen, according to Surita; but in his divers readings, he takes notice of seventeen also: which Aldus, Simlerus, and Harrison admit; and this will make the general number in the foot of the reckoning, to agree with the particulars, as is before observed. Neither will the distance at this day unhandsomely sure; if you conceive, as you must, that the ancient site is somewhat altered. The first mention you meet with of this place, is this in Antonine, except you make Ptolemy ancienter, as indeed he should be, if it be true that he wrote in Antoninus Pius days, as the common Chronologie gives it out. Truly, as it is already observed, the time when this itinerary was published, though commonly it bears Antoninus Pius name, is not certain: neither is it likely it was extant till under Severus: For Britain indeed, being by Julius Agricola, the Pro-Pretor under Domitian, a Tacitus in vita. wholly reduced, and falling a way by little and little under Hadrian, the Antonini, and Commodus; so that in b Britanni teneri sub ditione Romana non poterant. H. Spartian. ut in Hadriano. Hadrian's time, who * Spartian. ib. in person did what he could to restore all, the Romans having not much c Appian. in Proem. Histor. qui eo seculo vixit. above one half thereof, and that not very useful, or beneficial to them, and in Antoninus Pius time the (d) brigants, of whom Eboracum was a principal city, revolting from them; things, me thinks, could not be at this pass, as (q) Pausanias. in Arcadicit. they are represented in this Itinerary, till Severus time: especially if you consider the stirs and turmoils at home for the Empire, immediately before his arrival here: the Britain's from thence taking ground for their defection. But omitting here a more exact enquiry after the just time when either of them wrote; we are to take notice, that the VI Legion that had the Title of Victrix from its conquests, brought over out of Germany, saith Camden (and yet for all Severus coin, which follows, he dare not assure it, by reason of this former mention of it, as he says, in Ptolemie) by Severus, had its residence at Eboracum. It is plain in Antonine, as well as Ptolemie too. But in Ptolemie then you must recover him from a violent luxation, (which he suffers in some common e Io. Noviomag. Coloniae An. 1540 & aliis. Editions, where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Camalodunum, which should come after, is interposed, between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Legio VI Vict. which number also Z. as Surita mis-cites him, is to be corrected: But Talbot * Illud dubium apud Ptol. an illud, Legio VI Nic ephor. etc. Rob. Talbot. Annot in Antoninum MS. using a right Copy, of Ptolem●…, as it appears he did, I wonder how he could make any question here about it. There are many such in Ptolemie: as where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is turned out of its place; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or London made a City of the Cantii, and others. But far worse are they out, who from abused Copies, would have that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. as the all learned Selden hath taken notice; to belong to Camalodunum, next to Eboracum (of which see more in CAMBODUNUM in the II. Journey:) and it to be the f De qua Tacitus Annal. 14. Colony placed by Clandius the Emperor so long before in Essex, and so far away short of Eboracum: contrary to the evident testimony of a Coin of Severus in the averse of which we read: COL. EBORACUM. LEG. VI VICTRIX. Of nine Cities of the brigants, named by Ptolemie in the second of his Geography, Eboracum is reckoned the eighth in order of naming: But there they are placed according to their situations, not dignity. He mentions it likewise again in the eighth Book of this same Work, in these words. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i e. Eboracum maximum diem habet horarum: XVII. cum dodrante, & distat ab Alexandria versus occasum horis II. & triente. In his Astronomical Canons you shall find it somewhat differently written. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Euoracum; whence perhaps the Saxons spelled it, Euo●…pic, adding their own pic, or vicus, of which elsewhere enough. In the Almagest, or his g Ptol. Mah. Construct. lib. 2. cap. 6. great Construction published in Greek at Basil, it is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Brigantium; as you would say, The chief City of the brigants, saith our learned Antiquary: but withal he suspects the Copy to be corrupted. And not without some cause: For, as we are taught by the most admired Primate of Armagh, that word is quite wanting in the Greek MS. of the Library at Lambeth, (as in a Latin Copy likewise in New College at Oxford, there is no word answering 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) for which notwithstanding there is to be found in the printed Latin Translation of the same Work out of the old Arabic, Bericanas. For which in the MS. of All-Soules College in Oxford you may find Bencanas. You shall have the whole pericope, as it is in the Translation of Ptolemie from the Arabic; and just as it was written in the copy I speak of, transcribed thence for me by the singular courtesy of my excellently learned friend, Dr. Gerard Langbaine, the worthy Provost of Queen's College, than whom I know no man alive, who furthereth Learning and good Letters more, either at home, or abroad; or with the like pains: yet take first Ptolemies own Greek; and that after, Ptolemie, Lib. 11. Cap. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. The Latin out of Arabic in the MS. thus, Et linea equidistans, 22. est, in qua longitudo † Vide CATARRACTONIUM ex Ptol. pag. diei longioris est 17. bore, & quarta here: Et ejus elongatio ab equatione diei 55. parts; descripta super Bencanas terre Britanny majoris, etc. Bericanas', or Bencanus here, are words that signify Mirmantum, i. e. Eboracum. Yet for this we may give you some satisfaction in what follows; I mean, discover the mistake: But for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I fear how well I may do it, (against more than the single authority of the Lambeth Gr. MS.) except you will read * Brigantum urbs. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so take it for York as the chief City of them; which yet I like not: for than would there remain some vestigium of that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rendered into Arabic, had it been ever in the Greek. What I hoped for from my Arabic friends, that by chance in this flourishing age of those studies, and books, they might light upon a Copy of Ptolemie in that Language, I now utterly despair of. Or if perchance this might happen, yet I fear the genuine reading in the Greek, may but very obscurely be restored, in proper Names, which the most * joan Selden. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Comm. in Eutychii Origine●…, num. 16. p. 124. learned hath sufficiently taught us. Neque est, says he, quisquam literis hijce [Arabicis] non prorsus alienus, qui nesciat etiam notissima nomina in idiotism●…s Orientales deformata, obscura nimis solere reddi. Etiam & nomina ipsa Aegyptiaca, Africana, & alia, quae originis non sunt Latinae aut Graecae, quamplurimum à nominibus Graecis ac Latinis in usu, saepius desidere. It were to be wished, that Dr. Bainbridge, the learned Professor of Astronomy in Oxford, (whom I have heard from his chair seriously commending a new Edition of Ptolemie to the free Beneficence of some great Prince:) when he collated the Gr. printed Text, with the Lambeth MS. and exactly noted the various lections, in which the want of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken notice of by him, had also given us a note of his conjecture upon this place. For, I cannot see, to speak truly, how 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or some such word, can at all be missing here, that signify just nothing. And yet, perhaps, as much as that we find in the Gloss upon an old h MS. in Biblioth. Praestantis. D. Armachani. Ninnius; in that place, I mean, where it is added: Cair segint, i. e. Eboracum. Mirmantum, i. e. Eboracum. There are besides these, certain other appellations, or expressions rather, as indeed they are, of this most famous place; which perhaps you would not I should omit. Ninnius, the ancientest Historiagrapher of the Britan's, as who wrote about DCCC. years ago, in his Catalogue of the Cities of Britain; names it according to the best Copies compared, i A. Rev. D. Armach. Primord. Eccles. Brit cap. 5. pag. 61. Cair Ebrauc, al. Cair Brauc. Ge●…ffry of Monmouth, the Author, or Translator of the British History, which you will, will have it named Ebrauc, by a K. of Britain descended of Trojan race, and himself so named. k Galfrid. Hist. Britan. lib. 1. cap. 13. Condidit Civitatem de nomine suo, Caer Ebrauc. And yet the old Britain's call it at this day, Caer-Effroc, as the English now York, the Saxons Euoppic; for U●…dwick, saith Leland, more contractedly indeed, and also more corruptly. For Leland saith, Ortelius stiffly maintains, that York is called Uroricum, à Graecis & Latinis scriptoribus. For the Greek, truly I have little to say; as much as nothing, who I believe, scarce knew what Vicus was. For the Latin, he was good at it; hear him therefore, I pray, what he says himself in these writings of his, which now I have under my hand, l joan. Leland in Geneth. Edward●… primi. Sunt qui suspicentur, nec temere illud, flumen quod urbem alluit, Isurum olim dictum suisse ab Iside & Uro superius confluentibus. Ice Fluvius à Saxonibus Ouse, dictus. Argumento sunt Ouseforde, id est, Isidis vadum. Ousebourne, id est, Isidis aqua. Si haec conjectura valet, ut certe plurimum valere videtur; Isurovicum aptum, elegans, rotundum etiam urbi nomen erit. Isurovicum, says he, would be a fit, elegant, an trim name for the City. Camden does countenance this conceit of his, but with more judgement, and likelihood; he adds, That Eburacum, should fi●…fie, upon, or by the river Urus. So says he the Eburovices in France, were seated by the river Ewer; near unto m L'Evesche d'Eureux in Normandy. Eureux in Normandy. The Eburenes in the Low Countries near the river Ourt, in the Diocese of Luick; the French call it Liege. And Eblana in Ireland stands hard by the river Lefny. But here in deducing the name of Eburacum, if I would, I might wonder, why n Hect. Boethius Hist. Scotic. Hector r Boethius, the bold forging Scot, and from him, for I dare confidently say it, Floriano de Campo the Spaniard, bringing the brigants of Britain from the City Brigantia in Spain, by the way of the brigants of Ireland, of which in another place, why they did not likewise derive Eboracum from Ebora, a City also in Spain; and that they had three Cities there, whose names were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, one of which Ptolemy calls, o Lib. 1. qui apud Tacitum in Agr. vit. pro Silures, brigants substituit. Sed vide in hoc opere BRIGANT. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etiam Straboni 〈◊〉. dicta. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hermolaus Byzantius, the contractor of Stephanus Book, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is my witness. But perhaps they never did light upon this Work: for as Accursius used to say, Graecum est, non potest legi. The p Ael. Sp●…tian. in vitae Sever. Writer of Severus life, calls it Civitatem, by way of excellency, (so they use to speak) as appears in these words: Et in Civitatem veniens quum rem divinam vellet facere: But the most glorious name, if we may believe q Guil. Harrison. descrip. Britan. lib. 1. cap. 17. William Harrison, a very learned man of the former Age, was Altera Romae, another Rome. By which, says he, it was called, because of the beauty and fine building of the same. The conceit indeed may be liked, if we consider withal, that Britain was of old time commonly called Altar, and Alius orbis: and then shall Fboracum be its Rome. But what shall we say then of France? Must that be Alter orbis too, because we find, that Burdegala, or 〈◊〉, was honoured there with the same Title, or Appellation. You shall hear the Monk r Mattheus Westmonast. An. 〈◊〉. CCCV. of Westminster: 〈◊〉, dicta Altera Roma, Viri civitatis, diducto pulvere, 〈◊〉 scriptum. Dic tu qui transis, & portae limina tangis, Altera Roma vale, nomen geris Imperiale. Say whosoever shall to this City come, Thou bear'st th'imperial name, farewell old Rome. Scribebantur autem ibi hi versus ante mille annos. But these rimedoggrill verses, not Leonine, as I think they are usually called, confute the Monks count of time; for they want many ages of it. The same s Guil. Harrison descript. Britan. lib. 2. cap. 7. Harrison hath delivered, that it was named Victoria, of the Legion Victrix, that lay there some time. We want ancienter record and authority for it. And though Ptolemy hath an ancient City of the Britain's, of that name, * Ptol. Geogra. lib. 2. [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] yet it stands too too far Northerly, that we can by no means deem it to suit with Eboracum. Later ages, after the very declination of the Empire, by changing the termination of the name, as next before Isuri, Isurium, a thing indeed very usual, and therefore scarce worth observing, expressed it Eboraca, as Gregory the t Gregor. M. lib. 12. epist. 15. Great, or first Pope so named in his Epistles to the sanguinary Monk, Augustine of Canterbury. And from hence, I believe, saith our Giraldus Cambrensis, u Ciral. Cambrens. Dialog. de Menevens. Ecclesia, distinct. 2. Eboraca, quae nunc Eboracum dicitur, XII. Suffraganeos 〈◊〉, etc. And in his Words, not far before these; you have; Previn●…ia quarta Maxima, id est, Eboraca, ab Imperatore Maximio dicta: as if † Maximiano's fort, vel Maximo, sed potius a quantitate quod esset maxima. Maxima Caesariensis (so he means) one of the five portions, or Provinces into which Britain was divided by the Romans, containing all, they say, from Tine to Humber; were otherwise named EBORACA; which yet seemeth not to me. To have done; we find in a very ancient and credible Writer, Sextus Aurelius Victor, who hath succinctly written the lives of the Emperors, that Eboracum, which is known by all, to have been a Colony, was a Municipium too, or Free Town, which two have no coincidencie, or suitableness. It is in Severus life, where he speaks of his death, which all agree was at York; Neque multo post Britannia Municipio, cui Eboraci nomen, annis regni duo deviginti morbo extinctus est. A Municipium was, as x Agel. Noct. Aetic. lib. 16. cap. 13. Agellius, one of the ancients, teaches us, where the inhabitants lived, as so Rome, making use of their own Laws and Constitutions, capable only of honorary Title in the State of Rome, and thence called, Municipes, otherwise bound to no duties by any Law of the people of Rome. It differed from a Colony, saith all-knowing y Selden. in eximti poetae Poly. Cant. 16. Selden most of all, in that a Colony was a Progeny of the City, and this of such as were received into State-favour, and friendship by the Romans. But of a Municipium more fully, as in its more proper place: see VERULAMIUM, or, Caer Municip. by which name St. Alban was anciently known to the Britain's. And yet here too, let me tell you, that it was of old a thing frequent enough, that Colonies were changed into Municipia, and contrary. Camden out of A. Gel●…ius, instanced in the Case of Praevestint. And we may add the Puteoli very anciently z Vell. Patereul. Hist. Rom. lib. 1. cap. 15. a Colony, which not withstanding, in Cicero's days, was a Municipium, as appears out of his Oration; for M. Coelius. Afterwards it was made a Colony again by Augustus, a Frontin. lib. de Coloniis. as Frontinus witnesses. Though Tacitus relates that they obtained the privilege and name of a Colony from b Tacit. Annal. lib. 14. Nero. But that Eboracum was ever such a Colony, or turned into a Municipium, it is not this place of Aurelius Victor; nor these precedent places alleged, can induce me to be persuaded. Camden truly our learned Antiquary tells us; that this difference of names in the History of the Emperors, is not altogether so exactly observed, but that one and the same place may be found indifferently called both a Municipium. and a Colony; which if so, I judge it rather the Historians oscitancie, and supine negligence, than so in the very nature of the thing. But to expedite and clear the whole business: We are to know, that there were two sorts of Colonies; one civil, drawn out from among the gowned Citizens, as well as the miscellane sort of people. The other Military, taken out of Legions, and cohorts, when they were past service, and settled in towns, or elsewhere, for a reward of their blood spent for the Commonwealth. The former of these became many times Municipia or free Burroughs, but the later not so; it being thought derogatory, that such as had born arms, should admit of an inferior, and less glorious condition. Much less when a whole Legion had, by the Emperor's beneficence and large indulgence, sat down any where; as here at Eboracum. Yet they were called out upon any service, as exigency of affairs required, and after returned to their quarters again. As this Legion, after their assisting to raise the Wall, (which not long before his death, Severus reared from Sea to Sea, to divide the Provinciated part of the Island from the barbarous:) which we may very well conclude from an old Inscription digged up there by, LEG. VI VIC. P. F. F. that is, Pia felix fecit. Concerning the Wall, there is a place of Aelius Spartianus, an old Writer, in his life: Post Murum, aut Vallum missum in Britannia, quam ad proximam mansionem rediret, non solum victor, sed etiam in aeternum pace fundata. He says, that Severus, after his Wall drawn in manner aforesaid, (the place is no way questionable;) retired into the next mansion. That this proxima mansio was * Luguballa Itin. 11. Carliel, appears, in that it was at that time, not only the chiefest Mansion, and so continued quite along to be of a durable fate; but was also indeed, as near as any other to the Wall, even when in after ages they had placed frequent stations about it. Now, that the VI Legion attended him hither to Carliel, having dispatched the work they had been about, themselves have left a clear monument, and testimony, a Stone there inscribed thus, with very fair and large letters: LEG. VI VIC P. F. G. P. R. F. That they also departed thence with him to York, where not long after he died, is a probability, as good as certainty. Great was the trust which Severus reposed in them; great was the opinion he had of their valour and service in the affairs of the Island: no less, perhaps, then julius Coesars' of the X. Legion, a Caes. Com. de Bello Gal. lib. 1. which he brought thither along with him, and had made his Praetorian guard, because, Et indulserat praecipue, & propter virtutem confidebat maxim, as himself gives testimony of them in his own writings: but if you will hear him speak in Dio, b In Orat. ad legatos & Praefect. apud Dion. Hist. Rom. lib. 38. he makes his boasts of them, that if there were occasion, they would venture naked thorough the fire for his sake. This gallant Sixth Legion remained an Age or two, if not more, at York. This Inscription, as Camden hath transcribed it, witnessing its residence there, seems not to me to be of the earliest antiquity; that is, very suddenly after the Legions coming thither: M. VEREC. DIOGENES * Quatuor vir I 1111 I VIR COL. EBOR. * Ibid. mortuus. IDEMQ. MORT. † Civis. CIVES BITURIX. HAEC SIBI VIVUS FECIT. The faults of the Quadrator, or Stone-cutter, being mended, as you see, the meaning thereof is easily to be understood, and the state of the Colony learned; which, as all others, was a lesser model of the great City itself. Therefore, as at Rome they had their Quatuorviris c Barn. Brisson. Antiquit. lib. 4. cap. 12, for repairing their Highways; so also at York, till the declining of the Empire, the same Office was kept up here: he that waited upon it at this time, with his other three partners, was M. Verecundus Diogenes, a native of Berry in Guascoign; who, by wisely providing himself a Monument in his life-time, hath had the good hap, to outlive the memory of his fellows. Some fourscore years after the death of Severus, we meet with this Legion again in its own room in Britain, mentioned by Dion. Cassius the Consular Historian in his recension of the Legions of his time, showing what alteration had happened unto them since the age of Augustus. These his words: * Dion Cass. Hist. Rom. l. 55. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There are, says he, Two fixed Legione, of which one is placed in the Lower Britain, named one of the conquering ones; the other in judaea, called the Iron one: or Ferratensis, as it appears by a Column in Rome inscribed with the Legions names of the Empire. Guidus Pancirolus d Pancirol. Comment. in Notit. Occidentis, cap. 89. understands the business, as if the VI Leg. were divided into two parts, which argues the fullness and great reputation of it of old. As for the division of Britain here into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Higher and Lower Britain, it was done without doubt by Severus, after he had vanquished Albinus Caesar, and his party, who met to oppose him by Lions in Gallia. Herodian e Herodian. Histor. lib. 3. of Alexandria, in the History of the Caesars of his own times, is our Author for it, whose own words I willingly transcribe hither, that so the much famed Translation of Angel. Politianus may be noted: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Politian: Rebus igitur Britanniae ordinatis, cum totius insulae administrationem bifariam dispertisset. Did he mean, think you, by that totius, that the whole Island was under the power of the Romans? sure enough no. Or else that it should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or be redundant, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be understood in the Gospel f Mar. 15. 33. Matth. 27. 45. of Saint Mark, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Matthew, as the g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Greek Interpreters, and others of Homer, observes doth very often; and omnis in Latin. as in Hieroms Translation of a piece of Clemens Romanui●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hieron. Dominus Iesus Christus non venit in jacta●…ia superbiae, cum possit omnia, sed in humilitate. But let others look to it I would not willingly be laughed at for making good another's mistake, or oversight. Herodians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not also so well translated, by bifariam despertivit. Therefore h D. Hieron. ad cap. 42. Esa. Richard White our Countryman, and sometimes Professor of the Civil Law in Douai, will have it turned: Dispertivit in duo regimenta gentis illius potestatem. Which I translate, Presidentships, Praefefectos', saith he, Regimenta Reipublicae Arcadius Charisius titulo, i D. lib. 1 Tit. 11. De ●…fficio Praefecti Praetorii vocat. And hence perhaps we have the Original of our Regiments at this day: As Colonel from Colonia: Shall we therefore (and so set back the time, according to vulgar count, wherein Ptolemy wrote his Geography, where is mention of this Legion in Britain: for there is no exact proof that he published it under Antoninus Pius; though I forbear to define any thing peremptorily, till learned men have agreed, whether the same Ptolemy who is Author of the Almagest, and who indeed wrote k I'●…i constas ex eo Opere. it then, be also of the Geography; which I see for good reasons questioned:) Shall we, I say, then, to constitute this double President-ship, ordained by Severus, place one of them at York with the VI Legion Victrix in Lower Britain; and the other in the Higher Britain (as m Dio Hist. Rome lib 55. Dio also directly says) at l Vide Devam secundo Itinere. DEVA, or Chester, with the XX. Legio Victrix? Perhaps not amiss. But how long this bipartite, or joint power, continued, or whether it were not straightway dissolved by the arrival of Severus himself (it being not usual among them to dispose the main charge of their affairs in the Provinces into more hands than ones:) it will be worth our considering. After Clodius Albinus his revolt, and defeat, we meet not with any Propraetor, or Legate of Severus in Britain, save Virius Lupus, whom he appointed to that undertaking about the time that moving against Albinus, he took his eldest son Aurel. Antoninus to share in command, and Empire with him. This we learn from an old n Apud Camden. in Brigantibus. inscription, or two, digged up in the North, in which he is called Legatus o Severi se. & Antonini Caracalla Fab. est itaque ei fallit R. Vitus Histor. eorum pro Praetore: but p Ulpian. D. de vulgari substit. l. Moribus introductum est. Brit. lib. 5. not. 17. qui Lupum Antonini tantum Pr. Pr. (Vlpiani loco deceptas) soribit. Ulpian, the famous Civil Lawyer names him Praeses, or Precedent of Britain. Of any other I am quite ignorant. For whereas the learned Camden names with him Heraclianus (he is diversely written Heraclius and Heraclitus:) I am sorry to say he was very much deceived therein to make him a Legate in Britain, being led indeed thereto by a corrupted Copy of q Ael. Spartian. in vita Severi. Spartianus where he read, Severus Heraclitum ad obtinendam Britanniam misit. For Britaniam, you must by all means read Bithyniam: Casaubon offered very fair at this emendation, but Salmasius ventured upon it in good time. Neither can it be otherwise, will you say, if you heedfully read the same Author in Severus life, as also in the life of Pescennius Niger; in the first of which you have this, which confirms it: Bithyniam vero occupare non potuit Heraclius, Byzantium jam tenente Nigro. Besides Heraclius was sent to Bythinia before Severus had yet vanquished Niger, or thought of Albinus, who was Caesar, and governed Britain at this time; no suspicion yet appearing between them. Near upon CC years after the Consulship of the same Dion Cassius, if you will admit of Poetical Authority, and theirs that interpret Poets, you shall find this sixth Legion departing out of Britain to serve Fl. Stilicho in his War against Alarichus King of the Goths. It is the flourishing and neat Poet Claudian who saith so much, if his Expositor, one learned enough, Antonio Del Rio, be not too far out in his conjecture. The Poet of the two may best be excused, in whom you read: r Claudian. l. de bello Getico. Idem de Nupt. Pallad. & Celerina: quae Saxona frenat, vel Scotum legio. Nam mali in antiq. Par. edit. Colin. regio. Venit & extremis Legio praetenta Britannis, Quae Scoto dat fraena truci, ferroque notatas Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras. The Legion on the British Borders lay, Which curbed the valiant Scot, and did survey The steel-cut figures on the dying Pict. Upon which of his, the other hath these Words: Sexta videlicet Britannica, ex eventu, vi●…ricis nomen adepta. He is out truly by taking the Poet too much at his word. He should have done better to have remembered the great s julius Sealig. in Poetice. Cruiques' censure of him: Ignobiliori materia depressus, quod deerat de materia, addidit de ingenio. Which is true here. For this Legion is found in Britain afterward, some good many years; if that be true, which Alciat, Pancirolus, Camden, and others say, that the Notitia of both Empires was set out by Theodosius the younger, as most probable. For that War against the Goths was about the year CCCCIII. in the Consulships of Theodosius Junior Aug. and Fl. Rumoridus, before Theodosius was sole Emperor. The mention thereof you have thus in the Notitia of the West: Sub dispositione Viri spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum Praejectus Legionis Sextae. As there were under his disposing also, and command, XIII. more Praefecti, in convenient stations: besides XXIII. other Prefects, Tribunes of Cohorts, etc. per lineam Valli, along the * In Doomsday book: quem librum Clariss. Camdenus Censualem Angliae Librum eo tempore appellat. Asservatur hodieque in Kaccario. De eo vide quae praenotata Seldeno. Wall, which was raised to keep the barbarous off from the Britain's. Pancirolus to these last words [Praefectus Legionis Sextae] blunders foully, and dreams of some yet unknown place, called Sexta, setting it down so; and of a Legion that had lost its name. But at length he falls right upon the Legio VI. which, that it constantly resided at Eboracum, or York, somewhat above CCC years, I suppose is very sufficiently demonstrated, and made good. And now to tell you after all this, that, about the time of the Norman Conquest, this so ancient and magnificent a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Historiae Eadmeri Monachi Cantuariensis ejusdem seculi. City, and seat of the Roman Greatness in the Province, was called † Civitas Fborunt, will be as perhaps needless after the tediousness, so fruitless and long a discourse hath moved, so quite besides my institutum and purpose, who would said confine myself in this whole business within the limit of those ages wherein the Romans bore sway among us, and not lower. And yet there remaining still, within the limits of that time which I have prescribed to myself, some goodly memories of the glory and splendour of this so ancient a City, and to this day flourishing (which argues the strong and sound constitution thereof;) quite untouched some of them, others very slightly handled by such as have undertaken to set forth our affairs of old time, and to adorn them; I shall here gather and sum up to what is said what else I have met with, and conceive conducing to the lustre of the place; and that in the behalf of the Favourers and Admirers thereof; among whom I willingly profess myself for very good reasons, though not in this place to be mentioned, or thought of. It makes not the least for the fame and glory of it, that Septimius Severus the Emperor of Rome, and Master of the World; one deservedly equalled with the greatest Martialists of any age, not only had his Palace and residence for so many years, Palatium Ael. Spartian. but also here breathed his last. His Actions here, and manner of his death, we shall leave to History, and a greater Work. His dying speeches are memorable, and full of brave spirit. One in a Dio Hist. Rom. lib. 76. Dio argues his earnestness and dispatch of business: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Le's see, my Masters, what else have we to do? His last words related in Spartianus, contain excellent and wise counsel to his Sons: † Vide Dionem. Firmum imperium Antoninis meis relinquo, si boni eritis, imbecillum, si mali. Together with an exact survey of what he had done; so well becoming a man of so great performance: Turbatam Rempublicam ubique accepi; pacatam etiam Britannis relinquo. Neither may that in the same Author be omitted, which shows a gallant despiciency in him of all human affairs, how great and glorious soever they were which himself conceived thus in Greek: * I have been all; yet never the better for it. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For though an African born, he was an admirable Master in b Utroque nostro sermone. Claudius' Imp. apud. Sueson. cap. 42. both Languages of the Empire. When he saw there was no other way, but death, he called for the Urn, wherein he had appointed his ashes should be put, after the c The gathering his bones together. Ossilegium, and viewing it very heedfully: d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio. Thou shalt hold, said he, the man whom the whole World could not contain. It was of e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Idem. Porphyrite, or Red Marble Stone, saith Dio; of f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herod. Alabaster, as Herodian, of gold g Aliqui urnulam auream fuisse dicunt. Spartian. in vita. as others: but Dio, for good reasons, is to be thought in the right. Being at length dead (I will use the Poet's words, concerning Achil●…es, of Severus, who as far exceeded him, as true History doth Romance or Errantry;) h Ovid. Me●…. lib. 12. — De tam magno restat Achille Nescio quid, parvam quod vix bene compleat Urnam: At vivit totum quae gloria compleat Orbem. Hac illi mensura viro respondet— And of that great Achilles scarce remains So much, as now a little Urn contains. Yet still he lives; his glory lightens forth, And fills the world: this answers his full worth. His i Mora militari essertura militibus. Guil. Xyland. interpres ejus. body was carried forth in a military manner by the Soldiers, and so placed upon the fire: So the Latin of Dio, which though it may be so, yet Dio's own words mean somewhat more: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. id est, his body attired in the habit of a Soldier was laid on the Rogus, or Pile to burn him on; and honoured with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, decursion, or running round it, by his Sons and Soldiers. This custom is to be fetched down from the ages of the Heroes in a In inferiis Patrocli. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer, and from Virgil also in the Funeral rites of Pallas, and others, Aen. XI. Ter circum accensos, cincti sulgentibus armis, Decurrere rogos: ter maestum suneris ign●… Lustravere in equis— Thrice round about the burning Pyres they go, Girded in shining arms, thrice fires of woe, Mounted on mourning Horses, they surround. Concerning the place where the Bustum was, our learned Antiquary tells us out of Radulfus Niger, a writer of ours some ages ago, that by Ackham, not far off, west from the City, is a place called Sivers, from Severus; and that it was there, a huge heap of earth, yet to be seen, as he says, is a token to prove it so. And truly that doth not differ which you find in my Lord of Armaghs' Chronology, joined to his Primordia of the Britain Churches. Corpus ejus rogo est impositum, in loco qui ad hunc usque diem. Severs hill, sive Severi collis nomen retinet. Such kind of Monuments called tumuli, or cumuli, were with no small cost and pains, raised by the Romans to the memory of their dead, especially if they were of better note. We learn this expressly from a Seneca consola●…. ad Polybium cap. 37. v. illie Just. Lipsium. Seneca: Caetera quae per constructionem lapidu●…, & marmoreas moles, & terrenos tumulos, in magnam eductos alti●…udinem constant, non propagabunt longum diem: quip & ipsa intereunt. The former times have wondered at so great heaps, caussa parum gnara, saith a learned man, to be met withal every where almost, and yet were they ignorant, for what cause they were so cast up. In several places with us they are to be showed. I have seen a very notable one as you go to the Bath, in the Plains beyond Malborough. Barbarous Nations seem to have imitated the Romans herein, as they did the more ancient Greeks, among whom Camden in Belgis. you have Sarpedon King of Lycia buried 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. With Tomb and Pillar-stone, which are the dead man's meed. And these had it from the ancienter c Cen. 25 20 Jews. But return we to Severus. Among divers presages, or bodements of his death, taken notice of by the Historian Spartianus, this one may not go unremembered here, because from thence we are informed that Bellona, the famous Goddess of War, Sister or Wife to Mars, had a Temple then at York. His words are: Et in civitatem veniens, quumrem divinam vellet facere, primum ad Bellonae Templum ductus est errore aruspicis rustici, deinde hostiae furvae sunt applicitae. Quod cum esset aspernatus, atque ad Palatium se reciperet, negligentia ministrorum nigrae hostiae usque ad limen domus Palatinae Imperatorem sequulae sunt. It were to be wished that those two learned men, or at least one of them, whose lucubrations are extant upon Is. Casaubonus. Cl. Salmasius. these lesser Writers of the Augustian History (authors not every where so perspicious, and plain) had not passed over this place so in silence: then perhaps they had removed some difficulties therein, and cleared them, which have occasioned great suspense to the ordinary reader, such I mean as myself is. As first, (for I am not skilled in the a Ammian. Histor. lib. 17. vide Illic Fred. Lindenbrogium, & ja. Rutg. Variar. lect. lib. 3. cap. 16. ex Nigidio Figul●…. Tuscan Tages, his Ar●…spicina; what might be conceived of this aruspex rusticus, how he differed from those os the City. That he was a cogging cheating knave, as all the b Aruspex si aruspicem viderit, mirum est ni rideat. Proverb. apud. Catonem. rest of them were, is easy to guess; and enough like them we have in our days. How much their knowledge was, in what they professed, appears by a relation of c Dio Hist. Rom. lib. 42. Dio Cassius, telling how after some strange prodigies seen in Rome, the Aruspices, or Soothsayers, busying themselves, forsooth, in disposing what should be done to the Temples, to pluck down some, let others stand; among them that were suffered to remain, the * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Temple of Bellona was one, which straightway fallen down of itself, and they never the wiser; and for this they are noted by the wise Historian. I once thought, and perhaps was right, he might be one of the Ministers of Bellona, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by d Strab. Geo. lib. 12. Strabo, and by others serv●…; as in that place of e Minulius in Octavio. Minulius Felix. Bellona servum suum haustu ●…ruoris humans imbuit. As also that of Ael. Languidius in Commodo: Bellona servientes vere exsecare brachium pracepit, study crudelitatis. By which it appears sometimes they forbore this cruelty. These Hieroduli, or sacred Servitors of hers, called otherwise Bellonarii, were no where more famous, or frequent, than at Comana in Cappadocia, in the valleys of Antitaurus, where, as an Author as old as Caesar's time writes, f Hirtius sive quis alius auctor lib. De Bell. Alexandrino. was a most ancient, and most venerable Temple of the Goddess; and so much reverenced, that her chiefest Priest by the consent of the whole Nation, was accounted next to the King in Majesty, command and power: It was called also by the City's name Comana, according to Strabo: who says he found there, men and women, not less than DCM. who all professed themselves to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or divinely inspired by Bellona. Strabo says not here indeed, that any of them were dispersed about the Country, or so much as that in their mad frantic fits they rambled and raved out up and down their dreary predictions. Yet we must conceive it so: For that was most frequent and usual with them in their assumed distempers. Testimony enough there is of that: take one, or two, which come next to hand. The Heathen Poets: — g juvenal. satyra 4. Sed, ut fanaticus aestro Percussus, Bellona, tuo, divinat— — For he Divined, Bellona, as inspired by thee. After whom it is not to be thought that eloquent Christian Lactantius can belly them: h Lactant. lib. 1 cap. 21. Alia virtutis, quam eandem Bellonam vocant; in quibus ipsi sacerdotes non alieno, sed suo cruore sacrificant. Sectis namque humeris, & utraque manu districtos gladios exe●…entes currunt, * esse antur. esseruntur, insaniunt. But Tertullian is plain that the Bellonarii of Carthage (and sure they had all every where the same tricks and fegaries) had their place of recourse, or rendezvouz, when they acted their seeming ecstasies, which he calls Bellona montes; and not far from the City as it is very likely. i Tertullinn. lib. de Pallio. Cum ob diversam affectionem tenebricae vestis, & cetrici supra caput velleris in Bellonae montis fugantur. There are two French men, of as great name and credit in learning, as any whoever of the last or former ages, which notwithstanding about this place, and divers others as often as they can lay hold of occasion, sometimes in their own, sometime under forged names, they have wounded, worse than ever the Bellonarii did themselves. They are Dionysius Petavius, and Claudius Salmasius. The laters reading of it matters not here. Petavius defends the former in these words k D. Petau. Notis ad Orat. ●…v. juliani Caesaris. Erant haud procul Carthagine, quantum suspicari licet, montes ita nominati; forte quod Bellonae, ac Bellonariis sacrati, in quibus insanis illis cursitationibus operabantur. And backs it with the like place, wherein, says he, there is mention of one of those mountains, out of the l Habentur post Acta Collationis Carthaginae habitae inter Catholicos & Donatistas'. Acts of the Purgation of Caecilian and Felix, at Carthage: Victor respondit; Fugeram hanc tempestatem: & si mentior peream. Cum incursum pateremur repentinae persecutionis, sugimus in montem Bellonae. In a word, (for I perceive by this time the Reader is weary of me, as well as of these mad fellows:) as they were not unlike to the old Galli Sacerdotes of Cybele, or the Mother of the Gods; so do they much resemble our Toms of Bedlam; or among the Turks their Torlacchis, as they are described by the best writers: whose respect was such with all sorts, that one of them being admitted near the person of Bajazet II. he had almost slain him, but the blow failing his aim fell on his horse, and wounded it: for which the whole gang was suppressed for a time, but since have raised their head as much as ever. Marinus Barlerius in the life of Scanderbag, mistakes the Deroises, by far a more civil sect, for these ruffling frantics, and Assassins'. And now, if after all this, there be any Reader, that entertains not satisfaction concerning this Aruspex rusticus; let him then please himself, and follow his own fancy, by thinking, that this Temple of Bellona at York served for the same purpose as that at Rome did, namely to denounce war against the Enemies from a Pillar standing before it, which is reported by Sextus Pompeius: m Sex. Pomp. Festus de Verb. significat. ubi & Scaligerum consul. Bellona dicebatur dea bellorum ante cujus templum erat colum●…lla, quae bellica vocabatur, supra quam hastam jaciebant, cum bellum indicebatur. Although, that in Rome was put also to other uses; as for Ambassadors, from foreign Nations, whom they would not admit farther into the City, here they gave them hearing; likewise here they entertained their Generals returned from service abroad. And that Sylla here held a Senate, we learn from Seneca, whose words deserve transcribing: n Seneca De Clementia lib. 1. Cum Sylla in vicino ad aedem Bellonae sedens exaudisset conclamationem tot millium sub gladio gementium, exterrito Senatu; Hoc agamus, inquit; seditiosi pauculi jussu meo occiduntur. And then I must request such Readers to teach me, what is meant by a Country Wizards lighting upon the Emperor, being in a humour to sacrifice, as he entered into the City; how he came to lead him to Bellona's Temple, and what he was to do there; wherein did appear this Wizard's Error, or mistake, and lastly in what of all this consisted the presage of Severus death? If any one of them can give me content in all these, they shall find me a man who never will be unwilling to confess per quae profecerim; which every good man of duty is bound unto as he is ingenuo●…s. But if perhaps I was right, in what I thought before, then will I interpret that [errore] in the Historian, by fanatica excursiones, with Petavius: for what else doth it mean? And gratify the favourable and candid, with a corrected reading of the whole Pericope, or passage in him, thusz: ductus est errore aruspicis rustici. Deinde hostiae furvae sunt applicitae: Quod cum esset aspernatus. etc. putting a period, or full point after rustici. where was only a Comma. That which follows [Deinde hostiae] by any means beginning a new Presage. For what had Bellona to do with black Sacrifices, or indeed with any colour else? her Priests always sacrificing, as you have been taught in what goes before; non alieno, sed suo cruore? A new, as I said, and another distinct Presage it is, exhibiting black sacrifices, which ever were accounted unhappy, except offered to infernal Deities, and such as they were proper to: which the very boys of the Chapel know. Where this Temple of Bellona was sited at York, perhaps is utterly unknown at this day. That in o Vrbis regione XI. versus Portam Carmentalem. Publius' Victor. Rome where it stood, though I could tell you, yet it is nothing to our purpose. We will not therefore have any more to say to either of them. p Herod. hist. lib. 3. Herodian in his History writes, that Severus presently after his arrival here; himself with his eldest son Antoninus going forth to find out the Enemy, left his youngest son Geta in that part of the Island which was obedient to the Romans (he must needs mean YORK:) to administer civil affairs; appointing him for counsel and Guides the gravest of his Friends. More than three years after, he and his son Antoninus sat also at York about common business, and gave their judgement in ordinary cases, as in that of Caecilia about recovery of right of possession. Their Rescript, or Law, thereabout is still preserved in the CODE, to the great glory and renown of this City, and dated as you see from thence, with the names of the Consuls of that year: neither can I forbear to publish it here, as the gallantest monument of Antiquity which it hath. * Cod. lib. 3: ●…it. 32. De rei vindicatione. li. 1. Etiam per alienum servum, bona fide possessum, ex re ejus, qui eum possidet, vel ex operis servi acquiri dominium vel obligationem placuit. Quare si tu quoque bona fide possedisti eundum servum & ex nummis tuis mancipia eo tempore comparvit, potes secundum juris formam uti defensionibus tuis. Mancipium autem alienum mala fide possidenti nil potest acquirere, sed qui tenet, non tantum ipsum, sed etiam operas ejus, nec non ancillarum partus & animalium foetus reddere cogitur. PP. III. Non. Maii Eboraci. Faustino & Rufo Coss. That is, It seems just that a man may have right of Lordship and propriety in a foreign slave (possessed (bona fide) as of his own proper goods,) and also of his services. So that if thou hadst possession of the said Servant; and he, with thy money, in the time of his servitude, purchased any estate, thou mayest be relieved by the Law. But he that possesses a strange servant unlawfully, can have no remedy, but shall be forced not only to restore him, but also his services, and all the increase both of the women and cattle. What the learned a Io. Selden Analect. Angl. Brit. lib. 1. cap. 7. Cujacius of Great Britain hath noted to this Law, I had rather you should have from his own hand, than mine. This was the very year, wherein Severus built his Wall, which Spartianus calls maximum ejus imperii decus, The greatest renown, and ornament of his Empire: for which, he also says, he was surnamed b Vnde etiam Britannici nomen recepit. Spartian. BRITANNICUS; and not so only, but c Barthol. Marlian. Vrb. Rom. Topograph. lib. 4. cap. 5. Alex. Donatus Roma V●…. lib. 2. cap. 15. MAXIMUS BRITANNICUS too, as some old Stones do yet witness. Of this Wall I have said something already: to the next journey I have much more to say. But in my judgement the greatest ornament, not only of Eboracum, but of Great Britain also in those times, was Aemilius paulus Papinianus. d Step. Forcatulus de Gallorum Philosoph. & Imperio l. 6. Forcatulus, a French Antiquary, and not indiligent, affirms that the Praetorium, or Tribunal at York, was very happy in that it heard Papinian, the Oracle of Right and Law. So Camden out of him: for his own book is not now at hand. What special Authority therefore Forcatulus had for this, I cannot sufficiently tell. But confidently I believe, that here he was, and one of those grave Friends of Severus, whom Herodian told even now, he joined to his son Geta, for assistance in Civil matters. That Forcatulus was in the right herein, that also doth prove, that Severus on his death Bed left Papinian a kind of Guardian to both his Sons. Now it is not to be thought, that so wise a Prince would bequeath them to the care of an absent Tutor, who could not receive instructions and directions what to do from his own mouth. But e Dio Cass. Hist. Rom. l. 76. Dio puts all out of doubt, where he relates an undutiful and unnatural attempt of Antoninus upon his Father's life: It is fit I set it down, as he tells it. Antoninus riding along with his Father, the Army also following, in sight of the Enemy checked his horse backward, and saying nothing, with a slight, drew his sword, aiming at his Father's back: they seeing, that were in company, suddenly cried out; at which Antoninus affrighted, held his hand. Severus, turning about at the cry, saw his Sword. But making no words of it, from thence he repaired to the Tribunal; where dispatching some necessary business, he retired to his Pavilion. Then calling for his Son, Papinian, and * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dio lib. 76. Castor; he commanded a sword to be placed before him: Here he chides him; first, because he had formerly made the like attempt: next, that he durst assay so heinous a fact, his friends, as well as Enemies, looking on. Lastly, says he, if thou desirest to have me slain: here do it, for thou art of strength to do it; I being both old and a decrepit man, do besides lie here fair for thee. But if thou refusest it, or art afraid of it; here is Papinian f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dioni. consta●…. prafectorem pratorio gessisse. Victor de 〈◊〉. the Praefectus Praetorio, whom thou mayest command to s●…e it done. For being Emperor, he will not disobey you. You may read the rest in Dio. There is another relation in S. Aurelius Victor de Caesaribus (him that Andreas Schottus published; not the Epitome of the Caesars, formerly set forth under the same name) which because it is different from others, take here; yet for which without doubt he had his Authors, as himself tells: g Victor in Severo. Quae victoria (he means the the Assassination upon the person of Geta, by his brother:) Papiniani exitio soedior facta, ut sane putant memoriae curiosi: quip quem ferunt illo tempore h Antonini. Bassiani scrinia curavisse, moni●…umque, uti mos est, destinando Romam quam celerrime compon●…ret, dolore Getae dixisse: HAUDQUAQUAM PARI FACILITATE VELARI PARRICIDIUM, QUAFIERET. Idcirco morte affectum. By which words they out of whom Victor took them, seem to have believed, that not only the murder committed upon Geta, (it is likely, by this, at York:) but that brave saying also uttered by Papinian, were both before their return to Rome. Those words show it [destinanda Romam] says learned I●…. Casaubon, and maintains that reading good. And yet the same Victor writes out of others, confestim s●…cessere; they departed hence straightway. There is such a passage also in Spartianus life of Geta, which says as much as Victor doth in effect, that Geta was slain after his Father's death, before their return to Rome: [Geta prius rebus humanis exemplus est, quam cum sratre tenerti imperium.] Yet their Father left them joint Partners of the Empire, as we see by the History of his death: * Sparta. in Severo Filios duos, Successores reliquit. Eutrop. Hist Ro. lib. 8. Antoninis meis sirmum imperium relinquo, etc. Neither seem those disorders, which the same Writer says hindered Antoninus' departure out of the Island, to proceed from any thing more than Geta's murder. Denique nisi querelis de Geta editis, & animis militum delinitis enormib. etiam stipendiis datis, Romam Bussianus redire non potuit. Which makes the same learned man judge, that Spartianus was not the Author of both the Brother's Lives; the contrary being related in Antoninus' life out of Herodian and Dio as it is to be guessed. This observe, that not Victor only, but those other Writers also of the Augustean Story, huddle together what ever they meet with in former Authors, though never so contrary one to another; never endeavouring reconciliation; which will appear in other business, besides this. Victor then, and Spartianus, had the same Authors, though but obscure ones. Whereas Salmasius endeavours to compose the difference between the Writers of these two Brothers lives, telling us, that of the two Sons of Severus, one was made Emperor by his Father, the other Oeta saluted so by the Army, and that Geta was judged as an enemy, me thinks he says nothing: For how can I think that he who more than once assayed to deprive his own Father of life (I say nothing of his Brother, it is so well known) and that too in the presence of his victorious Army, could spare his Brother but for an hour, especially having brought the Army so much to his side, that they published Geta, both his, and the State's Enemy. However Herodian, saith Salmasius, a writer of those very times, and Dio Cassius twice Consul of Rome, both Grecians, say Geta was killed at Rome in the Palace, and almost in the bosom of his Mother. Were it not for other and more weighty circumstances in the whole narration, considering withal Antoninus his violent temper, I could easily be inclined to favour this suspicion of Geta and Papinianus being put to death at York. For there also was a Palatium, or domus Palatina: and their mother julia was there in Britain at the same time. Out of a Herodian. Hist. lib. 3. fin. Herodian this is not obscurely to be gathered, but b Dio Hist. lib. 76. Dio witnesses it with a pretty passage, which he tells happened between her, and a high spirited British Lady, the wife of Argencecoxus. But here we will omit farther disquisition, though it be not impertinent at all to this place. The fame, and known wisdom of Papinian, wherever dead, procured so high Eulogies to his Name, that nothing can be conceived above them. c Zosim. Hist lib. 1. Zosimus says he was a most just man, and one that excelled all Roman Lawyers both before his time, and ever since, as well in the right interpretation, as knowledge of the Laws. But d Spartian. in Caracalla. Spartian calls him the Asylum, or Sanctuary of Right, and the very Magazine of Law-learning Now concerning the cause of his death, and the manner thereof, Authors do somewhat differ. e Zos. uti so. pra. Zosimus tells us, that when he was Captain of the Guard, (if at least we do well in rendering Praefectus Praetorio in those words) he was held in great suspicion by Antoninus, for no other cause, but for that he, observing him to bear a deadly disaffection toward his Brother Geta, did what he could to hinder his designs, and preserve Geta. Therefore that Antoninus to remove this block out of his way, by the Soldiers plotted Papinians death; and so having gained opportunity slew also his Brother. Spartian writeth he was beheaded with an Axe in Antoninus' sight, because he would not excuse Geta's death: by which relation, his murder should seem to precede Papinians; contrary to what Zosimus delivers. f Dio lib. 77. Dio tells us that Antoninus was much offended with the Soldier who put Papinian to death with the Axe, being ordered to do it with the Sword. In old time Malesactors were beheaded with the Axe; afterwards with the Sword. This punishment seemed the lighter, and more honourable. Hear Boethius: Papintanum diu inter Aulicos patentem militum gladiis Antoninus objecit, He exposed Papinian to the Swords of the Soldiers. For SEVERUS times, thus much of EBORACUM. Which whether it became polluted with the blood of this brave and innocent man, and a great part of that Sacred JUSTICE which yet remained upon earth in his days; or else Rome, hath not now, as you see, been first of all brought in question. But for us, let Rome, as it had rather, take all the glory thereof to itself; and for joy it quits us of such bloody deeds, I leave those infected times, if first you will give me leave a little to parodize: g Ex Ovidio M●…am. lib. 10. Gratulor extremo, nostro jam gratulor orbi; Gratulor hinc terrae, quod abest regionibus illis, Quae tantum fecere nefas— I joy for you Ismarians; for this Clime; This World of ours; so distant from that Earth, That gave to such a cursed Monster birth. AFTER SEVERUS, for the space of about one hundred years, there is no mention in ancient memories made of EBORACUM; only as I showed, in this mean while the VI Legion still continued their old abode there. ●…l. Val. Constantius, surnamed Chlorus, whose residence was more h Zosim. Hist. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. constantly in Britain, made it again an Imperial Seat, having i Liberavit ille ●…nias servi●…e. Panegyr. cujus Princip. Dixemus lice●…. Et alibi Paneg. cujus Pr. Vnde mihi Recuperavit ille Britanniam. recovered Britain from servitude to liberty; having been first long usurped by the thirty Tyrants, (whence the famous k Apud D. Hieron. ad C●…siphont. adversus Pelagium, ex quo etiam sumpsit Gildas noster. Vide Luc. Holsten. Desert. de scriptis Porphyrii pag. 15. 16. Porphyry called it, fertilem provinciam tyrannorum:) after by Carausius and alectus; the later of whom he vanquished, sending before him Asclepiodotus, who had the command of the Guard, or Praetorian Soldiers, with part of the Navy and Legions. Concerning their Passage hither, who pleases may read the nameless * Cu●…s Pr. Si mihi Caesar. Panegyric made to him, being the tenth amongst them, by Liveneius reckoning. He was where ere he came a great Favourer of Christianity, and those that professed it. Therefore the Scottish l Both. Scot Hist. lib 16. Historians censure of him is very unchristian, and argues their ignorance or malignity, or both; who asperse him in this respect, and would make us think he persecuted them of Our Religion: Contrary to the general testimonies of Christians themselves, who lived either in his own time, or at least in the ages next to him. For his Actions in the Province, as also for the time for which he was Augustus, or Emperor (about which there is no light mistake even among the learned) * Interim ●…u, Lector, adi V. Clariss. Stephan. Claverium ad Claudianis 2. in Eutropium; nec. non Coronidem ejus Miscellan. ad eundem, initio. I will refer you to a work, and place, more proper for them. Only till then take what follows out of the Panegyrist concerning his expedition into Britain: Dies me ante deficiet quave oratio; si omnia patris tui facta vel hac brevitate percurram. That is, If I should but thus concisely mention all thy father's Gests, the day would sooner come to an end than my oration. (They make Eumenius an Orator of Augustodium or Flavia in France, to speak this to Constantine the Great, the Son of this Constantius, of whom here we treat) Cujus & jam suprema illa expeditio non Britannica tropaea (ut vulgo * creditum. certum est) expetivit, sed, Diisjam vocantibus, ad intimum terrarum limen a●…cessit: neque enim ille tot tantisque rebus gef●…is, non dico Caledonum, aliorumque Pictorum silvas & paludes, sed nec Hiberniam proximam, nec Thulen ultimam, nec ips●…s (siqua sunt) Fortunatorum insulas dignabatur acquirere; sed (quod eloqui nemini voluit) iturus ad Deos genitore●… illum Deorum, ignea coeli astra refoventem, prospexit Oceanum, ut fruiturus exinde luce perpetua, jam videret illic diem poene continuum. Vere enim profecto illi Superum Templa patuerunt, receptusque est consessu Caelitum, jove ipso dexteram porrigente. That is, And now whose last expedition was not to the British Tropaea's (as it goes current commonly) but by the call of the Gods he came to the innermost Port of the Countries; for he, having performed so many Acts, neither deigned (I do not say the Chaledonian and ●…icton Woods and Moors, but not) so much as to attempt Ireland that lay next, nor Thule the furthest, nor those (if there be any such) fortunate Islands; But (which he would tell no body) being on his journey to the Gods, saw that Father of the Gods Oceanus recruiting the fiery Stars of heaven, as being about to enjoy continual light; and now he observed that it was almost perpetually day there. For indeed to him did the Temples of the Gods truly lie open, and he was received by the consent of all the heavenly inhabitants, jupiter himself giving him his right hand. In this place, and elsewhere too, surely he speaks of the Apotheosis of Constantius celebrated in Britain; which the coins also do witness, saith our diligent and learned Antiquary. Whether that which follows be any of the fashion he had, I cannot certainly affirm. It was digged up lately within a mile of Kingston upon Thames, at the end of Comblane in a gravel-pit. The U●… in which it was, contianed more of his, as also of Dioclesian, the Maximiani, Constantinus Caesar, who afterward was called the Great, Maximinus, etc. It seems by this, that on Comb-Downes, or Hill, was a Camp, or station of Roman Soldiers; and of such especially, as I may well conjecture, who following Asclepiodotus from * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Portus Magnus▪ P●…ol. See the forecited Panegyric where it speaks of the Island Vesta, and so forwards. Portsmouth up toward London, might sit down here, and continue still till after Const●…ntius days, to keep all here away quiet. But see the Coin, stamped, as appears at London. DIVO CONSTANTIO PIO obverse side of a coin MEMORIA FELIX MISTOOK reverse side of a coin I have since light upon another coin of his, with the very same inscription in the periphery, or compass of it: but the letters, in the bottom of that Tabulatum, or structure (which also itself somewhat differs from this:) you have somewhat changed: C. for N. so that you are to read, Pecunia Londinii cusa, for Notata: as I think it is here. Let the studious youth take the pains to compare these with the Apotheosis of Severus at Rome, described by a Herodian. H●…st. lib. 4. Herodian, according to the fashion of those days Some difference will be found: as his having but one Eagle, and that to convey the Soul upward, in the top of the † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herod. Structure; which he compares to a Light-house, commonly a Pharos: In these you have on each side one. Other differences are not material. I am confident there may be more remains * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ●…idem. of Antiquity found hereabout: it would be perhaps not unworthy the pains and cost. The noble * Daniel Harvey Esq of Comb-Nevil, near Kingston. Gentleman, whose the place is, might be by his acquaintance easily persuaded to a farther search; being one (public fame reports it:) that doth nothing unwillingly for the common Good; which he lately let the world know in that Honourable and free service, which with so much gallantry he sustained for his Country. Rome in the height of its greatness had not a more glorious and gallant show to exhibit, than what this poor piece of Copper would express. But before I mention Constantius his Deification, I should have acquainted you with the place of his death which was Eboracum. Not only b Hieronym. in Chronico. Europe. Hist. Rom. lib. 10. St. Hieron, but Eutropius also, an Heathen Roman Historian, affirmeth it: Obiit in Britannia E●…oraci, principatus anno tertio decimo, atque inter di●…os relatus est. If therefore he died at York, most certainly there also was his body solemnly burnt. And if so; how comes it to pass, that so many ages after we find his body again in Wales, and so far remote too? The good Monk of Westminister is Author for it, where he Chronicles matters of Edward 1. times: c Matth West. qui & Florilegus add an. 1283. Apud Caernarvan * Vide SEGONTIUM I●…in. 12. prope Snoudunam, corpus maximi Principis, Patris Imperatoris nobilis Constantini, erat inventum, & rege jubente in Ecclesia honorifice collocatum. But the credulous Monk was abused: as we should be also, if we gave credit to one far ancienter than he, Nin●…ius the old British Historian, who relates that this man's Grandchild, Constantius the Son of Constantinus, had his Sepulchre near Caernarvan; as saith he, letters inscribed upon his Tombstone there do witness: When as we know, by unquestionable circumstance; as well as authority, that he breathed his last in Cilicia, at Mopsocrenae, or * A Mopso Hero 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicta. Mopsuestia, of a fever in his expedition d Amm. Marcellin. Hist. li. 21. against julian his Kinsman, who in Gaul had taken upon him the Name and Title of Augustus. That which our learned Antiquary saith, he was told by very credible men of this City, carrieth greater show of probability; That when in the age before this, the Religious houses there were dissolved and ruined in a kind of grot, or vault, where constant fame reported the Relics of Constantius were laid, a burning Lamp was found. And withal he adds, that the Ancients used to preserve in the Sepulchers, especially of greater persons, by artificial dissolving of Gold into a fatty substance; fire still continuing for many ages: And for this he bringeth the testimony of Wolfagius Lazius. Div●…s other writers might have been consulted about this custom; I will only name two for the Readers satisfaction; Bernardus Scardeonius, a diligent Italian Antiquary, and Fortunius Licetus, an excellent Philosopher of Milan. The death of Constantius happened about the year CCCVI when as at York also his eldest Son Constantinus of British extraction by Helen his first Wife, much opposing and gainsaying it, had the Imperial Robe put upon him by the Army, which at length he could not but accept of. He that especially urged him to it was e Vict orin. in Epi●…om. Caesar. Erocus King of the Alma●…es, and auxiliary to his Father in Britain. Hear the f Panegyric●… hujus, cujus Pr. Facerem. Eumenium auctorem volunt. Panegyrist speaking to him; Imperator transitum facturus in coe●…um, videt quem relinquebat haeredem: illico enim atque ille terris fuerat, exemptus, universus in te consedit exercitus; te omnium mentes oculique signarunt: & quanquam tu ad Seniores principes de summa reipub. quid fieri placeret retulisses, praevenerunt tamen study, quod illi mox judicio probaverunt. Purpuram statim tibi, quum primus copiam tui fecit egressus, milites, utilitate publicae magis quam tuis affectibus servi●…ntes, injecere lacrymanti; neque enim fas erat diutius s●…eri principem consecratum. Diceris etiam, Imp. invicte, ardorem illum te deposcentis exercitus fugere conatus equum calcaribus incitasse: quod quidem (ut verum audias) adolescentiae errore fac●…ebas: Quis enim te Cylla●…us, aut Arion, posset eripere, quem sequebatur imperium? Illa, inquam, illa majestas, quae jovis subjecta nutu nec Iridi Deum nuntiae, sed prius commissa victoriae, tam facile te comitata est, quam cito ad terras coelo missa 〈◊〉. Sic, modestiam tuam atque pietatem, & differendi imperii co●…atus ostendit, & reip. felicitas vicit. O fortunata, & nunc omnibus beatior terris Britannia, quae Constantinum Caesarem prima vidisti. That is, When the Emperor was about to pass from earth to heaven, he saw whom he left his heir; for presently upon his being taken from the Earth, the whole Army pitched upon thee, the eyes and hearts of all designed thee for the place: and although thou repairedst to the Signior Princes for the ordering (as they pleased) the chief dignity of the Commonwealth; yet they came prae-resolved, by study, of what they soon acted in the Counsel. Presently when thy first going out made plenty, the Soldiers, serving the Commonwealth more than thy fancy, cast the purple upon thee, whilst weeping: nor was it meet that a consecrated Prince should be any longer bewailed. And they say also, O unconquered Emperor, that thou didst spur thy horse to have avoided the importunity of the Army, when they moved for thee, which (to tell you truly) was done but weakly, and as a youth. For what Cyllarus or Arion could deprive him whom the Empire followed? That, I say that, Majesty which is subject to the nod of Jove was not committed to Iris the Messenger of the Gods, but first to Victoria, so easily did she accompany thee, as soon as things sent from Heaven come to Earth. So did th●… endeavour of avoiding that dignity show, and the felicity of the Commonwealth overcome thy modesty. O Fortunate, and now of all Nations most happy Britain, who first sawst Constantine Emperor. These last words our Britain's produce, to assert the birth place of Constantine, neither without great probability; notwithstanding that a Io. Li●…in. in Panegyr. 5. Joannes Livineius doth urge this additament [Caesaris] against them: b D. Armachan. de Primord. Eccles. Britan. cap. 8. quod illum ipsum premit maxim, saith my most learned Lord of Armagh. For although Constantine were declared Imperator in Britain, both † julian. Caesar. Orat. 1. ad Constantium. F. by his Father, and the British Army; yet not Britain but Gallia saw him first CAESAR: which Liveneius his c Iust. Lipsius not. in Admire. lib. 4. cap. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proves at large. Somewhat before, he makes his addresses to him in these Words: Sacrum istud Palatium, non candidatus Imperii, sed designatus intrasti; confestimque te illi paterni Lares successorem videre legitimum. Neque enim erat dubium quin ei competeret haereditas, quem primum Imperatori filium fata tribuissent. Te enim tantum ille, & Imperator in terris, & in coelo Deus, in primo aetatis suae flore generavit, toto adhuc corpore vigens, illa praeditus alacritate ac fortitudine, quam bell●… plurima, praecipue campi Vindonis idonei testes declararunt. Ind est quod tanta ex illo in te formae similitudo transivit, ut signate Natura vultibus tuis impressa videatur. Thou enterdst that sacred Palace not dignified with, but designed to the Empire: And thy Fathers Lar presently saw thee to be his right and lawful Successor. Nor was it any doubt but the Inheritance should belong to him whose fortune it was to be first Son to the Emperor. For he, that Emperor, on earth, and God in the heavens, begot thee in the very flower of his youth, whilst his whole body was vividand strong, endued with alacrity and fortitude, which many wars, especially that of the Vindonian Camp, have fitly testified. Hence it is that thou retainest so perfect a similitude of him, that thy original is even plainly stamped in thy face. It hath been the strange fate of two Roman Emperors, the one as bad as the very worst, (I except not Nero:) the other to be ranked with the best, That their birth-places are exceeding questionable; not yet quite cleared by the diligent enquiry and search into ancient Memories by learned men. They are Caius Caligula, and this Constantine, called the Great. Of the former see Justus Lipsius to the famous Annals. The long entertained belief of this others Britain-birth and original, was first of all made doubtful, and impugned too by the same g Lips. ubi Supra. Lipsius, and such as follow him, h Livin. in Panegyr. 5. Joannes Livineius, i Claver. ad lib. 2. Claudianis in Eutropium, & in Coronid. Miscell. ad Claudian. cap. 2. & 3. Stephanus Claverius, Dionysius Petavius, with some others. But the authorities of those they make use of among the ancients, being Petau. ad jul. Caes. Orat. 1. Writers, either foully corrupted, as Julius Firmicus, which appears plainly by the old MSS. or of little or no credit for their standing, l Such as are Georgius Cedrenus, Nicephorus, Callistus, and the like obseure and later Grecians. are so answered, weakened, and disproved: and the testimonies of old Panegyrists of the same age with him and others, so cleared in that rich a D. Armach. De Pri●…ord. Eccles. Brit. cap. 8. & Epist. illic V. S. Guil. Camd. Storehouse of Universal knowledge, profane as well as sacred, that there is nothing left, either for another to reply, or for me to add thereto. To him therefore I refer you; and if you please, also to b Io. Selden. ad Iust. I 〈…〉 psium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Illust. ad Mich. Draitoni, insignis Poetae, Polyolb●…on Cant. 8. him, than whom no man ever knew ancient things better, whether domestic, or foreign. Yet before I have done, let me acquaint you, that such Strangers, as from best & most remote authority (for what are a brace of your Graeculi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Chroniclers but of yesterday?) besides undeniable Circumstance, do assert Constantine's birth to be from Britain, make also the time thereof to be about the latter end of Aurelian's Empire. The whole number of the years of Constantine's life, assigned by the Writers of that age, must needs make this good. And the British History is so far to be mended, as that it become suitable to this Account. I would commend but two especially to you hereabout; The most Eminent Cardinal c Baron. An. Tom. 3. ad An. 306. sect. 16. Baronius, to whom it is worth your while to have recourse. The other is Abraham Bucholtzerus in his Chronology; by which, saith the great * Anno 1584. Thuanus, he gained great glory; and his words are these to the CCLXXII. year of Christ: Constantinus Magnus hoc anno in Britannia natus, patre Constantio, & matre Helena. No man hath need to doubt, that at this time Constantius, who was most an end or always in e Ex Zosimo lib. 6. vide Suidam in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & Zonar. Britain, as you have heard, was employed here also under f Adi joseph. Sca●…igerum ad Euseb. an. 273. Aurelian. His nobility, and near alliance with Claudius, formerly Emperor, not to speak of his prowess, and graceful personage, d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eurip. apud Porphy. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. becoming a Commander, argues how fit he was to bear rule in so turbulent a Province: And it is not to be thought that Aurelian, who restored every where the limits of the Empire, East and West too; (For he was Restitutor Galiiarum, saith Vopiscus: Atque pacatis Galliis undique terris terrorem injecit; like another Alexander the Great, or Julius Caesar, saith e In Epitome Caesarum. Victorinus:) it is not to be thought, I say, he would neglect so considerable a Province, as Britain was. But that also he sent aides at the same time hither, witness the Mauri Aureliani; so called from him, saith f Guid. Paucirol. Comment. ad Notitiam Occidentis cap. 89. Paucirolus lying far beyond York at Appleby in Westmoreland. But that his birth was at York, directly and not any place elsewhere, though we have no express proof that I know of, I mean among the Ancients; yet that authority seems to be drawn from them, which the Ambassadors of England made use of; and that in the hearing of the learned World then, both at the Council of Constance, in the year MCCCCXIIII. as also that at Basil MCCCCXXXI. At the Council of Constance, there being a Contest about precedency between the French and English Ambassadors, the English hath these words: Domus regalis Angliae sanctam Helenam, cum suo filio Constantino Magno Imperatore nato in urbe regia, Eboracensi, educere comperta est. The Royal house of England, it is known for certain, brought forth Helena, with her Son Constantine the Great, Emperor, born in the Royal City Eboracum. The English at Basil opposing the precedency of Castille, say thus: Constantinum illum magnum (qui primus Imperator Christianus (so are their words) licentiam dedit per universum orbem Ecclesias constituere; immensa ad hoc conferens bona▪) Peternnae natum in Eboracensi civitate. That Constantine (who being the first Christian Emperor, gave leave to build Churches through the world:) was born at Peterne in the City York. By this they mean Bedern a College of Vicars there, sometime serving the Choir; which, as also Christ-Church (called in ancient Charters, Ecclesia Sanctae Trinitatis in Curia Regis:) is varily thought to have been part of the Imperial Palace in old time. After all this, the ingenuous Reader, and not captious, may easily yield way to the formerly alleged weighty testimonies (in the Panegyrics spoken to himself) for Constantine's being born here; and among them give room likewise to these two: The first is, g Panegyric. cujus Pr. Dixerint licet. Liberavit ille Britannias servitute: tu etiam nobiles illic oriendo fecisti. (i. e.) He freed the Britain's from servitude, and thou hast ennobled them by thy birth amongst them: Which our men do as well apply, by Petavius leave, to his birth here, as he doth to his first being made Emperor in Britain. The other this: h Panegyr. cujus Pr. ●…acerem. Dii boni, quid hoc est, quod semper ex aliquo supremo fine mundi nova Deum numina universo orbi colenda descendunt? Sic Mercurius à Nilo, cujus fluminis origo nescitur, sic Liber ab Indis prope consciis solis orient●…s, deos se gentibus ostendere praesentes. Sacratiora sunt profecto mediterraneis loca vicina coelo, & inde proprius a Diis mittitur Imperator, ubi terra finitur. (i. e.) Good gods, how comes it to pass, that always new Deities do come from some utmost part of the World to be worshipped by all? So Mercurius from Nilus, the head of which River is unknown; So Bacchus came from India a place near neighbouring with the rising Sun, and showed themselves to be Gods whilst conversant with the Nations. Certainly those places being nearer the heavens are more sacred than our inland Countries, and from thence, it being the Lands end, and so nearer the Gods, our Emperor was sent unto us. And now, when I shall have spoken a few words concerning the Ecclesiastical glory of Eboracum, as I have already many, tending to the Civil and Military renown thereof, I will have quite done with it. That it was adorned with an Episcopal Seat by Constantius, whom we formerly mentioned, our learned Antiquary tells us ex patriis scriptoribus, as himself gives in his witnesses: quorum nullum adhuc mihi vid●… contigit, saith my Lord of Ar●…agh. But how then could i Anonym. qui de Archiep. Ebor. scripsit Anno 1460. Faganus (the Companion of Duvianus:) sent hither by PP. Eleutherus to King Lucius, to plant Christian Religion, be the first Archbishop thereof, which yet is related? Or how then could King Lucius place here one k Harris. Descrip. Bri●…. lib. 1. cap. 7. Theodosius; which yet William Harrison affirms? or lastly, how could Samson under the same King be Bishop of York, as, it appears by Godwin, some have written? The first beginnings of all things are full of obscurity, and uncertainty. In all these Narrations there is no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nothing to persuade a credit of any of them. For that of the last, Godwin himself holds it suspected, because at the first entertainment of Christianity among us, nor Hebrew, nor Greek names of the New Testament were so rise among the Britain's. Again, this Samson is more generally reserved to some ages after till King Arthur's time. As for the testimony concerning Theodosius, and the other, is so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, without Author or Abettor of sufficient age, that it will be cast forth and rejected. Besides, though we by no means reject the story of King Lucius, and know, that here the Romans did permit, and had, reges, instrumenta servitutis, as l Tacit. in vita Agricolae. Tacitus speaks, Kings in Britain, as instruments to keep the people slaves, and themselves no better; as Cogidunus, Venutius, Prosutagus, etc. Yet, though Lucius were such a one, (for we want sufficient authority for it) we may not reasonably think, that either his Territories, or jurisdiction was so large, as in the presence of the Romans he might constitute Bishops, and Episcopal Seas; especially at York, the Imperial City then of Britain. And therefore there are, who referring the History of Lucius almost to Severus time, do leave him no place in Britain, except the more Northern parts beyond Antoninus Pius his Wall, which he made of Turf to sever, and shut out the barbarous and unreduced Britain's from the Province: induced perhaps thereto, by the authority of Tertullian, who indeed wrote under Severus and in whom you have these words: m Tertul. lib. ad versus judaeos cap. 7. Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca Christo subdita. Places in Britain not to be come at by the Romans yet made subject to Christ. And for Constantius Chlorus to do any such thing, seems to me very improbable, as who died a Heathen, as you have heard formerly; albeit it is very certain he favoured the Christians, and suffered no rigour to be used toward them. We must then seek for the first Bishop of York but not till Constantine's days; and we shall find him at Arles in the Counsel there held about the year CCCXIV. whither as himself writes in his Epistle to * Apud. Euseb. lib. 10. Hist. Ec. cap. 5. Chrestus Bishop of Syracuse, he summoned, to hear the Cause of the Donatists, many Bishops from divers, almost infinite places. In the last Edition of this Council published by Jacobus Sirmondus at n Pag. 9 Paris, among other Subscriptions thereunto, you have these out of Britain. Eborius Episcopus, de civitate Eboracensi, provincia Britannia. Restitutus Episcopus, de civitate Londinensi, provincia superscripta. Adelfius Episcopus, de civitate Colonia Londinensium, exinde Sacerdos Presbyter, Arminius Diaconus. Not but that they were put to former Editions, but they were such as were set forth out of corrupted Copies, that nothing could be made of the Subscriptions, till compared with this by the admired Selden, whose words I had rather transcribe for you then translate: for he that cannot understand his Latin, will make nothing of them in my English: o Selde●…. ad 〈◊〉 Origines pag. 122. In Editionibus Synodi Arelatensis anterioribus plerisque, veluti Suriana, ac Crabbiana (quibus male Concilio secundo Arelatensi praefiguntur; uti etiam in Isidoriana, nomina quae primam spectant:) atque etiam Biniana, secuti sunt Restitutum Episcopum Londinensem, Ex provincia Bizacena Civit. Tubernicen. Eburius Episcopus, ex eadem Provincia, Civitate Culucitana Adelphius; quasi uterque saltem prior, ex Africa fuisset. Sed proxime praecedunt Galli; sequunter Hispani. Et dein subjiciuntur pierce Africani. Adeo ut loca ibi corrupta esse vix dubitandum sit. Nec sane adeo difficile est, ut ab imperitioribus librariis, Britannia fieret Bizacena, & ex Eboracensi, Tubernicensi; Etiam & Culucitanae initium à Colonia videtur. Certe Subscriptiones Conciliorum depravatissimas passim habemus. Nec praeter eundem, in Isidoriana collectione illa veteri, cui deest omnino Restitutus, reperiri Ex Bitania Eburius Episcopus; Ex civitate Culina Adelfius. Ubi Culina & Bitania, Britanniae & Coloniae satis proximant. I call this Fborius the first Bishop of Eboracum; who indeed was never heard of by the nameless writer of the lives of the Bishops of York; Thomas Stubbs in his Chronicle of them, or Godwin himself who wrote the Catalogue of our British and English Bishops. This last reckons Taurinus placed here by Constantius, the father of Constantine. I believe he was deceived by Harrison, or both certainly by a corrupt Copy of p Belluac. Speculi Hist. lib. 10. cap. 76. Vincentius Belluacensis, and as heedlessly read, where you have misprinted Eboracensis, for q Euveux. Mediolanum Aulercorum. Eburovicum. jos. Scaliger Notitia Galliae. Ebroicensis in Gallia. This error is found likewise diffused into the Writings of two good old Chronicling Germane; r Wern in ●…asciculo Temporum. Wernerus Roulwinke de Laer, and s S●…hed. in Chronico. Hartman Schedel, who no doubt took it from Vincentiu●…, who was more than two ages before them both. But that which deserves to be noted in Schedel, is that among those, that he writes flourished in Trojans time; Thaurinus Episcopus Eb●…racensis is set down by him. In the Subscriptions to that Council brought ere while, there are some things may be observed: As first that York was no Archbishopric in these times, as neither was Rome itself, whence since notwithstanding we have had all Dignities, and Titles in the Church. Our t Malmesb. de ●…estis Pontif. Ang. lib. 1. pr●…logo. Malmesbury confesses, that in the ancienter times of the Britan's, it was unknown where the Archbishopric was. At this very Council, as appears by the Nomenclature, of those that were at it, Sylvester the Pope is but Plain Bishop: v Henricus Spelmanus, V. doctiss. in Archaeologo. The High title of Archbishop was long time in use in the Eastern Church, before it came into the West. For whereas our * Beda Eccl. Hi. Anglor. lib. 1. cap. 27. Beda tells us, that Augustine was ordained Archbishop of the English nation by Etherius Archbishop of Arles, he follows the manner of speaking in his own times: for Gregory the Pope then, in his several letters written to them, affords neither of them that Title; no not when he bestows the Pall upon Augustine, and gives him precedency and priority in respect of York, and all the other Bishops of Britain. In the next place we may take notice, that Eborius Bishop of York, at this Council takes place of Restitutus Bishop of London, where the Primacy always remained till translated to Canterbury, as our Writers please to affirm, I know not upon what grounds. The uncomparable Usher y D. Vsseriu●… in Primord. pag. 97. interprets the foregoing words of Malmesbury so, as that they did not quite deny Archbishops among the old Britain's, (for he proves they had:) but that all memories were lost, where the Archiepiscopal, or Patriarchical seat resided. For although London be at this day, and hath been for many ages the chiefest of Britain, and were near ∞ CCC years ago accounted z Ammian. Marc. lib. 14. vetus opidum an ancient Town, and Augusta; and commended long before that, a Tacit Ann. lib. 1●…. as of great fame and renown, for the concourse of Merchants, and provision of all things necessary; yet a great Scholar of late years b 〈◊〉. Bert ●…anon Diatrib. 1 c. 3. fin. Philip Berterius sets down YORK as the more ancient Metropolis of the Diocese of the Britainnies And that not only because it was a Roman Colony, which London was not, c Unuphrius in Impert●… Romano. as Unuphrius, contrary to so great and plain Authority of Tacitus, doth affirm: but also the Emperor's Palace, and Praetorium likewise, Tribunal, or chief Seat of Judgement was there. Whence by the old d Spartianu●… in ●…evero. Historian it was called Civitas, by way of excellence or pre-eminency. Concerning the two other Subscriptions, I shall also take occasion to observe something, when I come to the places they belonged to. In the mean while, the name of the e 〈◊〉. Deacon here, who accompanied these Bishops is worthy the taking notice of, because it remaineth entire still in Yorkshire, in a very noble and religious family, after so many ages: And I wish it may continue till time be no more. I remember not at this present, the Name of any family in Europe I can compare with it, except it be the family of Paeciaeci of Spain, of which famous men in Caesar's time, and the age after, have f Cicero in Epist. Auctor de bello Hispan. Va. Maximus Plu. in Crasso. made mention for above ∞ DCC. years ago: and that it hath continued till our age, Manutius and Stephanus 〈◊〉 do witness. And now I am more inclined, than I was before, to embrace the learned casaubon's conjecture, that Adminius, the name of a Britain Prince in Suetonius, is to be mended, and read Arminius. Forte etiam in nomine Adminius d pro r irrepsit: Nam (g) Isabella Casau. in Sueton. Calig. cap. 44. in Germania & Belgio, atque, ut puto, etiam in Britannia usitatum jam olim, ut nunc quoque, nomen fuit Arminius: vide h Tacit. lib. 2. Annal. de Arminio Cherusc. principe. Tacitum. Names, either common to the Germans, Gauls, and Britain's, or not much differing, would prove a fit study to take up the time of a good Antiquary: here is no place for such speculation. As these British Bishops were at the Council of a An. Christi CCCXIV. Arles, so is it more than probable, that they were also at the great Council of b CCCXXV Nice; which was held not above ten years after, or as others say, not so much; that they were at the General Synod, (so they called it) at c CCCXLVII Sardica, d Athan. Apolog. 11. To. 1. pa. 720. 756. & 767. ult. edit. Athanasius witnesses, who himself was one of them, speaking of the Bishops who met together there, says expressly that some were present 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the Province of the Britain's: although in the Title of the Epistle of the Synod itself to them of Alexandria, Britain be left out among the Provinces there reckoned up. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Restitutus also is named there, but, as many others, without the place set down whereunto he belonged: yet very likely it was Restitutus Bishop of London, mentioned before at the Council of Arles. It is probable also that Eborius Bishop of York, might be there too; though with others he be quite left out. And now, saith the most learned e In Eutychium. pag. 123. Selden, can it seem credible to any man, that Bishops out of Britain should be present in two Synods, the one not so long before that of Nice, the other not so long after it: and yet that in this famous one at Nice between them both, they should have no place: unto which notwithstanding, by the Emperor's Edict, all the Bishops through the Christian World were called. f CCCLIIX Hilarius Bishop of Poitiers in France, not very many years after this Council, writ a Book in Phrygia, where he was then banished, of the Synods held against the Arians, which begins thus: Dominis & beatissimis fratribus & Coepiscopis provinciae Germaniae primae & Germaniae secundae, etc. Et Provinciarum Britanniarum Episcopis; Hilarius servus Christi in Deo & Domino nostro aeternam salutem. (i. e.) Hilarius, a servant of Christ in God and our Lord, sends greeting, to the Rulers, and our blessed brethren and fellow Bishops of the Provinces of the first and second Germany, etc. and to the Bishops of the Province of Britain. The next year after this, the Bishops of Britain were likewise at the g CCCLIX. Council of Ariminum in Italy, called by Constantius the son of Constantine: Our Author for it is Sulpitius Severus, from whom we may make a conjecture, what kind of men the forenamed at Arles were, and Sardic●…, by hearing the description of these, who he says met at h 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 〈◊〉. Coa●…ti. Vide Pet. ●…abrum Semest●…. lib. 3. cap. 12. 〈◊〉. Quo acciti aut macti quadringenti, & aliquanto amplius, Occidantales Episcopi: quibus omnilus annon●…s & cellaria dare Imperator praeceperat. Sed id Aquita●…s, ●…allis, ac Britannis indecens visum; repudiates 〈◊〉 us, propr●…s sumptibus vivere maluerunt. Tres tantum ex 〈◊〉, inop●…a proprit, i ●…us i●… 〈◊〉 assumptis, nulla porti●… 〈◊〉, quo liber●…s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ●…idem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praeter●…, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 praecepti 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 immemores, sed evam 〈◊〉 mihi videntur: tanta ●…oc tempore animos eorum ●…ndi cupido veluti tabes in●… it: in●…iant possess●…on thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, auro in●…ubant, emunt, venduntque, quaestui per omnia student. At si qui melio●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neque po●…dentes, neque 〈◊〉, quod est multo turpius sedentes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, atque omne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. corruptum habent, dumqu 〈◊〉 venalem praeserunt 〈◊〉. Idem Sulp●…t. ibid. lib. 1. publico usi sunt, cum oblatam à caet●…ris Collationem respuissent: sanctius putantes fiscum gravare quam singulos. (i. e.) Whither four hundred Eastern Bishops, and odd, were summoned, or, indeed, compelled; to all of whom the Emperor commanded provision to be apportioned, and Storehouses: which to those of Aquitain or ●…uyan, France and Britain seemed not decent; who, refusing the King's stipends, chose rather to live upon their own purses: Only three out of Britain, for want of maintenance of their own, made use of the public ●…llowance; having first refused the contribution the rest offered them: thinking it fitter to lie upon the public stock, than these private m●…n. How they were provided for at the Council upon the Emperor's cost, I cannot tell: But it seems at home their allowance was not much better than those IrishBishops, which was nomore than three Milch Cows, and in case any of them became dry, the Parishioners supplied them again; as their own relation was to Adam of Br●…me in Germany; whom they took in their way from Italy homeward. I may fit both with that excellent character of those poor Country Bishops of Italy in Ammianus Marcellinus, an Heathen Historian k 〈◊〉. lib. 27. Quos tenuitas edendi, potandique p●…rcissime, vilitas etiam indumentorum, & super●…ilia humum spectan●…a perpetuo Numini verisque ejus cultoribus, ut puros commendabant, & verecundos; (i. e.) Whom their spare diet and most abstemious drinking, the meaness of their apparel, their countenances conversing so much with the ground, and always looking to God, and his true Worshippers, commended as pure and meek. Not but that than there were swaggering Bishops, and far unlike these, as appears also in him. Thus much, (upon occasion of mentioning EBORIUS Bishop of York, hitherto unknown to our History) Concerning the ancient Britain Bishops; men of a more golden, and godly age, than we have known. But these are dangerous examples to urge for imitation, or practise in our days. I have therefore instanced in them but sparingly, and scarce let them speak in English. What have we to do with Bishops? will they say, who I fear are neither so painful, or so poor; I am sure not so humble. I will have done because I will not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If they therefore, or any other whatsoever, think this last part, or any else, in this Discourse; which I have intended to recover the old glory of Eboracum, too tedious; let them read nothing at all of the whole, and by that means make it the more compendious. I ever thought with the wiseman: l Sen. ad Gallion. fr. de vita. beata cap. 1. and vulgus non tam Coronam, quam Chlamydatos appello. — Equitem mihi plaudere curo. To my applause a Herald do provide. DERVENTIONE M. P. VII.] Upon the River Derwent, some seven Miles from York, there is seated a Village, called at this day Aldby. And in the Itinerary, you have just at that distance from Eboracum, a Roman Mansion, or rather Station, called Derventio. That it was placed, where now the village stands, or not far from thence, we have sufficient assurance. This place a long while after this, continued a station of Roman Soldiers, with their Commander, who also had their Title, or Denomination, from it, about the time of the Declination of the Roman glory in Britain, under Theodosius the younger. This we learn from the Notitia, or Survey of the Western Empire: Sub dispositione Viri Spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum, Praefectus Numeri Derventionensis Derventione. Vide BONIUM. jud. 11. We have observed out of our Beda in several places, that those Stations, which were left unruined after the Romans time, became the Palaces and residing Houses of the former Saxon Kings: As this for one; and Beda tells us this story. a Beda Eccles. Hist. Angl. lib. 2. cap. 9 In the year of Christ ICXXVI. Eumerus, as an b Vocabulum quadem haud Bedae seculo notum quo tamen Principis percussor significatur. Adi Claris. Spelmanum in Archaeologo. Vide infra. Assassin was dispatched by William King of the Westsaxons, to Edwin King of Northumberland, with an intent to deprive him of Kingdom, as well as life; having with him a two-edged weapon * Sicam toxicatam. empoisoned; that if the wound would not speed him, the poison might. He came to him, says he, juxta amnem Doroventionem, ubi tunc erat Villa Regalis; and pretending a Message to him, drawing his tool when he saw his time, he made an attempt upon the King's person with that violence, that he wounded the King through the very body of one of his Guard, who stepped between for his safely, yet without any danger of the King's life: the faithful Soldier lost his, and the * Mat. Paris an. MD●…. Hos tam Saraceni, quam Christiani Assissino●… appellant ●…ymologcam nominis penitus ignorantes. Assassin or Murderer was soon dispatched by the rest of the Guard. You see here, how Beda names this River Doroventio, which other wise is Derventio, or Derwent; as he doth likewise Canterbury, Dorobernia; which to Ptolemy, and Antonine, is Darvernum, or Durarvernum. However our Antiquaries deduce the name so, as that it signifies The White Water. For that Dour-guent, is as much as aqua alba, the learned Cambro-Britan, a Lhuyd. Breviar. Descript. Britan. Hum phrey Lhuyd, is sufficient witness: though indeed when he says so, he speaks not of this, but of another Derwent, which runs by Derby. But there are stranger readings of it, than this of Beda, and in old Books too: By b Ninn. MS. in Bib. D. Armachani. Ninnius an old Britain Historian, in a written Copy, it is called Fluvius de Revent, by a mistake undoubtedly: as you have it likewise printed in an old c Paris. per jod. ●…adium As●…ensium. Edition of G●…ffrey of Monmouth, d Galfrid. Monmouth. Hist. Britan. lib. 3. cap. 2. Deriment: Vor●…uerus, saith he, pugnabat contra Saxones super fluvium Deriment. Indeed there were, saith he, many Rivers in Britain of the same, and a like name, which as the only cause, hath made e In Cambriae est fluvius. cui nomen Derwent juxta Reswike, & ibi Derwent, tellus ubi cuprum effoditur. joan. Radclif. in annot. ad Talbotum. learned men, as we shall see, wide the whole Heaven and Earth in search of this station; never observing the account of Itinerary distance, a thing most to be observed: though the numbers truly sometimes are very corrupt. But that it is no where to be found, but here, divers good reasons meeting together do more than persuade. First, The almost exact distance, and constantly so written down in the Itinerary, as it is observed to be at this day. Next, the station, and Rivers being both of the same Name, a thing not strange to † janus' Rutgers. Variar. lib. 3. cap. 13. either Greeks or Romaens: and frequently to be taken notice of in old Chorographical Descriptions. Then the present name at this day Aldby; which our Antiquary renders out of the Saxon, Antiqua habitatio, argues that in much elder times there was here some ancienter City, or Station; as you may also see in Aldborow, next before York, as this is next after, formerly called Isurium: and many places besides in this work. I might very well add hereto, among other reasons, such remains of Antiquity, as do yet appear about the place, which do yet plainly testify the residence of a Praefectus here, and company of Soldiers, in the Romans time; which the Notitia also mentions: The words of our learned Antiquary, who also was an eye witness, are these: Ibi nonnulla vetustat is indicia, & in Editiori ad flumen colle antiqui castri extant adhuc rudera. All this put together, serves to disprove the Wild and extravagant dreams of such, f Talbotus, Lhuyd. & qu●… eoram sequaces. as search for Derventio at Derby, for some small agreement in the first syllable of the names; when (besides the irreconcilable distance:) according to the old writing of the English [Deoraby] in Fabius Ethelooerdus, there is no consonancy at all. Yet this opinion is followed by Talbot, and Lhuyd. Harrison hath set down Tadcaster to Derventio, in both his Editions of Antoninus: and it seems he followed Leland. No reckoning to be had of such Conjectures. All being foully out. DELGOVITIA M. P. XIII.] This Mansion hath not sped so well as the foregoing Derventio; none of the Ancients, except here, making any mention of it. No not so much as our good Beda. Our learned Antiquary therefore hath showed very good judgement in descrying the ground, where-nigh it stood of yore. And though the name be lost in Beda; yet by the light he borrows out of him, we have a near ken of the place where some time of old it had its being. Let us therefore first hear Beda, and by some observations taken from him, I hope we shall find out Delgovitia. He than tells his story thus briefly: g Beda Ecclesiast. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 13. Eadwin King of Northumberland entering into a serious Deliberation with his Noblemen, and other his chief Subjects, concerning the entertaining of the Gospel, preached in these parts by Paulinus, the first Bishop of York among the Saxons, he that showed himself most for ward to abolish Idolatry, was Coyfi a chief Priest, and observer thereof, having first gained liberty of the King for the same purpose. The place where he first executed this his so earnestly sought for power, to the great astonishment of the vulgar, who thought he had been mad. Beda thus describes: Ostenditur, autem locus ille quondam idolorum non longe ab Eboraco ad Orientem amnem Doroventionem, & vocatur hodie Gotmundin Gaham, ubi Pontifex ille; inspirante Deo vero polluit ac destruxit eas, * Locus Virgil. Aen. 2. vers. 501. 502. quas ipse sacraverat, arras, Observe first from his words, that it was locus quondam Idolorum; and they may be meant as well of Roman Idols as Saxon. Now Delgovitia, being rightly deduced, as our learned Antiquary informs us, of the old British word Delgive, which signifies Deorum Gentilium statu●…s, (and I find elsewhere in their language delio for an image or Statue:) we may well collect, that it was this place of Idols described in Beda, especially if we consider the situation of both in the same distance and Tract: That of Delgovitia in Antonine somewhat about XX. miles from York: VII thence to Derventio, than XIII. to Delgovitia: and that in Beda, non procul ab Eboraco ad Orientem amnem Doroventionem. Here note, that York was the best known place by which to find out that place he aims at; which he, as you see, calls in his times Godmundingham, at this day Godmanham, almost in the same sense as Delgovitia: rendered Deorum Fanum, sive Habitatio. And whereas he sets down the site thereof by the River Derventio running from the East, we are, (the place being indeed a good way distant from it:) to make no more of that, but that it was the notedst River near it. Neither was Beda any more, than I, any diligent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or eye-witness, of his own Chorographical Descriptions. Every one knows, how constantly close he kept to his Monastery: But well may his non procul be excused for denoting XX. miles, when far longer distances are expressed by Not far. One notable one I bear in mind out of the a Herod. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Greek Historian of the Emperors. It is where he gives notice of Severus fear, lest while himself being busied with Wars in the East, Albinus, then in Britain, might take possession of Rome, not far, saith he, distant thence. And yet this distance; I know not how well measured by some, is made near upon a b Vetus Itin. Impres. Anglic●… ante CC annos Londinii. thousand Miles. The even distance, and upon the matter quite answerable by Itinerary account, suits exceedingly well here: which it would by no means do, if Delgovitia had ever been Wenbridge, (be it where it will; for I know not yet:) which c Harris. in utraque Antonini edit. ad calcem librorum ejus Descript. Britannia. Harrison however, and that upon second thoughts too, hath not doubted to publish; I am afraid, too unadvisedly. PRAETORIUM M. P. XXV.] It will be required, that I speak in the first place concerning the various acceptions of the word, or name; whereby this Mansion is called. Praetorium then was in the Roman Camp the place where the General's Pavilion was pitched, whether he were Consul, or as Praetor: the Preparation and Furniture of which, after their excessive enrichment by the Conquest of Asia, was such, that their very d Horat. juvenal. non uno loco Poets scoffed at the Musive work of the pavements, the Canopies, the looking glasses, and other unnecessary implements carried up & down with the Baggage of the Army: Josephus compares it to a Temple for magnificence. And when it signified so, Polybius, and the Greek Historians, render it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Out of the like affectation of magnificence they came at length to call their Country houses, or dwellings for pleasure, Praetoria also. In former times they named them villae. In e Sen. Epist. 55. Seneca you may see the description of such a one belonging to Servilius Vatia, whom thence he styles divitem Praetorium. This may elsewhere appear. For Spelunca, a Manor House of Tiberius by the Sea side, which is termed plainly Villa in f Tacit. Annal. 4. ad quem adisis Lipsium. Tacitus, is the very same in g Sueton. in Tiberio cap. 39 Swetonius, according to the use of that age he wrote in, called Praetorium. And so were all the nearer villae, and not of rustical employment. Praetorium, in another sense, is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a place of Judicature, or, as in our English Bibels you have it translated, A Judgement H●…l, from * Praetorium, ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. in Gr. quoque contextu asservata, c●… si●… tamen Latina. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in more Barbarous writers:) retained in the Greek Text both by S. John, and Luke in the later of whom you shall find h Act. 23. 34. Herod's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (if we should not rather understand the Prisonhouse belonging thereto:) as he was made King of the Jews by Augustus; otherwise he had nothing to do with the Roman affairs in the Province: How great a favour it was in the Provinces to be graced with the stile of King, either by the Senate, or the Prince, every one knows, that doth also the History of Massinissa, or i Quam in s●…o Consulatu, Rex & amicus à Senatu appellatus esset. Caesar Com. 1. Ari●…vistus; or else at home, the relations in Tacitus of k Tacit. Annal: 14. Prasustagus, and l Tacit. in Agricola. Cogidumus; (if perhaps, as some have thought they be not the same:) For, as Tacitus doth truly observe, the Romans had every where instrumenta servitutis etiam Reges. But the chief power was Roman, which resided in the person of Pontius Pilatut, who had likewise his m john 18. 28, 33. Io. 19 9 Praetorium, being then Governor of Judea, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] saith the Text; which the old Interpreter renders by Procurare, contrary to his custom: who still uses to translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into Prasidem: except you will say his Copy had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we find by the divers Readins to remain yet in some books. For indeed Palate was not in Judea, with the power of a Praeses, or Leg●…tus pro Praetore, which are all one; but only as a Steward, or Procurator: as it was usual also in other less considerable Provinces, which the authority of Tacitus sufficiently confirms: n Tacit. Annal. 15. Auctor nominis eius Christus, qui Tiberio imperitante, per Procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio affectus erat. True it is the Government of the Provinces was divers, accordingly as they were either belonging to Caesar, or the Senate. Let us hear Tacitus concerning Britain reduced into the form of a Province: in firm the Britan's thus complain: o Apud Tacitum in vita Agricolae. Singulos sibi olim Reges ●…uisse nunc binos imponi, è quibus Legatus insanguinem, Procurator in bona viret: aeque discordium praepositorum, aeque concordiam subjectis exitiosam: alterum manus, centuriones, alterum vim & Contumelias misc●…re: That whereas in former times they had only one King, now were there two thrust upon them, The Lieutenant to suck their blood, the Procurator their substance, whose disagreeing was the torment of the Subjects, their agreement their undoing; the one vexing by Soldiers and Captains; the other by wrongs and indignities. Now whereas we have sufficiently showed, in the foregoing discourse about EBORACUM, both out of Spartian and otherwise, that the Chief Praetorium in britain, from before Severus times and long after, was at York under the power of the several Legati Augg. for the time being; I cannot see what should hinder us, why we may not think, that the respective Procuratores also may not have had their residence here at Praetorium. And that not without very good reason too. For, as Ulpian the Lawyer tells us, all ways and journeys ending most commonly at the Sea, or at least great Rivers; and the whole ductus, or Tract of this journey leading to the Sea side, (which others not observing have foully missed their way:) whom may I better conceive to have had his abode there, than the Procurator, notwithstanding that all memories thereof are quite extinguished by the all-whelming deluge of Time. All yearly Pensions, T●…tes, or Customs, from this part of the Island being by this j●…urney, from the very Bound of the Empire, conveyed hither unto him, as to the most convenient place for exportation, and dispatch to Rome. And therefore with very good reason, as I believe, did our great Antiquary assign the ancient being of Praetorium at Patrington in Holdern●…ss, near to the Sea side, near upon the a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 olim Ptol. dictum, cujus nominis hodieque vestigia in Kel. oppido 〈◊〉, ad ipsum pr●…monto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Promontory now called the Spur●…ead. And whereas formerly he thought b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Par●…s Albionis. P●…tuaria in Ptolemy the same with this Praetorium, upon second thoughts he let quit this conjecture: which I believe he needed not; but rather to have suspected ●…myes text for some corruption, not unlike that in the English. That Praetorium was at Patrington the proportionable distance from Delgovitia, or 〈◊〉 very powerfully argues. There is indeed some difference in the number of miles, but those copies which have XXV. best serve to make the particular numbers to agree with the Summary in the head of the journey: the others have but XXII. less suiting with the distance from Delgovitia to Patrington. Which name, if it seem to any not handsomely made from Praetorium, let them consider also, saith Camden, that the Italians from Praetorium there have made Petrovina. I might add that c joseph. 〈◊〉 us ad Ptol. Geograph. lib. 2. & jos. Simler. ad Antoninam. Praetorium in 〈◊〉, hath its name at this day far worse interpolated into Predanich. In the Provinces both East, and West, very many Stations that bear this name, are to be met with. The Natives of the place glory much of what our Praetorium hath been in old time, and no less of the ancient commodiousness of the Haven. Now they may also of the prospect into the most pleasant green fields in Lincolnshire on the other side the water, and the open view of the main Ocean; into which d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ptol. unde Brit Avon, quod caput, sive ●…s fluminis denotat. Ptolemies Abus, which at this day we call Humber, in great state exposes itself. To tell you how pitifully learned men have been mistaken in assigning the ground where this Praetorium of old had its standing, without having the least heed to Itinerary distance, which shamefully most an end they neglect, were to press upon your patience. My own pains however I will not spare: perhaps it may delight some to know this too. Talbot then in the first place would have it to be Chester; e Talbot. in Iter. 11. in DEVA. v. Camd. in Cornavits. contrary to what you shall see his judgement to be in the following journey: next upon other thoughts he will have it to be Coventry: it being called so, as he deemed, from the Procurators, or some other Magistrates, meeting there ad Coventus agendos. I save confuting him, only repeat his own words: Haec conjecturarum nostrarum som●…a prodinius, non in its se●…uri, sed libentius cessuri, assurrecturique siquis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…lidiora protulerit. (i. e.) I only deliver these things by conjecture, not affirming them as certain, but ready to yield and join with any that shall find out more solid and substantial ground●…. Harrison, in both the Copies of Antoninus pubpublished by him, hath Tudford, whereto indeed I cannot readily direct you. The learned Fulk and others, have Liecester, Burton-Stader, etc. of which this I must say, they so much almost are distant from Praetorium, f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Prov. Nic. Chon. Dissita, quod Phrygibus distant procul arva Mysorum. As Phrygia distant from the Myssian Plains. And thus have we restored this first Journey, beginning beyond the WALL, where the Limit of the Empire was in the Island; and ending here. ITER. II. THis second Journey is begun from the Western end of the Wall, which is reported to have been drawn by Severus, when he saw he could do no more good upon the Northern Britain's, some good way beyond Carlisle, near upon the mouth of * Or Eden, in Cumberland. Ituna; and it hath its ending in the East of the Island at Rutupiae, or Richborow, now called Sandwich in Kent. It is as it were the Diametre of the whole Island, however of so much, as the Romans held subject to them. The way this Journey takes, as Talbot thinketh, is by the Watling-streete, or, as he says he met with it written in an old Book, Waeclyng-street, so called because it passed through Watlingcester, by which name among the Britan's, † Hum. Lhuyd. descript. Britan. as well as Saxons, Verulamium of old was known, and for which at this day we have S. Alban. The chief ancient ways, or thoroughfare's of Britain, are by the Interpreter, or Author, choose you whether you please, of the a Galfrid. Hist. Brit. lib. 1. cap. 16. & 18. Britain History, ascribed to Dunwallo Malmutius; which afterward his Son Belinus confirmed. Their courses are differently reported, and in some part their names also: They are commonly made four in number; thus called, and briefly described? I. Watling-street, Out of the South East into the North East, from Dover to Cardigan in Wales at the Irish Sea. II. The Fosse, from the South to the North, from Totness in Cornwall, to Lincoln. III. Ermingstreet, Out of the West North West, unto the East South East, beginning at S. David's, to Southampton. IV. Iknel-street, by Worcester, and so by York, unto Tinmouth. So commonly, I say, To endeavour certainty in all these, were to obtrude (saith * Io. Selden an●… not. in Polyolbion Cant. 16. one, who was, if ever any one else among us, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:) unwarrantable conjectures, and abuse both time, and the Reader. Of Watling it is said, that it went from Dover in Kent, and so by the West of London (yet part of the name seems to this day left in the middle of the City:) to S. Alban, and thence having crossed the Fosse in a crooked line, through Shropshire (where yet also the name abideth:) by Wrekin hill unto b Ranulp. Higden. Poly●…b. lib. 1. cap. de Plat. Reg. Cardigan by the Irish Sea side. But c Hen. Huntingd. hist. lib. 1. vide An. 39 Eliz. cap. 2. others say from S. Alban to C●…ester; and whereas all is referred to Belin, and his Father, by the d Vbi supra. British Historian, and Polychronicon; another e Rog. Hoveden Annal. parpr●…sol. 248. tells you, that the Sons of (I know not what) King Wetle, made and denominated it. Now whereas our Talbot thinketh, that the course which this journey took was along the Watling street, sure he meaneth it not of the whole Journey from the beginning: for Chesler being the utmost bound, that we have set down, of the Watling, he hath not any authority for what he saith, neither is it probable there should be any elsewhere found. The Fosse is derived, by one consent, out of Cornwall into Devonshire, through Somerset, over Cotes-wold by Tewksbury, along near Coventry to Liecester, through Lincoln to Berwick, and thence to Cathness, the utmost of Scotland. Our Antiquary supposeth the ditching of it on either side, was the reason of the name. Of Restitution of the other you may be desperate. Rickneld street is to be found in Randall of Chester, and by him derived from S. Dewies in Pembroke into Hereford, and so through Worcester, Warwick, Derby, and Yorkshire to Tinmouth; which upon the credit of the learned Poet Michael Drayto●… reporting it, is also justifiable by a very ancient deed of Lands, bounded near Bermingham in Warwickshire by Rickneld. In Henry of Huntingdon, no such name is found, but with the first two, Ickenild, and Ermingstreet. Ickenild, saith he, goes from East to West; Ermingstreet, from South to North: Another tells us that Ermingstreet begins at S. Dewies, and conveys itself to Southampton, which others attribute to Ichning, begun (upon the words community with the f Norfolk, and Suffolk. Iceni) in the Eastern parts. It's not in my power to reconcile all these, saith the most knowing Selden, or elect the best. I only add, that Ermingstreet being of English Idiom) seems to have had its name from 〈◊〉, in that signification, whereby it g Adam bremen's. Eccles. Hist. cap. 5. Selden. ad Can. III. Polyolb. Anton. Corvin. Hist. Monasteriensi. interprets an universal pillar worshipped for Mercury (others say h Ernstiu●… Observ. lib. 1. 〈◊〉. 17. Claris. Spelmanus in Arch●…ologo. Mars; however some Viacus or one of the Lares Viales) Precedent of Ways: and is like enough (if Huntingdon be in the right, making it from South, to North:) to have left its part in Stanstreet in Surrey, where a way made with Stones and Gravel, in a Soil on both sides very different, continueth near a mile; and thence near the Easternshore in Sussex, or some places seeming as other Relics of it. But I here determine nothing about the public ways of Britain in old time, either as set forth by King Belinus, or since drawn out and described by our Monks, We see nothing therein but obscurity, and great uncertainty; We rather adhere to what our learned Antiquary supplies us with, where he informs us with more polite conceit, and judicious authority, that they were a work of the Romans, for the better and more convenient marching of their Soldiers, from Station to Station, and therefore called by them, Militares viae; as also Consulares, Praetoriae, Publicae, &c, This we may easily believe if we do but think how untaught, how uncivilized, how little seen and furnished they were in regard of public conveniencies any way. The Britain's themselves make it their complaint, by the mouth of their gallant Prince Galgacus, in his brave a Apud. Tacitum in vita jul. Agricola. Oration for Liberty, that such hard service as rearing, or making wales, was first imposed on them by the Romans: Corpora ipsa (saith he) ac manus sylvis ac paludibus emuniendis, verbera inter ac contumelias, conterunt. And such was the course they took in every Province where they bore sway. Vias publicas & militares stratas ubique lapide aut glorea scimus, saith b Lipsius' ad Nic. Micault. lib. 3. Epist. 59 one well skilled in such matters, atque ita aequabiles, & sine salebris, faciles & meabiles curribus fuisse. Whence these Ways or Streets, were called Stratae, of which we have spoken in what goes before. And now it being warranted (for indeed so it must) that the Highways of Britain were of the Romans raising, it cannot seem likely that in a Province so abounding with Stations, or Camps, Fortresses, and Cities, to be seen in this Itinerary and elsewhere, should have so few as four ways of any note in it; the Stations being very many of them to be marched into by courses, no way holding with these principal Ways; whereof they speak so confusedly. I may add that we have sufficient testimonies by our eyes from the ruins of many such, which yet visibly remain and appear to the Traveller; besides such as we read of. As of * Camden. in Siluribus. Julia Strata in Monmouthshire, mentioned by Alexander Neckham, our old Poetaster, in these verses: Intrat, & auget aquas Sabrini fluminis Osca Praeceps: testis erit Julia Strata mihi. Osca who entering, swells the Severne Flood Clearly sets forth to me the Julian Road. And from the very name it is the conjecture of learned Camden, that this way was raised by order from Julius Frontinus, who by c Tacit. ibid. Tacitus is called vir magnus, and he tells us besides, that he brought under with his power validam & pugnacem * Mon●…h. shire; etc. Silurum gentem, super virtutem hostium, locorum quoque difficultates eluctatus. I might here also mention Strata Marcelia, which we find in d Cambrens. Itin. Cambria lib. 1. cap. 5. Giraldus Cambrensis, at no very far distance from thence in his journey of Wales, which with the same probability we may denominate from U●…pius Marcellus who was Propraetor here among us in Brit●…n under Commodus, not very long after Frontinus; & whose strictness & extraordinary severity in Military discipline the excellent Roman e Dio Hist. Roman. lib. 72. Historian so much celebrateth. A VALLO] This Vallum here, said to be raised bv Severus the Emperor, cutting through the higher part of Cumberland, called also, as our learned Antiquary hath collected the several ●…nonyma thereof, Vallum Barbaricum, was a Clusura, or Mound of defence to the Provinciated part of the Island. The Roman Writers call it thus commonly, as we see here in Antoninus, besides C●…ssiodorus, and some others; some Murus, as S. Aurelius' Victor: some by both names, as Aelius Spartianus in the life of Severus. The old Britain's named it Gual. Sever, and Gal. Sever, from the founder of it, and also Mur Sever. The Scots called it Scottish-Waith. The English generally gave it the name Picts or P●…hits Wall, call it so from the unreduced Britain's, that were excluded thereby: and they were named Picti, for that not being civilised by the Romans, they still retained their ancient Country manner of painting their naked bodies; of which writers say enough But to such as neighbour not far from it, it is known by being called The Keep-Wall, or plainly The Wall, by a transcendent way of expression, called in Greek commonly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That huge bulk of the Body of the Roman Empire, being now come to its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and to that vastness, that it became unwieldy and cumbersome to itself, the wiser Princes began to think of setting it some boundaries and limits. Hence it is that Cornelius Tacitus a Tacit. Annalium 1. speaks thus of Augustus: Addiderat consitium coercendi intra terminos imperti: incertum metu, an per invidiam. And some deal plainer, he speaks b Tacit. in vita Agricola. elsewhere: After the death of Julius Caesar, saith he, mox bella civilia, & in rem publicam versa principum arma, ac longa oblivio Britanniae etiam in pace. Consilium id Divus Augustus vocabat, Tiberius praecipue. Augustus' called it Advice or Policy to bond in the Empire, especially Tiberius: except you will read in Tacitus, for praecipue, according as Fulvius Ursinus tells us it was in his old book, praeceptum; and so interpret it, as a lessi●… which Tiberius had learned from his Predecessor. Now for the bounds of the Empire set by Augustus, the same Tacitus will tell you, near the foregoing place out of the I. Annal, what they were: Mart, Oceano, aut amnibus longinquis, septum Imperium. For the Ocean, he never, either in person or otherwise, troubled it; whatever some c Servius Honoratus, jun. Philargyrius. Christ Londinu●… in Virgil. Grammarians, from a few places of Horace and Virgil misinterpreted, with such like impertinent authorities have unadvisedly concluded; and for those amnes longinqui, himself will tell you what they were in 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 de Caesaribus, not without arrogating to himself something for his moderation in this kind. They were d Ammianus bist. lib. 16. Euphrates and the Danow; and he glories, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. not giving way to unmeasurable desires of conquering still more and more, I contented myself with those two limits, as it were appointed by nature. The diligent Student may also if he please see what the e Dio Cassius Hist. Rom. l. 56. Historian says to this very purpose, concerning him. Concerning the several kinds of Limets used sometimes in the Empire, enough hath been said in what f Ad init. 1. Itineris. goes before. Therefore having first acquainted the ordinary Reader, with the frequent use of the several sorts of such, let me tell him too, that they were by a peculiar name called Praetenturae, as by us in English Boundaries, Fore-fences, Munitions, or the like: And not only by the Romans made use of against the neighbouring Barbarians, but by themselves also all along: for since Constantine's time we often read of them; as under g Ammian. lib. 16. Historiae. julian of a Vallum Barbaricum in Germany: And we read likewise of a long Wall raised from the Great Sea (so the h Zanaras' Hist. Tom. 3. author speaks) by the Emperor * So called for having his eyes doubly pupild. Anastasius Dicorus even to Selybria; to keep off the Incursions of the Mysians, Bulgarians, and Scythians. Nay of very late years in comparison of any remote antiquity, i Hieron. Osor. de gest. Eman. R. Lusitaniae. the eloquent Spaniard will tell us in the story of Emanuel King of Portugal, that those ingenious people, whom they called the Chinois, did with a Wall of many hundred miles hinder the hostile eruptions of the barbarous and inhuman Tartarians; but of late years in our memory, it was demolished by a deluge of the same barbarous people, to the unspeakable grief of the more civilised world. Now whether the ancients borrowed this kind of fence from the Murus Decelicus at Athens; or rather, to go higher from the * Apud Homer. Iliad. M. quem locum inspicere non gravabitur studiosus lector. Item 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 ubi Achilles de Aga●…emnone verba faciens: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Grecians Wall, which they made for safety of their Navy, against the violent impression of Hector, and his associates, I permit to others, whose leisure is more than mine, to take it into consideration. In this place than I shall only refer the more industrious Student in this whole business, to the excellently learned Frenchman, the honour of his Country, Pierre Pithou, in his first Book of his Adversaria cap. XIV. not forgetting in the mean while those two notable places of the neat and smooth Poet Claudian, in the former of which, he doth most accurately raise us a Vallum: k Claudian. in Ruffinum lib. 2. Tum dupli●…i fossa non exuperabile Vallum Asperat alternis sudibus, murique locatum In speciem.— There Trenches were, and Bulwarks made, Well strengthened with a Pallasade. And in the latter he describes to us that living Praetentura of men, always by good reason thought the more substantial and effectual: V●…nit & extremis Legio praetenta Britannis Claud. lib. de Bell. Getico. Quae Scoto dat frena truci. The Legion to the Britain Borders came, Proud Scots to tame. And I urge it the rather, because it is such a Praetentura, as first occurs in order, in the recension of such as we shall meet withal in the Island. The first Praetentura, or Fore-fence, that we read of, placed here in the Island by the Romans, was a Guard of Soldiers appointed by julius Agricola to keep the narrow passage between the two Seas or Friths, against the unconquered Britain's, by Sterlin in Scotland. But concerning it, it is better to hear Tacitus in the life of that famous man his Worthy Father-in-law: Quarta aestas obtinendis quae percurrerat insumpta; ac si virtus exerci●…uum & Romani nominis gloria pateretur, inventus in ipsa Brittannia terminus. Nam Glota & Bodotria diversi maris aestu per immensum re●…cti, angusto terrarum spatio dirimuntur, quod tum praesidi●…s firmabatur, atque omnis proprior sinus tenebatur, summotis velut in aliam insulam hostibus. All which in English you shall take from him, who in the age of our Fathers was deservedly accounted another Tacitus both for gravity and wisdom. The former Summer was spent in perusing and ordering Sr. Hen. Savile, doctis. Taciti Interpres. that, which he had over run: and if the valiant minds of the Armies, and glory of the Roman name could have permitted, or accepted it so, they needed not to have sought other Limets of Britanny. For i Den-●… Frith. Glota and k Edinburgh Frith. Bodotria, two arms of two contrary Seas, shooting mightily into the land, are only divided asunder by a narrow partition of ground; which passage was guarded and fortified then with a Garrison and Castle: so that the Romans were absolute Lords of all on this side, having cast out the Enemy, as it were, into another land. This happened not while Vespasian was yet Emperor, by whom, saith that famous Benedictine Monk Witichindus, some seven hundred years ago, m Witichindus in Saxon. Hist. lib. 1. this Island was reduced into the form of a Province. The next, but the first that ever drew a Wall-fence in Britain, was Hadrian the Emperor; for before his time, as we have sufficient authority from approved good Writers, the Romans made use of Camps and Stations, instead of Walls: Herodian witnesseth this of Augustus: a Herod. 〈◊〉 Hist. 1. initio. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tacitus using the peculiar Word proper to express a Wall drawn along: Et quicquid Castrorum Armaeniis praetenditur. Aurelius' Victor, speaking of Trajan: Castra suspectioribus & oportunis locis extructa. Besides many other places. But Hadrian being Emperor, as the b Ael. Sparta. in vita ejus. Historian tells us. Frequenter in plurimis locis, in quibus barbari non fluminibus sed limitibus dividuntur; stipitibus magnis in modum muralis sepis funditus jactis atque connexis, barbaros seperavit. There are, who in this place for muralis sepis, would have, militaris sepis, read. I say not how well; yet a place in c Varro de R. R. lib 1. cap. 14. Varro comes into my mind: militare sepimentum est fossa, & ●…erreus agger: which may seem to confirm it. He did frequently in many places rear such Walls as we mean here. And for Britain he speaks expressly. For having been put to it by his Predecessors, who had let all of late go to ruin here, either by Domitian's stupendious carelessness, or else by Nerva and Trajan's being elsewhere employed. Britanni teneri sub Romana ditione non poterant. There was no keeping the Britan's in subjection, saith the same Historian. He then having ordered the City affairs, took a Journey abroad to view what state the Provinces stood in, and to visit them, which he did rigorously enough, as appears, and going into Britain: d Spartian. ubi supra. in eo multa correxit, murumque per octoginta millia passuum primus duxit, qui barbaros Romanosque divideret. This Wall was raised of Turfs, such as were even now described: between the Mouths of the Rivers, Tine and the Esk. Then was he fain to draw back the Roman forces about an hundred miles: so that I know not how true that was of him in Britain, which S. Austin saith of him in the East. e August. de C. D. l. 4. cap. 29. Deus Terminus, qui non cessit jovi, cessit Hadriani voluntati, cessit Iuliani temeritati, cessit I●…viniani necessitati. He had not so good luck here, as to have God Terminus give place to him, but was fain to give way himself, and retire back. Yet where he did sit down, he left a World of Monuments of his memory behind him, as will appear all along by his Wall, upon the foundation of which, most deal, that of Severus in after times was built: for learned men direct us to * Nicetas Choniates hist. lib. 2. think so: I might very well add in this place, in behalf of the studious youth, that these kind of Walls are called by the later Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies just as much as cespes. The very next to this of Hadrian, was one raised under Antoninus Pius reign, by Lollius Urbicus, who also did excellent service in the Island for him; which because it was managed by his Lieutenant, Fronto, that Romanae eloquentiae ron secundum sed alterum decus, f Panegor. X. ad Constantium Caes. dicto. thus tells Antoninus, That though like a Master at the Helm, he sat in his Palace at Rome all the while, yet having given out the main order for the War in Britain, he had deserved the whole glory of the voyage. He did particularly conquer for him the brigants, as we readout of g Pausan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pausanias in his Arcadicks. But concerning the whole let us hear the testimony of julius Capitolinus in his life: Et Britannos per Lollium Urbicum Legatum vicit, alio muro cespetitio, submotis barbaris, ducto. In which words Io. Livineius would feign turn alio, into aleo such are our great Critics, or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: when as by alio the Historian would have that other Wall of Hadrian understood: distinct and quite another from this. For that there were several Walls in Britain, and raised by several men, upon several occasions, I could produce the authority of Eumenius the Rhetor, where a little before he had mentioned Britain; h Eumen. orat. pr●… schotis instanr●…ndis. Quot ubique muri, vix repertis veterum fundamentorum vestigiis excitantur? Of the ruins of this, or the former, or both, is Dio, or rather Xiphiline out of him to be understood. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Murus qui dividit Brittannos, & Romanorum castra. And very likely Aristides the Orator alludeth thereto: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i Arissed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu Romae Laudatione. Hic etiam opposuistis muros, & urbes exploratorias condidistis. Beyond Sterlin most certainly was not this Wall made, as will appear by inscriptions found thereabout to be seen in Camden: and that either for the conveniency of the straight passage between the two Friths: or else for that the Land beyond was not worth owning, the Romans having already the better part of the Island, and Pag. 65. & 69●…. that too, not so useful, as an k Appi●…n. Alexandrin. Prooem. ad Histor. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Author then living in Antoninus' days puts it out of all question. However * Fuit & alius post eum Lollius Urbicus: qui sui temporis Historiam sub Heliogabalo conscripsit: de eo videndus est Casauhonus ad Aug. Hist. Scriptores. Lollius Urbicus, the undertaker for the whole here, was certainly a most gallant man, and Commander; and I remember in Apuleius his Apology I find him Lollius Urbicus V. C. Praefectus Urbis. And in ancient Coins I find that he deserved the Title of BRITANNICUS. The Romans after Commodus; (as if by him they had not had loss enough:) falling out at home among themselves, occasioned in the Britain's some attempts near to a revolt, and from thence another Wall far exceeding the former, in fame, as well as magnificence, was erected. For Albinus Caesar, sometimes Governor of Britain, being slain at Lions in Gallia, by Severus the Emperor; he afterward made an expedition, with both his Sons, into Britain; where lately l Dicitur Brit Praes. Vlpiano Dig. l.. 28. in. 6. leg. 2. sect. 4. Prius autem. Virius Lupus the Propraetor had been put to the worst by the Maeatae, and Caledonians. Being come to York, leaving his younger Son Geta there, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; to administer justice and the Civil affairs of the Empire, taking his other son Antoninus (called other wise Bassianus Caracalla:) along with him, and passing over the Rivers and m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herod. hist. li. 3. He means Hadrian's and Antoninus' Walls. Rampires which disterminated the Frontiers of the Romans from the Britain's, he overrun the whole Countries of the Maeatae and Caledonii, (that was the † Emendandus e jornandes, l. De reb. Geticis, cunctis tu in Caledoniorum metallum concessisse nomina inde, ex MS. Maeatarum que conces●…sse nomina auctor Dio caleberimus scriptor Annal. general name of most of the Northern Britan's, with * Dio in Severo. Dio:) with the loss of about fifty thousand men; and then having made a league with the natives, on condition they would agree to retire so far, he then began to erect a Wall, of which hear n Ael. ●…rt. in vita Severi. Spartianus speaking of him: Britanniam (quod maximum ejus Imperia decus est) muro per transversam insulam ducto, utrinque ad sinem Oceani munivit: unde etiam BRITANNICI nomen accepit. And elsewhere in his life. Post Murum aut Vallum missum in Britannia, quum ad proximam mansionem rediret, non solum victor, sed etiam in aet●…rnum pace fundata. o In Severi ult editore Schotio. Aurelius' Victor also seems to have taken what he says, out of the same Author, which Spartian made use of. His majora aggressus, Britanniam, quae ad ea utilis erat, ●…u sis hostibus, muro munivit, per transversam insulam ducto, ulrinque ad finem Oceani. The learned Casaubon reads it: quo ad ea utilis: which I only note here, but the discreet Reader may follow his own judgement in whether reading he please. And I may add hither also that testimony of Dio concerning the Wall, where he tells us that the Maeatae had their being about it: p Dio Cassius Hist. Rome ubi de Severi gestis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Maeatae, says he, dweil by the very Wall, which divides the Island in two parts. Now the place where that was, if it be true which we find all men affirm, is where Hadrians Wall was first raised, for on the foundation of that, they say, was this Wall of Severus built, and near the whole way along too from Sea to Sea, save that this had its ending towards the West or Irish Sea, in Itunae aestuario, or Sol●…ey Frith, the other in the Mouth of the Esk, called by some Scots Wa●…h: and that 〈◊〉 Wall was led straight along tramite dir●… 〈◊〉 speaks; Hadrians Wall in somewhat an uneven passage or draught, as they can tell that have seen such ruins of it as are at this day extant. This being cleared, and confessed on all hands, there remain yet two doubts: First, whether this Pr●…tenture, or Wall, was made of Stone, or of Turss: and secondly, what the length thereof was, and how the numbers, for that, are to be read in old Writers? First then the common opinion among our Saxon Authors, and some others less ancient, is, that it was Vallum CCespititium, or made of Turses, and slakes: our Writers follow Beda, and so doth the learned Camden seem to do, whom we worthily call our chief Antiquary; to him therefore have recourse, for what they say. The famous Salmasius also, a man thou●…ht by many to know all that is to be known, says so too of ●…is Wall, q Salmasius in Spartianum. Murus ille Cespititius suit, nec ●…ovum est vocari Vallum murum Cespititium. He tells us besides that inter Oceani Occidentalis famosos montes, in A●…hicus his Cosmography, that where in the printed ones you have Trienum, Alps plucimas, Appenninum Balearem; in his written Copy, much differing from those extant, for Balearem, there is to be found Ballum Britanniae; quod de hoc vallo manifesto accipiendum est, says he; and tells he will plurimis ad ipsum Aethicum docere. But we have not yet had the luck to see his edition of Aethicus, neither indeed know I, whether it be yet abroad; and therefore can say yet very little to it. The place of Beda is very much noted; and it will be worth the while for us to take notice of his learned Criticism: r Beda Eccl. Hist. lib. 1. 〈◊〉. Severus, saith he, receptam partem insulae, à caeteris indomitis gentibus non muro (ut quidam aestimant) sed Vallo distinguendam putavit. Murus etenim de lapidibus; Vallum vero (quoad repellendam vim hostis cum castra muniuntur) fit de Cespitibus, quibus circumcisis è terra, velut Murus exstruitur altus super terram, ita ut f ●…arn. Gr. in ante fiat fossa, de qua levati sunt cespites, supra quam sudes de lignis fortissimis praefiguntur. Itaque Severus magnam fossam sirmissimumque Vallum, crebris insuper turribus communitum, à mari ad mare duxit. But now on the other side, with this whole passage here is the most discerning t Quem adi in Primord Eccles●… Brit. pag. 1025, 1026, 1027. Dr. Usher directly offended, imputing it to ignorance, that the good old Presbyter never heard of Hadrians Wall, which * Quod in sibi persuadi non v●…li Geo. Buchananus Hist. Scot lib. 4. in Reg●… XXIII. occasioned his mistake, to erect Severus Wall of Turfs: and that the Latin word Vallum (in like manner as the English Wall, and the British Gual, both thence derived:) doth signify and mean the very same that Murus, which yet Salmasius doth readily acknowledge: and hence it is that he mends Spartianus, as you see before, thus: Post murum aut Vallum missum: of which, saith Usher, recte restituit: for formerly, saith Salmasius himself, what is Murum apud Vallum mittere? Again he tells us that Beda was deceived by the fallacious distinction between Murus and Vallum: For I know no good authority for it out of any Latin Writer: v Varro de R. R. lib. 1. cap. 14. Varro will tell you, that they used to call Murum, aggerem sine fossa. A mound without a ditch. Which by no means suits with the Vallum they think of here, where they dream of their sossatum magnum, and that on both sides sometimes. But neither do the Elogia bestowed on this Vallum by ancient Historians, any whit suit with it, were it but simply raised with Turf, and Earth. His majora aggressus, saith Victor before. Maximum ejus Imperii decus, saith Spartian of this Wall. Did he nothing then to out value a dirt Wall? Was his Septizonium of no greater esteem? Well then might Aethicus rank it among the Western Mountains. But I recommend the inquisitive Reader to the very place, where the learned Doctor urges his irrefragable arguments to prove that Severus his Wall was set up of firm Stone. And will see what I can do to rectify the numbers of its length from shore to shore. To let pass therefore Fordon, who as he is not ancient enough to be corrupted, so he was not too old to be deceived, defining the length of this Wall to have the space of but XXII. Miles. Aurelius' Victor (I mean the ordinary one; not that of Schottus Edition forementioned:) may well be numbered among the ancients, and yet he is as foully out almost: Hic [Severus] in Britannia Vallum per triginta duo passuum millia a mari ad mare deduxit. Eutrop●…s in his * Eutrop. lib. 8. ad Valent. Imp. Roman History hath little mended the matter: speaking of Severus. Novissimum bellum in Britannia habuit: utque receptas provincias omni securitate muniret, Vallum per * V was soon made out of the two strokes of II. Triginta quinque millia passuum a mari ad mare deduxit. But his most ancient Copies a great deal farther exceeded, than these now adays come short of the true number, for they had the note of a Centenary C. set before this number here, as may be concluded from old Latin Writers who had him for an Author, and exscribed him, as Hierom in his Edition of Eusebius his Chronicle, commonly called Eusebius his Libellus Temporum in some MSS. Severus in Britanniam transfert bellum, ubi ut receptas provincias ab incursione Barbarica faceret securiores, Vallum per CXXXII. M. P. à mari ad mare duxit. So likewise z Orosius hist. lib. 7. cap. 17. Paulus Orosius the old Spanish Historian. Severus victor in 〈◊〉 de●…ctu 〈◊〉 omnium sociorum trahitur. Ubi magnis gravibu que prae'●…is saepe gestis, receptam partem insulae à caeteris indom●…●…bus Vallo distinguendam putavit. Itaque magnam fossam sirmissimumque Vallum crebris insuper turribus comminutum [leg] communitum, per centum triginta & duo millia passuum à mari ad mare duxit. And generally too all that follow him as Cassiodorus, Ado Viennensis, our Beda; whom hear, if you please: y Beda in Chron. M S. Severus in Bri●…nnias bellum transfert. Ubi ut receptas provincias ab incursione barbarica faceret securiores magnam fossam, fir missimumque Vallum crebris insuper turribus communitum, per CXXXII. mallia passuum à mari usque ad mare duxit. But what need I trou●…le your patience in alleging these testimonies? That his most ancient Copies had it so, is plain out of ●…anius, the Greek Metaphrasi of Futropius, in whom you read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Two and thirty besides an hundred m●…es: and Georgius Syncellus who in a Euseb. Scalig. pag. 203. Scaligers Eusebius in Greek hath, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: assigning to every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Paeanius speaks, or an Italian Mile (with b V. jacob. Gothofred. de Suburbicariis Regionib. pag. 13. Dio Cassius, c Const. Harm. Epit. juris Civ. lib. 2. cap. 4. Julianus Ascalonites, d Hero in Geodaesia M S. in Biblioth. Publica Oxon. de quo vide Clar. Savilium Lectur. second in Euclidem. Hero the Land-Measurer, and others) seven Stadia and an half. So then by this time we may easily g●…s at the ground of the mistake of the Librarius or Transcriber, whence this Error proceeded. It was first truly written LXXXII. now the note of fifty L. appearing but obscurely, yet appearing in some Copies it was made CXXXII the L. (which might easily be done) being turned into C. especially if we consider the fashion it was of in old time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by oth●…r Libraries, the L. scarely appearing, it was quite left out, and so the number became XXXII. That by this means and occasion the error happened in so many Authors, I presume we may be very confident. And more than that e Adi Sparta. & Camden pag. 650, 651 middle number LXXXII. the space of the place between Sea and Sea doth not afford. As for f Geo. Buchan. Hist. Scot lib. 3. Buchana, we mind him not, who would men O●…sius, and for CXXXII. would have it read only XXXII And this is all that shall be spoken in this place of Severi Vallum; only this may be added, and that me seems very confidently, that it remain●…d till after ages, wherein Theodosius the youngers' time there lay near by it, per Lineam Valli, saith the Notitia Occidentis, V. Spectabilis Dux Britanniarum, with no less than XXIII. Tribunes of Cohorts, and Praefecti Alarum, etc. disposed up and down as he thought most convenient. The next Praetentura, or Rampire, we meet with in the Roman History, pertaining to Britain, is that which C. Carausius made in the narrow passage where formerly Julius Agricola had placed his Watch or Garrison between the two Friths of Edenbrough and Dunbritton against the Inroads of the barbarous Britan's. This Carausius being g S. Aureliu: Victor Schotti. Menapiae Civis (whether an h Camden. in Hibernia p. 748. Vsser. Primord. Eccl. Brit. p. 585 Irishman, or a i jan. Dausa in Ra●…a pag. 33. Fleming, I leave it to learned men to agree upon: in k Ptol. Geogr. lib. 2. Ptolem●…, I must needs say is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Ireland, and the people of the Country about are called thereafter, but whether in other Copies it be Menapia, as some think, I do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to affirm any thing till farther search; knowing no City of that nam●… save l Ptol. Geogr. lib. 6. Menapia in Bactriana. For as Doctor Ʋsher hath truly noted, there is not any City of that name among the m Panegyr. 9 ad Constantinum dict. pop. in utroque Rheni littore Gelder's, & Cleves, ●…ulliers. 〈◊〉 in Belgica, theirs being by him named Castellum:) yet for all that Camden, or Usher have alleged, he may be of Belgic etraction, being plainly called by Eumeins the Rhetor terrae Batav●…ae alumnus. This Carausius, I say, about the III. year of Dioclesian, being brought up a Seaman from his youth, was by him employed to guard the British Seas against the roving Pirates Franks and Saxons, and being for some attempts threatened with death by Maximinian Augustus, n Aurel. Vict. Eutrop. l 9 Oros. l. 7. cap. 25. Beda lib. 1. cap. 6. assumed to himself the purple, and power that came thereby, in Britain. But when no good could be done upon him by the Emperors, he was let alone with his Government. o Vict. Schotti. Postquam p Ad ●…ussa dandum 〈◊〉 imperitandum, ut ●…iven. intelligit. jussi●…ac m●…mento incolarum contra gentes bellicosas opportuntor habitus. During the time of his sway in the Island, say the q Galf. Mon. Hist. Brit. lib. 5. cap. 2. & 3. memories and records of our own Nation, if perchance not excepted against; that the Scythians having been formerly invited by Fulgenius to oppose the Emperor Severus, this Carausius granted to the portion of them, yet remaing room among the Britain's, in Caledonia; and that he shut them out from the other inhabitants of the Island with a Wall, as is aforesaid. Our authority for this is to be had out of r Histor. Britonum. Ninnius, or his Interpolator at least, who ever he was: Carausius Postea Imperator reaedisicavit, & septem castellis munivit, inter utraque ostia: domumque rotundam politis lapidibus super r●…pam fluminis Carun, quod à sua nomine nomen accepit, fornicemque triumphal●…m in victoriae memoriam erigens, construxit. Besides that Aurelius Victor doth hint at it in his foregoing words. This Wall at this day is called Grahams-dyke, and the house Arthur's Oven, and Julius H●…ff: Which Buchanan s Buchanan. Hist. Scot lib. 4. in Rege XXVII conceited to be a Temple of the God Terminus; as you may see by his Words. Id opus nonnulli falso prodid●…runt templum Claudii Caesaris fuisse. Nos, quantum conjectura possumus assequi, Aedem Termini suisse credimus. Erant item in ejusdem s●…minis ripa sinistra duo tumuli terreni in modica plaitie, manu (ut satis apparet) congesti. Minoris, qui magis ad occasum vergit, bona pars alluvione amnis est ablata. Dunos pacis adhuc accolae vocant. Besides, now we must take heed that from hence, or the like passages, we do not with strangers & foreiners feign to ourselves that usual and acknowledged separation and division, wont to be for very many ages between us and Scotland; as joannes Sichardus hath noted to that of Eusebius [Carausium sumpta purpura Britannias occupavisse.] these words: Hic puto Scotiam ab Anglia primum divisam: And with the like judgement Henricus Glareanus on Eutropius; when he, speaking of Severus Wall, the other very learnedly, you will say, observes upon him: & sic bodie separatur Scotia ab Anglia. The next after him; for I forbear to mention Dioclesian, although Zosimus t Zossm. Hist. lib. 2. highly praises him, for that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every where in the limets of the Empire, he did so providently fence the whole * Vrbibus & praesidiis & burgis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For he never having been in Britain, the Historian meant, it is likely, the Empire's bounds elsewhere. And I may make near as good an excuse, for leaving out Constantine the Great: for though he were sometimes resident here, and ordered things exceedingly well in the Island, yet is he by the same Historian much traduced, as who broke down such Munitions and defences as were formerly made; that he removed the Soldiers from praesidiary Towns that stood on the borders, to such as needed no garrison; and finally laid open to the enemy's incursions, such as were already frequently alarmed and assaulted by them. Such and more heinous, if might be, are the criminations wherewith that lying Historian doth asperse Constantine, whose parallel in such suffering in future ages I only name justinian; a worthy gallant Prince, slandered by a v Procopius, in Historia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Romae à Nicol. Alemano-edita, G●…co-Lat. blackmouthed relater of his great and glorious actions. The next then, as I was saying, after Carausius, was Theodosius, who strengthened and fenced Britain, and whose prowess and gallantry I had rather you were made acquainted with in * Am. Marcel. H●…st. lib. 28. Marc●…llirus his words, than mine: Hinc ad corrigenda plura conversus & necessaria, periculo peni●…us dempto, eum aperte constare nulla ejus caepta propitiam deseruisse fortunam, instaurabat urbes & praesidiaria ut diximus castra, limitesque vigi●…is tuebatur & Praetenturis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 provinciam, quae in di●…nem concesserat ho●…um, ita reddiderat sta●…ui pristino: ut eodem referente, & rectorem haberet Legitimum, & Valentia deinde vocaretur arbitrio Principis. And here I cannot moderate myself, but bring out of the same Historian the very y Ibidem, nisi, quod in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quaedam sit & hiws; 〈◊〉 an temporum an magis hominum ●…io. next words, giving a clear testimony of his provident care for preserving the limets, in punishing the Areani then fallen into foul neglect and abuse of their office: Areanos', saith he, genus hominum a veteribus inst●…utum, super quibus aliqua in z Quibus apud eum deperditis damnum contigit haud reparabile in rerum Britanniarum historia. actibus Constantis retulimus paulatim prolapsos in vitia à stationibus suis removit: aperte convictos, acceptorum pr●…missorumque magnitudine praemiorum allectos, quae apud nos agebantur aliquotiens barbaris prodidisse. Id enim illis erat officium ut ultro citroque per longa spatia discurrentes vicinarum gentium strepitus nostris ducions intimarent. So deserving a Commander (for a Hist. lib. 28 Marcellinus compares him with Domitius Carbulo in Nero's time, whom the b Tacitus. wisest Historian so surpassingly advanceth:) whose Tropaees and triumphs were every where extant and conspicuous, and whose providence for the safety of the whole Empire was not inferior to, but exceeded, that of the best Princes, came by free Election at length to take charge of all, being a man, both for his excellent Natural Endowments, as well as for his wonderful stately comeliness, born and made to command the whole World. And had I not said enough of him out of Marcellinus, I would recommend to the studious youth, (and yet however I will do it) the excellent and eloquent c Latini Pacati D. repani. Oration of the Panegyrist, made to him personally at Rome, when he was now complete and sole Augustus; for in that too you shall find his extraordinary care, for the Welfare of d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…d paludes su●… Scotum loquor? etc. idem Panegyr. Britain. And that learned Author, who ever he was, who wrote the Book De Rebus Bellicis, ad Theodosium & filios, seems not to me so much to have directly advised them, to what was fitting in this kind for them to do; as to have expressed lively the Imitable practice and performance of so renowned a Chief and Soldier. And the Younger Theodosius also directly trod in the steps of so glorious ●…an example; as may be seen by the Laws of his time; enjoining * Cod. Theodos●…. Magister Officiorum yearly to acquaint the Emperor in what case the Rampires, Garrisons, and Soldiery in General every where stood; as the Studious Reader may see at his pleasure. And here in a discourse De Limitum cura & custodia; and that in Britain too, is it possible I can omit the glorious name of Flavius Stilicho, whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here, peace I mean and security in this Island, the brave Poet Clau-Claudian doth so highly advance in verse, which shall outlive time, and a worse vermin than Moths, ill men. For thus he brings in Britain, speaking by a Prosopopoeia: e Claud. Panegyr. 2. in Stili●…onem. Me quoque vicinis pereuntem gentibus, inquit, Munivit Stilicho, totm quum * 〈◊〉. Hibernus. Scotus jernen Movit, & infesto spumavit remige Tethys. I lives effectum curis, ne bella timerem Scotica, ne Pictum tremerem, ne littore toto Prospicerem dubiis venturum Saxona ventis. Me also, thou, O Stilicho, didst aid, By neighbouring Nations overran, she said; When Scots brought Irish to my fertile shores, And Thetis foamed, ploughed with invading Oars. Yet I not feared the Scots, nor Pictish Host, Nor Saxons sailing to invade our Coast. Elsewhere he affirms the same thing, as thus: f Claud. lib. de Bello Getico. Venit & extremis Legio praetenta Britannis, Quae Scoto dat fraena truci; ferroque notatas Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras. The Legion on the British borders lay, Which curbed the valiant Scot, and did survey The steel-cut figures on the dying Pict. And again in another place. g Claud. lib. — domito quod Saxone Tethys' Mitior, aut fracto secura Britannia Picto. The waves to beaten Saxons were more mild, Or Britanny the Picts by force exiled. I know well enough, that the actions of Sti●…cho are diversely related by others, from what you meet with in Claudi●…n, and therefore what he says, h Carol. Molinaeus De Orig. Monarch. Franticae part. 1. aliique. is reputed but for Poetical sigments. But as wise men as them think not so; for whatever you read of in Claudian about him, depends upon sure grounds, and granted by such, whose knowledge of the Saxons outgoes Hengists' time. For that they a long while before, in the beginning of Valentinians Empire, annoyed the Britan's and their Coasts, we have good authority. saxons Brittannos ●…nis vexavere continuis, saith Ammianus lib. XXVIII. In * Saxon consump●… bellis navalibus afferetur? Lat. Pecatus Diepanus Paneg▪ ad Theodos. Theodosius his time they are near spoiled at Sea, where they used to rove. And within not so long after, we find that to keep off their violence and fury from the Island, i Notitia Im perii Occidentis Comitem littoris Saxonici per brittanniam placed here, with forces assigned him for that purpose, so that I need not to look for further proof, out of the forenamed Panegyric, or else out of Sidonius Apollinaris, or any where else, to defend our good Poet: sure I am there are far worse fictions told by some of our Historians in prose. I more hearken after them, who cry out, Enough of this Vallum. There is more than sitting said of it already. Well then be it so. We will therefore have the less to say to Gallio Ravennas, and his Legion, with the Wall he built here for the Britan's safety: for which I refer you to Paulus Diaconus, Blandus, and others. As I would also have you, for those raised afterwards by the Britan's themselves, for the same purpose to go to Gildas in his Epistle, in which you have the miseries of those, and the times near thereupon lively described, And to him you may add the Venerable Bede, who as is well known, hath most out of him, in the twelfth Chapter of his first Book of his Ecclesiastical History of the English, as it is vulgarly entitled. As for Gildas his Latin, because it is generally harsh and forced, I let it alone, and commend the Reader to his English, which is commonly to be had in Paul's Churchyard. Take Beda then, as smother, and easier to be dealt withal, by the ordinary English man, if ever he were at the Latin School. Exin Britannia, saith he, omni armato milite, militaribus copiis universis, tota floridae juventutis alacritate spoliata, quae tyrannorum temeritate abducta, nusquam ultra domum rediit, praedae tantum patuit, utpote omnis bellici usus prorsus ignara. Denique subito duabus gentibus transmarinis vehementer saevis, Scottorum à Circio, Pictorum ab Aquilone multos stupet gemitque per annos. Transmarinas autem dicimus has gentes, non quod extra Britanniam essent positae, sed quia à parte Britonum erant remotae, duobus finibus mari interjacentibus, quorum unus ab Orientali mari, alter ab Occidentali, Britanniae terras longe lateque irrumpit, quamvis ad se invicem pertingere possint. Orientalis habet in medio sui urbem Guidi. Occidentalis supra Vide Bedam lib: 1. cap. 1. se, hoc est, ad dextram sui habet urbem Alcluith quod lingua eorum significat Petram Caith: est enim juxta fluvium nominis illius. Ob harum ergo infestationem gentium, britons Legatos Romam cum Epistolis mittentes, lachrymosis precibus auxilia flagitabant, subjectionemque continuam, dummodo hostis imminens longius arceretur, promittebant. Quibus mox Legio destinatur armata, quae ubi in Insulam advecta, & congressa est cum hostibus, magnam eorum multitudinem sternens, caeteros sociorum finibus expulit, eosque interim à dirissima depressione liberatos, hortata est, instruere inter duo maria trans Insulam Murum, qui arcendis hostibus posset esse praesidio: sicque domum cum triumpho magno reversa est. At Insulani Marum, quem jussi fuerant, non tam lapidibus, quam cespitibus construentes, utpote nullum tanti operis artificeth habentes, ad nihil unlem statuunt. Fecerunt autem cum inter duo freta, vel sinus (de quibus diximus:) maris per millia passuum plurima. Ut ubi aquarum munitio deerat, ibi praesidio Valli fines suos ab hostium irruptione defenderent. Cujus operis ibidem facti, id est, Valli latissimi & altissimi usque hodie certissima vestigia cernere licet. Incipit autem duorum firme millium spatio a monasterio * Vide Red. lib. 4. cap. 26. & Vsser. De Prim. Eccles. Britan. pag. 602. ●…burcurnig ad Occidentem, in loco qui sermone Pictorum Peanuahel, lingua autem Anglorum Penueliun appellatur, & tendens contra Occidentem terminatur juxta urbem Alcluith. Verum priores inimici ut Romanum militem abiisse conspexerant, mox advecti navibus irrumpunt terminos, caeduntque omnia, & quasi maturum segetem obvia quaeque metunt, calcant, transeunt. Unde rursum mittuntur Romam l●…gati, flebili voce auxilium implorantes, ne penitus misera patria deleretur, ne nomen Romanae provinciae, quod apud eos tam diu claruerat, exterarum gentium improbitate obrutum vilesceret. Rursum mittitur Legio, quae inopinata tempore autumni adveniens magnas hostium strages dedit, eosque qui evadere poterant omnes trans maria fugavit, qui prius anniversarias praedas trans maria, milite nullo obsistente, cogere solebant. Tum Romani denunciavere Britonibus, non se ultra ob eorum defensionem tam loboriosis expeditionibus posse fatigari, ipsos potius monent arma corripere, & certandi cum hostibus studium subire, qui non ob aliam causam, quam si ipsa inertia solverentur, eye possent esse fortiores, quin etiam quia & hoc sociis, quos derelinquere cogebantur, aliquod commodi allaturum, putabant, Murum a mari ad mare recto tramite inter urbes, quae ibidem ob metum hostium factae fuerunt (ubi & Severus quondam Vallum fecerat) firmo de lapide locarunt. Quem videlicet Murum hactenus famosum atque conspicuum, sumptu publico privatoque adjuncta secum Britannorum manu, construebant, a Vetus Chronjcon apud non excespitibus Vallum a Penult. ad Civitatem Acliud; in eodem loco murus lapideus altus pe des XII. crassus VIII. pedes, quo Severi ex cespitibus factus est. Camd. in Ottudinit. Vsserius p. 655. 1026. 1068. octo pedes latum, & duodecim altum, recta ab Oriente in occasum linea, ut usque hodie intuentibus clarum est. Quo mox condito, daunt fortia segni populo monita, prebent instruendorum exemplaria armorum. Sed & in littore Oceani ad meridiem, quo naves eorum habebantur, quia & inde Barbarorum irruptio timebatur, turres per intervalla ad prospectum maris collocant, & valedicunt sociis tanquam ultra non reversuri; Quibus ad sua remeantibus; cognita Scotti Pictique reditus denegatione redeunt confestim ipsi, & solito confidentiores facti, omnem Aquilonarem extremamque Insuli partem * Saxonum. pro indigenis ad Murum usque capessunt. Statuiter ad haec in adito arcis acies segnis, ubi trement corde stupida diu * Vide Vsserium pag. 1027. noctuque marcebat. At contra non cessant uncinata hostium tela. Ignavi propugnatores miserrime de Muris tracti solo allidebantur. Quid plura? relictis civitatibus, ac Muro, fugiunt, disperguntur: Insequitur hostis, accelerantur strages, cunctis crudeliores prioribus. Sicut enim agni a feris, ita miseri cives discerpuntur ab hostibus. But not long after the sudden demolishing of this last Wall, a miserable appearance of all things was to be seen in Britain; in expression of which, good Gildas a Gild. in Epist. De excidio Brittannia. plays the Tragedian; and mentioning their Letters to the Romans for aid, which yet they sent not, Aetio tertium Consul, he tells us they were thus inscribed: Gen●…us Britannorum, containing such lamentable complaints as these: Repellunt Barbari ad mare, repellit mare ad Barbaros. Inter haec duo genera sunerum, aut jugulamue, aut mergimur. This sad misfortune, and comfortless condition, happened to the Britan's during the Consulship of Aetius the III. time, and Symmac●…us his Colleague, in the twenty and third year of the Reign of Theod●…sius the younger; and in the 446 of Christ; according to b Eccles. hist. lib. 1. cap. 13. Beda out of him. If any, with our (〈◊〉) Camden, following d Baron. An. 446. sect. 1. Baronius, be offended (c) Camden. Brit. pag. 77. 94. 95. either with the Consul's name, (for in the most copies of Beda, I mean not the best, you have Boetio for Aetio, which Camden seems to maintain:) or with the account of years, he shall find Beda justified and cleared by the incomparable e D. Vsserius pag. 369 3. 70. Usher. I shall add no more therefore, after that I have explained and set down the draught and course of the Vallum, here principally intended, and that from as sufficient f Sr. Rob. Co●…▪ Eq. Baronet's. Guil. Camdenus Claren Cieul●…. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inspectores, as any ever beheld it, since the first raising thereof. The course of the Vallum then began at Blatum-Bulgium, or Bullness, by the Irish Ocean, and goes along the Frith, or mouth of Eden, by Burgh upon Sands to Carlisle, where it passeth the Eden, from thence it goes along, and having on one side the River Irthing, it passeth over the small River Cambeck which hath in it many windings, and where many relics are of an old Castle, afterwards passing the Irthing and Poltrosse, it enters Northumberland, and amongst the frequent heaps of hills holding on along the river, which they call the Southern Tine, (only divided by the Northern Tine, making a breach in it, where of old time a Bridge was laid over it:) it goes on even to the Germane Ocean. AD PORTUM RITUPIIS. Of this Station I have spoken enough at the very beginning of this Itinerary. It is the very last of this J●…ney. CCCCLXXXI. M. P.] The whole sum of the miles in this Journey, is in the vulgar Copies of Antoninus 481. set in the beginning thereof, and it is mended in some 491. But neither number will near agree with the particulars, if you sum them up together; for they come to 510. Surita the Spaniard, who used good store of Manuscripts, of which yet we are wholly destitute, brings us here among his Var. Lectiones (for so Thuanus had rather call them, than Commentarii, as himself doth:) no help, or direction by them. That no fault should happen among so many worthy Transcribers, was a thing not to be expected. But our good Antoninus hath been so unlucky (which is the complaint of all that have had to do with him:) as to be corrupted in things least curable by the very Chirons of Criticism, yet most proclive to error in such unlearned and heedless hands, Numbers I mean, and proper Names, of which yet he only consists. Have the whole Journey therefore, as it is in the vulgar Editions. As we go along, we will take notice of what may be rectified, in hope to reconcile the particular numbers, with the summary, if possibly it may be. ITER. II. Editio Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana. ITER A VALLO AD PORTUM RITUPAS. M. P. CCCCLXXXI. sic; Ablato Bulg. A BLATO BULGIO CASTRA Ablat. EXPLORATORUM. M. P. * XII * 10, & 15. Lugu-vall. LUGUVALLUM. M. P. XII. Lugu-vall. VOREDAM. M. P. XIIII. BROVONACIM. M. P. XIII. VERTERIM. M. P. * XIII. * al. 20. LAVATRIM. M. P. XIIII. * 16. CATARACTONEM. M. P. * XIII. * 16. Isuriam. ISURIUM. M. P. XXIIII. Isuriam. Eburacum. 18. EBORACUM. M. P. XVII. Eburacum. 18. Cacaria. CALCARIAM. M. P. IX. Cambodun. CAMULODUNUM. M. P. XX. Cambodun. MAMUCIUM. M. P. XVIII. Mammuc. & Manuc. CONDATE. M. P. XVIII. * Vici. DEVAM. Leg. XX * Victrix M. P. XX * Leg. XXIII. CI. BOVIUM. M. P. X. MEDIOLANUM. M. P. XX. RUTUNIUM. M. P. XII. Urio, Con. VIROCONIUM. M. P. XI. Urio, Con. UXACONAM. M. P. XI. Penno-Cruc. PENNOCRUCIUM. M. P. XII. Penno-Cruc. ETOCETUM. M P. XII. Mandues-Sed * 16. MANDUESSEDUM. M. P. * VI † † 16. Mandues-Sed. VENONIM. M. P. XII. Bennavent. 16. BENNAVENNAM. M. P. XVII. Bennavent. & Bann. LACTODORUM. M. P. XII. Lactorod. MAGIOVINTUM. M. P. * XVII. Magint. * 12. DUROCOBRIVIM. M. P. XII. Duro-Cobr. Vero Lam. VEROLAMIUM. M. P. XII. Vero-Lam. Sullonac. SULLONIACIM. M. P. XI. Sullomac. 9 LONDINIUM. M. P. XII. Longidin. NOVIOMAGUM. M. P. X. VAGNIACIM. M. P. XVIII. Duroprovis. DUROBRIVIM. M. P. IX. Duro-brov. * 16. DUROLEVUM. M. P. * XIII. Durorvern. DUROVERNUM. M. P. XII. AD PORTUM RITUPAS. M. P. X. BLATUM BULGIUM.] This Station was not distant a full mile from Severus Wall; whose foundations are easily discerned in Ituna at an ebbing tide. So is Eden called by Ptolemy, by which this place of old stood; so that Robert Talbot was quite out, seeking for it by Glota or Edenborough-Frith. Some part of the old name being yet preserved, it is at this day called Bulnesse, which is said to be but a very small village, yet hath it to show what it was, a Bulwark yet remaining, besides the draught of the old Streets, and ancient Walls; as our Antiquary witnesses; who also derives Bulgium from a word among the old Britain's Bulch; signifying a partition, or Separation; because the Wall being somewhat like some God Terminus, as he speaks out of the Poet;— * Geo. Buchan. Ausonii signet divortia regni; or separates the Roman power from the rest of the Island not yet fully reduced. josias Simler mistakes it for Aballaba, a Station also in Cumberland: of which see more out of the Notitia of the Western Empire. As I know not what Blatum means; so I know that to read it Blotum, with Holyoke is against the Authority of all Copies. This and the like is noted for Schools, that young men there may not be deceived, what ever the word Blatum stands for. CASTRA EXPLORATORUM. M P. XII.] The remoteness of this Station from Blatum julgium is everally set down: as XII. M. P. in Aldus, and others: which is altered into X. and XV. as not only appears by Simler, but by the several Manuscripts which Surita brings. The distance here however, where (as I must elsewhere also often warn:) the way is not always by the shortest cut, but most an end by the more noted Garrisons; doth suit well, as well from Bulness, as Carlisle, to make it, as our Antiquary, an eyewitness of the Situation of the place, and that upon second thoughts, is persuaded, to have been that which we now call Burgh upon Sands; for he waves their opinion, as besides the mark, who would have it to be Drumbough Castle. And we may also neglect Talbots conceit, who was quite wide, when he dreamt this to be Alata Castra in a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ptolemy Edinburgh. Ptolemy. Castra indeed was the usual word for a Camp, or place of refidence of Soldiers. But these Castra being called Exploratorum, they are in all likelihood to be sought for upon the Frontiers. The Grecians called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Limitaneae Urbes: as Aristides the b Aristid. Encom. 11. Roma. Orator; after whose time also they began to name them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. One of these two words must necessarily be restored in c Menander in Methodo laudandar. V●…bium. flor. sub Mauritio Imp. Menander the Rhetorician, for it is read in him hitherto without any sense, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which being turned into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would clear all doubt. For nought else in this place of the Author can be meant. Not to defraud any man of his due right, the emendation is learned d Casaub. in Spartian. Isaac Casaubon's. Many else of this kind may be observed to have been in Britain, to watch the courses of the Enemy. Besides the Areani, spoken of erewhile out of e Marcel lib. Hist. 29. Marcellinus; you may remember the Numeri Exploratorum mentioned in an old Stone in BREMENIUM in the first Journey beyond the Wall. On this side the Wall too you have at Lavatres sub dispositione V. Spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum Praefectum Numeri Exploratorum. So that I need not have recourse to the South of the Island, to ADURNI PORTUS; where also was usually a f Notitia Imp. Occidentis. Praepositus Numeri Exploratorum sub Dispositione Viri Spectabilis Comitis Littoris Saxonici per Brittanniam. The situation of the place is round about here, saith Camden, who was there, ad explorandum commodissimus, and gives good reason for it, as you may please to see. To speak a word or two at large myself to the youth concerning these Exploratores. In Greek they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Eustathius renders g Eustat. Par. in Iliad. K. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thereby he also interprets Homer's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Andromache entitles her husband Hector, a Protector or defender, that carefully looked about for the safety of Troy. It signifies a Scout then h Epist. ad Ebraeos 11. 31. commonly in Greek, and it is as well used as a Latin Word for a Post, who speedily conveys news of Importment: i Lib. de Bello Africano. A. Hirtius, if it be not rather Opius: Literis, saith he, celeriter scriptis, & per Catascopum missis. Whom Plutarch in the life of Galba names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those Marcellinus calls Speculatores one while, another while Excursatores: as who had the office to look after the courses the Enemy took, and to learn out their counsels; and their place was always to k Zosim. l. 3●… Marcel. lib. 24. march before the Army. In l Dio lib. 55. pag. 561. Dio they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who in the same Writer m Fragm. 〈◊〉 Ful. Vrsino edit. num. 83. elsewhere are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And he likewise, distinguishes between their order, or rank, and them who are commonly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Tabellarii, which notwithstanding learned men sometimes confound. Glossae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which I will interpret by n Vict. in Caesaribus. Victor's words. Ad explorandum missi nunci andumque si qui hostium motus existerent. You have in o Constant. de Administrando Imperio cap 59 Constantinus Porphyrogenneta the Emperor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and p Constant. de Thematibus Orientis. elsewhere in him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In the former place Io. Meursius hath restored 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and renders it Exploratores. In the other place Bon. ●…ulcanius restores it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nomine, saith he, ea tempestate usitata pro Auscultatores; But of these, not to hold the Reader weary any longer, let him see the incomparable q jacob. Cujac Observat. lib. 6. cap. 33. Lawyer at his leisure, when he thinks good. As Cumberland, of all the shires we have, is accounted the best furnished with Roman Antiquities, so doth this portion of it hereabouts supply us with the knowledge of somewhat in our affairs, whereof in books there is altum silentium. As some matters of Commodus the Emperor. First Fuscianus II. Silanus II. Coss. Then how Atticus and Praetextatus being Coss. under Gordian, that Nonnius Philippus was Propraetor or Legate in Britain, and Aemilius Crispinus, an African, was Commander of the Ala Augusta Gordiana. Next there may be seen Inscriptions to M. Julius Philippus the Emperor, and his Son; neither the same with Gordians Legate here: yet both succeeded in the Empire. There were found Inscriptions also to some Topical Gods; as r Vide Clariss. Selden. De Dis Syriis Syntagm. 2. cap. 1. Deo Sancto Belatucadro, and Deo Ceai: of which in another place better. LUGUVALLUM M. P. XII.] That Luguvallum here, or Lugubalia among the Monks, was Carlisle, is past all doubt, by the affirmation of all ages down along. The difference in the names hath already been satisfied for, as where you say Ballum for Vallum, and s V. BINOVIUM Itin. 1. elsewhere too. So there will be no trouble about that. But rather about the origination of the name, wherein Leland doth foully boggle, and yet not clearly expedite himself. Camden some deal better, as who was far more skilled in learned Antiquities. He than deduces it from the famous Vallum near which it was, and Lugos, or such a like word, which signifies a Tower, and concludes it so, by comparing t Ptol. Geog. lib. 2. Ptolemy with v Mela l. 3. De situ Orbis. c. 1. Pomponius Mela. For in the former the place that is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is in the later named x Hodie Oluca vel Luga Siml. in Anton. p. 281 Turris Augusti. So that Luguvallum must signify the Tower or Muniment by the Vallum. And had the French Antiquaries taken this course in deriving the names of their two ancient and principal Cities Lugdunum, and y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ptol. Lucotetia; they had not made themselves so ridiculous to strangers, deducing the one from Lu●…um, Dirt; and the other from Lugdus, I know not what imaginary King who built it; which I will as soon believe, as the building of Turonunt, by Turonu●…, in z Gal. Monm. in Brit. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 8. Geoffrey of Monmouth, vouching for it Ho●…ter; but it is not my good luck to know where. I like better the origination thereof, which I find in a Plut. lib. de fluminibus. Plutarch if he be the Author of the Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where he says out of Clitophon's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I●… that Lugdunum was so called because * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio l. 46. the foundations of the City being laid, the Crows suddenly appearing with fluttering wings, filled all the Trees thereabout. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So that * Vide Geo. Buchan. Rerum Scoticarum l. 2. Lugdunum by this must signify the Crow's hill. And truly as many Cities of Gaul and Britain as end in Dunum, and there are not a few, are found placed upon hills, or rising grounds. The Grecians called such kind of higher places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which word the Grammarians b Herod. in Melpoment. out of Herodotus say, is Libyan. See more in c Eustat. in Odyss. ipso stat●… initio. Eustathius upon Homer. But much rather do I like that which is to be had, set before the Itineraries published by Andr. Schottus being a short glossary out of P. Pithaeus Library, expounding certain Gallique words, among which you have Lugdunum, Desideratus mo●…s, wherein you have likewise the signification of Dunum asserted and made good. For though other Writers consent not with Plutarch, concerning the deduction of the former part of the name, as we see, and may do also by Henricus Benedictus Altissiodorensis, who wrote near eight hundred years agone, in the age of Carolus Calvus, in a Altiss. de vita S. Ger. l. 4. the life of St. German, in these verses. Lugduno celebrant Gallorum famine nomen Impositum quondam, quod sit Mons lucidus idem. The ancient Gaul, thy noble Pile, From thy bright Hill, Lugdunum stile. Yet they do generally in the hinder part thereof. As besides others b Sen. Epist. XCI. Seneca, in that Epistle where he tells of the burning of Lugdunum: Civitas (saith he) uni imposita & huic non altissimo monti. Wherewith the learned c De Gracit Hist. lib. 3. Vossiu●… with very good judgement mended that place in Strabo d Strab. Geog. lib. IU. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, reading it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Such being the situation of the place. Now whereas it cannot be denied, but that Luguvallum was a Station or place near the Vallum, give me leave to speak freely what I think of it, namely that Ael. Spartianus in the life of Severus doth intend no other Mansion but it, in these words. Post Murum aut Vallum missum in Britannia, quum ad proximam Mansionem rediret, non solum Victor, sed etiam in aet●…rnum pace fundata, volvens animo, quid ominis sibi occu●…reret; Aethrops quidam è numero militari, etc. The very situation leads me to think, that he means none other by that Proximam Minsionem, then Luguvallum, or Carlisle. Besides, that which mainly induces me to believe so, is that the Sixth Legion, having dispatched the service Severus set them upon, the rearing of the Wall, left behind them here a remembrance of themselves, yet to be seen, in large and elegant Characters. LEG. VI VIC. P. F. G. P. R. F. There is to be seen here likewise another Inscription, but of a later age, made to preserve the memory of Marcus Trojanus, set up by his Dearest Wife, which they that will, may see in Camden. About the times of William II. William of Malmesbury, speaking, hath these Words. Visum erat triclinium Romanum ex lapidibus forntcibus concamtratum, quod nulla unquam tempestatum contumelia, aut ignium flamma labe factari potuit, in cujus fronte inscriptum erat MARII VICTORIAE. The Wits of the former age, did severally exercise themselves, to know what the meaning might be; some contending it belonged to Arviragus, who in the British story is called Marius; others thought it that * Emperor but for three days; He had been a Smith, and was killed with a sword of his own making, by a servant of his slighted by him. Treb. in 30. Tyrannis. Marius, who in Gallienus his time was saluted Emperor. But much amiss. Our Antiquary informs us that the best Copies of Malmesbury had written MARTI VICTORI: and that he likes best, as I do also. Such Inscriptions are not difficultly to be come by every where. And having no Manuscripts of Malmesbury at hand, I must be content. So much therefore of Luguvallum shall be said at this time. Adding this only, that Lugubalia, from which contracted the Saxons name * Whence Cair Luel, and in time Carlisle. Luel, by which they called this Town, was written at the Monk's pleasure, with a single or double L. but the later is the best. The Reader I hope will of himself take notice of the Enallage genetis: and why, with others, I refer him not to Lucopibia in Ptolemy, he shall know, when I come to it. VOREDA M. P. XIIII.] The distance of this Station from Luguvallum (though a long while I thought it to be incertae positionis and that for the very names sake itself:) is such that I can better confute Talbot in assigning where it was, then positively affirm any thing myself. He would have it be Ptolemies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, far away remote among the Venicon●…s, a people in old time of that we now call Scotia, which he with others say was Newcastle, but that too is too too much distant, then that it can agree with the number of miles set down here. But more of that God willing to Ptolemy. Camden in his Catalogue of the ancient Cities of Britain, sets down to this ●…oreda, Old Perith, and says nothing else of it in his great work; of which I know not what to say, but that it was an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his: for Old Perish is elsewhere called by him Petriana, mentioned in the Notitia, called so either from the river of a like name running near or from the Ala Petriana residing there, as is to be seen by an old Inscription, which might occasion the alteration of the name Voreda into Petriana, I list not here to determine. However look for Petriana as you were before directed. The learned Fulk will have Voredae to have been Wederuud, not without some kind of agnomination; but because I know where it hath its being, I will say no more of it. BROVONACIS. M. P. XIII.] So here. But in the fifth Journey Brocavo; as Talbot and Surita read it, but Brocovo, as Aldus and Simler. They are both the same Mansion: for in both Journeys you find it between Luguvallum and Verterae; saving that here Voreda interposes between it, and Luguvallum. Yet is not Talbots conclusion so sure: f Talbot. Annot. in Anton. Itiner. Ms. Porro quae hic est Voreda inter Brovonacas, & Luguvalium, illic est omissa; & numeri aut hic aut illic sunt mendosi, & depravati. Nam cum hic sit Luguvalio Voredam, XIV. & Voreda Brovonacas XIII. si in summam redigas, habebis. XXVII. Quamobrem aut illic esse debet Brovo. Luguvalium XXVII. aut hic duo particulares numeri sunt minuendi, aut certe eorum alter; sic ut simul uniti non nisi XXV. faciant. For some miles may be gained, in not taking in a Town by the way, but directly going on. For they usually marched not straight forward, but wheeled about sometimes, as we see plainly; according as their occasions required. In the V. Journey Talbot would have it read Brovo, the syllable ca being superfluous, Debetque esse, saith he, Brovo, quod est breviatum pro integro Brovonacis Itin. II. That it was the same Station with Brocovicus in the Notitia, our Harrison hath observed after Simler; but both are overseen in the name. But plainly it was the same Station with Bravoniacum there, where it is also placed next to Verterae, as not only Surita, Camden, and Pancirolus (who amiss names it Broconiacum) have observed: but even the matter itself tells us. The very words of the Notitia are: Sub dispositione V. Spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum Praefectus Numeri Defensorum Braboniaco. At this day it is called Brougham in Westmoreland, in which some relics of the old name yet remain. Besides Roman Coins here often digged up, it is taken notice of for an ancient Camp or Castra; other Antiquities age itself hath consumed. VERTERAE. M. P. XIII.] But the emendation which Talbot brings, is XX. and that is confirmed by two of Surita's Manuscripts in the other it is XIII. as here. But in the fifth Journey it is XX. miles from Brovonacae to Verteris: and it is thought the better reading, because as they say; a Arist. Phys. lib. Eadem est via Athenis Thebas, & Thebis Athenas. Verterae, it is thought, stood not far off Ituna or Eden in Westmoreland; where it joins itself with other Streams. Now it is decayed into a small village, and its name is turned among us into Eurgh. For our Country men call it Burgh under Stanemore; or as our Monks name it Burgus sub Saxeto. Vegetius b Veget. De via militari lib. 4. cap. 10. tells us that under the later Emperors, small Castles, convenient for War, and well stored with Corn for provision, began to be called * A. Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Burgi, and that the Burgundians had their name from living in such, c Hist. lib. 7. cap. 22. Paulus Orosiur is sufficient Author. Burgundionum qu●…que novorum hostium novum nomen, qui plusquam octoginta millia ut ferunt armatorum, ripae Rheni sluminis insederunt. Hos, qu●…ndam subacta interiore Germania à Druso & Tiberio, adoptativis filiis Caesaris, per castrae dispositos, aiunt in magnam coäluisse gentem, atque ita etiam nomen ex opere praesumpsisse, qui●… crebra per limitem habitacula constituta, Burgos Vulgo vocant: eorumque esse, praeva●…idam & perniciosam manum, Galliae hodieque testes sunt: Camden does boldly assure that this Burgh was this Verterae; both in regard of the exact distance from the next Stations on both sides Brovoniaca, and Lavatrae, our miles being resolved into the Italic; as also because it stands upon the High Way, whose ridge here plainly appears. The Notitia also of the West, mentions this Station: Sub dispositione Viri spectabilis Ducis Brittanniarum Praefectus Numeri Directorum Verteris. The name of this Station in the Notitia had quite perished, had it not been recovered out of this place; for before it was Veneris, Veterum, without sense or probability of tolerable meaning. But finding it here it seems to me to have lasted so long, till the Roman power expired in the Island. LAVATRIS. M. P. XII●…I.] The Military Port way hence tending somewhat more S●…uthernly, brings you to old Lavatris, as it is called here. So in the V. Journey it is Levatris; yet the same distance there between Verteris and it, exactly as is here. That which principally shows forth its Antiquity is a brave Stone (such sure the Parson and Parish thought it, when they used it for an Altar in their Church:) found out there inscribed to Hadrian the Emperor thus: Imp. Caesari Divi Trajani Parthici Max. Fi●…io Divi Nervae Nepoti Trajano Hadriano Aug. Pont. Maxm.— Cos. ay— P. P. Coh. FOUR F.— Io. Seu. There was another Inscription likewise taken up here, but somewhat maimed; yet thereby it appears that I. Cohort of the Thracians resided here under the command of one Frontinus, Neither lest they the Island so. For again under Severus we find in the same place, that the same Cohort who are said to have rebuilt the Bath there consumed with fire under the oversight and care of Val. Fronto Commander of a wing of the c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strab. At Vettorum alas locus probat aequore aperto. Sil. Italicas'. Vettones (a people of Spain:) d Ulpian. Digest. lib. 28. tit. 6. leg 2. sect. 4. Prius autem. vide Eclog. quae tribuuntur Theodosio ex Dione. Item Ric. Vitum Hist. Brit. Virius Lupus being at that time Lega●… or Propraetor. The dedication of this piece Brit. lib. 115. 5. Not. 17. Selden. Analect. l. 1. c. 7. of Antiquity is DEAE FORTUNAE. If any doubt concerning the word Ballineum, let them have recourse to e Sosip. Charisius Instit. Gram. lib 1. Sosipater, f Ald. Manut. in Orthograph. etc. Aldu●…, and others. Much less let him marvel to find Baths in garrisoned Towns, who shall take notice of such infinite numbers of them both public and private, in g Vide Senecam Epist. 86. & Pub. victorem de regionibus urbis. Rome, whose example was every where proposed abroad to imitate, but notalwaies in the use of Baths: Stricter times and Commanders sometimes forbade them, and would not admit them either for cleanliness of health's sake. For h Polyan. lib. Stratagem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Polyanus speaking of Scipio, and his restraint of corrupt discipline in his Army, tells us, he forbade that not any body should either use a silver drinking cup, or bathing among them. And i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Xiphilin in his Epitome of Dio relates concerning Caracalla, that affecting a seeming austerity he marching along with the Soldiers never made use of any Bath. And hence is that of k In Ep. 1. ad Timothium. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I. chrysostom. The Soldier minding Baths, is censured as one that runs away from his colours. And that judgement of the Wisest l Tacitus in Agrico●… vita. Historian concerning the more civilised Britain's, and reduced to the Roman fashion of feasting and bathing is very home and free. * Vide Consultiss. Virum Gulielmum Burtonum in Descriptione Leicestriae de quodam ibi Roman. Lavacro in ipsa urbe inven●…o. pag. 161. For after that, saith he, our attire grew to be in account, and the Gown much used among the Britain's: Paulatimque disc●…ssum ad delinimenta vitiorum, porti●…us, & balnea, & convit iorum elegantiam idque apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur, ●…um pars servitutis esset. There is farther mention of this Station as in the Notitia Occidentis: Sub dispositione Viri Spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum Prafectus Numeri Exploratorum Lavatris, of whom before I have given notice. And yet our learned Antiquary, though his mind run too much upon the Balineum here vi ignis ex ustum, had rather deduce the name of the Mansion from Laver, a stream that runs by very near, than à Lav●…ris. However he is confident upon good reasons, the sit distance from the next place already spoken of, and his finding it upon the Military Way, to affirm that it is at this day called Bows: but the reasons for the name, I had rather you should have from him then me: and indeed, which is my rusticity, I understand not old British or W●…lsh so well. CATARACTONI. M. P. XVI.] This Station is written so curtailed for Cataractonium, or if you will Cataractonio. As this is the distance here from Lavatris, so in the first Journey from Binovia it is distant XXII. M. P. of this I have already spoken. ISURIAM. M. P. XXIV.] The very distance in the first Journey, save that there it is set down Isurium. EBURACUM. M. P. XVIII.] In the first Journey it wants a Mile of this distance. You have also there added Leg. VI Victrix. CALCARIA. M. P. VIIII.] It is otherwise called Cacaria. Our Antiquary placeth it by m In English Wherf. Verbeia, at Tadcaster, agreeing therein with Robert Martial, politi judicii Viro, whom he names, as he says, honoris causa. The same before them thought Humphrey Lhuyd: yet therein he is out, that he delivers it to be Ptolemies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is rather Antoninus his Gallacum. But the former opinion is confirmed by the distance from York, for it is just IX. Italic Miles thence, which is the number also here. Again the nature of the Soil, and the very account of the Name, makes it good. For it was called Calcaria a colce, a place well stored with Chalk. That Calcaria signified so much, there are sufficient Authorities. Tertullian de carne Christi cap. VI de Calcaria ad carbonariam. Ammianus lib. XXVII. Libentius se vino proprio Calcarias extincturum, quam ad venditurum preciis quibus sperabatur. That to these Calcariae offending persons were condemned n Vip. de poenis leg. & VIII. Ulpian is our Author; whence is it that in the o Cod. Theod. De decurionibus leg. 27. Code we read of the Calcarienses. From the Calcariae therefore, or Limekills here (as also to a place near to Marsilia in this very book, and elsewhere also;) was this name Calcaria given, and there is no reason we should doubt of it: for Chalk scarce any where else in this whole Tract is to be found; yet about this Town it is still plentifully digged up, and for building conveyed to York, and the whole Country round. Nor want there other Arguments to prove its Antiquity, to let alone the Situation by the Road way, Coins of the Roman Caesars, are often turned up, there remains the Relics of the Foss or Ditch, with which it was environed, and the ruins of an old Castle, of which the Bridge was whilom made, which when the River Wherf had passed under, it mingleth its Water with the Ouse, besides a Hill by the Town called Kelk-bar, seemeth yet to retain some part of the old Name. After Antoninus p Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 4. c. 23. Beda also maketh mention of it, out of whom take the story too, if you will, which he relates. Heina religiosa Christi famula, qu●… prima foeminarum fertur in provincia Nordanbumbrorum propositum vestemque sanctimoniablilis babitus consecrante Aidano Episcopo suscepisse, secessit ad civitatem Calcariam, quae agente Anglorum Calca-cester appellatur, ibique mansionem sibi instituit. CAMBODUNO. M. P. XX.] Besides Antoninus you shall find mention also of this Mansion in our Beda. Paulinus, saith he, in provincia Deirorum, baptizabat in fluvio Sualva qui vicum juxta Cataractam praeterfluit. Non enim Oratoria vel Baptisteria in ipso exordi●… nascentis Ecclesiae poterant aedificari. Attamen in Campo Dono (ubi nunc etiam villa Regia erat) fecit Basilicam, quam postmodum pagani, à quibus Edwinus Rex occisus est, cum tota eadem villa succenderunt. But he writes it with a P. in the second syllable, as Strabo writes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Munster renders Campidona, that City of Vindelicia which in ptolemy is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: moreover Beda divides the word Campo-dona, whence it is that of old K. Alfred. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who translated his Ecclesiastical History into the Saxon or old English language above DCCC. years agone, renders it Dona-●…eloa; although it was written in the Manuscript Copy of Beda, which was in the hands of that excellent Divine, Doctor Samuel Ward, Professor at Cambridge, Campadono, as we are taught by our Learned Friend Abraham Wheclocke, the Professor of Arabic at Cambridge, and public Library keeper there. In Ptolemy amongst the Cities of the brigants it is printed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * And so published amiss in Antoninus here. Camulodunum, for which in the Palatine Copy you have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; so that none now may wonder with r In Synonimia Geograph. Ortelius whence Ferdinand. Pintianus had that reading. Which Ortelius notwithstanding not only much thinks amiss, wherein he takes this Cambodunum here to be the same with s Pl●…. Nat. Hist. lib. 2. c. 7●…. Plivies Camulodunum, which he saith was distant from Mona about CC. miles: but also that he affirms that Talbot, and a man of singular learning, as he calls him, William Camden, did think that it was of old time called West-chester. For Camden's part he thought long ago that the Situation of this Cambodunum was in old time near the right hand bank of the River Calder in Yorkshire by Almondbury, and that from the distance on oneside from Mancunium, on the other side from Calcaria, which Antoninus himself sets down. Near this village, saith he, Cambodunum sat, upon an hill sufficiently enough steep, to which there was no access, but upon one side only: on it were some ruins of Walls, and manifest signs of a Camp. But Secula vicerunt, as the l Martial. lib. 7. Epig. 18. Poet says. That it was indeed seated upon an Hill the very name sufficiently shows, for all Towns, for the most part beginning or ending in Dunum, are placed upon Hills. For in the old gallic Tongue, the same with our British, Dunum signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a hill or rising piece of ground, as I have ere while told you out of Plutarch. In the first Saxon times it flourished in great honour, as the place before brought out of Beda sufficiently witnesseth. But whereas he writes that the Church which Paulinus built, and dedicated to Saint Alban (whence the place was called Albanbury, at this time corrupted into Almondbury:) was burnt by the Pagans. Camden who was an eye-witness affirms that to this day the colour of burning remains in the stones. William Fulks Antoninus to Cambodunum had Camborough noted: of which place yet, as unknown, we can suddenly determine nothing. MANUCIO. M. P. XVIII.] The reading of the name of this Station is very divers. Manucio here. Otherwise Mammucio, Mammunccio, Mamutio, Manutio, Mancinto, as may be seen out of Surita and others, in whom yet there is no difference in matter of distance of the Miles: and in the X. Journey there is another Station set before it, there is the right name of it to be found Mancunio: of which see there. It is doubtless near Manchester in Lancashire, which though it be said to belong to the old brigants, yet was not Mancunium one of their u Insignes urbes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for we miss it in Ptolemy, and we may judge it to be that which at this day we call Mancastle, a Park near the Town belonging sometimes to the Earl of Derby, where are to be seen antiqui propugnacul, radices quadrata forma; although our Antiquary is unwilling to say so much because of its angustum spacium or narrow continent. Dr. De●… the famous Interpreter of ●…uclide, who lived there communicated to our learned Antiquary what Monuments of the Roman times remained, found there: among which one m●…ns the first r Qui illi fuerint, praeter Geographos, adisis Doctissimum Vossium. lib. De Latin. Hist. pag. 428, 429. contra insignem errorem Aentae Sylvii aliorumque. Cobor●… of the Frisingenses, who it seems resided sometimes here: those in him you may s●…e. Nor have I ought else to say to it, save that Maunguid or Mauchguid in Nin●… his Catalogue of British 〈◊〉 of the recension of the Incomparable * Primord. Eccles. Brit. P. 61. Dr. Ushur, and compared with the best Manuscripts is by him thought to be M●…unium: in case it be not rather Manduessedum in Warwickshire, or Manchester, which he seems more inclined unto. CONDATE. M. P. XVIII.] Congleton is a Town generally noted in Cheshire. That it hath its standing where condate, celebrated of old by Antoninus XX. miles from Deva, had its being is unanimously agreed upon by Talhot, Camden, and others, as we see; save that Dr. Fulk hath set down to it Standish a Town it should seem not far from thence. As for C●…date there is great probability that it was in ancient times a Colony deduced from Condate in Gallia, on the hither side of it. It was a place famous for the Exequys of Saint Martin: for a De Transl. S. Martin. & 〈◊〉. 3. Suspicius Severus is our Author: Illum apud b The city of Rhein's in Brittanny Condatensem Dioecesis suae vicum excessisse è vita; that he died at Condate a Town of his own Diocese. Ptolemy assigns the situation of it more plainly calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Rhedonibus, and it was by the L●…geris or Loir. The probability of it as I said will appear out of c De Bello Gallico lib. 5. Caesar: for even in his time out of that part of Gaul they translated themselves into Britain; omnesque tis civitatum nominibus appellabantur, quibus orti civitatibus eo pervenerunt. I might here say something concerning the corruption of Condate into Congleton But what is obvious to every eye I trouble not myself withal, as knowing the truth of that saying of the old d Aristid, 〈◊〉. Rhet. Orator; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. DEVA. LEG. XX. VICT. M P. XX.] From Condate, we pass on twenty Miles to Deva, now Westchester, where as by Antoninus appears here, the XX Roman Legion had its abode. So Ptolemy says also in the second of his Geography, if you mend him first, as you must: The C●…rnavii [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] whose Cities are, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deunana it is printed; and there is in him anot●… of a like name belonging to the Texali of our Britain, but far more Northern:) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For whereas the ordinary Latin Copies have Devena. Et Legio XX. they are to be mended out of the Greek, and Antoninus, not to be expressed so as distinct places. Dion Cassius the Consular Roman Historian in his notable recension of the Legions from Aug●… his time to his own, hath by no means omitted this Legion, we will bring his own e Dio Hist. Rom. lib. 55. pag. 564. words, because in them there is some obscurity, which by this means I hope may be better cleared: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 ●…rum & Victrix, in Brittannia superiori versantes: quos ipsos, ut mihi videtur, cum ea Legione, cui nom nest ●…gesimae, ac Hiberna in superiori sunt Germania, ac non ab om●…bus Vale●…an 〈◊〉 dicitur, neque bodie idnomen retinet, ipse acceptos servavit. This place, as I said is obscure, and by no means easily intelligible. And indeed the Translator himself Gulielmus Xylander thought it not to be locum integrum; nor it seems Stephanus, who came after him and reviewed what he had done. Quoid verbum referendum est? saith he: Whitherto shall we refer that verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Yet though the cure seem past our skill at present, thus much we may learn from the place. That the Twentieth Legion was in the Upper Britain in his time; That they were in the opinion of some called the Valeriani: but that in his judgement the Twentieth Legion was not ever generally called Valeriana, no not to his days. The learned f Savil. lib. De Rebus Romonorum Militaribus. Savile to whom also this place in Dio savoured of some corruption, tells us from it (for he can mean none else:) that there were two Legions of that name continued from Augustus I. to his time, which whether it be the meaning of the words you see, I leave to others to judge, I am sure there are neither two Vicessimae, or a Valeriana Legio among the old ones, that appear in a g Apud Lipsiam ad Tacitum aliosque. Column yet remaining at Rome, or any newer recension of them. However the Roman Antiquaries, very knowing men, of late have imposed it upon our belief, that h Io●…n. Rosinus Antiquit. Rom. l. 10. c. 4. Vigesima Valeriana & Victrix in Britannia superiori versabatur, and this is done hand over head, never minding withal the Historians words, who was bound in a double respect, both as a learned man, and then as a Consul, not to be ignorant of what he said Of the division of Britain into Upper and Lower here mentioned, we have said * In EBORACO. enough before out of this same Dio, and Herodian. As for the Inscription found among us, although I think not made use of by these Antiquaries, I will make such answer as may be received for very good and sufficient. And thus it is, as it was taken up at Crowdundale-waith in Westmoreland. VARONIUS— ECTUS LEG. XX. V. V. By this we understand, that Varronius was Praefectus of the Twentieth Legion, which had the Titles of Victrix and Valens. For the second V. meaneth nothing else, as can be proved by Valerius Probus, or any other examples to be produced from any whereelse; so that we cannot think that Valeriana is intended thereby. Again the learned a Casaub. ad Spartian. Didium julianum. casaubon's judgement is of this place of Dio, that though he with others admit of two Vicessimae Leg●…ones, whereof the one had their Campin in the Upper Germany, but was named by few, and before G●…rman, Xylander leaves out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: yet doth he not press upon us that either were called Valeriana, there being none such, as we said, to be found any where. And therefore Camden said truly, where he tells us that they who call the XX. Britannicam, atque Valerianam Victricem, do falso dite●…e: but that to them he adds also Valentem, that indeed I marvel at, when as himself had the serious view of this stone. That Chester flourished with the Honour of a Colony, if the authorities which I have already produced were not sufficient, I could prove it by a Coin of Septimius Geta the Son of Severus, which is in our learned Antiquary, and on the adverse side whereof you have these Characters: COL. DIVANA LEG. XX. VICTRIX. But I would that other Testimonies of the antiquity and glory of the place came from such abetters as could cause a belief in us, as well as we are prepared to hear any thing that might enlarge its lustre and fame. Such I mean as our Monks are. Among whom William of Malmesbury deserves the principal place: Hear the most honoured b Selden ad Polyolb. Cant. XI. Selden in his Annotations upon the Polyolbion: You have largely in that our most learned Antiquary, the cause of this name Caerlegion from the Tents of Roman Legions, there, about Vespasians time. I will only note, that Leland hath long since found fault with c Malms. de Gest. Ponti. l. 4. William of Malmesbury, for affirming it so called; quod ibi Emeriti Legionum julianarum resedere: whereas it is plain that julius Caesar never came near this Territory. Perhaps by julius, he meant Agricola (than Lieutenant here) so named, and then is the imputation laid on that best of the Monks, unjust: to help it with reading Militariu●… for julianarum, as the printed book pretends, I find not sufficiently warrantable, in respect that my Manuscript is very ancient, as near Malmesbury's time as (it seems) may be, and hereto fore belonging to the Priory of St. Augustine's in Canterbury, evidently persuades the contrary. Now if, as it fares among good fellows, our Monks might pass their words one for another, than would not Malmesbury want a surety and witness for what he says of julius Caesar's having some knowledge of Chester: it is Ranulphus Cestre●…sis, who tells you of his coin digged up there: Viae sunt hic subterraneae lapideo opere mirabiliter testudineatae, triclinia concamerata, 〈◊〉 In Polychronico. lapides praegrandes antiquorum nomina praeferentes, hic & numismata Julii Caesaris aliorumqui illustrium inscriptione insignita quandoque sunt eff●…ssa. But they are only sit to study Arcadique Antiquities, who hold us in hand that this Chester, by the British called Caerlegion, or Cair Lheon●…ar d●…ur an●… [i. e. The City of Legion upon the River Dec.] was so named from a Giant the builder thereof, I nor they knew not who he was, or when he lived, or indeed whether he came down out of the Moon, or no. Far more learnedly have the Spaniards done, who enquiring for the Antiquity of that Town which gave name to the Kingdom of Leon among them, and particularly from the Seventh Roman Legion quartering there under the Emperor Nerva. And indeed Roger a good Monk of Chester, being ashamed of such fabulous narrations as ascribe, and truly he might, the origin of his City to other than Roman beginning: hear him: Intuenti fundamenta lapidum in viis enormium videtur po●…ius à Romano, sive In Polycratico. Giganteo labour, quam Brittannico ●…udore fundata. But in very good earnest, the most famous Cities of Europe, as is before proved, taking their original from Roman Camps and Stations, it is most probable, not to say sure, that Deva or Chester here had such beginning: for that the Roman Soldiers were better builders than Giants we may be all very confident. But at what time precisely it became so, that shall be our enquiry. We are then to seek at what time they first arrived in the Island. We find mention of them before in Tacitus, speaking of them in the Lower Germany, and their boisterous behaviour there: and this could not be long before their coming hither. So he in his first Annal, in Tiberius' time: Primam ac Vicessimam Legiones Caecina Legatus in civitatem Ubiorum reduxit, turpi agmine, cum sisci de Imperatore rapti inter signa interque aquilas veherentur. You have heard even now that Selden says, they were here about Vespasians time. Our great Antiquary Camden writes, that they were conveyed hither in Galba's second Consulship with Titus Viniu●…, which being troublesome both to the Consular and Praetorian Legates, at length received from Vespasian, Julius Agricola for their Governor, and sat down in this City, after, as he thought, they had lain heavy upon the necks of the Ordovices. But before this in Nero's time we find their good service in the memorable overthrow which the valiant Suetonius Paulinus his Propraetor gave to the numberless forces under Queen Boadicia. Read Tacitus after her death, almost in the Tacit. Annal. lib. 14. very next words, and before he mentions the Vexillar●…i Vicessimar●…i. Afterward the same Tacitus tells us in another place, that Roscius Coelius was Legate of the XX. Legion; a bold man, that out baffled the then Propraetor here, Trebellius Maximus, and made him flee to Vitell●…us for refuge. In Vespasians time he was eased of his office by Julius Agricola that deserving Roman, sent at length to take upon him the charge of all, but first of his place; of this the same Author: Is (that is Mucianus, who had the command at Rome for Vespasian,) missum ad dilectus agendos Agricolam, integreque ac strenue versatum, Vicesimae Legioni Tacit in vita Agricolae. tarde ad sacramentum transgressae praeposuit, ubi * Roscius Caelius. decessor seditiose agere narrabatur: quip Legatis quoque consularibus nimia ac formidolosa erat. Nec Legatus Praetorius ad cohibenoum potens, incertum suo an militum ingenio: ita successor simul & ultor electu, rarissima moderatione maluit videri invenisse bonos, quam fecisse. And concerning the affairs of the Twentieth Legion, as also Deva, the principal place of their quarters while their abode was in the Island, thus much may serve to be spoken; being all that is to be found in Roman memories, whether Latin or Greek. If you please we descend to the age of Beda, a faithful Treasurer of some Roman matters, near decayed among us; you shall find this City, when he hath occasion to mention it in his History, only called a Beda lib. 2. cap. 2. Civitas Legionum, qua à gente Anglorum Legacester; à Eritonibus autem rectius Cairlegion appellatur. Whom the general current of our Latin Writers follows. But our English at this day name it Westchester (sure in respect of the VI Legion at York, theset woe being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, into which Severus, as b Herodian. lib. 3. Herodian tells us, disposed the whole jurisdiction of the Island in his time;) and Chester, by reason of Excellency, as the Saxons judgement was; according to the common verse, Cestria de Castris nomen, quasi Castria, sumpsit. Thou Chester from a * Castrd. Camp received'st thy Name. Now whereas Florilegus, or Matthew of Westminister, to the year DCCCCLXXXV. says, this City, or Legacestria, was sometime Anglic●… WIRHALE dicta; as I studied upon the cause thereof, I received satisfaction at length from the lately most learned, and still admired Doctor. Usher, my kind and ever honoured friend, that it proceeded from a place in the c Since printed by Mr. Wheelock. old Saxon Annals joined to Beda, not rightly understood by Florilegus: and this it is. High 〈◊〉 on arm werene cearone on 〈◊〉 healum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 le●… dearene ●…ehaven. But why as the same Author writes; it was also of old time named Cynenge Cestria that indeed I am yet to inquire after. Again I am not well satisfied in that piece of Antiquity, which we have produced by a learned man of the former age d 〈◊〉. descript. 〈◊〉. lib. & ex eo nostri Chrono. William Harrison, who me seems too confidently delivers, that Deva was builded by the famous Roman Propraetor under Claudius Caesar, e De eo Tacit. Annal. lib. 12. P. Ostorius Scapula: for to spare other reasons, his being here was before the XX. Legion landed in the Island: and they in all good reason seem to me the Founders, whose Seat it was and constant abode; except occasions now and then drew another way. Much more do I marvel at that slip of memory, and it is a notable one, of so great an antiquary among us, John Balaeus, who f Balaeus Scrip. Brit. Cen. 1. c. 47. quem sequitur Rich. Stanihurst. confounds the two Caerleons, that upon Usk in Wales, where the Legio 11. Augusta bore the sway, and this here upon the D●…e: whence Deva doubtlessly had its denomination: Cities g ja. Rutgers. Var. lib. 3. c. 13. and Rivers, as may be observed in most Countries, being found to be many times cognomines. For truly Ptolemyes books must be mended, in which you shall find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the River here: which must indeed have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or some such thing. But h Mich. Villonovanus ●…lk, etc. they are quite out too, and they are not a few, (for error gets followers apace:) that say Deva was Doncaster, more in the North; when as by that the old Station Danum in Antoninus is meant, far away distant, as may be seen in its place. The curious may know, that they owe their Original of their City from the great Giant Leon of yore, to Henry Bradshaw some ages ago; except the Citizens had rather own it themselves, and so be thought to be of the Giant's race. BONIUM. M. P. X] It is in some Copies, but falsely, read Bovium, and Bomium. Talbot acknowledgeth this reading of the name to be righter: though he could not divine where the place was; Harrison too mends it so and Camden approves it in both. This without any controversy is that, which at this day we call Banchor, or Bangor in Flintshire. There remains sufficiently express marks of the old name still therein. And if you heed i Pancirol. in Notit. Occident. Guido Pancirolus, he will tell you, that the Numerus Bonensium, so called hence, did reside with their Praefectus in the Island at Derventio; though I confess the vulgar reading there is differing. But the former conjecture is very probable: if you change the fourth vowel into the first; than which nothing is more easy or usual. Neither can any scruple be raised at the distance from Deva; here just ten Miles. Hear then Renulphus * Cestrens. Polychron. l. 4. c. 31. Cestrensis. Tradunt nonnulli Pelagium fuisse Abbatem apud famosum illud monasterium de Bangor, quod per decem milliaria à Legecestria distat. Now this Monastery Ranulpbus speaks of is by our k Beda Eccles. Mist. lib. 2. cap. 2. Beda called Bancornabyrig lingua Anglorum, in quo, saith he, tantus fertur fuisse numerus monachorum, ut cum in septem portiones esset cum praepositis sibi rectoribus monasterium divisum, nulla harum portio minus quam trecentos homines haberet, qui omnes de labour manuum suarum vivere solebant. An example which these times abhor to imitate; though these good souls I believe followed therein no worse, than * 1 Cor. 4. 12. 2 Thess. 3. 8. Saint Paul's own practice. But certainly these were such foolish Monks, as in the Island Capraria by Italy, the Heathen m Rutil. Numatian. Itin. l. 1. Poet pleasantly lets fly at. Squallet lucifugis insula plena viris. Ipsi se Monachos Graio cognomine dicunt, Quod soli ●…ullo vivere teste volunt. Munera fortunae metuunt, dum damna verentur: Quisquam sponte miser, ne miser esse queat? Quaenam perversi rabies tam stulta cerebri, Dum mala formides, nec bona posse pati? Men hating strangers fill the I'll, From which themselves thy Monks do stile; Lest any might their customs know, They fear what Fortune doth bestow She should resume; With certain woes content, Th' uncertain future to prevent. Strange frenzy sure his weaker Brain infects, who fearing storms, a Haltion calm rejects. See the rest in him. For this is no place for them, as neither for those of Egypt, men of most strict severity, and outgoing the Essens rigidness among the jews. Leland, and Camden, agree in deducing the Monasteries name in Beda from Bonium, Chorus, and Burgis, as if it signified Burgum Chori Bonii, yet Leland hath a fetch beyond him, making the syllable Ban in that word to signify a high noted place, easy to be seen. Now it lies all waist, and is at best but arable Land: but the fame of the place is not with all decayed. For Ranulphus of Chester, as you see, beside others, say Pelagius, that Arch Heretic, was Abbot here. Truly that he was a Britain, n August. Ep. 106. St. Augustine, o Prosp. in Chronico, & de Ingratis cap. 1. Prosper Aquitanus, p Oros Apologet. De arbitrii libertate contra Pelag. Paulus Orosius, who lived in the same age with him, do affirm. This is that Pelagius, who under Honorius and Arcadius, about the year CCCC. q Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 2. contra auxilum gratiae supernae venena suae perfidiae longe lateque dispersit; So far, and wide went his fame, that the Jewish r R. Abraham Zachutus in Sepher Juchasin fol. 144. Rabbins themselves let him not scape their censure for one speaking of him, uses this expression: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They make him to have but one eye, and say at home he was called Morgan, which indeed in old British signifies Merigenam, or pelago ortum, that is Pelagius. That Gildas, the most ancient of our British Writers, was an inhabitant of this place, I could easily believe, saith john Leland. But it is certain out of s Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. ca 2. Beda, that Dionothus was the Abbot there, and sent for to meet Augustine that sanguinary Monk, and Pseudo-Apostle, at the Synod which he called here in the Island. See the whole story in Beda. The ancient magnificence of the place, the store of ruins in former ages enough witness. To which let us take Malmesburies' words: Tot enim superfuerant hic antiquitatis indicia, tot semiruti parietes, tot anfractus portarum, tanta turba ruderum, quantum vix alibi cernas. Yet hath it nothing left of its wont lustre, but the bare names of two Gates, distant the one from the other some half a Mile; that more North, called Port-Hogan; that on the South Port-Clais. In the mid-place between, the River Dee runs along; the old buildings being wholly ruined, and corn fields now only seen in their rooms. * Harris. descr. Brit. lib. 1. cap. 14. ex Leland. William Harrison, and Leland relate, that the ploughmen usually find, as they are at Work, Monks bones, and vestures (much they should lie so long in the earth:) squared stones, and Roman Coyn. But by no means may we let pass that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Malmesbury, which through heedlessnesse hath happened in his † Malmesb in Hist. & lib. 4. de Pontisic. writings, making this Monastery the same with the Episcopal Seat which was sometime at Bangor in Caernarvonshire: and so follows a vulgar error: when as this latter was like a Colony drawn out of the former. But see that nobile par eruditorum, Selden upon the Polyolbion Cant. XI. and Usher in his Antiquities of the British Church, cap. VIII. Holyoke, as elsewhere also, following the vulgar mistake, hath Bomium. But the prodigious carelessness in publishing such kind of Authors is a business deserves the public Magistrates inspection, and severity withal, (if it be only the Printers fault:) rather than mine. MEDIOLANUM. M. P. XX.] This very Station is also mentioned in Ptolemies a Ptol. Geogr. lib. 2. Geography, called by him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mediolanium; whence there is great light to Antoninus in the finding out, where this place was situate of old: for Ptolemy makes it belong to a people in Britain, whom he names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Ordovices, ad extremum Occidentis: spoken of by b Tacit. Annal. 12. & vita Agricolae. Tacitus too, in more than one place: And in the way or journey, which passeth through their Territories, we meet with it in Antoninus. The learned c Powel in Giraldi Cambrens. Itinerar. Cambriae lib. 2. cap. 4. David Powel of Wales, following some others judgement, as well as his own, will have it to have been Ma●…rafal in Montgomery shire: Ma●…rafal, says he, quod praecipuum erat totius Provinciae palatium. Hic Mediolanum (quod Ptolemaeus & Ethicus, ad Occidentem per Ordovices posuerunt:) olim fuisse nonnulli affirmant. Extant ibidem adhuc (praeter constantem incolarum asseverationem 〈◊〉 parentibus ad posteros transmissam:) quamplurima venerandae antiquitatis monumenta, quae urbis ejusdem vestigia maniseste indicant. Here take wenotice, that by Powel, for Antoninus, the name of Aethicus is set down, (a thing whereof we have spoken enough in the beginning of this work:) And whereas, by our Historians we learn that the Princes of Powis land had their Palace here, we the rather incline to believe that this was sometime Mediolanum; because in the perusal of Beda up and down, we see that British, as well as Saxon Princes, had their Palaces, where formerly Roman Stations had their situation and being. But our great Antiquary goes a little farther, and out of the straight way, in respect of the number of miles in the journey, though not of the Itineraria ratio; often before observed in this work; to Lan-vethlin, a market Town not full three miles off, in the same shire; for Methlin, by a peculiar Idietism of the British tongue: whereby also they say Caer-Verden, for d Vrbs Maridunum. Ptol. Caer-Merden; Ar-von, for e Supra, sive ad Monam insulam. Ar-mon; Lhan-Vary, f Fanum Mariae Ad Humsr. Lhuyd. in Breviario de Rebus Britann. for Lhan-Mary, and the like. And this cognation in the name, coming as near to Mediolanum, as either Millano in Italy; Le Million in Xan●…ign in France; or Methlen in the Low▪ Countries; he thinks it sufficient to strengthen his conjecture; modestly leaving the censure touching the truth of the whole, to the judicious Reader. Mediolanum in Italy, as the g T. Livius lib. 5. Polybius, Strabo, etc. Roman Historians affirm, was a Plantation of the Gauls; but how later ages came to give the original of the name from an Hog found there in the foundations, whose skin bore half wool, I am nothing at all solicitous. And I should not be troubled with Claudian's saying it, where he calls Milan. h Claud. de Nup●…. Honori●… & Mariae. — Maenia Gallis Condita, lanigeri suis ostentantia pellem. — The Gauls A Swine's skin found building thy Walls. As neither other Poets, Ausonius, k Vrbs quae lanigero de sue nomen habet. Adi eundem lib. 7. epist. 1. Sidonius, Gunterus Ligurinus, etc. If I did not find it also so set down by St. Ambrose l Ambr. in Epis●… quadam. himself, the eloquent Archbishop, so they call him, thereof. And I might well let pass m Alciat. Emblem. 2. Andrea's Alciatus, the learned Lawyer of that City, who with the first laboured, and with good praise too, the refinement of the study of the Civil Law, he brings quite another deduction of the name: Quam Mediolanum sacram dixere puellae Terram: nam vetus hoc Gallica lingua sonat. Mediolan the Virgins called thy sacred Pile, According to the ancient gallic stile. For I list not at all to mention the suppositions and forged fopperies of n 10. Anni●… in Caton. Fragment. 7. joannes Annius, the Viterbian Monk; who brings it from I know not what Leaders, Medus and Olanns, men I dare say boldly that never were yet in the nature of things: or o 10. Gorop. Becanus Orig. Antuerp. lib. 4. seu in Croniis. Becanus his foolish Origenes; who makes Mediolanum to be as much as regio virore camporum delectabilis: as if at first it were Meyland, from the Month May. I learned a better lesson from a far later p Phil. Clu●…. Geographus. Author, and of greater modesty; whom in such matters I heedfully mean to follow: Ego sane ignorare Origines ejusmodi vocabulorum multo malo, quam ridicule in eorum enodatione ineptire, ac turpiter errare. This than have I to say for our Mediolanum in Britain, that the name and inhabitants of it were at first deduced out of Gaul, according to q Caesar. Comment. 5. de bello Gallico. Caesar's authority; which I have more than once alleged to this purpose in this book; and to seek farther is for them, who have a mind intemperately to abuse their precious time and pains. See CONDATE in what goes before. The never sufficiently praised Usher out of r Ninnius apud Vsserium de Primord. Eccles. Britann. Ninnius Collection of the ancient British Cities, restored by him out of the several Manuscripts, le's us know, that this Mediolanum in Ptolemy and Antoninus, was sometimes called by the old Britain's Cair Meguaid, aliter Metguod; or as commonly Meivod in Montgomeryshire. As for other Antiquaries of the inferior bench; who swallow all without chewing, it will be enough to name them; for they need not much confutation; such are Cooper, who to Mediolanum sets down Manchester; as also Lhuyd, and Nevil with Fulk; who both follow him, and with as little heed and judgement note to it Lancaster. RUTUNIUM. M, P. XII.] There are the Ruins of a very ancient Castle, lying on the Western side of Shropshire, and not far from the Seaverne, called at this day Rowton. In the Romans time, when it flourished, saith our Antiquary, it was named Rutunium by Antoninus, nec in hoc falsi esse possumus, saith he; (you see how confident he is:) seeing both the name and distance which he sets down from Uriconium, a generally known Station, doth most exactly agree. I have no more then to say of it, but that the divers reading of the old name [Rutimio] which is found in the s Quo usus Hier. Surita, doctiss. Hispanus. Neapolitan Manuscript, is as much as comes to nothing, and that the ordinary or common one is to be acknowledged and followed. So that now whereas consuming Time hath wrought all its other usual despites upon it, according to that of the Poet: Aevum cuncta rapit, furtivaque tempora mutant; Naturam, sortem, nominaque & faciem. Age and encroaching time makes all things strange, And doth their natures, names, and faces change. Yet doth its Name still survive, a happiness which but with a few other Stations, this can yet boast of: But let it have been as great as it will, there only remains now the shadow of a Name. And there will be a time, when that too shall expire: however; if that be any comfort, it will be the last thing left. URIOCONIUM M. P. XI.] Me thinks they do not amiss, who mend the name of this place in Antoninus in this Journey out of Ptolemy, and read it Viroconium. For so indeed he: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Viroconium: making it the second of the two chief Cities of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Cornausi: and so indeed it is printed in the XXII Journey of the same Antoninus in Aldus edition; though in that of Simler it be somewhat faulty Viriconium. And the written books which Surita made use of do maintain as much. This City, none of the meanest in old time, as appears by Ptolemy, near four miles on this side Shrewsbury, stood by the hither side of Seavern; even where the river Tearn exposeth itself into it. In Ninnius you find it is named Caer Vrach; which though it come near enough, it differs yet from Usher's Ninnius, to the which you have that rich Magazine of human, as well as divine, learning noting this: Caer Urnach quae Camdeno, Uriconium Autonini, Viroconium Ptolemei, & Salopiensium Wroxceter suisse creditur. And in another place: Cair Guricon, vel Guorichon quae vel Warwicum est; vel Ptolemei Uriconium. Wroxceter in Salopiensi Comitatu. But his other conjecture perhaps will hold best. In the Anglo-Saxon time it was 〈◊〉. from whence our Wroxceter at this day comes; nearer, me seems, in sound to the old Roman Name, as who would say, Uriconii Castra, vel Urbs. It was an usual piece of Policy among the Romans, and that frequently beyond Sea observed, as upon the Rhine, and other Rivers, as well as in Britain, to fortify the banks of Rivers that were inmost to them, and to place garrisons for better fence upon them, as here, where most danger of the irruption of the enemy was; the water not being more easily fordable then here even to the mouth of the Seavern, what ever of Magnificence it had, the hostile Saxon in the Island left untouched, that the furious and savage Dane quite harrased, and laid waste: so that now it is but a small village, having nothing that remains of that state it enjoyed in former ages save some disorderly ruins of Walls, which the by-inhabitants call, The old Work of Wrockcester. And although I myself have formerly viewed the place, yet it is so long ago, before I intended any such work as I am now about, and observed nothing then besides the sight of a few Urns lately taken out of the ground, which have not already been taken notice of, and set down by Cambden our learned Antiquary, I will save myself the labour and give you all out of his words. That which he speaks concerning the Roman Emperors Coins found here by the Plough, is very true, for I myself have had divers presented to me while I was there, so long after. For the Ruins of the Walls yet remaining, he says they were, è lapide structili septemplici Britannicorum ordine exterius distincta, interius arcuato opere extructa fuerunt. Where all this appears, he conceives was a Castle, or Fortress by the unevenness of the ground, and raising thereof; as also by the rubbish and decay of the Walls there to be seen. The place where sometime the City stood, and that too spacious enough, hath the ground blacker than elsewhere, where most excellent Barley comes up plentifully. And here I could not, but remember, what I have sometime read of Pomponius Laetus, the great Roman Antiquary, who when he saw any part of the ruins of the CITY digged up, he would straight fall a Ralph. Volaterranus. Weeping, and being asked why; he used to answer, Admonitu meliorum temporum ploro. But to speak seriously, we have reason to rejoice, that we by the Divine Providence are cast upon this present Age, had we but the wit to make right use of so many golden opportunities, and advantages. About this Station did the famous Roman Way, commonly known by the name of Watling-street, pass either by foard or by bridge not far off: but the ridge appears not any where to be seen; the foundation yet, as they say, being detected by laying a Were in the Water. However express relics of the ancient name, are yet left in the near adjoining Mount, which some call Gilberts, commonly called Wrcken-Hill, quasi Uroconii Mons; of extraordinary height, if you think of meaner hills; and a notable Landmark to the whole Country round about. And now having said all I have to say concerning Uroconium, Longnor, being upon the Seavern a little higher between it and Shrewsbury, the dwelling and House of my near and very good Kinsman Francis Burton, Elquire, I shall beg leave of the not fastidious Reader, to remember a piece of Antiquity, not, it is very true, of any remote time, and so less suitable to the rest here, but yet touching our own Family: and here I could not moderate myself from setting it down: and some perhaps will say I did well in it. The Burtons' were of Shropshire, a family sometime, for no ordinary relations, not to be mentioned in this place, very gracious with the several Princes of the Royal House of York; and we have yet some memories that Sir Edward Burton Knight served that side in fourteen set battles. From him line●…y descended Edward Burton Esquire, a Religious Assertor of the Gospel in Q. Mary's time, and by the Author of the Acts and Monuments of the Church of England named among those that escaped the Persecution then for that cause. But the whole story is this: He was a man indeed, who by many ways and courses he took for his safety (too long to be told here:) and to evade the hands of such as lay in wait for him: When one day sitting alone in his upper parlour at Longnor, in meditation no doubt of God's deliverance of his people; he heard a general Ring of all the Bells in Shrewsbury, whereunto in St. Ceadda's Parish his house belonged, when straight his right-divining soul told him, it was for Q. Mary's death, yet longing to know the truth more certainly, and loath to trust his Servants therein for some reasons, he sent his Eldest Son, my Grandfather, being then but a boy of sixteen years of age, willing him to throw up his hat, if it were so, so impatient was his expection: Who finding it, and doing accordingly as he was directed, the good man retiring presently from the window, and recovering his Chair, for extremity of joy which he conceived, for the deliverance of the Saints of God, he suddenly expired. And this was his Nunc dimittis, Domine. But neither was the storm of persecution so quite blown over hereby, but that still some scatter did fall upon the Servants of God, for they suffered some grievances still, among which was their being debarred from Christian interment in Churches. But facilis jactura sepulcri: His friends made a shift to bury him in his Gardens by the Fishponds, and set a Monument over him, which being defaced by time and rain, it happened in the year ∞. DC. XIV. that Edward Burton Esquire his Grandson, inviting to Dinner the noble Sir Andrew Corbet, than Lieutenant of the Shire, with divers other Gentlemen of quality; that the good Baronet, desirous to see the place which preserved the relics and memory of that excellent man: as good men are still inquisitive after them, whose virtues they honour: but finding it much decayed by the weather, after a friendly correption of his Host, and serious injoynment to repair the Tomb, whereby the memory of his most deserving Grandfather was kept alive; he without any ado, effected what he spoke for, and promised himself to become the Poet for an Epitaph. And this is it which follows, turned also into Latin verse: but ex Anglicanis bonis, Latina non item bona. Haec mihi non vani (nec erat cur fallere vellent:) Narravere Senes.— Here lieth the body of Edward Burton Esquire who deceased Anno Domini 1558. Was't for denying Christ, or some notorious fact, That this man's body Christian burial lacked? O no: his faithful true profession, Was the chief cause, which then was held transgression. When popery here did reign, the Sea of Rome Would not admit to any such a Tomb. Within their Idol-Temple Walls, but he, Truly professing Christianity: Was like Christ jesus in a Garden laid, Where he shall rest in peace; till it be said, Come faithful Servant, Come, receive with me A just reward for thy Integrity. 1614 In Agro Salopiensi, Longnorae, ad Sabrinam Fl. ad Piscinas in Horto juxta Aedes patruelis mei Francisci Burtoni, Proavi mei Epitaphium. Quod scelus? an Christi nomen temerare quod ausus, Huic vetitum sacro condere membra solo? Dii melius: sincera fides nec tramite veri Devia, causa: illo tempore grande nefas. Urbibus insultat nostris dum turbida Roma; Rasaque gens sacris dat sua jura locis: Not sa●…ri ritus, nec honores suneris; intra Moenia Christicolis, heu malesancta 〈◊〉 piis. At referens Dominum inculptae munere vitae, Ad Domini exemplar funera ●…actus eret: Ille ●…t odorifero tumulatus marmore inhorto: Ossa etiam redolens hortus & hujus habet. Hic ubi & expect at, felix! solantia verba; Euge age! mercedem jam; Bone Serve, Cape. And now have we done with Wrokcester, and Long●…or, the former whereof, I have finished as part of my task undertaken: what I have said concerning the other, the great respect I had of my worthy progenitors memory would not let me omit. And I might also take my leave of Shropshire, but that Usocona, an old Station in Antoninus, and thought sometimes to have been near the limits thereof, makes me some short stay. USOCONA M. P. XI.] Not very far from the foot of the Wrekin, in somewhat a low bottom, stands a small village, called Oken-Yate, not famous at this Day for any thing, except it be for the much frequented Coal-pits. Of old time that it was Usocona, (written also according to the variety of copies Usoccona, and Uxacona:) a Roman Station mentioned here in Antoninus, is the conjecture of our great Antiquary, for these reasons: First, that it is by the Military, or ancient Roman Highway; an infallible sign in his judgemeut, especially if there accompany it any proportionable distance; which he next observes. The equidistance between Wroxcester, and this village on the o●…e side, and Pencridge on the other, agreeing with that in the Ininerary exactly confirms it; so that he concludes it with that peremptoriness, that there is no cause, saith he, our quisquam dubitet. He adds then, nec abnuit ipsum nomen, deducing it, as his manner is, from the old British; the ignorance of which I have more than once in this Work openly professed. Nam haec dictio Y S, saith he, Britannis inferius notat: and is, it seems, added to notify the Low situation. And though the Language of the ancient Britain's endured not an X. as is somewhere else taken notice of, yet the reading of the Name so [Uxacona] among the Romans, it being frequent in old books, is thereby nothing hindered at all. PENNOCRUCIUM M. P. XII.] The divers readings in a Surita. Annot. in Anton. Surita, are not worth the heeding. Talbot first of all assigned it to Pencridge in Staffordshire, where is the notable Horse-●…air. Both names, as well that which was in use in the Romans time, as that which is at this day, seem to be derived from the River there, named Penck; by a stone bridge over which, the Military way; which being there parted asunder, is in a manner thereby joined again. The distance of Miles in Antoninus, from Uxacona also, doth very handsomely suit. ETOCETUM. M. P. XII.] The divers readings of the Name are to be taken notice of; for besides that set down, you have in some old Copies Etoretum, in others Erocetum: But we follow the most common. The learned Antiquary Camden confesseth he was out in his conjecture, in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his great Work, entitled BRITANNIA; conceiving it to have Or former Edition. been U●…exeter or U●…r: which is also the mistake of William Fulk in his time. Yet I dare say boldly, they two conferred not notes: The error I am persuaded was the sooner entertained, because of some light consonancy in the Names, as if the late one had signified as much as Etoceti Urbs. But he upon farther Enquiry, and second thoughts, is confident he hath found it, there being the karcass of an old City, as he saics, lying by the ancient Roman Highway, distant from Lichfield, which is South of it, scarce a whole mile. At this day it is called the Wall in Staffordshire, from the ruins of Walls, there yet to be seen, and which at this day enclose some two acres of ground, which they call Castlecroft, as it were Castri Campum. To this the inhabitants of the place, by constant tradition, say, an old City was joined, standing on the other side of the way, guessing by the rubbish in such store, the place where a Church sometime stood, and which is the best proof of Antiquity, they produce to show the Caesar's coins found here. So that to borrow a Tacit. de Morib. German. Tacitus words: Veteris famae latae vestigia manent, spatiumque cujus ambitu nunc quoque metiaris molem. Or if you had rather take that of b Vel. Pater. Hist. lib. 1. Veleius Paterculus the Court-Historian concerning the very old City Cumae: Vires veteris ejus Urbis hodieque magni. udo ostentat moenium. The distance from Manduessedum in the Itinerary suits well with the places now; and what ought to move also; the old Highway, with a fair, visible, and continued ridge comes from the Pen●…ks bank, even hitherto. MANDUESSEDUM. M. P. XVI.] Manduessedum was sometime a famous Roman Mansion, as appears by Antoninus. To find out the place where of old it stood, among our many Antiquaries, is not worth the while, for even Talbot confesseth, and so must they, that he can neither divine nor devise, whereabout it should be, and yet he tells us that Man●…field in Sh●…wood comes the nearest. The difficulty in discovering it proceeds, I conceive, from not following a certain course for the finding it out: next the uncertainty of distance: Talbot telling us that the book he used having XVI. M. P that the notes in the end would have it mended VI the contrary of which was in the Longo●…an Manuscripts, in which as Surita witnesses, was to be found M. P. VI & XVI. corrigitur. Our very learned Antiquary Camden taking a sure course in these parts along Watling-streete, hath light uponit most luckily, at a proportionable distance from Etocetum, and thereby hath he found it, not far from the River Anchor, where it is laid over with a stone-bridge: Neither is the English Name at this day so totally dissonant from the old one, but that it still retains some part of it: for it is called Mancester; in which what the addition of chester betokens, you have formerly had notice given you. In Ninnius his Catalogue of our old Cities, it is named Mauncega●…d; and the all-knowing Usher agrees to all that is said here, only as he was more plentifully accommodated with Copies of Ninnius, he produceth more varieties of reading Cair Maunguid alias Mauchgnid; which whether at all material, our friends the old Britain's have most reason to know best. Now whereas there is a Quarry of stones here by, whence they have supplied their need formerly cutting thence; and seeing we are informed by the Glossaries of the British Language, that as Main is a Stone; so Fosswad in the Provincial speech, hath the signification of digging: from which two words joined together, as they may easily produce Manduessedum; so do they to the life express the Nature of the place. The other course I was thinking on to find out the meaning of Manduessedum, was to learn if possible I might meet with any one who could tell me, what that sedum might signify, as I had seen the terminations of other Stations made significative: for example, dunum, durus, briga, magus, and divers others. The studious youth may think of it, as besides this here, M●…iosedum c Caesar de Bello Get. comment. 7. in Caesar, and elsewhere more. For my part I surcease all farther enquiry, except I were better furnished with helps and means wherewithal to effect it. And whosoever shall attempt it, let him always have this in his mind, that the old Gallique tongue, and the British were the very same. How great soever it was in old time, I know not; now it makes show of nothing ancient, praeter antiquam molem, saith Camden, which they call Aldbury, and is as much as Antiquus Burgus. The Town consists not of above fourteen houses, Atherstone, a Market Town on one side, and Nonmeatus on the other side, having, in a manner, exhausted it. VENNONIS. M. P. XII.] alias Bennonis; for so it is other wise called. Take therefore what is to be said concerning this Station from an eye-witness thereof after Camden, the diligent and judicious William Burton Esquire, in the LXXII. page of his Description of that Shire. Cleybroke, in the Hundred of Guthlakeston, standing upon the edge of Warwickshire near Watling-streete. Near unto this Town (many ages since) stood a great Roman City (out of the ruins whereof this might seem to spring) of the station called Bennones, but by the Saxons after called Claycester, through which went the great street way called Watling-streete; for on both sides of the Way, have been ploughed and digged up many ancient Roman Coins, great square stones and bricks, and other rubbish of that ancient Roman building: not far from a Beacon, standing upon the way now called High Cross, of a cross which there stood sometimes, upon the cross meeting of another * Fossway; una quoque ex samosis Brit. Vii●… Adisis Camdenum in Cori●…an. pag. 386. Ibi bideiur (add Bennones scilicet:) fuisse diver●…culum ut à Londino Eboracum prosecturus, si per Lindum (Lincoln) ire voluisse●… illic ad dex●…ram deflectere deberes Rutas (Leicester) si●… per Devam (Chester) ire decrevisses, ad sinistram opor●…et declinare Manduessedum. Rob. Talbot. Annot. in Antoninum. Great way. Many of these coins here found have been delivered to me, of which I will only set down two, the one the ancientest, the other the latest; though that the rest (being well viewed) might give light perhaps to some other passages; for as that excellent Grecian d Agel. noct. A●…c. l. 1. c. 1, Geometrician, that finding the length of Hercules foot upon the sand of the Hill Olympus, drew all the lineaments of his whole body, by the proportion of that one only part: So by the learned and judicious, out of the observances of these small Coins, Inscriptions, and such other Relics, may be found the Antiquity, continuance, greatness, and other circumstances of this ancient City, now utterly perished and extinct. The first and ancientest of these Coins here found is of the Emperor Caius Caligula in Copper, stamped as Occo setteth down, An. Dom. 42. upon the one side the Emperor with a Laurel wreath, with this Inscription, viz. C. CAESAR. DIVI. AUG. PRON. AUG. P. M. T. R. P. FOUR PP. Upon the reverse: VESTA. S. C. Vesta sitting in a chair, holding in her right hand a dish. The other Coin is of Constantine the Great, Emperor, in Copper, stamped An. Dom. 306. upon the one side, the face with a Laurel wreath, circumscribed, viz. CONSTANTINUS. P. F. AUG. Upon the reverse: SOLI INVICTO COMITI. T. F. P. R. The figure of the Sun. The Roman Emperors (as Marguard Frehere in his Diatribe upon a piece of Coin of Constantine Palaeologus, the last Emperor of Constantinople well observes:) were very careful in the graving and stamping of their Coins, holding it no small lustre and ornament to their Majesties, to have their devices neatly cut, and their faces made to the life, which was performed with that exquisite Art, that though many of them (of several sorts) were mingled together; yet by a judicious beholders view of the favour and Physiognomy, without reading the inscription, they might very easily be distinguished: which curious observance of theirs continued from the time of Julius Caesar, until about the reign of Constantine the Great; at which time it began to decline, and was not revived again, until many hundred years after. Of these Coins many have written, as Levinu●…, Hulsius, Abraham Gorleus, Aeneas Vicus; but chiefly Adolfus Occo, a Physician of Ausp●…rge in Germany, who hath set down the Inscriptions of them, and in words hath described the devises. Others have caused the Coins to be cut, and printed, as near to the medagle itself as they could; as namely Erizzo an Italian, Jacobus a Bre, from Julius Caesar to Valentinian, printed 1611. but more general and curious are Hubert 〈◊〉, whose large Thesaurus of them, in several Tomes, show his industry and genius therein. And Octavius de Strada, a Rosberg Courtier, and Antiquary in Ordinary to the last Rodolf, Emperor, who from Julius Caesar hath written briefly the Lives and genealogies and set down the Coins and medaglies of all the Emperors, both of the East and west, unto Mathias the Emperor, curiously cut in Copper, and printed 1615. Of the Roman Inscriptions have written M●…us Vels●…r, Johannes Gruter, Martin Smetius, Justus Lipsius in large Volumes, and John Boissard in six Volumes, with the Prints in Copper, printed 1600. And for our own Country, the right worthy, judicious and nobly descended Sir Robert Cotton, Knight and Baronet, hath collected together so many as hitherto have been found or discovered in this land. BENNAVENNA. M. P. XII.] It is read here also, according to the variety of Copies Bennaventa, or Benneventa: see Surita. You have it twice again repeated in this Itinerary, but with much interpolation of the name. For in the VI Journey from London to Lincoln, you have Isannovantia; for it is that very same Station. And in the VIII you have it called Bannavantum in that from London to York; thence also you must mend the number here saith, Talbot, and make it XIX. see the reasons thereof in him on those two places following. That Northampton stood where this sometime had its being, John Lel●…nd, a painful Interpreter of our British affairs, and Walliam ●…ulk also thought: whose opinion Camden at first thought good of; but upon second cares and more diligent observation of the place, he sets it VI miles thence, where now Wedon on the street is: so called because it stands upon that Praetorian Way which the Romans built, and along which Antoninus deseribes his Stations. Moreover this is confirmed by the exact account or tale of Miles to the Mansions on both sides, an undoubted argument: Not to make that one, saith our Antiquary, that the springs of Avon hard by here seen, and are, be concluded in the composition of the name Bennavenna. As for the first part of it, I know not what to say to it. Perhaps some bold Britain would have added Pen, for which yet you see Ben: because we say in Latin, as well as in English, Caput fluminis. You know formerly that I am not skilled in, and less taken in such deductions of names. Therefore though I could tell you that Benna in the Gallique Language, and consequently in the British, did signify as much as e Sex. Pomp. Fest. de signif. verborum. Vehi●…ulum, yet doubting I should not please the best therein, any more than if I should say this B●…neventa was a Colony deduced from Beneventum in Italy; I forbear both; the first, because I have no cause or reason for it: the second, because I have no authority, or sufficient warrant to make it good; neither is it likely I should. This though an ancient City hath not much to set forth its memory, or which can assert it much from the injury of oblivion, but the very name only thrice mentioned in this Itinerary. Yet if our conjecture hath any verisimilitude, those Camps and muniments were near upon this ground, wherewith P. Ostor●…us Scapula the Propraetor here, under Claudius, Antonam fluvium, finxit quibusque Petilius Cerealis defensus est ●…um à victore Britanno fusa Legione nona, & quod erat pedi●…um interfecto, huc ●…um equitibus evasisset. When the Roman power in the Island was come over and gone, K. Wolpher had his palace here; the miracles of whose daughter Werburg a virgin, are much celebrated by our Writers. Which I take notice of, not so much that I am taken with such relations, as to bring in an observation, that the Roman Stations here became afterward the dwelling of the Saxon Princes. And this is not the first place where that hath been done. LACTODORO M. P. XII.] Our Antiquary had rather read it Lactorodum, as it is in the written books. Ort●…lius hath it both ways by U. Lactorudum: the Neapolitan Manuscript, had it Lactodrodo M. P. XII. as the rest have it. In the VI Journey it is constantly read Lactodorum: see there. To the name saith Robert Talbot, alldunt Lutt●…rworth & L●…ughborow. But the distance from other Mansions here, will by no means suffer it. Though some Folk would have it to be the latter, yet, he mends it for Bedford as doth Camden also set it down so; in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his excellent Work. But it could not be Bedford, for that stands not upon the military Highway, which is certissimus index ad stationes & mansiones ab Antonino memoratas reperiendas, nor hath it any token else of Roman Antiquity. Although sometime he thought it to be so by reading it Lectodorum, and deducing it from Lettui, that is in British, diversoria, Inne●…; and dur aqu●…; as if the name had been Lett●…dur, or Diversoria ad aquam. f De Lactorate adi joseph. Scalig. in 〈◊〉 l. 2 cap. 7. Epist. item 406. lib. qua●…s. Lact●…rate the old Town in Gaul differs as you see in the termination only: perhaps this may have had some relation, or dependence thereupon, like others in Britain. See CONDATE in this same Journey. But in his last edition thereof; he takes it rather to be Stony-Stratford. The proportionable distance persuaded him to it. And its standing upon the famous Strata, thoroughfare, or street, as it doth: he concludes all, in giving the signification of both names together, which are suitable and alike: for he lets us know that in the old British tongue Stones are called Leach: now you were acquainted but now that it stands upon the Watling-streete; and rid, signifies a ford: So you have, he being the interpreter, Lactodorum, i. e. Stony-stratford. MAGIO VINIO M. P. XVI.] Commonly XII. in the public Books. You have this Station twice again in this Itinerarv, the VI and VIII. Journeys. There we will speak of the divers readings of the names, and look to the numbers of Miles. We find Magioninium, Migiovinium, Magiovintum, Magintum. But the first seems most likely to be the right. Dunstable is a Town well known upon the road, standing upon the Chiltern in Bedfordshire, every body knows it. That this was so many ages ago named Magiovintum, our Antiquary is so confident, as nothing can be more. For besides its standing upon the Military Roman-way, the Caesar's Coins are usually found by the Swineheards, saith he, in the fields about, which they to this day call Ma●…ning Money, reserving still some relics, though corrupt, of the ancient name. And hard by at the very descent of the Chiltern Hills, there is a Military Fence for the space of IX. acres made round, such as g De bello Gal. lib. 5. Caesar and h Geogr. l. 4. Strabo, describe the Britain's Towns to be commonly called Mading-bower, and Madinbour by the By-dwellers: in quo nomine, they are the words of that learned man, parum vitiato nomine Magintum se planissime ostendit. However it was ruined by time, or otherwise Ex historia privata Dunstole, apud Camdenum in Casty endelanis. King Henry I. repaired the Town, rooting out thence Dun, and his fellow robbers. He had his residence there sometime himself. By this you know the original of the name of Dunstable. But in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or former edition, he puts down Ashwel in Hertfordshire for it. DUROCOBRIVAE M. P. XII.] This station is repeated twice again in what follows, alike in all, save that in the VI and JIX. Journeys it is corrupted into Du●…ocobrius. Our former Antiquaries are foully out, setting down to this Dunstable, Stony-Stratford, etc. all which we have already past. But our Antiquary with better judgement places it at or about Redb●…urne, which if interpreted is as much says he, as aqua rubra, although the water that runs by it is no redder than that of the i Vide Agath●…. de Mari Rubra. Red-Sea. The place, they say, is famous for the Relics of Amphibalus, as formerly for his Martyrdom. The story is in k Beda Eccl. Hist. Angl●…r. lib. 1. cap. 7. Beda, thus: Alban as yet a Pagan, when as the commands of cruel Princes raged against the Christians, gave entertainment to a certain Clerk running away from the pursuers. Whom when he saw day and night employed in continual praying and watching; suddenly being visited by the divine Grace, he began to imitate him as an example of faith and piety; and by little and little being instructed by his wholesome exhortations, leaving the darkness of Idolatry, he became a Christian from his whole heart. Now when as the aforesaid Clerk remained some days with him, news came to the ears of the wicked Prince, that this Confessor of Christ, lay lurking with Alban, having not as yet any certain place appointed for his Martyrdom. Whence the Soldiers were commanded with more diligence to search him out. Who coming at Alban dwelling; he presently for his guest and Master, yielded himself to the Soldiers, arrayed in his very habit, and l Caracalla. dress, and so was brought bound before the judge. So far Beda; Cui quidem cum Clerici istius nomen plane ignorabile videretur; aut certe quod ab eo omissum, prorsus intercidisse; & quoniam, ut ait ille apud Poetam, m Homer. Odiss. 0. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Mortales inter nullus sine nomine vivit Ex quo na●…us erit primum, pravusque bonusque. Aliud illi affine & veterum aliquis, qui Domino n D. Armachan de Primor. Eccles. Britan. pag. 151. 539. Armachano non alius fuisse vide●…ur, quam ipse Galfridus, in ●…ujus Historia Britannica (sive Gildam ille parum à se intellectum corruperit, quod quidem verisi milius est; sive, quod le●…ssime dici potest, vitiosis exemplaribus usus fuerit:) Amphibali nomen primum occurrit, lib. 5. cap. 5. Locus autem Gildae ●…a ab eo effectus est: [Sub sancto Abbate Amphibalo] quam lectionem & Polydoro-Virgiliana Gildae editio secuta est: ex quo etiam errore & alterum Amphibalum, Wintoniae ad Amphibali martyris Abbatem extudit nobis Iohannes ●…alaeus. Atqui in vetustissimo Gildae codice [sub sancti Abbatis Amphibalo] uti a josselino est ed●…um, adject a glossula, id est, byrro vel dubio, scriptum se vidisse testatur idem Dominus Armachanus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Primord. Eccles. Brit. pag. DXXXIX. Est autem Amphibalum [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] (antiquae Graeciae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictum) vestis externa genus, quod & nomen indicat, qua clerici olins, & monach●… utebantur. Sulpitius Severus Dialogo II. qui est de virtutibus B. Martini. Sanctus paupere non vidente, intra Amphibalum sive tunicam latenter eduxit, pauperemque contectum discedere jubet. Videndu●… est Cl. Sal●…asius ad Vopiscum, praeter joannem M●…ursium, aliosque in Glossariis. Ita homo ingeniosus, & fortasse minime malus, ex cucullo & pannis monachum nobis effinxit; non secus ac simia, ut habetur in Graecorum fabulis, ex Piraeo Athenarum portu, hominem sibi amicum & familiarem? Confictojam, atque indito à veteribus huic Clerico nomine, de patris ipsius quaedam orta est controversia, dum alii transmarinum suisse, & saviente Diocletiani persecutione, in Britanniam trans●…isse, alii Isca sive Urbis Legionum, civem affirmant. I●…annes Caius Urbis Scholarium Cantabrigiae Rectorem fuisse scribit, auctorem seculus Nicol●…um Cantelupum in Historiola Cantabrigiae. Non procul Verolamio ex parte una, & Annable opido (quod ab Amphibalo nomen accepit) ex altera, sita est Redburna, Antonino Dorocobrivae nuncupata, ubi Amphibalum martyrio vitaem finiisse narrant; Gesta autem Amphibali ex monachorum scriptis, (— Signis tamen haec quoque, signis Captus amore leget:—) Plena manu digessit toties jam nobis laudatus Dominus Armachanus, quem quidem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut de Eustathio Thessalonicensi olim o Nicet. Chon. Hist. Imp. C. P. Nicetas Choniates, boni quidem omnes, etiam mali inviti, agnoscunt. But enough I think of this learned Clerk. We return to our old Station Durocobrivae or Redbourne. At this day it is taken notice of for standing upon the Watling-street, and for the brook Weamer hard by it, which never bubbles up or rises, but against a dearth of Corn, or hard times, as the neighbours say, and believe. Hereby stood that ancient station Durocobrivae, though the distance seems to say no such thing; now Redburn, for they both signify the same aquam Rubram, or Red-water. For ancient places are most an end best discovered, either by old Inscriptions, by the course of Journeys, by the likeness and significations of names, by Rivers and Lakes adjoined, when otherwise the numbers and distance in the Itinerary do not so well suit, as which may easily be corrupted, as here too often, and the short cuts in ways quite lost. And XVI. is not so hardly made of VII. Besides Rivers themselves die and decay in time, as you have been formerly told. And therefore whether it should be briva or briga rather, which p Vide Stephanum Ethnicograpbum. adi etiam Geo. Buchan. Hist. lib. 2. Strabo saith among the Gauls signified a City, at least such a one, as had in it a water passed over with a bridge: the word in all modern languages almost for pons coming from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And therefore we will take Cluverius observation in his Geography: That Briga signifieth what pons doth, among the old Celtae. And that, omnia opida per Galliam pariter ac Hispaniam & alias regiones ita desinentia ad sluminum ripas posita sunt. Hence is it that in q Caes. Com. 5. De bell. Gall. Caesar's several copies you read Samarobriga, and Samarobriva; as it is also in Ptolemy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Antoninus ●…riva Isarae, which Simler otherwise calls Briga Isarae, for Pontoise in France. So by this Durocobriva will be as much as Pons seu Trajectus aqua Rubrae, i. e. The pass of the Red water, or Redbou●…n. However I cannot dissemble, but that the same great Antiquary, in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, the first edition of his BRITANNIA, believed it to be Hertford. His words are: Hertfordiam semper Durocobrivas esse credidit Durioh, i. e. Rubra aqua. H●…rudford, i. e. The Redford; distantia convenit. But since he hath changed his opinion. VERULAMIUM. MP. VII.] Had I had the Fortune, which I remember good Robert had by the courtesy of St. Alban ghost, to be carried up and down, and acquainted with what ever concerned the Town, r Matth. Par. A. 1178. sub H. 2. pag. 133. etc. de maeniis dirutae civitatis, de amne diminuto, de strata communi adjacente civitati. I might save my labour in turning over other men's books: but seeing that will not be, take in good part what I have collected, and got to know, by perusing the Writings of other men before me. First, then take we notice of the name, which is thrice remembered in this Itinerary, but somewhat faulty the best: Verlamio, Verulami, and Verolamo; for Verulamio. Ptolemy also would be noted, in whom you find, but amiss 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, making it one of the Cities of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Catyeuchlani, It stood indeed near where the famous old Town St. Alban now flourisheth, which grew by its ruins; in Caishow Hundred, which place the Cassii, mentioned by s Caesar. Com. 5. de bello Gall. Caesar, without doubt saith our Antiquary sometimes possessed. Of these then, saith he, the famous Commander Cassibeltamus had his name. Among the Britain Cities, which we have set down by Ninnius, it is called Caer-Municip. Because it had been a Muncipium in the Romans times, as you shall hear anon: though for it you find in t Hist. lib. 1. Huntingdon, Caer-Mercipit; but corruptly. And our Antiquary needed not to have made any doubt, that this was Caer Municipium which Golizius' found in old Inscriptions. By the Sacons it was called Wenlam cester and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the Watling-streete Way, and at this day it is still called Verulam, though thereof nothing remains, but the ruins, to say that ever it was. Hence had the truly Noble St. Francis Bacon his Honours, Lord Verulam Vicont S. Alban. A man, as one says of him, Uno omni laude & invidia major; acerrimi ju●…icii, 〈◊〉 ingen●…i, eruditionis v●…ro minime vulgaris, 〈◊〉 inter mori●…ura post se r●…liquit ornamenta: qui seculi sui ingenia longe supergressus, cum omni antiqu●…tate certainen habuit. But what our Comes Municipii was, if our learned Heralds cannot tell, as I fear they will be to seek, I refer them to u Galfr. Hist. Brit. lib. 2. ca 3. Galfridus in his British History: Comes ergo oppidi Municipii, qui ipsum prae caeteris diligebat, praeceptis illius parere non distulit. But his followers, because they understood not him, cared not that we should understand him, for what means one of them by (x) Comes quidem sub municipio oppidi Matt. Westm. Anno. etc. The whole current of our Antiquaries, and those too such as would not take it well to have their judgement slighted, thought this Verulamium, to be that Cassi bellani opidum, which we find in y Caesar comment. 5. de bello Gallico. Caesar, speaking of his conquest of it, Syivis paludibusque munitum, quo satis magnus hominum pecorumque numerus convenere. Oppidum autem Britanni cum sylvas impeditas vallo atque fossa munterunt quo incursionis hostium vitandae causa convenire consueverit. Locum reperit egregie natura atque opere munitum. I confess I was not at first so much resolved as to think so, yet better inclined to it, since I understood that Camden himself thought it probable: Neither have I met with other Antiquities of it till Nero's time; seeing that the same learned Antiquary, thought that the vallum, which now is commonly called Oyster hills, was of old in Claudius' time the Castra or Camp of z Tacit. Annal. 12. P. Osterius Scapula, his Propraetor here. But in Nero's time it met with a sad fate: The story out of Tacitus is thus: Under Nero then, the Britain's intolerably loaden with weight of the Roman government, and especially the Icens (now Norfolk and Suffolk men) provoked by that cruel servitude into which not themselves, but the wife also, and daughters of their King Prasutagus were, even beyond right of victory, constrained: at length, breathing for liberty (and in a further continuance of War, having for their General a Tacit. lib. 14 Boadicia, b Tacit. Boudicia, c Tacit. in Agricola. Voadica, or d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio. Bunduica, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Poet saith, of another:) their Queen, rebelled against their foreign Conqueror, and in Martial opposition committing a slaughter of no less than LXXX. M. (as Dio hath, although Tacitus miss CMC. of this number:) ransacked and spoiled Maldon (then Camalodunum:) a Colony of which in the IV. Journey; and also this Verulamium which were the two chief Towns of the Isle; for so is Suetomus understood by learned men; if London be not meant by one of them; his words are: e Sueton. in Nerone. cap. 26. Accessit tantis ex Principe malis clades Britannica, qua duo pr●…cipua oppida magna civium Romanorum sociorumque cade dirept●…. And though no body hath questioned this: yet there want not, who make it a doubt, whether this Free Borough Verulam, having tasted of the same miserable Fortune, which London itself did, which Corn. Tacitus witnesses, were first or in suffering rather last, in the order as Tacitus ranks it. For how say they, doth that reason hold good, Suetonius Pauliws rendered as the final cause of his quitting London, by the loss of one Town to save the whole residue, if Verul●… here were overwhelmed after? But being it is clear for the disorder of the fact, the strife, or doubt concerning the order of the time, may very well cease, and we may follow what we find. But we were best take a view of Tacitus words, as corrupt as they are. f Tac●…. ●…nal. XIV. Eadem clades municipio Verulamio fuit: quia barbari omissis castellis praesid●…sque militari●…, quod uberri●…um spoliant & deserentes intutum, laeti praeda & aliorum insignes pet●…bant. Ad Septuaginta milia civium & sociorum, iis quae memoravi locis, occidisse constitit. Neque enim capere aut venundare, aliudve quod belli commercium, sed caedes, patibula, ignes, cruces, ●…anquam reddituri supplicium, ac praecepta interim ultione festinabant. Nothing did more unmask the covetous, corrupt, and in wardly most vicious intents of the followers of Boadicia, than the injury done hereunto. For in Camalodunu●… the main body and stock of the people were Romans, and London likewise was full of them, which ministered some colour for their merciless carriage; but why they should deal in that manner with Verulamium, the Magistrates and communality whereof were Britain's, no tolerable cause can be well assigned. True it is they had the dignity and benefit to be free of Rome, but were not otherwise Roman. A principal difference between the persons of a Colony and those of a Municipium, this; that in a Colony they were evermore drawn out of the Corporation itself of the people of Rome, as members before, but in the other, they were not any part of that Imperial body till favourably received by municipial privilege into the freedom; men generally foreign else, and but by admission capable. You may if you please see Agellius and other Roman Writers, but if you have not leisure, Camden alone will be enough. However in this very work have recourse to ●…boracum, for that too by Aurelius Victor is said to have been a Municipium. The Verulamians therefore were Britain's, though now they smarted as Romans; and found their riches to be their undoing. It might be supposed (if Histories were places for supposals:) that King Cogidunus (of whom there is already sufficient spoken) was Lord of the Soil about, which being upon the frontier of the revolted Trinobantes, the Town for that cause suffered mischief, in hatred and despite of his constant friendship to his great Benefactors the Romans. And here among many others the like, in the g Tacit. de vita Agricola. CORNELIAN Annals, the infelicity of the Text, corrupted by transcription, breeds confusion. Nor doth the Surgery of Critics so heal it, but that new Galls and Blisters may still arise. What Tacitus would principally say is not obscure: For he hath told us; That the Britain's, omitting Castles and Garrisons, as tedious and troublesome to conquer, ranged lose about, and made booty or havoc of that which was most of worth abroad; and although disordered shufflings of the vulgar Text, which is, that the followers of Boadicia carried their pillage and robberies to places of safety, (whether Woods or Boggs, or whatsoever else) and full of gladness for their chevisance, did then come again to fetch more, which every man will repute reasonable to suppose) yet those h Adi V. olim ●…ruditiss. ac acerimi ingenii E. B. de Iceconis rebus Gestis, quas vernacule edidit cap. 25. sect. 22. learned masters from other conjectures; are best to be seen in their own writings. The most judicious of them agree in this to be the sense, that Boadicia's men sought for that which was most gainful to themselves, and withal unsafe for the owners to defend; a people forward to Boot-hale, and consume, but backward to the duties of War. A censure they well deserved, and extends to all others, who propounding to themselves no laborious nor honest means of life, long for civil confusions, that they might have what to lavish, though but for never so short a while, and with whatsoever lasting misery to the innocent and industrious. VER obverse side of a coin TASCIA reverse side of a coin The learned Divine of Wales, and Antiquary too, David Powel, a man well skilled in British memories of old time, persuaded Mr. Camden, one upon whom you could not easily put a false die, that in their ancient Language this piece TASCIA denoted and signified as much as Tributi d●…arius, as Tastyd was praecipuus Tributi col●…ector. So that this Coin meant as much as the Tribute money of Verulaminum; Now whereas many will have these Coins ancienter than the Romans coming in hither, the learned Antiquary will not hear of it: Money indeed from all Antiquity was tributurary here, and abroad, either by the poll, or quantity of Land: but before them to whom should the Britain's pay tribute? And yet they had money: ask Caesar else, speaking of their money. The reading of late, whether from Scaliger or Lipsius, it matters not which, hath taleis ferreiss, for annulis ferreiss: However our Speed makes his boasts of having so many Iron Rings lying by him, remainders of Caesar's times. But for this place, being as perplexed as any in Caesar, I refer you to my Britanniae Romanorum, where we illustrate what he hath concerning our affairs. There are many interpolations, it must be confessed, both before and since Julius Celsus his recension of him, and his times; but we do not therefore disavow and reject with Franciscus Floridus, or a Adisis joan. Gerar. Vositum de Hist. L. lib. 1. cap. 13. Ludovicus Carrio, and others, those immortal Commentaries, which deserve the ●…ading and memory of all ages. But return we to Verulam●um, in which the first Letters VER, should seem somewhat to sound honourably in the British tongue, because b Cas. Com. 1. de bello Gall. VER-gobret was the name of a chief Magistrate among the Galls (whose language was the same with the Britain's:) and their most heroic Champion was called Verringecorix: But this is more easy to imagine, then to prove: That it signified the same with Mawr, is probable, if the sense of Ver, or Vawr in some British dialect, be likewise equivalent in English as Mawr is. Great and apt additions in these particulars. Humphrey Lhuyd one of the learnedst late Antiquaries among us (I ever except the Trium-viri:) will have it, that the petty stream that runs thereby was denominative of the place, and Verham to have been Ver-●…han; the F●…e or Temple upon the Water Werr, he supposing that to be the name thereof. That the Thames once held its course by this Town, and that Ships of great burden passed by, many have delivered. But the cause why some thought so, is for that, Gildas, speaking of St. Alban martyrdom, and his miraculous passing through the River at Verlamcester calls it iter ignotum trans Thamesis fluvii alveum: so by collection they guest that Thames had then his first course this Way, being thereto further moved by Anchors, and such like, here digged up. This Conjecture hath been followed by that Noble Muse thus, in the person of Verlam. And where the Crystal Thamis wont to slide Spencer. In Sylver Channel down along the Lee, About whose flowery banks on either side, A thousand Nymphs, with mirthful jollity, Were wont to play from all annoyance free There now no Rivers course is to be seen, But Moorish Fens and Marshes ever green. There also where the winged Ships were seen, In liquid waves, to cut their foamy way; A thousand Fishers numbered to have been In that wide Lake, looking for plenteous prey Of fish, with baits which they used to betray, Is now no Lake, nor any Fisher's store, Nor ever ship shall sail there any more. But for this matter of the Thames, those two great Antiquaries, Leland and Camden, have joined in judgement against it: and for the Anchors, they may be supposed of Fish boats in large Pools which have here been, and yet are, left Relics of their name. Of such a great pool there, hear what an ancient Historian saith: the Ruins of Verulam are a Wall of Flints and Bricks, eaten down into the earth with age and weather, and deep double Trenches about, which remain at this day looking sadly with an overgrown face upon the Town of St. Alban, and yet retains the ancient name: Alfricus Abbas Piscinam magnam & prosundam Ecclesiae S. Albani nimis nocivam & vicinam, quae Fishpole dicebatur, magno pretio comparavit. Erat autem Regum piscaria, fueruntque regii ministri & piscatores molesti coenobio, & oneri Coenobitis, Equa ille aquam aliquando derivavit, & aridam redegit. Personating the Genius of Verlam, that ever famous c Ruins of Time. Spenser sung. I was that City which the Garland wore Of Britain's pride, delivered unto me By Roman Victors, which is won of yore; Though naught at all but ruins now I be, And lie in mine own ashes, as you see: Verlam I was; what boots it that I was, Sith now I am but weeds and wasteful grass? As under the Romans, so in the Saxon times afterward, it endured a second ruin, and out of its corruption, after the Abbey erected by K. Offa, was generated that of Saint Alban; whither, in later times, most of the stone-works and whatsoever fit for building was by the Abbots translated. So that, d Spens. Ibid. — Now remains no Memory Nor any little monument to see, By which the Traveller that fares that Way, This once was she, may warned be to say. And now if to this place of our English virgil, concerning the decay of Verulamium, I bring as parallel the overthrow of Carthage, out of e jacob. Sannazarius de partu Virgin. lib. 2. one, who if any other, had his genius as well as house, I know no reason why any one should be offended: for my part I am delighted in it: — Qua devictae Carthaginis arces Procubuere, jacentque i●…usto in Littore turres Eversae. Quantum illa me●…us, quantum illa laborum Urbs dedit insultans Latio, & Laurentibus arvis, Nunc passim vix relliquias, vix nomina ●…ans, Obruitur propriis non agnoscenda ruinis. Et querimur, genus infelix! humana labour Membra avo, cum rogna-pal●… mariantur, & urbes. So wealthy Carthage Walls did fall before, And ruined Bulwarks on that hapless shore. What Wars, what troubles might she boast? She brought on Rome, and the Laurentian Coast. Now scarce her relics, nor her name is known Nor the uncertain ruins of that Town. And we complain of our sad lives short date, When Realms and Kingdoms perish by like fate. Si quanta Romanorum numismatum copia, quot imagines ex auro, & argento consiatae, quot vasa, quot columnae marmoreae, quot epistylia, quotque antiqui operis miracula hic eruta fuerint, ex vulgi relatione percensore velim, omnem fidem superaret oratio! saith our Antiquary. But he thinks Verulamiuns, was equally famous for nothing, as for that in Dioclesian the Emperor's time, under a grievous persecution of Christians it produced Alban the Protomartyr of the Britain's, a stout Champion of the Gospel: to him therefore have recourse for his Story; but especially to the never to be enough praised Dr. Usher, lately Archbishop of Armagh, who therein hath detected many errors and mistakes, cleared all doubts, and set right the whole Narration of his life and death; and a Eccles. cap. vers. 12. as Solomon says, what shall the man do that cometh after the King? even that which hath been already done. SULLONIACAE M. P. IX.] The Watling-streete way goes on from Verulamium to London, & b Papin. S●…. Sylvarum. 2. 7. — Longarum territor Regina viarum; As he said of the Appian. But there is some deflection in the course now, which gave cause to Harrison to mistake Barnet for Sulloniacae. But Talbot, I know not what reason he had for it, rather puts Edgeworth for it: And Fulk Shelney, between St. Stephens and Ilstree; if by this he means Ellestr●…e, perhaps he is not much out of the Way; for much about this distance from Londinium is Sulloniacae to be found: and our Antiquary hath light upon it at Brockley hill, where are the remains of an old Station and very much rubbish digged up. The Roman power at length expiring in the Island, and all being set on fire by the Saxon with War, an universal face of Barbarism overrun all, and among the rest all that lay between the Chiltern was all overgrown with trees and bushes, and almost to London, and not restored again, nor the way quitted, till by Leoftan the twelfth Abbot of S. Alban a little before the Normans entrance: c Mat. Paris in vitis Abbatum S. Albani, in Leofstano 12. Ille, saith the Historian, opaca nemora, qu●… à limbo Ciltri●… usque Londonium fere, a p●…rte Septentrionali ubi pracipue Strata Legia, quae Watlingstratu dicitur, fecit resecari, salebras explanari, pontes fabricari, & abrupta via●… in planitiem redigi tutiore●…. But this old way being again restored, was again deserted, another by the licence of the Bishops of London, between three and four hundred years ago, through Highgate and Barnet being laid open, as is already observed, by our learned Countryman and diligent Antiquary. LONDINIO. M. P. IX.] Many glorious, and very high, are the expressions which they of old time used concerning R●…me. * Athen. Poleman the Sophist called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Summary, or extract of the whole world. In d Seniori illo, cujus Periplum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 edidit ●…r. morel. Gr. & Lat. M●…rtianus of Herac●…ea, you find it styled, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the common Star of the whole Earth: Terrarum dea, gentiumque Roma, Cui par●…st nihil & nihil secundum. Rome Empresie of the World alone, Thou art without comparison. As old Martial saith; and little less we find said of the a nova Roma. new City, Byz●…ntium, or b Adisis Theodor. Dous●… notas in Georgii Logothetae Chronico●… C P. pag. 59 60. CP. And as for the gallant City Athens, to omit those common ones, in which it is called c Menander apud Al●…iphronem in Epist. ad Glyce●…, ●…idere se ●…it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 Iud●…. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In disputat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, the 〈◊〉 of Gr●…ce: and elsewhere, d I●…stin Hist. lib. 5. the other eye of Greece; that methinks of e Apud Strabon lib. 0. Hegesias in Strabo, speaking of it, is very brave; where he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Edifice of the Gods, and gallant men in former time. Now though this may very truly be said of London, yet let me add, that the Piety, Justice, Wisdom, and other Virtues, have more preserved this City then ever the Ancilia Martis did Rome, or the Palladium did Athens itself; and rendered the Genius thereof so vital as we see. For in that very respect it is wondered at by learned men. Truly such hath been the Fate of this our great and famous City, that it hath not only survived the memory of many her Neighbours, mentioned by Antonine, Ptolemy, the f Verulamium Camalodunum, Viriconium, etc. Notitia of the Western Empire, etc. whose burial places our Antiquaries of late have made such search and enquiry after; but for the space of above one thousand five hundred fourscore and six years (for so long it is since the Consulship of Caesonius 〈◊〉, and Petronius Turpilia●…us, in whose time London was accounted g Tacit. A●…nal. lib. 14. maxim celebre by an unquestionable Author: and my intent is not to insist upon any Antiquity much beyond this:) hath flourished more for the stateliness and magnificence of her goodly buildings: for the large extent of her bounds and jurisdiction: for the religion and civility of her inhabitants; for the wisdom and honour of her Magistrates, whose * Good deed●…, for which mankind hath been the better 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have abundant witnesses, and appear in most Towns of the Kingdom: for the profession of Arms, all good letters and arts; not to speak of her Traffic and commerce with all Countries, and Ports of the known world, more than any other whatsoever throughout all Christendom. And notwithstanding it hath often met with those common calamities, Fire and the sword of Enemies, both domestic and foreign, yet what hath usually proved utterly destructive to others, to this hath been a cause of gaining more splendour and greatness, and she hereby, like the Kingly Oak, to speak in the Poet's words, (or rather c Lib. 4. odd. 4 Horace's, that I may not offend against the Imperial Rule of d Instit. lib. 1. Tit. 1. sect. 3. Justinian.) Per damna, per caedes ab ipso Duxit opes anima●…que ferro: Slaughter, loss, and civil strife Gave her wealth, and weapons, life. Or in Seneca's: e Senec. epist. 91. ad Liber●…. ita cecidit, ut 〈◊〉 surgeret, & in majus. Her frequent Schathfires have rendered her not less magnificent, but more famous. And her enemies have had the same cause of grief, that ●…imagenes, an enemy to the Welfare of Rome, confesseth himself to have had, as often as it chanced to be set on fire; Roma sihi incendia ab hoc 〈◊〉 dolori esse, quod scire●… 〈◊〉 refurrectura, quam arsissent: He knew they would be built more stately after the burning. All which argues and confirms thus much, that London is a body well complexioned: or if you had rather have so much in Latin from the most polite, but unimitable f Com. in Tacit. Annal. 14. Lipsius speaking of it: Londiniu●…, saith he, upon occasion of firing it under Nero, by the incomparable woman B●…dicia, urbs nobilissi●…a, vitali genio condi●…a, hodieque celebre. The place which I mean is to be found in his Commentaries upon the Immortal Annals of Cornelius Tacitus, wherein is almost the ancientest mention of Londinium, which we may by no means neglect to bring in here: At Suetonius mirae constantia medios inter hosts Londinium perrexit, cognomento quidem colonia non 〈◊〉, sed copia negotiatorum & commeatu maxime celebre. Ibi a●…biguus a●… ill●… sede●… bello detigeret, circumspecta insrequentia ●…litis. Satisque magnis documentis temeritatem Petilii coercita●…, ●…nius op●…di damno serv●…re universa statnit. Neque fletu & lachrimis 〈◊〉 ejus orantium flexus est, quin daret profectionis signum, & 〈◊〉 in partem agnimis acciperet. Si quos imbellis sexus aut fess●… 〈◊〉, vel loci dulcedo attinnerat, ab host oppress sunt. Here the name of London, as said, is first to be found in any ancient authentic writing, and that for the calamities sake, which at this time it suffered most extreme. But that violence which could abate, and desolate happiness for the time, advanced the name thereof to immortal remembrance by g Annal. 14. Cornelius Tacitus, her principal Historian, and witness. Tragical effects the most natural matter of renown. Prosperous successes vanish in the warmth of their own fruition. His memory therefore deserves a special honour there. And if ever the most Civil, pompous, and thankful uses of the magnificent Acts of Statuary, Founding, Mowlding, Musive, and Graving, prevail to come up here, as among the Greeks and Romans, both he and others shall undoubtedly enjoy it. In the words last cited the excellent Historian telleth how the Roman General, or Pro Praetor, out of an apprehension of the scarcity of his Soldiers, not daring to stand Boadicia's Forces, quite abandoned and deserted London to the cruelty and rape of the enemies, neither would be persuaded otherwise by any tears or entreaties of the Citizens. And out of his positive words, we may know that London was not a Colony, Londinium cognomento quidem Coloniae non insigne: wherefore h Onuphr. P●…ninus in Imper. Rom. Onuphrius can be no way excused, who expressly against Tacitus words, saith, there was a Colony there. But there are two several translations, each of them in Print, who out of that very place of Tacitus would make London seem a Colony. If there be any hope, that he could have such a meaning; it must shine from out of other words in his Agricola, where summing the hurts, and mischiefs of Boadicia's dare, he speaks plurally, as if Colonies were destroyed, and not one Colony alone. That reading of the place being literally urged, London then may best put in for that title, with Camalodunum. But some of the most learned neither read the Latin Word as in the number of multitude, and there is also another commodious answer; figure of speech; which not rarely admits a plural for a singular, as a graceful excess. London was never said to be a Colony. The honour so much the more, that having no such support, it should grow so superlatively eminent. These are some few among the infinite innovations of Translators. Description of Places is an express office of History, as the clearing of doubts, a necessary right of description. .... ΒΡΕΤΑΝΝΙΚΟΣ— ΜΗΤΡΟΠΟΛΙΣ ΕΤΙΜΙΝΑΙΟΥ ΒΑ ... obverse side of a coin reverse side of a coin METROPOLIS ETIMINII BASILIUS. that BASILIUS. (in short writing) standing for BASILEOS', KING, of which manner of speaking, if any one doubt, he shall find store of the like and same Latin among the Diplomata of the Elder Saxon Kings amongst us. THE CHIEF CITY OF KING ETIMINIUS. The name of the City fretted out and quite worn away with age. But Octavius o Ibid. pag. 134. vide 〈◊〉 Oct. S●…radam. Strada, a Gentleman of Knightly degree, under the Emperor Rodolphus the second, with the honourable Title of being his Antiquary, hath published one of those invaluable Medals much more entire. A most fortunate jewel to Britain, better worth being but Copper, then obrize Gold, or Paragon stones, not simply a simple piece of money, but itself an entire Treasure. For without the least alteration of Characters, METROPOLIS ETIMINII BALO being the visible remain of the circumferential inscription upon the reverse, a most easy distinction (by supply of points decayed) reads, METROPOLIS ETIMINAEI BASILIUS. LO. That is to say, METROPOLIS ETIMINAEI BASILEOS' LONDINIUM. For in the very letter L. and much more in the Syllable LO, all men (though but slightly conversant in antiquities) will readily confess, that after the name of the King, the name of the place in Britain did commence. THE MOTHER-CITY, or PRINCIPAL CHIEF TOWN OF KING ETIMINIUS, LONDON. Whether this * Vide apud Polyd. Virgil. Hist Brit. lib. 1. qui. sit Archeninus sive Erchenvinus cujus temporibus Londin. esse ait Regiam Civitatem, & regni caput. Etiminaeus might not have been p Sueton. in Caligula. cap. Adminius the son of q Dio Hist. Roman. lib. Cunobelinus' King of Camalodunum in the days of Caligula the Emperor, who might after wards have ingratiated himself with Britanicus, the next Emperor's son, and so have been declared King of London, as his father had been before of Camalodunum, is a question proposed by our learned Antiquary, to which we have nothing to answer, but that it may probably be so, till we find out better to conjecture. But others quite except against the Coin itself, lightlyesteeming the authority thereof, because it hath a word in it [Metropoli,] not known before the Christian times: but these good men sure will not be angry, if we chance not to believe them, or will they themselves if they please to peruse that in the Antigone of Sophocles: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And divers other Greek Writers before Christ's time. But hear how my Author gratulates to his own good luck this discovery, and wonderfully pleaseth himself thereat. And, if nothing shall hereafter infirm it, Great BRITAIN must no longer incur the barbarous note, of being City-lesse in CAESAR'S days; and then also must LONDON undoubtedly owe, the best proof, and clearest light, as well for dignity as Antiquity, that hath hitherto been seen among us, unto me, who first of Mortals have duly asserted the honourable name thereof into the title of a civil Metropolis, till this present hour overwhelmed in the rubbish of BRITAIN'S ruin. For though OCTAVIUS STRADA (to whose memory immortal thanks are due;) hath afforded the Medalia, he hath not meddled with the life of the thing, the meaning: that is only mine. Special History depends upon the rare argument of the Coin; for both the which, one act of exposition shall serve in their more proper place and time. And that LO. being the initial Letters of the name, should in STRADAS coin signify LONDON, cannot seem strange either to the learned, or the ignorant; when in other Coins concerning Britain, the mere r Vt in v●…▪ ●…mmis P. L. S. i. e. Pecunia Londinii 〈◊〉 single L. itself imports as much. Nor will it be the fortune of any man to find a Town in Britain, whose name beginning s 〈◊〉 aliud est Britaniae oppidum vetus praterea●…, quod ab istisc●… litteris incipis, si Love●…ium Prole●…i, procul ●…inc in C●…bria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. with those letters, can be fit to bear the stately title of a Metropolis, but this alone. London to say the truth (say those famous Annals:) was not ennobled with the surname of a Colony. The Romans therefore who had settled their households in London (for as wise Seneca observes, they made their Country every place where they overcame) were so many, that nothing wanted to erect it into a Colony, but an act of the Senate of Rome to authorize the title, and rights; their numbers appearing to be already sufficient for support of the charge, and dignity. They therefore and their fellows, the natural Britain's, together with the ordinary sequels of their persons and professions, who dwelled therein, amounted to an extraordinary multitude, which made the place not more populous than full of houses. For the proportion of habitations answers the proportion of inhabitants. How many the Londoners were of either kind, is a matter less known than how far every way the buildings went, which neither could be narrow, nor ignoble; but large as for copious Merchants, and magnificent as for magnificoe's. For as the most learned Carolus Sigonins observes out of Cicero, the Gentlemen and Knights of Rome, dealt in merchandise at home, and abroad, and were members of the College of Mercury, whose stately Seat was upon Mount Capitoline itself, and whose limbs and parts were spread through the Roman world. One of the suburbs of Nero's London abutted upon the Fields t Quibus more Romanorum in urnis, ollis, cacabis, vetaeis, ampullis, amphoris, cupis, orcis, & aliis hujusmodi vasculis cineres conditi, nec non & nummi reper●…i s●…t. Adisis joannem 〈◊〉 in Notitia Londin●… in Bishopsgate Ward nec non Virum diligentissimum joan. Wever●…m de Funebribus Mon●…tis lib. 6. pag. 30. i●… iis quae se didicis●…e ●…it 〈◊〉 Clariss. & Doctiss. equity D. Roberto Cottono Baronet●…. which are at this day termed of the neighbour spital, as Nero's Coins, and the Coins of other Emperors digged up there, among the Monuments of the dead, do abundantly witness. Our learned Antiquary Camden adds to Nero's, some of Claudians and Vespasians Coins also; and besides other Crockets and earthen Vessels, he mentions glass vials, in which remains still some liquid matter, which he thinks, might be either of the libations, of milk and wine, which in the burning of bodies, the ancient Romans used at Funerals; or else of the odoriferous liquors, whereof Statius speaketh: — Vidaeque liquores Arsuram lavere comam. The whole place of the Poet was read amiss, at least I may say, corruptly published by him; as it is also yet in the Author. a Sta●…ius Papin. Sylu. lib. 2. in Epicedio Clau●…ae. Quodque Arabes, Phariique, palam est, vidique liquores Arsuram lavere comam. Salmasius reads it right thus: Quodque Arabes, Phariique Palaestinique liquores. But undoubtedly, he owes the emendation to b Clariss. Seldenus Prolegom. ad Syntagmata de DIS Syris cap. 1. one the learnedst of this last age, who long before him, though he acknowledge it not, first descried the error, and very luckily corrected it, as he doth leamedly make it good by producing a parallel place out of the d Stat. Sylva. lib. V. same Writer. — Palaestini simul, Ebraeique liquores. That this burial place was then quite without the City, may be confirmed by the Law of the XII. e HOMINEM MORTWM IN VRBE NE SEPELITO, NEVE VRITO. Adi Cicer. lib. 2. de LL. Tables, which ordered, that the dead, and the rites performed to them, should be removed thence. See Servius upon that verse of Virgil, Aenerd. Lib. V. Sedibus hunc refer ante suis, & conde sepulchro. Bring to my house, and with my own inter. The very bigness of London a cause why Paulinus forsook it the rather, as having not men enough to keep it. So ancient a City of the Britain's, the same in like sort so new a Seat of the Civil Romans, could neither want Temples, Bains, Aqueducts, Courts of Counsel, and Justice, nor other Public works to render it complete in itself, and afar off worth the beholding. The River full of Ships (for Merchants and Ships do always suppose one the other) the rivage full of seafaring men, the In nsfull of strangers. Here was the staple of Trade, and the capital Mart of Britain, the Bower of the Noble (for they had no where else to be so furnished) the bliss of the thrifty (for they had no where else to be so enriched) the delight of all. Here also, or no where rather, the public storehouses, granaries, and Magazines, the safest stowage of gotten spoils, the Soldier's packs, and baggage the hostages of the British States, the public Records (as at Samarobriva under Julius Caesar in Gallo●…elgick) and whatsoever stuff, or provisions Suetonius paulinus in his aspiring spirit, might design for a triumphal, or an ovant show at Rome; For by his good service in Britain he atohieved as great glory & fame, as ever he had done in u Prius enim Nu●…diam obtinueras, de qua re tu Plinium lege Hist. lib. 5. cap. 1. praeter Dionem lib. 60. Africa. His care to reach to London before the cruel Rebels, an argumet of the premises, and of this also, that it was the top itself of all the Roman interest in Britain. His purpose moreover to erect the same into the seat of War, makes it credible, that it was not without a Wall even then, but every way defensible; had it met with a season more favourable, or with a Captain as firm as the faith of the people. Within it the splendour of arms, and the furnitures of peace, which till the most fierce Boadicia struck up for battle, was every where most deep and still. And whereas the place of store had evermore a strong guard within it, as at x Cas. de bello Gallico lib. 5. Samarobriva beforesaid, where 〈◊〉 Legion lay in defence, so here (if my divinations fail me not) either the y Tacit lib. 1. Hist. Pracipui sama. Man●…udecumani, rebellione Britanniae compressa. Addiderat gloria●… Nero elige●…do ●…t po●…issimos. Vade longa illis erga Neronem fides, etc. alibi etiam in illo opere. valorous fourteenth kept, or some large portion thereof, as in the main stay, or seat of the Empire's part in Britain, itself also the key or gate of the Province, which lay beyond the River from Surrey-side towards Cornwall. An argument hereof, that though London for the territory was Trinobantish, yet for the jurisdiction was Cantian, at leastwise, in z Apud eam enim Londinium in Cantio situm legimus. Ptolem●…ns days under Adrian. And the infrequency of Soldiers which is alleged in Tacitus for a cause why Suetonius did dislodge from thence, was the infrequency (if conjecture hits right) of that brave bold Legion, whose bands and troops were not full as then, by reason of absences by leave, or far dispersion of the parts, which all came in before the battle, though wanting at the musters. Thus riched, thus populous, thus great, thus strong, thus goodly, and thus abounding with the necessaries, and pleasures of life, Suetonius paulinus possessed London at his return from Mona, for the service of Caesar, and of Caesar's Roman-Britain. And the utter desertion of it by him, to the merciless cruelty of the incensed and victorious Britain's, you have, in what follows in the same judicious and acute writer. For such, both here and elsewhere is all that proceedeth from him. Now if you please in the mean while take a nearer notice of the names of this great City, by way of Etymology, and deduction thereof, being very likely from thence to confer somewhat to the illustration of so ancient and famous a place. Here in Antoninus it is read Londinium: but saepius Londonium, saith Talbot in the old Copies: and in the written Copies as Simler and Surita both witness: it is likewise read * Ita Ptolemao dici perperam scripsit Paulus Hentzner. Itin. pag. 1688. Noriberg. 1629. Longidinium. In Ptolemies Geography there is a people mentioned near upon Sweden, called by him Longididuni: but between whom and Longidinium I know no more relation either of old time, or now; then I believe that our Londinum or Londinium was so called from Linden a † See Fynes Morysons Travels part 1. lib. 1. cap. 5. pag. 60. Town of Hols●…in, which yet we find said to be so in the great Theatrum Urbium: or else from the City Lindos in the Island Rhodes which is the far fetched conceit of the great a Erasmus in Adagio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Erasmus, who I thought had reason to have known us far better. Nam Lindus civitas in Rhodo est, saith he, teste Stephano, à qua deductum videri possit Londinum apud Britannos, quam urbem Stephanus Lindonium vocat, 〈◊〉 Marcianum anctorem. Siquidem utraque insula est, Rhodus & Britannia, ac vetus ejus genus lingua, quae nunc Wallica dicitur, satis i●…eat eam aut profectam à Graecis, aut certe mixtam suisse. Ne ●…ores quidem admodum dissident à Graeca●…icis. To make that good, which he quotes out (b) Ex Hermolao Byzantino 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. of Stephanus, these words of his are sufficient: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. As for Marcianus whom he citys; we must know that there are two Writers extant of that name, both of Heraclea: the elder who wrote a Geography called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in jambic Greek verse, 〈◊〉 forth by Frederick Morellus at Paris: the later who wrote this very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mentioned here by Stephanus, and hath compiled his whole Work out of Ptolemy; whence it is that I conjecture, & very rightly I believe, that finding * Idem Ptolem. Geograph. lib. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 constantly printed, the word in him is by Marcianus, or his Transcribers corrupted into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and so to be no more taken notice of then † justin, Cobbler. versio●… Chronicorum Luberi Herma●…. 〈◊〉 lib. 2. pag. 48. Leodunum, and * Guid. Pancirol. Co●…. in Notit. Occident. cap. 72. Laodunum, which likewise we meet with in later Authors, for the right name L●…ndinium, as it is written here, and also in ●…tur, 〈◊〉 we see. Neither may we have any other thought, con●…ning Ptolemies own authority to the contrary. For wher●… you may find it written c V●…i nos olim docuit Praestantiss. D. Arm●…banus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also, in his MS. Canon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, joined with his Astronomical Canons not yet Printed, what can you say else, but that it was the supine neglige●…e and oscitancy of the Libra●…s; And truly in my weak judgement, as great a Clerk as Erasmus was, he might, with a deal ●…ado, have brought the name of the City from d Lincoln. Habetur & Oppidum cognomine in Scotia quoque Ptolem: Lindum in this very Island. But neither place is to be thought on here. Let us descend a little lower to the age of Constantius; and in a Panegyric to him, we shall find Oppidum Londiniense, the Latin Gentile name, which must needs confirm what we say: but for the Courteous Readers sake we shall not think it much to transcribe hither the whole place of that eloquent writer: d Mamertinus, ut quibusdam placet, sive potius Eumenius, ut aliis, Panegyr. ad Constantium Chlorum. Nam Maximiano dict●… falso creditur. E●…imvero, Caesar invi●…e, tanto Deorum 〈◊〉 tibi est addicta consensu victoria omnium quidem, qu●…s ador●… sueris hostium; sed praecipue internecio Francorum, ut illi quoq●…e milites vestri, qui per errorem nebulosi maris abjuncti ad oppidum Londiniense pervenerant, quidquid ix mercenaria illa multitudine Barbarorum pralio superfuerat, cum direpta civitate sugām capessere cogitarent, passim tota urbe consecerint; & non so●…um provincialibus vestris in caede hostium dederint salu●…em, sed etiam in spectaculo voluptatem. O victoria multijuga, & innumerabilium triumphorum, qui Britanniae restituta, qua gentes Francorum penilus excisae, qua ●…is praeterea gentibus in conjuratione il●…us sceleris deprehensis, imposita est necessitas obsequendi, denique ad perpetuam quietem maria purgata sunt! He means here the utter rout and overthrow given to the Franks by Constantius his men, after they had plundered the goodly City: but concerning this, I shall refer you to our History of Britain. But the last words of Fumenius put me in mind, of the Naval strength and glory of Britain in those days, and withal of Camden's Etymology of Londinium, which be pleased to take in his own words: where he tells us, that this City, unde celebritatem, inde & appellationem consecutam esse; a Navibus scilicet; quas Britanni sua singu●… Lhong vocant, ●…a ut Londinium sonnet Navale, vel urbs Navium. Urbem enim Dinas, unde Latini Dinium deflexerunt, ●…pant Britanni. Hinc est quod alicubi e In quibusdam Antonini exemplarious. Simler. & Surita. Longidinium dicitur, & in Naenia antiquissimi Bardi Britannici Lhong-porth, i. e. Navium Portus: & hoc ipso vocabu●… Bononia Galliae, quae Ptolemaeo Gessoriacum Navale, in Britannieo Glossario Bolung-Long vocatur. Urbes enim plurimae à Navibus nomina tu●…uat, uti Naupactus, Naustathmos, Na●…plia, Navalia Augusti, etc. In the very next age to Constantius, unless, you shall find Londinium again in the best Editions of Ammianus Marcellinus, and Lundinium too by the fault of the Librarii; which gave occasion, I do not say sufficient, to Fr●…derick Lindenbrogius to Print it so in all the three places of the Historian wherein it is mentioned, as is in the first place, where under Julian he tells us that * A●…m. Mar. Hist. lib. 20. Lupicinus the Migister Armorum was sent into Britain ad rationes componendas, thus: adulta ●…yeme dux Lupicinus Bononiam venit: quas●…tisque novigiis, & omni imposito milite, observato f●…u secundo ventorum, ad Rutupias sitas ex adverso defertur, petitque Lundinium: ut exinde suscepto pro rei qualitate consilio, festinaret ocyus ad procinctum. The f Idem l. 27. next is where he speak of the famous Theodosius his coming hither: Egressus tendensque ad g Lund●…nium Rob. 〈◊〉. sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lundinium vetus oppidum, quod Augustam posteritas appellavit, divisis plurifariam globis, adorius est ●…gantes bostrum vistaterias ma●…: And lastly speaking of the same h Ibidem lib. 28. theodisius, Vero dux nominis inclyti, animo vigore collecto ab Augusta prosectus, quam veteres appellavere Lundinium. And in N●…nius his Catalogue of British Cities it is accordingly written Caer-Lundei●…. And here by no means may I leave out that which the same Historian there relateth, concerning this gallant General, who presently after the landing here, and in his march up to London, dividing his strength into divers bodies, set upon the straggling and boot-haling Companies of such as had lately plundered London, encumbered with their booty: & propere sus●…, pradam excussit, quam tribut arii perdidere miserrimi. Denique restituta omni, prater partem exiguam impensam militibus fessis, mersam difficultatibus suis an●…ac civitatem, subito que solus sperari po●… recreatom, in ovantis speciem latissimus introi●…t. You hear that in Ammianus time it was thought Vetus Oppidum: but than it was of new called Augusta. A name full of the highest Dignity, full of Majesty. And the builders or restorers of Cities when as either they hoped or desired that their Cities might become flourishing and powerful, they headfully looked to it, that they had lucky names imposed. Now amongst the lucky, and most fortunate there was none more lucky or auspicate, to borrow a word then that of Augusta. For that best and greatest Emperor Octavius, did not without the Judgement of the learnedst assume this name to himself Augusius, saith a Dio lib. 54. Dia [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,] who was so called as it were somewhat larger than humane nature. Qua e●…im 〈◊〉 diguiss●…ma 〈◊〉 sanctissima Augusta dicuntur, saith b S●…et. in August●… cap. 7. suetonius, and goes on thus: Augusti cognomen assumpsit Munatii P●…anci sententia: cum quibusdam ce●…sentibus, Ro●…m appellari oportere, quasi & ipf●… conditorem urbis, praevaluiss●…t ut Augustus potius vocaretur, non tantum ●…ovo sed etiam ampliore cognomine: quod loca quoque religiosa, & in quibus augurato quid consecratur augusta d●…untur, ab a●…ctu, vel ab avium gestu gusiuve; s●…ut etiam Ennius docet 〈◊〉: Augusto Augurio postquam inclyta condita Roma est. Great Rome by sacred Augury was built. Neither had any the privilege or power to impose that name without leave or licence obtained from the Augustus then being: whereunto Virgil also alludes in that verse in the fifth of his Aeneis: Urbem appellabant, permisso nom●…ne, Acestam. By leave, the City they Acesta call. Idest, ipso permittente Aceste. Otherwise the free c De qui 〈◊〉 studiosus lector Dionem ●…ibit lib. 53. & 54. maxim. atque illic pag. 528. power to give way remained in the Senate. There are store of examples every where to be found hereof; the learned Saint d D. Hieon. Epitaph Paullo ●…d Eustochium Hierom: Samaria in honorem Augusti ab Herode Graco sormone Augusta est nominata. And again elsewhere: e Id. Prologue. in Abdiam Prophet. Samariam Herodes rex Antipatri filius in ●…onorem Augusti Caesaris Graco nomine vocavit Sebastem, id est Augustam. But Augustus his indulgence thereunto is still to be preconceived. As for the thing done, Hierom, I presume, had his authority from f Strab. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strabo, a very good Author, or else Josephus as is most likely in more than one place. The same g Strab. lib. 〈◊〉. strabo relates how that Pythodor●… a most wise woman, how that when her husband Pol●…mo by the special grant of Augustus and Antonius had obtained the Kingdom of Colchis, she repaired and enlarged the City Diospolis, built by Ptolemy the great, and altered the name to Augusta, making it the Royal Seat. And the Romans themselves that they might gain the Gods to themselves and so deal more happily by their favour and assistance, call them too as they did their Caesars also Augustos as they were Prastites Imper●…: Hence it is that we frequently meet with such inscriptions as these. Caeseri Augustae Matri Agrorum. Genio Augusto, & laribus. Jano Augusto Sacrum. Issidi Augustae sacrum. Libero Aug. S. Lunae Aug. etc. In nummis quoque, Herculi Romano Augusto, etc. Now whereas it is reported by simeon of Durham, and other Writers of our own Country, that Constantine the great, at the suit of his Mother Helena, did first of all fence this City with Walls, and that as Camden witnesses, many Coins of her●… are often found about the Walls; I am brought to believe, that it was called Augusta by Constantinus himself, in honour of his Mother H●…na. For he exceedingly honoured her, in so much that he gave order that she should be styled Augusta Regina. And for this we have h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euse. de vita Constan. M. lib. 3. Eusebius●… a suffici●… Author. And Ammianus himself under julian, and calls himself one inter protectores Principis, before cited where he tells of the alteration of the name of the City, doth not seem to me to speak otherwise then of a thing lately done. Although indeed i Harris. desc. Brit. lib. 11. cap. 7. & 17. William Harrison saith it was called so from the famous Roman Legion here, named in inscriptions as well as old Writers. Augusta secunda. But he hath no reason nor authority for it. For that that Legion ever was resident at London, there is no testimony at all extant. That it lay indeed sometime a●… Sandwich in Kent, or Bu●…upiae, the No●…ia Imperii Occidentis sufficiently informs us. And that some part thereof at least had sometime their being near about Sterling in Scotland, we are taught by inscriptions digged up there. But that the main body of the Legion kept its constant rendevouz at Isca, or Caer-Leon in Monmouthshire, is as certain, as it is most uncertain that ever it was at Exce●…r: though Ptolemy seem to say so: but it is one of those many mistakes to be taken notice of in him. In the forenamed Notitia, you shall light upon the Praepositus Thesaurorum AUGUSTENSIUM in brita●…, sub dispositione viri illustris Comitis sacrarum Largi●…ionum Occidentis. Such kind of Praeposita with their Officers, are called by k C. de Pal. Sa●…r. Larg. l. 2. Valentin●… the Emperor Thesaurentes, and are thought to have transported in Ships such species as were counted fit for the sacred or Imperial Largitians, or Beneficence. It is the learned Camden's conjecture, that this Praepositus here, was over some officina monetaria, instituted by Constantine the Great: for we read, saith he, in his coins, which he stamped in honour of his Father Constantius, and others also, P. LON. S. that is to say, Money stamped at London. Peter de Natalibus, out of the Martyrologies of the Ancients, records one Augulius Pontifex Augustae Civitatis Britanmae, in the year 304. which is before Constantine came to the Empire two years. I know not of what esteem the word of Petrus De Natalibus is among learned men: as also of Gilbert Genebrards', who alike also on the seventh of February celebrates the departure of Augurius (so he calls him:) Bishop of Ireland, in the year CCCLXI under Valentinian (he means julian.) But let others look to that: I shall refer my courteous Reader for-better satisfaction to the all-knowing l D. Vsserius de Primord. Eccles. Britan. pag. 169 V. & illi●…. addend. Usher, of late that worthy Primate of Ireland, now with God Certainly Restitutus, who ten years after him was present at the first Council at Arles, as also at that at Sardica, as may be collected out of m Videsit Athanasium in Ap●…logia 2. tom. 1. pag. 720, 756, & 767. editionis Paris. 1627. Athanasius, is not styled Augustae Episcopus, but Fx provincia Britanniae, Cavitate Londinensi, Restitutus Episcopus; as appears by the n In editione Biniana. Subscriptions of that Council. But there is a later edition of that Council, together with all the Counsels of Gallia, which we owe to the care and diligence of that excellently learned man Jaques Sirmond, a French Jesuit: thus then there they are o Pag. 9 editionis Sirmond. subscribed: Eborius Episcopus de Civitate Eboracensi, provincia Britannia. Restitutus Episcopus de Civitate Londinensi provincia suprascripta. Adelfius Episcopus de Civitate Colonia Londinensium; exinde Sacerdos Presbyter, Arminius Diaconus. So that out of Britain, besides this Restitutus of London, there were present at the first Council at Arles, Eborius Bishop of York, and Adelfius Bishop de Civitate Colonia Londinensium, as he is called here, with Sacerdos, a Priest; and Arminius, a Deacon. But what means Civitas Coloniae Londinensium, in this place saith the excellent p Seld. Com. in Eutychii Orig. Alexandr. pag. 118. Selden? That signifies nothing at all in the Topography of Britain. I know not what credit may be given to the book of the Abbey of Corbey; neither have I ever heard of what antiquity it is. Yet if so be the subscriptions out of it are to be admitted, I can scarce doubt at all, saith that great Scholar, however q Vsser. Diatriba de Episcopatu Anglicae pag. 12. 13. & de Primordiis. etc. pag. 195. & 317. others conjecture otherways (he understands the most excellent Usher:) but that this Adelfius was Bishop of the Colony Camalodonum, or Camalodunum. For we are to take notice that this Colony was of old time famous amongst us, so long as the Roman power and sway prevailed here. For the name thereof, which, whereas perhaps it was written curtail'dly (as Col. or Colon. Camalodun. or as sometimes it is found, Camalodon:) might be by the Transcribers, unto whom London, and the name thereof was very well known, and in the mean while, that of the Colonia, Camalodunum altogether unheard of both by the cognation of the sound, as also the unskilfulness of reading, be changed into Colonia London, or Londin. So the great Selden. And now to have done with Restitutus, Athanasius, where he speaketh concerning the Bishops which met at the Council of Sardica; where himself also was present; not only expressly saith, that were there * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Britanniarum. Athan. Gr. Lat. tom. 1. pag. 560. edit. Commel●…. Provinciarum Britanniarum Episcopos hos vocat Hilarius in Epist. ad Episcopos. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (although in the title of the Epistle of the Synod itself to them of Alexandria, among the Provinces there reckoned up, the Britain's are left out) but also among the Bishops that were present there, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is found without a place added to him, as many others are; who very likely was that same of London, mentioned in the Council at Arles: and therefore the learned man named by us erewhile, concludes it a thing very improbable, that Bishops should be present out of Britain, at a Counsel but a little while before; he means that at * Arles: and also at another not so long after he means that at * Sardica: and yet none to be heard of at that cccxiiii. An. cccxxxv. An. cccxlvii. at * Nice, which was called between them both: when as notwithstanding all the Bishops through the Christian World were by Constantine's Edict summoned hither: and that too, out of a Province whereon the Emperor had no trivial or ordinary Engagements. And I might here as well mention the Britain's, which were at the Synod of Ariminum. r Sulpit. Se-Eccles. Hist. 2. Sulpitius Severus, an Ecclesiastical Writer, is my Author for them under Constantius. Acciti numerative quadringenti & aliquanto amplius Occidentales Episcopi, Ariminum convenere: quibus omnibus annonas & cellariae dare Imperator praeceperat, sed id nostris, id est, Aquitanis, Gallis ac Britannis indecens visum: repudiatis fiscalibus, propriis sumptibus vivere maluerunt Tres tantum ex Britannia inopia proprii, publico usi sunt, cum oblatam à caeteris collationem respuissent: sanctius putantes siscum gravare, quam singulos. Hoc ego Gavidium episcopum nostrum, quasi obtrectantem referre solitum audivi. Sed longe aliter senserim: landique attribuo episcopis, ta●…i pauperis fuisse, ut nihil proprium haberent, neque ab aliis potius, quam fisco sumerent, ubi neminem gravabant, ita in utriusque egregium exemplum. For there being but three Bishops only, reckoned at the Synod out of Britain, it is more than very likely, that one of them was of London: especially we having so good testimonies of Bishops there in those Primitive times, and particularly called to the Counsels abroad. But surely I should be highly censured, by the admirers of certain who would be accounted principal Antiquaries among us, if I should leave out in this recension of London Bishops, Fastidius, who they say, sat there, making him, some an a Io. Pits. De Britanniae scriptorib. ●…tat. 5. Archbishop, others a b Io. Balaeus Centur. 1. c. 41. Vid. Christ. Broweri notas ad Venant. for●…nat. lib. 3. Epigram. 11. pag. 82. & Vsser. praestantis. pag. 97, 98. docti & laboriosi operis de Primord. Ecclesiarum Britanniaerum. Metropolitan. When as, good men, they have not any ancient authority for it, save only that he was a Bishop in Britain, no seat assigned him And there is but one Author for it, Gennadius: Fastidius Brittannorum Episcopus, scripsit ad Fatalem quendam de vita Christiana librum unum, & altunde viduitate servanda, sana & Deo digna doctrina. This Gennadius was in the ancient times of the Church a Presbyter of M●…ssilia, or Marseils; who wrote a Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers, which were before him. Fastidius is said to have lived in the days of Honorius and Theodosius, Anno Dom. CCCCXX. Not only Honorius Augustodunensis in his Catalogue hath all in a manner out of him: but also, whatever our Antiquaries have concerning Fastidius, which is not in him, is not all worth a chip. Now concerning the c De fide, Vt babetur in quibusd. Gennad. Codd. difference, which is observed to have been formerly in the inscriptions of his writings, and (c) De vita Christi: ut habet jac. Philip. Bergom. Supplement. Chron. l. 9 ad annum Christi 413. especially of his book De vita Christiana: let me inform the studious Reader, that it is of late years published at Rome, with the Annotations of a very learned man Lucas Holstenius, and with the very same Title, and dedicated by the Cardinal Francisco Barbarino to Charles last King of Britain. And very such men as these, whereof I speak, will expect as consequent, after this my discourse of the most ancient Bishops of London, something also to be said of their Church, which is also very ancient. I shall have no need to mention old King Etheldred; Alas they can tell us that it was sometimes formerly a Temple of Diana. But what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and probabilities, the learned d Prater. Cadenum, ad●… Io. Stoum. in No●…tia Londin. Camden brings for it. I had rather the studious Reader would fetch out of his own book, then that I should transfer them hither. For neither do I here institute any dispute concerning the lawfulness of making use of heathen Temples to the service of the true God. For he being only sufficiently worshipped in spirit and truth, I cannot see, how any place can be so much polluted, by either Pagan or other idolatry; but that he both can and will hear the prayers of such as truly serve him. But seeing that men will have it so, and are wholly bend upon it, let them if they please then, make a right and holy use of places dedicated in Christianity, according as conveniency shall best direct them. Only this much troubles me, that formerly I have seen, and do still see among Christians, so many Pagan superstitions rites and customs; among them I say who have given up their names to Christ. Concerning the occasion, which urged so much from me, I only add this; that Diana indeed was worshipped here in the Roman time, and had Temples here too, this inscription will witness abundantly: d Extat apud Camden. ad V●…k in Monmouthsh. T. FLAVIUS POSTUMIUS VARUS V. C. LEG. TEMPL. DIANAE RESTITUIT. But this Tradition (for I may call it no better:) that St. Paul's Church was formerly a Temple of Diana, was believed by many: I by no means mean Mr. Selden among such; e Claris. S●…ld. illust. in Polyol. Magni Poetae Anglici Cant. 8. yet he is pleased to sport (for I have no reason to say he was in good earnest:) his wit, which he had extraordinary, and in most weighty matters surpassing other men, in deriving the name of London; and conjecture being free, as he saith, he could imagine, it might be called at first Lhan Dien, id est, the Temple of Diana: imitating the conceit of Humphrey Lhuid, which you heard even now, deriving Verulamium from Verlhan, that is the Church upon the River Were: Now, saith he, that the antique course was to title their Cities oft times by the name of their power adored in them, is plain by Beth-el among the Hebrews, Heliopolis (which in holy Writ is called f jer. cap. 43. come. ul●…. Patron of Cities. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:) Egypt, and the same in Greece, Phoenicia, elsewhere; and by Athens, named from Minerva. But especially from this supposed Deity of Diana (to whom in substance Homer no less gives the Epithet of i V. Homer. Hymn. in Dianam. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then to Pallas:) have divers had their titles: as Artemisium in Italy, and Eubaea, and that h Stephan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herodot. lib. C. Bubastis in Egypt, so called from the same word, signifying in Egyptian both a Cat and Diana. The same may be said concerning the Temple of Apollo, on the Ruins of which, the report is, St. Peter in Westminster was founded not very far off, (for though the houses be quite contiguous now, yet heretofore in our Forefathers days, as I find it * Guil. Stephanides descript. Londoniae. written, it was accounted from London thither, two miles) but I find no sufficient authority in any remote Antiquity for the Temple of Apollo. The main testimony, worth speaking of, alleged for it, is out of a Monk, and he too, but of obscure name and credit. And the learnedest man I have known this last age in England tells us plainly, that in his turning over of g Vsserius de Primord. etc. pag. 129. Succardus his Book on purpose, he could find no such thing; as hath neither joannes Fleet, who after him and by the inspection of his work, wrote a book of the Foundation of the same Church. I could cite unto you, if I thought it had any better credit, the book of the Bishop of S. Asaph, h Galf. Mon. Hist. Brit. lib. 1. cap. 14. jeffrey of Monmouths Britain History for another Temple of Apollo, against which King Bladud dashed out his Brains at Bath, when he was in one of his flying humours forsooth; And as the story of Bladud is ancienter than julius' Caesars, or the Romans being here: so doth Caesar himself say that Apollo was esteemed a i Caesar. Com. 6. de Bello Gallico. God before his coming hither. Golunt Apolinem: saith he: de eo eandem fere quam reliquae gentes habent opinionem, ●…um morbos depellere. Vide Plinium lib. XVI. cap. 44. Caesar indeed speaks of the Gauls: but we must understand, that they and the Britain's were the same for matter of their Sacra, as well as their language: their rites they came to learn here most an end, if you hear Caesar: k Caesar. ubi supra. Disciplina, inquit, Druidum (illi rebus divinis intersunt, sacrificia publica ac privata procurant, religiones interpretantur:) in Britannia reperta atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimutur, & nunc qui diligentius eam rem cognoscere volunt, plerumque illo, discendi causa proficiscuntur. And truly unquestionable testimonies out of the Monuments of the ancients are yet extant, which teach us that Apollo was worshipped in this Island by the name of l In Dinis Inscript. in Cumbria, apud Camden. in altera etiam apud Selden. Syntag. 2. de DIS Syris cap. 1. Belatucadrus; as of m Scalig. lect. Ausoh. lib. 1. cap. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, S●…l 〈◊〉. Hesych. Doctiss. Scaliger. ad Varronis 1. De R. R. more Romanorum antiquo Apello, pro Apollo positum doces unde tamen Abellionem factum non dicimus. Punicae enim esse originis ut suspicemur, fatis D. Augustini auctori●…as, qui in libello De H●…resibus scribit Abellonios' (erant illi Hipponensis agri olim haretici:) Punic●… declinatione nominis ita vocatos. Constas certè ex reliquis Augustini scriptis, aliquam eum habuisse notitiam hujus lingua. Abellio also in Gaul, and n Adisis Petr. Pithae●… in Adversariis lib. 1. cap. 3. praeter Coelium Rodigi●…. Antiq. lect. lib. 17. cap. 28. Bele●…s or Beli●…us, both among them: and here too. Hence it is that in o In Profes●…. Burdigal. Ausonius, who himself was a Gaul, the Sexton, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of this Deity being by a very suitable name called called Phaebitius, and said to be stirpe satus Druidum: itself is named Belenus. Hence is it also that the Herba Apollinarea, wherewith the ancient Gauls are said to have tainted their arrows, was also named p Adi appen. Dioscorides Canteriani cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Belenium. In Tertullia's Apologetic. cap. XXIII. Belinus is Nericorum Deus, as Pierre Pithou reads it. But where ever you find him, he is still rendered by Apollo. He was the Aquileians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Countrey-God, saith Herodian in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i e. They call him Belis, and worship him in extraordinary manner, thinking him to be Apollo. But by all means you must mend the Author, and make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. julius Capitolinus in the lives of the Maximini, tells us, that Menophilus and Crispinus, two men of Consular dignity willing to have it so, because they knew that the God Belenus had given assurance by the Soothsayers, that Maximinus should be overcome. Whence also afterwards the Soldiers, Maximinus being slain, are said to have given it out, that Apollo fought against him; and that that victory was not Maximus', or the Senates, but of the Gods themselves. There are many Vota of the ancients made to Apollo Belenus Augustus, inscribed upon foursquare Altars, which are to be seen in the Hercules Prodicius of Stephanus Pighius, and also Gruter. The visible footsteps of this name are to be found in Cassibelin, and Cunobelin, two Britain Kings mentioned in Caesar and Dio. And the very name whole in the British History in King a Galf. Monmouth. Histor. Brit. l. 1. c. 1●…. Belinus, the Brother, as it is said of Brennus '; and from whom our Antiquaries will have Belins-gate in this great City so called. Perhaps also thence was Beleus, an ancient King of the Cimbri, or Gau's, b L. Flor Hist Rom. l. 3. c. 3. conquered by C. Marius; for c Fragm. Descript. Britan. Lhuid says, that the name is familiar among his Countrymen to this day. Now whether Belinus be to be derived, from the British word Belin, which sounds as much, as flavus, or yellow, accordingly as Apollo is both by Latin and Greek Poets so called, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 frequently; or else from some Asiatic original, I will not stand now to determine. Truly in Hesychius we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and which I may by no means omit, in Cynobelinus his Coin Belinus is d Apud Camden. in Notis ad Numism. Britan. impressed, playing on his harp, that you may know that Apollo is meant: And now when I have taken notice, that the learned Peter Pithou would deduce the name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a frequent Epithet of this Deity in Homer: (but I know not with how great judgement:) as also acquainted the Reader with the much e Reperta est Musselburgi in Scotia & descripta m●…n V. Clariss. & Doctiss. Petri junii. Adi joseph. Scalig. Epist. 66. 10. Napeir Baron. Merchinston. ad capus XVII. Apocalips. Claud. Salmas. ad Spartiani Hadrianum. Gruteri Inscript pag. 126. celebrated Inscription of Apollo f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 scilicit Apollinis Vide Camden. p. 689. & Salmas. in Solin. pag. 763. Grannus found in the North of Britain, I will have done this discourse. Besides what hath been said hitherto concerning this famous City, matters gallant and magnificent enough, there remain many other great and glorious things concerning it, which deservedly challenge, as their due, room also in this place; but that I have formerly, wherewith too I have acquainted the Reader in more than one place, confined myself to the limet and bond of a certain set time, while the Romans exercised their power and bore sway here in the Island. I have all along for that space been very scrupulous and circumspect what authorities I made use of: Hence it is, that where I found not sufficient proof for what I met with, were it never so specious for the honour and interest of Britain, I rejected it as unvalid. As where Constantine the Greats birth place is assigned to be London: and that by no mean Authors, among whom is William Stephanides or Fit-stephen, an Author who above 400 years ago wrote the Description of the City of London in Latin, a very learned man for that age, whose Book, though it be of late left out of the Catalogue of his works by joannes Pitseus, yet is he mentioned with good credit by as ancient a Writer and better thought of than he, Ranulph of Higden in his Polychronicon Lib. 11. cap. 25. Neither for some stately structures in London and elsewhere could I bring my belief to fancy him for the founder, who is commonly delivered and believed so: I here intent especially * 〈◊〉 Ernsti●…. Obse●…. lib. 2. cap. 16. julius Caesar, said to be the builder of the Tower, and other stately Edifices abroad; of which the same last cited Author in the same work thus: Habet (he speaks of this flourishing City:) ab Oriente arcem Palatinam, maximam & fortissimam, cujus & area, & muri à fundamento profundissimo exurgunt: ce●…to cum sanguine animalium temperato. I could seriously with that that piece were better mended in the hands of men, or at least better understood, than I presume it is by the Translation thereof, published in the last large edition of Stows Survey of London. I have somewhere given free way to conjecture, giving it, where authority of Writers was wanting, equal strength, especially if the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thereof required it so: As I think we may in that ingenious one of our learned Antiquary Camden, who conceives, that the great stone pitched in Canning-street, did answer to the Miliarium Aureum in Rome, and this the rather persuaded him to believe it, because the ancient thoroughfare of the City passed here, as may be collected from the Watling-Street, to the end of which this is near joined. And then will the distance between Verulamium, and London, set down XXI. miles in Antoninus, very well suit; if we withal reckon to this great stone, and consider too that S. Alban is so much on this side Verulamium; accounting it but twenty miles thither at this day, and those but very short ones. I g Prius, ●…ide Miliari, sive millibus pastibus. have spoken formerly enough I suppose concerning the Miliarium Aureum: Neither am I yet satisfied about an ancient Law concerning it of Macer, or as other Editions call him Martianus: h D. De verb. signif. lib. 154. Mille passus non à miliario urbis, sed à continentibus aedificiis numerandi sunt. For that Gloss, or Scholion, which to miliario urbis, some do annote 〈◊〉, doth in my apprehension do nothing. For i Plus. in C●…atchis. Plutarth and other good Authors seem to say otherwise, whom the diligent Readers may peruse at their leisure. I cannot think therefore of any thing else proceeding from the Romans times here or Equavous to their greatness, in so great a decay of ancient memories, except it be the Thames; which as it hath exceeded the original of this brave place in time and being, so deserves it to have a few words spoken of it. Having therefore brought first a very pertinent place out of k Tacit. in vit. I●… Ag●…, so●…i 〈◊〉. Tacitus, which I cannot well let pass me here, concerning the Rivers up and down Britain, and consequently the Thames, as the chiefest among them, I shall have done in few words: Naturam Oceani atque aestus neque querere ●…ujus operis est, ac multi retulere: ●…um addiderius nusquam latius dominari mare, multu●… staminum ●…c atque illue far, nec littore te●… accrescere ac rescrberi, sed ●…ere penitus atque ambire, etiam jugis atque montibus inseri vel●… 〈◊〉 s●…. Now because it is not the fashion in these days, for all English Gentlemen to understand Latin, either through the ridiculous fondness of the Parents, or the easily palpable ignorance of the Masters or the Teachers, who if he be thought well of, he is like the Germane Priest in the story, Sacerdos indeed, but non ad Grammaticam: for such I say I bring the interpretation thereof: and that by a Gentleman too, whose various and profound learning, the proudest and most fastidious Sir need not think, if he were wise, any whit a disgrace to him: Th●… th●…n he: To examine the nature of the Ocean, and tides, pertaineth not to this work, and many have done it before: One thing I will add, and may safely avouch, that the Sea no where in the world rangeth and ruleth more freely, carrying by violence so much River water hither and thither, and is not content to flow and to ebb so far as the banks, but inserteth and windeth itself into the land, shooting into the mountains and cliffs as to his own channel. Ninnius the old British Historian, I remember calls this River and the l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ptolem●…. Sabrina. Tacit●…. Severn, duo brachiatoria Britanniae. I am sure of this last it may be said, what the ancients did of Euphrates: Britanniam s●…t & rig●…; and that for more than fourscore miles; more than threescore of which it 〈◊〉 and flows twice in ●…ur and twenty hours. julius Caesar is the very first that makes mention of it, call it m Cas. De bello Gallico lib. 5. Thamesis. By Dio lib. 40. it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n Ptol. lib. 2. Geograph. Ptolemies Copies are very much corrupted: For in some of them you shall have jamissa put for this River. In the edition of joannes Noviomagus I find Hymensus set down. In the Palatine MS. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi Imensae aestuarium, and so heretofore Petrus Bertius published it in his Geography. Curtius' Pichena, a learned Italian, in his o Pichen. in Taciti lib. 14. Annal. Notes hath restored the name of Thames there, reading it thus out of the Florentine Copy. Visam speciem in aestuario Thamesae notam esse subversa coloniae: And as the name of this goodly River is thought to be well restored to Tacitus; so is it by the authority of the p Qualis est MS. Cod. Biblioth. Publicae Cantabrigia, apud quem abest. best written books to be obliterated out of our q Epist. de excidio Britanniae. Gildas, as hath been r In VERULAMIO, ex D. Vsserio. formerly showed; Caesar observes that this River was fordable in one place only, which some think was at s Holinsh. Chron. pag. 42. Kingston: others at t Polyd. Ver. Philip. Cluver. Windsor; others, and they more probably at u Camden. & qui illum sequuntur. Coway-stakes by oatland's. Of them hear what x Beda Eccle. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 2 Beda saith: Quarum vestigia sudium ibidem usque bodie visuntur, & videtur inspectantilus, quod singulae earum ad modum humani femoris grossae & circumfusae plumbo immobiliter hareant, in profundum fluminis infixae. The same forenamed learned Geographer Cluverius, finds fault with Caesar, for that he sets down the Thames to be A mari circiter millia passium LXXX. and reprehends him, that he is interdum negligens Geographus, etiam in iis locis, quae ipse adiit. But let the care of that be, as indeed it belongs, in the hands of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among us. And the manner of writing the River's * Thamesis. name also, seems not to admit of the usual composition of the name from Tama and Isis: but to that let the learned Camden see, and other diligent antiquaries. But I am sure they speak more to the purpose, and are rather to be harkened to, than the y Fran. de Sacra Quercu. Author of that Greek Etymology, who deduces the name of the River from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it separated, or cut in sunder the land where it went: except you will say he sported with our youth, as did sometime that z Anast. Sin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. great Abbot, who deriving the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, tells us it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so brings it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dorsum: because men, when they are dead, are laid upon their backs. Much better could I bear with that late a Laonic. Chalco-condyl. De Rebus Turcicis lib. 2. Grecian, who nearer our common pronunciation of Thames, hath written the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So much evident lucre, and a certain sense of gain, could effect with some men among us, to suffer our Schools to be furnished with any thing, it matters not what. Et succus pecori, & lac subducitur agnis. The Ewes of juice, the Lambs of milk deprive. But I said I would have done with the Thames in a few words: — At ille Lavitur & habetur in omne volubilis aevum. — But it o're-floated rides, And still doth keep its constant tides. The state of London, and the Trinobantes, whose chief City it was, at the coming of Julius Caesar, and after him, was thus, as himself hath left recorded. Cassibelaunus, so he calls him, had lately made War upon them, and slain Imanuentius, the chief Governor and Commander: Whereupon M●…ndubratius his Son, b Paul. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 9 Beda lib. 1. cap. 2. Orosius and Beda after him, name him Androgorius; but others Androgeus, applying himself unto Caesar, and he having brought Cassibelaunus to terms of yielding, he received likewise from him special Command, at his last quitting of the Island, that he should not presume to annoy Mandubratius, or the Trinobantes, as friends of the Roman State and Caesar. c Caes. de bel-Gallico lib. 5. Thus much himself. As for the gallant City, I will take my leave of it, and its admirers, in the words of Otho, out of that wise Oration of his (for d Tacit. Hist. lib. 1. Tacitus made it for him:) a little before he became Emperor, and his words concerning Rome very little altered: Quid? vos pulcerrimam hanc urbem, domibus & tectis, & congestu lapidum stare creditis? Muta ista & inanima intercidere, ac reperari promiscue possunt. Aeternitas rerum, & pax reipublicae, incolumitate urbis firmatur. NOVIOMAGO. M. P. X.] Besides in Antoninus here ' this station is likewise mentioned by Ptolemy, who calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and names it as the chief City of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Regni, or the Surrey-men; as Camden pleaseth; but Cluverius makes them to be Caesar's Bibroci rather: The most probable conjecture we can make concerning the old name of this place, is, that it was brought from beyond sea, out of Gallia Belgica: we have e Vide CONDATE, etc. formerly produced authority sufficient for practice and custom here in this kind. It seems to be very ancient, for it is taken notice of by that ancient Geographer Marinus Tyrius, as Ptolemy witnesses, f Ptolem. Geograph. lib. 〈◊〉. cap. 6. calling him n●…vissimum Geographorum finilimis hisce temporibus, and reprehends him, that he had placed Noviomagum of Britain by Climates more Northern than London, and more Southern by Itinerary account. But why may not we have Ptolemies own words? see, there they are: g Ibid. lib. 1. cap. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Lege, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Military Tables published out of Con●…. Pentingers Study, have Madus a Towns name: of which the learned h Velf. Notis 〈◊〉 Military. Tab. Mark Velser of Auspurg, not knowing what to make, did by a slight conjecture, conceive it to be the same with Noviomagus; the first half of the word being worn out and lost; in the other G. being turned into D. But Camden refers it to h Vide in VAGNIACIS Maidstone in Kent. For old Marinus, I know not how to excuse him: but sure I am that our Chorographers are a great deal farther wide than he, while some of them will have Noviomagum to have been, where ay Chester now stands; as Sir Thomas Eliat: others at i Will. Harris. descript. Britain. lib. 2. cap. 7. juckingham, as George Lily, in his book of the Names of ancient places: some again at Guildsord, as k Fragm. descript. Britain. Humphrey Lhuid. But worst of all ay William Harrison, who derives this Towns name from the first founder Magus, the Son of Samoches, the second King of the Celts, that reigned in this Island. two presumptuously! when as from l Plin. Nat. Hist. l. 3. cap. 16. better authority by far, we may learn, that Magus amongst the old Gouls, and so consequently the Britain's, signified oppidum, or a Town. Camden, our learned Antiquary, seems in his opinion to have lighted pat upon the place, where this old station sometime stood, in Surrey, at Woodcote, two miles Southward of Wimbledon, on an hill, in quo modicae urbis manifesta visuntur vestigia, saith he. And he thinks he is in the right, both from the situation, as also distance from London. And before him a learned man Robert Talbot, sought for it near there about at Croyden, adding, that juxta Ptolemaeum non potest longe remota esse à Londino, cum nec in longitudine, nec in latitudine plene dimidiatum gradum: And it is well known how easily and frequently Ptolemy both is, and may be corrupted. But a very rational m Mr. Will. Summer, Descript. of Canterbury. Gentleman is not pleased with either of these; and he says he cannot conceive how Noviomagus should be a stage for this Road (A Londinio Rutupias:) and lie wide of London, as Woodcote doth, so many miles, and consequently set the Traveller at as great a distance from the place whither he is bound * Rutupiae. Richborough as when he first set out of London. Considering this, and the distance between London and Rochester, by the Itinerary, I should rather place it about Crayford, much about ten miles from London, upon or along some Hill or Down, since it is otherwise called Noviodunum. Thus far he; very judicially as he doth other things. Yet we may be permitted to request satisfaction in some doubts, which cause us not to give such assent to his words, as we would be willing otherwise to do. As first, what we shall say to Ptolemy, who places it among the Regni, not amongst the Cantii: and it is not likely, that he there, where he reprehendeth the want of care in n Marinus Tyrius. another about the position of this place, would himself be so overseen: neither may it be said that the Cautian Territories were more contract then, than they are at this day: we would know likewise, what ground or place may be the likeliest to be assigned and set forth for this station in old time to have stood upon: for it cannot be that there are no vestigia, or so much as the very ruins to say, Here once it was. We would gladly know likewise where these divers readings are to be found, which tell us that Noviomagum is otherwise called Noviodunum. We know very well what Dunum signified among the old Britain's and Gauls in composition of the names of Towns and Cities. We have heard also, but never in Britain of Noviodunum among the Aedni in France or old Gallia; for we have it described by o jul. Caesar. de bello Gallico l. 7. Caesar himself, and it is at this day called p jac. Aug. Thuanus Anno 1603. in Elog. Vidi Coquil●…i Romani. Nivernium, as one tells us, than whom no body could tell better. We might also question q Io. Twinus in Albionicis lib. 2. pag. 152. john Twines judgement and authority, whom he allegeth for the straitness always and directness of the Roman ways in the Island; when as we have already divers times showed, that observation to be faulty, and shall again when occasion offers itself, do the like. Talbot, whom I named erewhile, to answer for the Travellers much going awry, and out of his way, that setting out of London, and bound for Sandwich, or Rutupiae, goes first 8. or 10. miles wide of London, to Woodcote: or as himself pleaseth, to old Croyden, and from thence to Maidston, and so forward, speaks of two several ways, whereof the one was r Rob. Talbot Annotat. in Antonin. MS. via longior quidem, sed per loca inhabitatiora planioraque, & prorsus aptiora ad conductum exercitus: Haec autem directior, magisque compendiaria. He adds moreover that Croyden, being the possession of the Archbishops of Canterbury, with other Towns was assigned, per quas commodius parvis itineribus ad Concilia Regum ascendere Londinum, & descendere inde possent. Sic prima die veniant Londino Croydonam; secunda Otfordidiam, quae super eandem viam sita est; tertia Maidstonam; quarta Charingas; quinta demum die Cantuariam: Quo vel uno die expiditiores properantioresque pervenire possent perviam Rochesiriensem. Now he says that he means old Croyden; for that near there is showed a place, which is called The old Town, taking up almost a mile in length, and farther off London then new Croyden; so ceking out the way, for the better consonancy of the distance. VAGNIACIS. M. P. XVIII.] This is a station of very uncertain positure, and therefore Lhuid, a knowing Antiquary, lets it pass with these words only. Quod nomen hoc tempore habet penitus ignoro. The corruption of the numbers of the miles is to be thought the cause of this ignorance and difficulty. And therefore Talbot considering that at this day it was but ●…7. miles from London to Rochester; he mends the number in his journey and of ●…8. he makes 8. reckoning thus: from London to Noviomagus 10 from Noviomagus to Vagniacae 8. from Vagniacae to Duroprovae or Duropronae (for the reading of this name is very divers:) 9 which small numbers being put together make up the fore spoken number. Now he takes no notice of the obliquity of the way, for somewhere he saith, that Croyden is not multum extra viam Cantuarium versus: but so have others done. s In editions Antonin. altera. Will. Harrison, another Antiquary of ours, complaining much of the depravation of the numbers here; lets us know, that in one copy which he used to better his edition of Antoninus, he found after Vagniacis only VI miles; and that perhaps faulty, though not so much as XVIII. on the other side: Talbot thinks that Vagniacae is now Wrotham a Village at the foresaid distance. And he hath to back him that prudent and learned Lawyer, who lived not long after him, and who also wrote the description of his own Country Kent, Will. Lambert, sometime of Lincoln's Inn. The reason why I say what I do, is because upon my knowledge Talbots book was in great request with him; besides that he citys him divers times in his Xenagogus or Perambulation of Kent. But I could have wished that either of them, had brought us some reasons or grounds for what they say. This later indeed tells us that the English name is corruptly written Broteham in Doomsday book: and t Cuil. Lamb. Xenagog. seu Peramb. of Kent. pag. 170. that he supposeth that Wyptham is the very right name, given for the plenty of words and good herbs there. But Camden, who lately was known to have been K. of Heralds, and is reputed still by many of the best K. of our English Antiquaries, is thought to mistake, by keeping to the old number of miles XVIII. and so concluding it to be Maidston, a noted Town, called anciently by the Saxons Pebpea●…on; induced thereto, as he confesseth himself, by the answerable distances set down in the journey; there being something sounding like the first syllable of Vagniacae in the Saxon name; though he take no notice of it to the Reader; but say some the journey will prove enormiously awry, and out of the way to travel from Maidston to Rochester, and thence to Lenham, and so to Canterbury. And even so it may be said, that to go up to London, from York through Wales, is no strait or direct journeying, if we would be judged by any Northern Carrier, and yet so is all the former part of this very Journey, as is to be seen. And although there be, who think that Durobrovis or Rochester, is rather intended by Ninnius in his Catalogue of British Cities by his Caer Medwag, than Maidstone; yet can no body deny him this, that in the declining time of the Roman power in Britain, Maidstone was anciently called v Tab. Milit: vetus à Marco Velfero edita. Habetur quoque in Bertiana Ptolemaei editione. Madus. DUROPRONIS. M. P. IX.] This Roman station is scare met withal, I mean in any ancient author, except it be in this Itinerary again. But here also so various is the reading of the name, as well in regard of the several Copies, as the journeys here, which you would take to be the right, is thereby rendered most difficult. In regard of the journies there is this difference: in this second journey you find Durobrovis: in the third Dubobrus M. P. XXVII. in the fourth, Durobrius, and again M. P. XXVII. That the same place is intended in all three, there need no doubt to be made at all; and for the two last, Simler a mere stranger, could say so too by finding the same distance from Darvernum, or Canterbury. In regard of the several copies Hieronimus Surita, the Spaniard, who diligently compared many of them, and divers others will acquaint you: for he found Duroprovis, Duropronis, Durobrivis, Dubobrius, Durobrovis. In the Peutingerian Military Tables you have written Ro●…bis for it, concerning which see Petrus Bertius his edition. From that contracted and the Latin word Castra, a Camp, changed into Cea●…, signifying to our forefathers a City, or an assembly of men enjoying the same rites, and privileges, Rofchester hath proceeded, and at this day Rochester: Venerable Beda conceited it to be so called from one Roffus, it is not known, who he was; and to me it is uncertain whether ever. Hence is it that we have these words in him: x Beda Eccles. Hist. l. 2. cap. 6. Et justus quidem ad civitatem Rhofi, cui praesuerat, rediit. And before these, this is also cited out of him, but not mended: y Ibid. lib. 2. cap. 3. Justum vero in ipso Cantio Augustinus ordinavit Episcopum in civitate Doroverni, quam gens Anglorum à primario quondam illius qui dicebatur Rotschester cognominat. Distat autem à Doroverno milibus passuum ferme viginti quatuor ad Occidentem, Beda calls it also Castellum Cantuariorum. And in an old book z Qui dicitur Texius Roffensis MS. belonging to Rochester you read, Dabo unam villam * L. quam. quod nos Saxonice An Haga dicimus in Miridie Castelli Hrobi; whence often in Deeds H●…oue coa●…; the R. it seems having an aspirate before it, like'p in Greek. Harrison, Camden, and Ortelius seem to have found among them Durobrevis. Yet our Talbot witnesseth, that in the Charter of the foundation of the Monastery, it was called expressly, and, as his own words are, disertis verbis, Durobrivae. Hear his own words: Quod Rochester olim Durobrivaevocabatur, Charta Fundationis Monasterii, quim Prior, qui nunc Decanus est ibidem mihi aliquando ostendit; And he deduces the name from Dorbryf i. e. Quick-stream: for here indeed the current of the Medway is very impetuous and violent. But this as I remember, he owes to Leland. DUROLEMO. M. P. XIII.] The distance otherwise is set down 16. miles. Many learned men have busied their brains about this station. I will barely deliver their opinions at this time; others, as Lhuid, will not venture upon it. First Talbot, who dreams of Charing; and another time of Seethingbourn; and knowing, that the first part of the name might come from Dour, which in British signifies water; and also that Bourn in the Saxon noted a torrent or stream increased with rain water; and seeing there a large Channel sometime replenished therewith; he would if he had had a little more Welsh, and known what Leave had signified in that language, have concluded something: but however he says it is Aqua levis, and so speaks nothing at all to the purpose. But the old name of it in the Peutingerian Military Table, Burolevum, confirms his reading the Name by V. though indeed that B. hath crept in for D. But Camden, the next that says any thing, who reads the name Duro lenu●…, thinks it Lenham: and that it signifies, The dwelling, ad Lenu●… aquam; telling us that at this Town a Water meets with the Medway. Besides the relics of the name, as he pleaseth, the distance he saith also, from Du●…overnum and Durobrovis make it good that this is Durolenum: to say nothing that it is sited by the Roman Consular Highway, which from Dover, through the midst of Kent, is continued on still; for which he brings Higden of Chester's testimony. The last is William Somner, a knowing Gentleman, who for his Courtesy, and love to ancient studies, I singularly respect, who, it being distanced by the Itinerary XIII. miles from Durobrovis, takes it to have been seated not far from Newington, a Village on the road between Rochester and Canterbury. In this particular not a little strengthened and upholden in his conjecture, by the multitude of Roman Urns lately found in digging there, at such place as is already discovered, and discoursod of, by the learned Meric Casaubon, his ever honoured friend. If any shall stumble at the disproportion of miles between it and Durovernum, let them know, saith he, there is even as great between Lenham and Canterbury. He goeth on: Why it should be called Durolevum, I am altogether ignorant. What if I conjecture, (because the Itinerary lays out the road from London to Richborough, and not è contra) from having the River or Water of Medway on the * Verum hoc in sensu Laevus dicitur à Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. left hand of it, as by the inhabitants tradition, Newington sometime had, and within about two miles of it yet hath? If any looking for better Remains of a Roman station, shall object the mean condition of the present village, such may know that Newington hath been a place of more note in time past, then now. I read of a Nunnery there of ancient time, etc. and he quotes his a Thorn. in vitis Abbatum S. Augustini. Author for what he saith. But having had such thoughts myself that way many years ago, ever since the first publication of Antoninus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by that incomparable man, the generally acknowledged Heir of his Father's virtues, and great learning, I could not temper myself, with the Readers good leave, from causing his discourse to be transcribed hither, being so suitable to the present business, and coming from so learned an hand: He therefore, having out of Lucian de Luctu, cited a place treating of the several sorts of burial used by sundry nations: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i e. The Grecian did burn; the Persian bury; the Indian doth anoint with Swine's grease; the Scythian eat; and the Egyptian powder, or embalm. Begins that discourse thus: When Antoninus then saith, (either an imbalmed carcase, or ashes;) he doth allude to the custom of his days among the Romans, which was either to bury (the bodies of the richer sort being first imbalmed:) or to burn: though indeed the later, through the increase of Christians, began soon after Antoninus his time to grow much out of use every where. Now they that burned, used to gather the relics of the dead corpse, consisting of bones and ashes, and to lay them up in Urnis, Ollis, Ossuariis, in Pots, Urns, Crocks, and the like earthen Vessels made of purpose; and so to bury them. I would not note it, (I must confess) as a thing that I thought worth noting (for I think there can be nothing more common:) but that I am glad to take this occasion to impart unto the Reader a memorable curiosity in matter of antiquity, which by the learned Antiquaries beyond the Seas, I am sure, would be much esteemed. Some two or three miles beyond S●…tingborn in Kent, West, as you go to London, there is a little Village in the way called Newington. It hath not been my luck hitherto in any either later book or ancient Record, to find any thing concerning this Village worth the noting. All that I can say of it, is, that the inhabitants show a place, to which they say that in former times the water came, as indeed by many circumstances it is very probable: and that Milton (a Town before the conquest of great fame, and of very great antiquity) is not above two miles from it. About a quarter of a mile before you come to Newington, not much above a stones cast from the highway, on the right hand as you come from Sittingburn, there is a field, out of which in a very little compass of ground, have been taken out by digging within these few years, Roman Pots and Urns, almost of all sizes and fashions, and in number very many: some thousands, I have been told upon the place; but many hundreds I am sure I may say, and speak within compass. And though so many have already been found, and carried away, yet doth the field afford them still (as I am told) now and then, according as you prove either skilful or lucky in the digging. The figures of some of them I have here caused to be represented to the Reader. Roman urn Roman bowl Roman amphora The first and greatest, with an Inscription graven and cut in and about the neck of it SEVERIANUS, etc. was above a year ago by the pious and ingenious Vicar of that Parish, Mr. Henry Dearing, bestowed upon me, which I keep as a great Treasure: as also was the last not long after, with the cover of it over it, so severally represented of purpose, that the form of either might the better appear. The words of the Inscription of that first (as near as they could be imitated) are these: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Casaub. Notis in M. Antonin. pag. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the writing of which words although something may be observed not ordinary, as Ola, for Olla, and those kind of A. and L. etc. yet is there nothing so singular, but a learned Antiquary well versed in Gruters Thesaurus of Inscriptions, will soon find examples of it. As for the sense and meaning of the words, though not so obvious perchance as might be wished, yet must I (because few words will not serve) suspend my opinion till some fitter opportunity. That in the middle, with the Inscription COCCILLIM * Vide A D ANSAM in sequentibus Itin. 4. was by the means of a worthy friend, M. Dr. Winston, (that great ornament of his profession) procured unto me from the Right Honourable (for his worth, and love to learning as well as by his place,) Richard, Earl of Portland, Lord High Treasurer of England, etc. whom, with some other rare Antiquities it was sent unto, some years ago. I was desirous to compare these that I had (for the Inscriptions sake especially) with some others of the same kind. But I find this difference, That whereas mine were much perished and worn by age, such was the brightness and smoothness of this middle (of the cover of it I mean, which is of a read coloured earth) as that it rather resembled pure Coral, then ordinary red earth: and as for the Letters of the Inscription, that they were not as mine rudely engraven in with the hand, but in the same mould, and at the same time when the cover itself was form, very artificially printed, or embossed rather? as by these figures, that are represented you may in part perceive. Since that, when I passed last by Newington coming from London, among many other fragments of Antiquity in M. Dearings Garden I found the pieces of just such another Cover (but that the colour of it is nothing so fresh) with this Inscription in the middle likewise, PRISCIAN. Now as the multitude of these Newington Urns (for I do not remember that ever so many in so narrow a Compass of ground were found: is observable; so is the manner of their laying in the ground. They that have been present often at their digging up, have observed, that where one great Urn is found, divers less vessels are; some within the great, some about it: all covered either with a proper cover of the same Earth and making as the pot itself is; or more coarsely, but very closely stopped up with other Earth. Of all those small vessels of what fashion soever that are found either in or about these Urns, I know no other use (to satisfy in some part their curiosity, that wonder at them when they see them) that was ordinary among the Romans, but either to contain some fragrant odoriferous liquor, and durable confection; or that libatio of wine and milk, that they used about their dead; or lastly (not to speak here of those burning Lamps that have been found in some ancient Urns and Monuments, which so many have largely written and disputed of) to receive and preserve the tears that were shed by the friends of the deceased for grief of their death, as for the difference of the greater and lesser Urns, Fabricius in his Roma, and Marlianus in his Topographieal description of the same, are of opinion, that when Urns of different bigness are found in the same place; the greater were for the greater and richer, as the Masters and Patroni; and the lesser, for the poorer and inferior, as the Servants and Clients. In things of th●… nature, which were I mean altogether arbitrary, there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but different fashions were used in different places▪ 〈◊〉 ●…nd likely in the same place, as every man's particular conceit or humour served him. And therefore it were hard to determine any thing as certainly and generally true. But as for these Newington Urns this seems to have been the custom there used. One great Urn was appointed to contain the bones and ashes of all one, either household or kindred. As often therefore as any of them died, so often had they recourse unto the common Urn, which so often was uncovered. To prevent this, I find that the fashion hath been in some places, to let in the ashes through some holes made and fitted for that purpose See Gruter fol. 814. Now besides the great and common Urn, it is likely that every particular person that died, had some less Urn or Vessel, particularly dedicated to his own memory, whereby both the number of the deceased, and the parties themselves might the better be remembered. There might be also another use of these lesser pots, in my judgement very necessary, and that is, that by them the common great Urns, might the better be known and discerned one from another, which being so near, in so small a compass of ground, and not much unlike one another, might otherwise easily be mistaken. And this is the more likely, because of those many hundreds that have been taken up of the lesser sort, scarce have there been found any, of one and the same making, I hear not of any thing that hath hitherto been found, in these Newington Urns besides bones, and ashes: and sometimes clear water. And so do I read of Urns or Earthen Vessels plenis limpidissima aqua, that have been found elsewhere, as that which is mentioned in Gruterus, fol. 927. I doubt not but many would be glad as well as I) to know certainly what this place hath formerly been. But alas, how should we (who are of yesterday and know nothing) without the help of ancient Records, recall the memory of things forgotten so many hundred years ago? Thus much we may certainly conclude: First, from the multitude of these Urns, that it was once a common burying place for the Romans. Secondly, from the History of the Romans in this land, that no Urn is there found, but is 1200. or 1300. Years old, at the least: so many ages of men have these poor Earthen Vessels (of so much better clay for durance then humane bodies are) outlasted both the Makers of them, and the persons to whose memory they were consecrated. Lastly, from the place, which is upon an ascent (and for a good way beyond hilly,) not far from the Sea, and near the Highway: we may affirm in all probability, that it was once the Seat of a Roman Station. If any man can teach me more of it, I shall heartily thank him. Since this was written, I made another journey to the place, and spent some time there in digging, but with no success. However, that I might not return home empty, the same Mr. Dearing gave me a piece of Urn, which hath this Inscription, FUL. LINUS. DUROVERNO. M. P. XII.] It is also written according to the divers Copies of Antoninus Durorverno, and Duroverno; as Simler and Surita have noted, and in the 2. next journies, Durarvenno: in Ptolemy too not much unlike in the a Petri Be●…ii editio Geograph. Ptolema. best edition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in that verse: Darvernumque vetus, ●…itrato culmine gaudens. Old Durorverno, of her thatched roofs proud. For in the common ones, it is corruptly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Darvenum. In the Military Tables of Conradus Peutingerus you find it named Duraverus, corruptly I suppose. In Beda and other of our Writers, it is Dorobernia; later Writers have given it the name Cantuaria, as by the Saxons it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Britain's Caer-Kent. What and how great its fame was in the Romans time, is now unknown and forgot; but for its modern splendour and glory, I refer you to courteous Mr. Somner's Description thereof, not leaving out among others the great b Colloq. de Peregrin. Religionis ergo. Erasmus. I had almost forgot, to acquaint the Reader that Doroverni (Doruverni my old friend Abraham Wheelock prints it:) is in c Bed. Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 3. Beda to be changed into Durobrovis, or Durobrivis: the whole place as it is usually extant, you shall find if you look back to Rochester. Out of the long list of the Metropolitans of this famous City; I only mention Theodorus, a man unlike the Sanguinary Monk Austen, his predecessor; and that not so much because he is ancient, or Countryman to Saint Paul, born at Tarsus in Cilicia; as for that he was in his time a great d Adi Historiam nostram Graecae linguae, quae nuper prodiit pag. 52. restorer of the Greek studies, in this Island; of whose Greek books we have divers yet extant, after a thousand years in our well furnished Libraries at Cambridge. The River Stour, somewhat violently passeth by this City whence it is, that our learned Antiquary derives the name, as his manner is, from the British Durwhern, which is, says he, as much as Fluvius rapidus: Lhuyd before him, and a natural Britain says, that Dury●…hern, in his language was plainly what aqua ex alueto fluens: but Talbot who was before them both writes, that a Welshman rendered Darvernum to him, Dour arguern, qu●…si Aqua juxta paludem, aut Marisium: and thence he deduces it. AD PORTUM RITUPUS. M. P. XII.] And so have we done with this journey. For we have spoken concerning this station, and haven likewise, somewhat largely in the head or very beginning of this same journey. If you desire to have more of it, you had best have recourse thither. ITER. III. Editio Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana. XIIII. ITER A LONDINIO AD POR TUM DUBRIM. M. P. LXVI. sic; † Dubobrus. † DUROBRIVIM. M. P. XXVII. † Dubobrus. * Durarvenno. 15. * DUROVERNUM M. P. XXV. * Durarvenno. 15. AD POR TUM DUBRIS. M. P. XIV. THis third journey is from London to Dover: the two stations in the way Durobrivis and Durovernum, are already, sufficiently to my instutum and purpose, spoken of. It remains then, that we speak of Dubris, or Dever. Which though it be very ancient, as appears well by finding it in this Itinerary: yet they seem to me, either not throughly sequainted with the studles of old time, or else very ill advised, e Ex Tab●… illic p●…. who to make it more ancient, have devis●…d that Julius C●…sar was the founder of the Castle there. I have elsewhere taken notice, how the Antiquaries both at home and abroad, have pleased themselves with ascribing and entitling to him their stately and magnificent Buildings; when as in the mean while, they have none the very lest authority for it: a thing which neither learned men should commit themselves, or admit of, done by others. But they, who did this for the credit and greater fame of Dover, added likewise that Arviragus fortified it against the Roman power, and particularly against Vespasian: which though it be probable enough, yet I would be held excused from peremptory delivering any thing, for which I had not sufficient good authority, and witness from approved Writers. And especially for Arviragus, I am much at a stand, because I find so little mention of him, in any Writer, whose word I dare safely take. I hear of him only by f juvenal. Sat. 45 Juvenal, and that too in an abusive way, where the Satirist scowls at the Roman Senate's abject and base flattery of Domitian; and among the rest Fabritius Veiento gives in his verdict concerning the great Turbot presented to the Emperor, thus? Non cedit Veientoo, said in fanaticus astro Percussus, Bellona, 〈◊〉, divinat, & ingens. Omen habes, inquit, magni clarique triumphi; Regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno Excidet Arviragus, peregriva est bellua, cernis Erect as in terga sudes.— Veiento came not short of him, for he Divined, Bellona as inspired by thee. A mighty Omen, Sir, this Fish must bring Of some great Triumph, or some captive King. Or from the Pole of's British Chariot Arviragus shall fall; perceive you not It is a Foreign Monster by the scales Pricked up on's back?— The old g Editus a P. Pi●…bao. Scholiast upon the Poet, says this King was called Arbiba. But a coin among the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Cottonian Library makes him rather to be called h Vsserius in Primordiis pag. 583. ARIVOG. of him, we shall have occasion to speak elsewhere. Camden though he think it no better than a dream, to say that Julius Caesar was the founder: yet he conjectures that it was first built by the Romans, and that by reason of the British tiles, or bricks, in the Chapel, wherewith they used to lay their groundworks. That after the times of this Itinerary the Romans had a garrison here, the Notitia of the Western Empire gives a large and unquestionable testimony: There quartered, saith it, at Dubris, that is Dover, Prapositus Militum Tungricanorum sub dispositione Viri spectabilis i Gulled. P●…rolan No●…is. Occid. cap. 72. Comitis Littoris Saxonici per Britanniam. These Milites Tungricani were reckoned among the Auxilia Palatina: called so from the Tungri, a people of Germania secunda: but now we call it Brabant. It would be worth any one's while to peruse k Tacit: lib: De Morib. Germanorum, etc. Tacitus concerning them. By Ammianus their l Am. Marc. lib. 15. Civitas is said to be ampl●…, & copiosa. Belonging to the Magazine of arms of this Garrison, were those great Arrows, used to be shot out of a Basilisk, and now adays showed strangers for rare things, as Camden tells us. But enough of them. That at Dubris there was Portus, or an Haven to land in Britain in those days, Antoninus his witness is a sufficient proof After the Romans days, the Saxons named it Do●…a: and hence it is, that you have it constantly called Dosris in Eadmerus his Historia Novorum, published by the learned Selden; and out of the same Monk they bring the reason of the name, quia clau●…us & impeditus erat. But Will. Lambert more probably deduces it from Dusyrrha, which in British signifies a steep place. Of the later Haven, so many have already spoken, I may save myself a labour. The steep cliffs there by the Sea side are called by m Cicer. ad Auie. lib. 4. Epist. 16. Cicero Moles mirificae, as by n Appi●…. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Appian also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Britain itself was anciently expressed by a woman sitting upon a great Rock, or Cliff, in the Main, as may be seen in Antoninus Pius, and Severus his Coins, and for that * Cle●…s Rom. Epist. 1. ad Corinth. v. illic Patric. I●…. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, unpassable Ocean, which washeth upon, and encompasseth this Island, the Queen and Commandress thereof, I shall request the Reader to take so much pains, as to read over these few o jos. Sca●…g primus edidis in Ca●…alect. 〈◊〉. verses, made upon the expedition hither of Claudius the Emperor: Oceanus nunc terga dedit, nec pervius ulli Caesareos fasces, Imperiumque tulit. p Al Semo●…o. Semota, & vasto disjunct a Britannia ponto, Cinctaque inaecessis horrida littoribus. Quam pater invictis Nereus vallaverat undis, Quam fallax aestu circuit Oceanus. Aspice contundit populos impervia tellus: Conjunctum est, quod adhuc Orbis, & Orbis erat. Now waves thy Empire bound, nor Caesar can, Carry his power beyond the Ocean: And Britainy divided from all Lands, Hemmed in with Seas, rough Shores, and swallowing sands, Which Nereus walled with waves on every side, And circled in with a deceiving Tide; Thou mayst strange lands with people mixed behold Now a great World, and was a World of old. For two reasons Antiquity conceited this Sea most dangerous, and unpassable. First, for the great abundance of huge Sea-Monsters, believed to be bred therein; which not only q Lib. 4. Od. 14. Horace intimates in these words: — Belluosus, qui remotis Obstrepit Oceanus Britannis. The Monster bearing Sea, which roars About the dangerous British Shores. But juvenal also in his Tenth satire: Quanto Delphinus Balana Britannica major. — As our Dolphins fail To match the hugeness of the British Whale. Festus Avienus, r Imbris Maritimis. who lived under Theodosius, and is mentioned with good credit by S. Hierom, borrows the former expression, speaking like wise of the Ocean Sea: Non usque navibus turbidum late fretum, Et Belluosi gurgitem Oceani secant. Yet through the Monster-bearing Ocean they, Had not with winged Vessels cut their way. And I may well think both places were in his mind, s jac. Since. Sannaz. Eclog. Piscator. V. who wrote that gallant verse, (and such are all his:) Sensit Arar, sensere maris fera monstra Britanni. Arar, and British Seas fell Monsters knew. A singular ornament indeed he was to the last age, and ancient Poetry itself, t Hic ille Maroni Syncerus, Musa proximus, ut tumulo, Petr. Bemb. Cardinal. who as he enjoyed, not only the Dwelling, but the Muse also of the Prince of Poets while he lived, so had he the happiness after he was dead to lie nearest his Relics. The second reason was, not only unexpected Tempests and Storms suddenly arising thereon, but the unusual violence also of the Tides, which if we hear Pytheas of Marseils in Pliny u Natur. Hist. lib. 2, cap. 97. (for Strabo x Geog. lib 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. hath utterly exploded his credit in what he relates of the Britannies:) make it swell fourscore cubits higher than the land. Marc, attolli horrendis aestibus adsuetum, saith * Hist, lib. 27. Amm. Marcellinus speaking of it. Caesar y Com. de bell. Gallico, lib. 5. himself had dear experience of the roughness of it, when he near lost his whole Navy upon our coast. Maxima coorta tempestate, prope omnes naves afflictae, atque in littus ejectae, quod neque anchorae, funesque subsisterent, neque nantae, gubernatoresque vim tempestatis pati possent; and he found to his charges, to use his own words a little further z Ibid. lib. 4. Long aliam esse navigationem in concluso mari, atque in vastissimo ac a pertissimo Oceano. And certainly the danger which he conceived, and feared might happen, either in or after his passage, made him very wary, and provident in making choice of a fit season for it; which indeed a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. Appian tells us he did Neither did time, or improvement of skill in Navigation, lessen this fearful apprehension with after ages concerning the certain peril and hazard which they underwent that sailed this Sea. Hear we Tacitus: Quanto violentior, cetero mari Oceanus, etc. Annal. 1. Basil the great calls it, b Homil. 4. in Hexaëmeron. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which S. Ambrose renders, c Lib. Hexa. cap. 3. mignum & inausum navigantibus, atque intentatum nautis mare, quod Britannias d Oceanus barbaris fluctibus fremens Paulin. de eodem. Adi Geograph. Nubiensem Clim. 4. part. 1. frementi includit aequore, atque in ulteriora & ipsis fabulis inaccess●… secreta porrigit. Libanius also the famous Sophist, and Master unto Julian, living in the same age with S. Basil, and describing with what jeopardy Constantius the Emperor crossed this Sea into Britain, he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (the very word that Clement useth before:) unpassable; e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Panegyr. Constan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (ita enim legendu●… videtur:) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. esteeming more danger to be in this passage, then in a Sea-fight elsewhere; and the performance thereof with safety to deserve no less than a Trophy. Plus est transisse ad Brittannos, saith Pseud-Hegesippus * De Excid. Hierosolym. lib. 11. cap. 9 Britannia dicitur Vigilio, nec non eum secuto Lucio Floro Historico Romano. Toto Orbe divisa] Oceano scilicet, quem navigasse olim non minus periculosum crediderunt, quam alio in mari pugnam navalem instituisse Libanius in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, de Constant●…i in Britanniam trajectu; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (ita en●…m legendem videtur) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ideoque propter aestus contrarios, & ventorum violentiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, intransmeabile, & impervium vocat: quemadmodum & ante eum Clemens Romanus in Epistola ad Corinthios 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellarat. Eum Clementis locum, ab Origene ex eo adductum lib. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ruffinus ejus interpres ita vertit: Oceanus intransibilis hominibus, & trans eum Mundi. Basilius Magnus Homil. IU. in Hexaëmeron. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. quem locum Ambrosius ita expressit: Quis deinde sciat, in quantum se illud magnum & inausum navigantibus, atque intentatum nautis fundat mare, quod Britannias frementi includit aequore? Hinc Julio Firmico, Christiano scriptori, libro de errore profanarum Religionum ad Constantini M. FF. tumentes, & saevientes undae Oceani Britannici dicta. Et Ammiano lib. 27. Mare, attolli horrendis aestibus adsuetum. Imo ipsa in Britanniam navigatio, alia re●…ulla praeclare gefta, sola etiam maximi Triumphi instar visa est eidem Libanio: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nec non Scriptori De Excidio Hierosolymitano, qui eodem seculo vixit, & vulgo Hegesippus dicitur, lib. 11. cap. 9 Testis est Britannia extra Orbem posita, sed Romanorum virtute in Orbem redacta. O●… Britannici ●…uctus horrendi. Quos aetas superior ignoravit, didicit Romanorum victoria. Serviunt & ipsi, qui quid esset servitus, ignorabant: soli sibi nati, & semper sibi liberi, quia à superiorum potentia, interfuso Oceano secreti metuere non poterant, quos nesciebant. Plus itaque fuit transisse ad Britannos, quam triumphasse de Britannis. Quid enim facerent, elementis Romanorum imperio subjectis? Item lib. V. cap. 46. ubi Titus Caesar ita Judaeos alloquitur. Aut quae civitas nostrae obsidioni inexpugnabilis foret septa praesidio murorum, cum Britannias quoque Romana arma penetraverint, muro frementis circumvallatas elementi? Substractus est nobis ille praeruptus aquae mons. Patres Vestros, ut Judaicae fabulae ferunt, rubri maris unda, muri specie transeuntes circumvallaverit: Romana fortitudo murum Oceani perfregit. Gessimus ante bellum cum fluctibus, insanum mare ante superavimus, quam ad hostem perveniremus. Excepit nos Britannia, jam victores elementorum. Quibus illi fidebant, nec subegimus, ut ad triumphi cumulum ipse Oceanus accederet. Quip octogenis cubitis supra Britanniam intumescere aestus, Pytheas Massiliensis actor est, uti testatur Plinius lib. 11. cap. 97. Ut Caesar nihilo plus in eo fecisse videatur, quod primus omnium Romanorum eum exercitu Britanniam ingressus, ut scribit Tacitus in Agricola, prospera pugna terruerit incolas, ac littore potitus sit, qua●… quod Oceanum barbaris srementem fluctibus, ut Paulinus ait, navigarit. Lucius Ampelius, vetus scriptor, quem Cl. Salmasius in publicum dedit, in Libro Memoriali: ROMA per Carum Caesarem Gallias & Germanias' vicit. Britanniam sub hoc duce non tantum videt, sed etiam * Vide julian in Caesa. de 〈◊〉▪ ejus in Bri●…▪ & Panegyr. pag. 201. fin. navigarit Oceanum: quasi illud majus esset. Quip Caesari major fuit cura Oceano, quam cum ipsis Britannis rixa. Not he whom Irenaeus, Fusebius, and others cite: quam triumphasse de Britannis. And ad triumphi cumulum ipse Oceanus accessit, are the words of Titus Caesar in the same * Ibid. lib. 5. cap. 46. Writer. And well might he think so, when as that stupid Caligula, affecting some great design against Britain, with an Army, as appears out of Dio, of two hundred and fifty thousand fight men, being come to the shore, durst hardly look the British Neptune in the face, much less trust him. Yet, that he might not be said to come so far to no purpose, himself with some few more f Dio & Aurel. Victor. ex edit A. Scho●…i. lanches out in his Galley, but fear makes him instantly put in again. However to make something of it upon the sounding of a charge, he commands his Army, which stood in Battalia all the while upon the Shore, to gather Shellfish, (for it was upon an ebb:) and therewith to fill galeas and sinus g S●…ion. in Caligula, cap. 46. Spolia Oceani vocans, Capitolio, Palatioque debita: calling them Spoils of the Ocean due to the Capitol and Palace. The Bravado of Claudius, next after him, was not much more tolerable: For counting it not enough to triumph for reducing a small part of the Island, (which indeed he entered with some success, but I remember not whether with any danger in the passage:) after his return, he caused to be placed upon the top of his Palace a Naval Crown, as if he had tamed and subjugated the Ocean, like another Xerxes, in despite of the power of God appearing in that fierce Element; for which he is deservedly scoffed at by Seneca, h I●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in that mock-Deification, which he wrote for him in these words: — Et ipsum Nova Romanae Jura securis Tremere Oceanum. And him, the new Authority of Rome, The swelling Ocean fears. But what shall we say to Julius Firmicus, a Christian Writer, (shame on such flattery:) who would seem to persuade Constans the Emperor, and Constantius his Brother, that they might expect little less than a Triumph, only for their bare adventuring over into the Island: Hyeme, p Lib. de errore prof●…. Religionum sub fin. he tells them, (quod nec factum est aliquando, nec fiet: tumentes & saevientes u●…das calcastis Oceani Britannici, sub remis vestris incogniti jam nobis pene maris unda centremuit, & insperatam Imperatoris faciem Britannus expavit, quid amplius vultis Vertutibus vestris victa Elementa cesserunt. Thus much of the British Ocean: which only to have sailed in old time was equivalent to a conquest in the Continent; and somewhat more too: for so saith one Writer g Luciu●… 〈◊〉 in libro ●…rial. ●…tus à Salmasio. Quasi illud majus esset. And though this passage thereof be called fretum Gallicum by Solinus, and particularly fretum Morinorum by h Gratius Faliscus in Cynegeti●…. one much ancienter in that verse: Quod freta si Morinum dubio refluentia ponto. But if the Morin Main with dubious floods. Yet speak i Cornel. Tacitus Am. Mar. they more properly, to whom it is fretum Oceanis, and Oceanus fretalis. Except any one like to call it Oceanum k Straboni, Plin●…o, Dioni. Britannicus; which the incomparable Selde●… so learnedly proves, and against all Strangers asserts and makes good. BRITANNIARUM. ITER. IV. Editio. Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana. ITER A LONDINIO AD PORTUM LEMANIS. M. P. LXVIII. sic; DUROBRIVIM. M. P. XXVII. Durobrius. Durarvenno. 15. DUROVERNUM. M. P. XXV. Durarvenno. 15. AD PONTEM LEMANIS. M. P. XVI. AD PORTUM LEMANIS. M. P. XVI.] Lime, or Limen, was very anciently a Town in the East part of Kent, and a Haven withal, which Antoninus witnesseth, in whom some read Limenis, as well as Lem●…nis, the common reading indeed thereof. Wherefore Surita's edition is quite faulty, which hath AD PONTEM LEMAN. for PORTUM. The distance from Durovernum, or Canterbury, appears by him to have been XVI. M. P. And that that way was in Talbots time pulcerri●…e strata, himself bears witness. Neither since him is the learned Ca●…den silent thereof. And they both mention the ruins of an old Castle, the walls of which being of British bricks, flints, and the cement consisting of Lime, sand and pebbles, so coagmentated, that they seem not to yield to time itself. If in Ptolemy you find it any where a P●…lem. Geograph. lib. 2. it is sure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; whereof the last word being significative in Greek, besides that it was the usual name of the place, the Transcriber to supply the defect, as he thought, devised and added the other Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Although it be the conjecture of others, that from the very first it was so in Ptolemy, and the name seeming too long, was afterward made shorter by the first word, it being called here at first Limen, or Leman, or as some have added Limpne: and of that intersertion of P. in many Latin words too, as in sumpsit, prompsit, dempsit, etc. I would have the industrious Reader to look out, what the old Grammarians have observed. In the declining condition of the Roman Empire in the world abroad, suitable to Antoninus, ye have it called Lemanna in the Notitia or Survey of the Western Empire: Sub Dispositione Viri Spectabilis Comitis Littoris Saxonici per Britanniam Praepositus Numeri Turnacensium Lemannae stativa habuit: placing it, as indeed it was one, among other the Ports, or havens of the whole Island then in use. They that render Lomanis, Hith, make use of a word, that signifies in our forefather's language as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth in Greek, a Port, or station for Ships: though there be now none there. But such it was sometime, as some of our own Writers still extant can make it good; and I will cite one of the ancientest of them, Ethelward; In Limneo poriu constituunt puppes, Apoldre (so I read, for the Print is corrupted) loco condicto Orientali Cantiae parte, destruuntque ibi prisco opere caestrum propter quod rustica manus exigua quippe intrinsecus erat, illicque hiberna castra confirmant. And Henry of Huntingdon shall follow him, who lands the Danes (whom Ethelward means) ad Portum Limenecum CCL. navibus, qui porius est in Orientali parte Cent juxta magnum nemius Andredslaige. In which two several narrations you need not take notice of any difference, more than the transposition of Letters in the name. But of the amnis Limen out of our Historians, and the differing relations among them concerning the Danes landing here in King alfred's days, as a business beneath the time of my undertaking, I forbear to speak, commending the curious Reader, for better satisfaction, after Talbot and those ancienter, to what b Lamb. Xenogog. Cantiae. Lambert, and Camden, two most diligent Antiquaries, have to that purpose, besides that glory of our nation, as Grotius calls him, in this last age, John d Illustrate. ad Polyolb. cant. 18 Selden. I had almost forgot to tell you, that in the (c) Anglorum gloria gentis Seiden. Grotius. Illinerary Tables, as they call them, or the loose sheets found at Auspurg, and set forth by the Noble Mark Velfer, this place, but falsely, is called Lemav●…o. But I excuse them there, when I find it as much amiss Printed in our own Presses, Linieno. Our f●…gitive Count Palatine, e Richard. Vetus Hist. Brit. lib. 1. N. 36. White, or as he calls himself, Vitus, trifles with us, as his usual custom is, and would persuade us, that it was so called from Lemanus, an old imaginary King of the Celts in Pseudo Manethon of the old forging Monk Joannes Annius of Viterbium; as was also saith he, Lacus Lema●… in France. The Numeri Turnacenses, which were said in old time to have resided here, were so called of Tornacum, a City of Gallia Belgica secunda, called at this day Turnay, taken by the English in our Grandfather's days. BRITTANNIARUM. ITER. V. Editio Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana. ITER A LONDINIO LV. Leguvallio. GUVALLUM AD VALLUM M. P. CCCCXLIII. sic; CAESAROMAGUM. M. P. XXVIII. COLONIAM. M. P. XXIV. VILLAM FAUSTINI. M. P. XXXV. 25. ICIANOS. M. P. XVIII. CAMBORICUM. M. P. XXXV. DUROLIPONTEM M. P. XXV. DUROBRIVAS. M. P. XXXV. Causennis. CAUSENNIM. M. P. XXX. Gausennis. LINDUM. M. P. XXVI. SEGELOSIM. M. P. XIV. DANUM. M. P. XXI. Legeolio. LEGEOLIUM. M. P. XVI. Legeolio. Ebur. EBORACUM. M. P. XXI. Ebur. ISUBRIGANTUM. M. P. XVII. 16. CATARACTONEM. XXIV. Levat. LAVATRIM. M. P. XVIII. Levat. 14. VERTERIM. M. P. XIII. 14. Brocovo. BROCAVUM. M. P. XX. Brocovo. Luguvalio. LUGUVALLUM. M. P. XXII. Luguvallo. ITER A LONDINIO LUGUVALLO AD VALLUM.] Talbot conceives, that this AD VALLUM was added by the hand of some Sciolus or Smatterer, seeing it is plain, as he says, from the second Journey, that the Wall was beyond Luguvallum above XX miles But by his leave, it was so near unto it, that it may well challenge to itself the words of the a Ael. Sport. in vita Severi Imp. Historian, being proxima mansi●… to it, and so it will appear to them, who with their own eyes make a diligent search after the site and distance thereof. But you must understand me so, as speaking of the more noted and spacious kind of Stations. CAESAROMAGO] This station you have again repeated in Antoninus his IX. Journey, which is described from Venta Icenorum to Londinium. Baromagus is put in the place thereof in the ancient Itinerary table, which was set forth out of the Library of Conrade Peutinger. But that came to pass by the heedlessness of the describer, as the noble and learned b Qui edidit cum Notis suis. Velfer, who published it, hath rightly observed. For when as he made no good use of his eyes, and the former letters being blotted, were scarce discernible, it is plain that he mistook B. for S. that thereby Caesar's City, or Town, is signified; and that we the rather believe this, Pliny's authority causeth us, who not obscurely telleth us, that amongst the ancient Gauls, by the word Magus, a Town was understood: c Plin. lib. 3. cap. 16. Industriam Oppidum ad Bodincum, id est, Padum fl. vetust●… nomine Bodincomagum appellari, quasi dicas, Oppidum ad Bodincum. And truly in all the Provinces, in which there was any public use of the Gallique tongue, in the expressing of the Names of Cities this termination is frequent: which sufficiently shows it to have been a Gallique word. Although Geo. d Rerum Scot lib. 2. hoc magis suspicari nos poss quam pro certo affirmare. Euchanan contend, that we may rather surmise this, than they can for certain affirm it. To omit the names of Cities abroad, among which e The Town of Drusus. Drusomagus, which we meet withal in Ptolemy, is especially to be observed; with us are found Noviomagus, Citomagus, besides this Caesaromagus here: all which names whilst f Vitus Hist. Britan. libro 1. n. XIX. Richard White deduces from Magus, I know not what imaginary King of the Celts, he would stir the spleen, as well as the Choler of many, who knew not, that he held it of custom to dote now and then: so small a matter was it with him still to have his fancy running upon the Trojan war, except he also bring down our Britain affairs from beyond Cecrops & the Arcadians themselves. But sober men, and such as have their eyes open as they know that there were many Cities built throw the Provinces, for the honour of the Augustaean Name, called Augustae and Sebastae, of which we have spoken before; so may they learn from the Roman Historian g Suestom. in Augusto cap. 60 Reges amicos atque Socios, & singulos in suo quemque regno, Caesareas' urbes condidisse. And particularly: h Festus Ruffus' Breviar. ad Valentinian. Im. In honorem Augusti Caesaris Mazaca civitas Cappadociae maxima Caesarea cognominabatur: Jornandes, or Jordanus, as others call him, is witness of the same thing. Cappadoces magnam vivitatem suam Mazacam in honorem [Tiberii] Caes●…saris ay Libro de Regnorum success. Caesaream appellave●…unt. Tiberius had both Titles, Caesar, and Augustus, as well as others. And though in the very age of Augustus, not so many (t) as is observed, so many Casorea urbes are not to be met withal among Geographers, yet in the following, (l) Is. Casaubon. ad Sweton. when flattery grew more ripe, many were new built, and new named so: and so it came to pass, that adding to the name of Caesar, either Dunum, which with the old Gouls either was as much as * Teste Plutarcho, sive quis alius auctor est libri fluminibus. Collis, or a City set upon a high place; you have Caesaro Dunum: or by putting thereto Magus, this Casaromagus in this place, and another in Gallia Belgica, named also by Ptolemy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, belonging to the Bellovaci. A great argument and token, that the old language of the Britain's was the same with the ancient Gallique tongue, accordingly as we see learned men are pleased to have it so. Two excellently learnedly men, and most diligent, in the explaining of the matters of their own Country, Talbot and Camden do seek for this our Caesaromagus, according as the ratio Itineraria doth require it, yet in several places: of whom the m Talbot. Annot in Itiner. Antonin. MS. first, believes it was that Town, which now commonly is called Chensford, or Chernsford. The distance, saith he, (for I do not think it much to translate his words hither, because his Lucubrations upon Antoninus are hitherto unpublished) very fitly agree; for it is from London by modern computation XXV. miles, which indeed will make XXVIII. Italic miles (as you have in this Itinerary) neither doth the name very much ablude. And in the IX. journey Caesaromagus is placed in the way which leads from Colchester to Londinium. But you will say, who at this day being to take his journey from London to Carlisle, doth choose his course by Chensford? I answer, that perhaps they did so some times formerly. For also the Kings of Scotland, as we have heard, were wont to come up to the Parliament here this way, and that they, or some one of them, built a Covent of the order of Dominicans, or preaching Friars; as they did also a house of Nuns at Elstow or Elinstow by Bedford. Add moreover, that the Author of this Itinerary, who ever he was, seems not to have followed the shortest cuts, and straitest ways, but thereafter as he attended the Proconsul or Legate, who for his pleasure, or business sake; as, either to hold Courts of justice, or to list more forces, or sometimes to confirm his Soldiers, turned aside into greater Towns not quite out of his way; might seem to have set down those places, through which the Legate, or Propraetor passed. And this very journey, which we have now in hand, seems to be of such an one: wherein he road through Essex, Suffolk, Cambridge-shire and Huntington-shire, to Lincoln, and thence to York, and so to Carlisle: other wise what meant it, as it is here, two hundred and fifty miles, more or less? when as in the next journey to this, from London to Lincoln, there are but an hundred, and fifty. Wherefore we must confess, by what hath been said, that here the Proconsul, or what Magistrate soever, took his journey through the Eastern, and more noted Cities of the Maritine Countries; and so perhaps they used to set forth: but in the return, they visited the more Mediterranean, or Midland 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Western places: or on the contrary these in their setting forth, the others in their return. And hence perhaps it is, that in the second journey between York and London there is so great a distance: a brief and compendium whereof he sets down afterward; namely in the third journey after this. This wheeling and fetching compass about, must needs be on this side York and Lincoln, by reason of the breadth of the Island there, that the people might more conveniently appear before the Magistrates: beyond York there was no necessity of it, by reason of the narrowness of the Island in those parts, that they might meet from both the Seas to some one Town, as Cataractonium, or the like, without any great grievance of the people. Casaromagus seems to have signified as much as Caesaris Burgus; as Neomagus in Ptolemy, Nouns Burgus; Rotomagus as much as Rotonis burgus, etc. This I conjecture, but I know not certain. So far Talbot, whose words I have translated hither, because they seem to confer much to the explaining of the course of journeying here in Antoninus. After Talbot, comes Camden in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or former edition, of his great work: who in the place thereof hath Burgsted, * Near Billiceray. that is, Burgi locus: by which name the more ancient places are commonly expressed, at this day only a Country village, called by the Saxons heretofore 〈◊〉 where by Florence of Worcester in the year DCCCXCIV. the Danes are said to have raised firmam munitionem. But after his second cares, he supposeth Caesaromagus to have been near Brent-wood. Yet himself questions his own conjecture, because saith he, both the numbers in Antoninus are very corrupt, and because he cannot bring the military way of the Romans, as an argument thereof: neither remaineth there any likeness of the name, but very small in the Hundred of Ceasford, now called Cheasford. Wherefore as in a dead and forlorn business with age and antiquity, we have nothing that we can ●…y for a certainty; when as this Town perhaps fallen deep into the Earth hath lain in the bowels thereof some Centuries of years. Only may we lament the fate of famous Cities, whose tops and Towers age hath not only demolished, but sunk them down deep into the ground; so that concerning them I may make use of that, which Demosthenes said of Olynthus, and other neighbouring Cities; a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apud Strabon. lib. 2. That they were so defaced, that if any one came to the places where they stood, they might call it in question, whether ever men dwelled there, or no: so true is that, which Rutilius Numatianus in his Itinerary hath expressed in elegant verse: Agnosci nequeunt aevi monimenta prioris, Grandia consumpsit mania tempus edax. Non indignemur mort●…lia corpora solvi; Cernimus exemplis oppida posse mori. For ancient Monuments cannot be known, Since eating Time devouts great Walls of Stone; Why should we grieve at this our lives short date, When Cities be examples of like Fate. COLONIA M. P. XXIV.] This famous Station named Colonia, is only to be found in Antoninus, and it differs from Colonia Camolodunum: for you shall have them both in this same Journey in him. In the last Edition of the Gallique Counsels, set forth by Jaques Sermond the Jesuit, you have among the Subscriptions of the first Council at Arles Adelphius de civitate Colonia Londinensium; for one of the Bishops that came out of Britain, and by the learned b Vsser. Tractat de Episcopis, & in Primordiis, etc. p. 195. Usher Colonia there is thought to be this very Station, or City: but the incomparable c Selden Comment. in Eutychium pag. 118. Selden rather judgeth it to be Camolodunum; whom take the pains to consult: and it will be worth your while. There is a World of Roman Coin found near about Colchester (for that all our Antiquaries acknowledge to be the place where Colonia sometime had its being:) a great argument of the flourishing thereof under the Roman times and Command; yet I hear of none ancienter than Gallienus; the Tetrici, the Victori●…i, ●…osthumus, C. Carausius, etc. But its greatest glory was, that it brought forth Flavia Julia Helena, the Mother of Constantine the Great. There are those which contend for that, tanquans pro aris & fo●…is; and d Galfrid. Mon. lib. 5. Brit. Hist. cap. 6. & ejus seq●…. they make her the Daughter of a British King, Coel by name. I am not ignorant that e Zosin●…. 〈◊〉. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. legend. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ex Iuliano impuro Apostaia. Zosimus makes her a mean and ignoble Woman: but his studied obloquy against her, and her thrice noble Son, I am not now first of all to be acquainted with. It is well known also, how she is in the same manner honoured at Triers in France, as her Birth place; for they deny her Britain for her Country, as well as her glorious f Lipsius' in Notis ad Admiranda sua, etc. Son: But the great g Baron. Annal. Tom 3. anno 306. Sect. 16. Cardinal, with h Vsser De Primordiis, etc. cap. 8. Selden in Eutych. in Addend. ad pag. 115. others, asserts it to both of them. By the Inscriptions of that age wherein she lived, we may gather, what opinion and esteem the World had then of her, for she was called Piissima therein, and Venerabilis Augusta. Many have thought, that the City itself was called Colchester, from a Colony in the Roman Time placed there. But no such matter, rather think we it so named from Coln the River whereon it stands, as many other Towns else, and whence also we find this of old time written Colon, or Colun. But of all, we must not once think that this is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Ptolemie, which it seems Surita did; for first that was a City of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Damnii, a People far away remote in the North of the Island: then Ptolemie and other Greek Writers, when they borrow the Latin word Colonis, they commonly spell it by 〈◊〉. whenas this is read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and no Colony at all. VILLA FAUSTINI M. P. XXXV.] During the Romans Power and Sway in the Island, this Station flourished there XXXV. miles beyond Colonia; but in some Copies it is only XXV. It is not certain in what age, for there is no mention left of it, but here in Antoninus: and once to imagine, that Villa Faustini in i Martial. lib. 3. Epigram 58. Martial were meant of it, will be extremely ridiculous. It is thought to have taken up that ground, where at this day the Hourishing Town of S. Edmunds-bury stands: so heretofore though Talbot, whose opinion our great Antiquary confirms by the distance thereof, as well from Colonia, as Iciani, the two next Sations on either side. Abbo Floriacensis, who wrote the life of King Edmund, so foully murdered by the Danes, calls it Villam Regiam, and King Sigebert built a Church there; an argument that it was in those times a place of good note: for as we have formerly noted in several places out of Beda, the Villae Regiae of the Saxon times had still their abode, where in the former ages the Roman Stations had been placed. Let us note this after the learned Camden, that the name of this place was in the Saxons time changed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the same Abbo interprets Bederici Cortis, id est, Villa. Now Bederick, as well as Faustinus in the Latin (it is not known who principally is intended either by the one, or the other) having the bodement or signification of felicity, or favour; we may imagine that the Saxon name doth but merely render the sense of the Roman; especially if we believe Hadrianus Junius, who giving a reason of the name of Bateris the Son of Melon, the Sicambrian (such is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the learned man: for in Strabo it is k Strabo libro. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is the Brother:) makes it to mean as much, as felicitate & favore plenus. Among our Antiquaries I find this Bederics-gueord is severally written, as Beatrices' worth, Beodrices' curte. Out of an ancient l Apud Selden Notis in Eadmerum, ex Schedis Cotton. Diploma, or Privilege granted in the year M LXXI. to Baldeguinus Abbot of S Edmunds-bury by PP. Alexander, it is called Badrices hurde. But you shall see in Weever's Monuments, Budrices Yurthe, out of a m In 〈◊〉. chiv. Turris Londinens. Charter of King Knute, and he interprets it Bederics Court, Farm, or Mansion-house: Tantum aevi longinqua valet mutare vetustas So great mutations works long-aged Time. The learned Fulk had noted to this place, Halsted: but upon what observation, or what other reason, I leave to others to find out. But of Villa Faustini, thus much, and more perhaps then need. ICIANIS. M. P. XVIII.] Among the many and several people of Britain, in the Roman time, the Iceni were also reckoned, not only by Antoninus and Ptolemie; but by n Tatit. Annal. lib. 12, & 14. Tacitus also, who mentions Prasutagus their King; the high undertake of whose Queen Dowager Boadicia, he hath celebrated with an immortal Pen. A portion of them these Iciani seem to have been: for there are many relics of their name in Suffolk, especially Norfolk, both which they are anciently thought to have inhabited. Among the later of whom this Station is judged to have had its residence: though Fulk would have had it at Exuey by Newmarket; or Hinkson between Cambridge and Walder. But Talbot 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to use Strabo's words in the like case, as more conversant and acquainted in these parts; and so fitter to judge, if he cannot have it at Thetford, he judgeth it to have been at Icborough near Suaffam: and herein doth our Britain Pausanias, Camden, follow him. CAMBORICO. M. P. XXXV.] So had all the editions of Antoninus, which I made use of; that of Aldus, of Simlerus, and Surita; and his written books also, saving that of Longotius; which had Camboritum; the reading whereof our great Antiquary had rather follow: for so as he saith, very many Towns in Gaul also were terminated. Now the name itself being interpreted signifies either the Foard of Cam; for so they commonly call that River whereon it stood: but Rith sounded a Foard to the old Britain's: or else it is a winding foard; for that a Hinc Camurum pro eo quod in se recurri●…, inter peregrinas voces notas Erasmus. Cam signified also with them. Which the very nature of the place seems to show, for it was set in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, at the very winding and compass of the River, as Ptolemy speaking of Euphrates; so that it was called Grantcester afterwards by the Saxons, the name being wonderfully changed: it is at this day a very small village, where I said by the River; yet heretofore reckoned among the XXVIII. most famous b Bed. lib: 1. Hist. Ecclesiast. cap. 1. & H. Huntingd. Hist. lib. 1. Cities of Britain, the Catalogue of which Ninnius hath written; and wherein it takes place of London itself. But out of the ruins thereof that Cambridge did grow, the other ornament of the Island of Britain, or if I should call it the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rather as Synesius elegantly concerning Constantinople; there is no body a little more than ordinarily versed in humane studies, that is ignorant thereof. Henr. Huntingdoni●…nsis Hist. lib. 1. Granteceastria, quae modo dicitur Cantebrigia: the name being compounded from Oranta, which the same Author in the fifth book calls fluvium Cantabrigiae. Therefore this River seems named Granta, by the Saxons, which in old time was called by the Britain's Cam. There is mention thereof in William de Ramsey, Abbot of Crowland, in the life of Guthlac, thus: Est apud Angligenas à Orontae flumine longo Orb, per anfractus stagnosoes & fluviales, Circumfusa palus— Oronta with meandring streams, Makes many Marshes, Lakes and Fens. Camden therefore seems, that he would have deduced it from Oron a Saxon word, which signifies a Fenny or Marshy place: for c In vita Regis Alfredi. Asserius Menevensis, saith he, calls the marshy places in Somersetshire once and again Gronnas paludosissimas, by a Latino-Saxon name: and a City of West-Friesland, placed in a marshy Soil, is called Groningen, as is well known. Venerable Bede saith, it was in his time civitatula desolata: Venerunt, are his words, ad civitatulam quandam desolatam, quae lingua Anglorum Gratacester vocatur, & mox invenerunt juxta muros civitatis locellum de marmore albo pulcherime factum, operculo quoque similis lapidis aptissime tectum. But the Students show also at this day the dwelling of Beda himself at Cambridge, wherein because afterwards there was a Proseucha or Synagogue of Jews settled there, they name now the Jews House: and yet Beda himself in plain words writes in his Epitome, which he hath joined to his History, that when he was, annorum septem, cura propinquorum datus educandus reverendissimo Abbati Benedicto, ac deinde Ceolfrido; cunctumqueex eo tempus vitae in ejusdem monasterii habitatione peregisse, inter observantiam disciplinae regularis, & quotidianum cantandi in Ecclesia curam. But concerning the beginnings of the University of Cambridge (for neither have we any need to have recourse to the dotages, and fooleries of the Monks) we have the same Beda a most sufficient witness: d Beda Hist. lib. 3. cap. 18. In these times saith he, (about the year of Christ 637.) regno Orientalium Anglorum, post Corpwaldum Redwaldi successorem, Sigberius frater ejus praefuit, homo bonus ac religiosus, qui dudum in Gallia, dum inimicitias Redwaldi fugiens, exularet, lavacrum baptismi percepit, & patriam reversus, ubi regno potitus est, mox ea quae in Galliis bene disposita vidit, imitari cupicus instituit scholam, inqua pueri literis erudirentur; juvante se Episcopo Felice, quem de Cantia acceperat, eisque paedagogos & magistros, juxta morem Cantuariorum praebente. That word pueri in Beda, King Alfred rendered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 men, that is, Boys and young men; or as John cain's interprets it, discipuli & juvenes. Now whereas Gervase of Tilbury writes that Castrum Cantabriginse was anciently called Cantabricum, any one might believe that this name was corrupted, and altered, from Camboricum, who knew not, that the Monks (such was the acumen of that lurking crew) did deduce it from I cannot tell what imaginary King of Spain, Cantaber by name. For Camboricum, William Fulk himself also a Cambridge man, a Divine of great name, besides an Antiquary, as Dr. Usher informed me, hath not noted down Cambridge, but Comberton, some three miles thence, for it. DUROLIPONTE M. P. XXV.] Talbot reads the number otherwise XXVIII. And thinks it Huntingdon, for says he, there is Dour and Pons, which declare a place, where the Water or River was passed over with a Bridge. Camden goes a little further, who thinks it was over against Huntingdon, and that it had its original thence; but then he will have the name used in the Romans time to have been Durosiponte, as if you should say, The bridge at the River Ouse, Use, Ose, and Ouse being promiscuously used. And he will have the common name used at this day Goodman Chester, to be read Gormon Chester, from one Gormon a Dane in King alfred's days; of whom see the History. The Itinerary distance likes him well: and the place at this day being famous for nothing more than frequent tillage, the fields so often broken up afford great store of Roman Coyn. In Huntington's time it was Villa non inamabilis, and of old time it was nobilis urbs, as he writes truly. DUROBRIVAS. M. P. XXXV.] Henry of Huntingdon in his recension of British Cities adds six to Ninnius Catalogue, whereof this is one Cair Dorm. id est, Dormeceastre; quae sita, says he, in Huntedonensi provincia super flumen quod Vocatur Nen, penitus destructa est. What is left of it at this day, is called Dornford, near unto Walmsford. This in Camden's judgement is Antoninus his Durobrivae here, which he interprets Fluminis trajectus: and it shows the manifest tokens of a ruined City; besides the ancient coin, which are found here in that abundance, that one would think they had been sowed here. Two Military Ways, whose Causseys are yet plain to be seen hereabout, whereof the Erminstreet leads directly from Huntingdon, as appears by very Ancient Witness. And it seems, that the old City possessed both banks of the River. See Camden concerning Caster in the County Northamptonshire, and the reason of that name. CAUSENNIS. M. P. XXX.] It is Talbots conjecture, that this Station Causennes, or Gausennis, gave the name to the hithermost part of Lincolnshire, now called Casteven: even as Lindsey, another part thereof, hath its name from Lindum: but Camden calls it his opinion; who yet pretends to no certainty of place, or its ancient standing, except it be at Brigcasterton upon Wash, or Gwash; so making some affinity of name between the old name of the Station, and the River at this day. Better, says he, he could not light on at this time; the distance not gainsaying it: The later name Brigcasterton also, in which as he says, vetustatis nomen apparet, so called quasi oppidum Castrorum, or, á Castris dictum, because of a Camp there sometime of the Romans. That Brig in the beginning thereof denotes the passage of the River there over a Bridge, which also parted the Roman Military Way. It is believed that the old Gausennae, is now utterly ruined, at such time as the Picts and Scots plundered the whole Country about as far as Stanford, as Henry of Huntingdon is our Author; when our Hengist with his Anglo-Saxons, with unwearied prowess, and extraordinary valour, so stopped the course of those outrageous Barbarians, that many of them being slain, many taken Prisoners, the rest shifted for themselves by flight. LINDO. M. P. XXVI.] Robert Talbot confesseth himself here at a great loss, about the ancient site of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Lindum, in Ptolemy, who sets it down for a City of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Coritavi, and one of them, which by him are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And no less appears by Antoninus, in whom we have the VI journey from London to Lindon, which confirms what Ptolemy says: there is also in him another City, of the very same name, in the more Northern part of the Island: but of that in its own place, when we shall come to it. The great doubt of Talbot was whether of the two he might resolve on; for the old situation of Landum: Nottingham; or Lincoln, or Lindecoln, as it was most anciently called. But he rather pitched on the former, thinking that it was Nottingham: and we will acquaint you with his particular reasons therefore. First, says he, Nottingham was as ancient as any place of note hereabout; and may be thought equal with the time of the Robert Talbot Annot. in Antonin. anecdotis. Saxons entrance. As for the old Town, whatsoever the name thereof was in old time, the inhabitants show it, with a well fortified Castle also, a most certain argument of Antiquity. What ever it was none rather, or more probably, comes into my thoughts than Lindum. The River which through Nottingham runs into the Trent is at this day called Lin, or rather Lind; which rising out of Lindwood, a little above the Village Linsey, by the Priory of Newsted, in a small Tract of ground, suddenly increased with the sources of many springs, becomes an handsome River: then running down by Lenton, or Lynton Town, Nottingham, it is swallowed into the Trent, before it hath well finished twelve miles from the Spring. But by Lenton, I think, says he, that Lindum in this place is meant: for Nottingham is very near thereunto, so that it may seem sometimes to have been part thereof: as which at this day is scarce one mile distant: what if we should say, that the old Town was there; for it is not a thing unseldome seen, that famous Towns have degenerated into little villages. And bringing several arguments, for the Antiquity of Lenton, as also of Nottingham: as that from London to York, no body will choose his road through Lincoln, but ordinarily through Nottingham. Then that the distance from Nottingham to York, according to the Itinerary, suits at this day exactly, so also from Danum, or Dancaster, not amiss: nothing more conveniently: but from Lincoln to York and D●…oaster, it doth not hit out so right. Again, by longitude in Ptolemy, it is plain, that Lindum is not so much stretched out to the East, as Eboracum. But Lincoln is just so much: but not so Nottingham: now though all this may be well answered: yet by these arguments, says he si qui 〈◊〉 mecum in eam sententiam descenderent, facile adducerer, vi arederem Lindum, de quo hic & apud Ptolemaeum, fit mentio, esse non quae nunc Lincoln, sed quae Nottingham; aut quae Lentonvocitatur. But Camden is none of those, who will come to be of the same opinion with him: he than placeth Lindum, or Lincoln, at the Foss way, where it, and the River Wytham meet together: the Britain's called this City Lynd-coit, from the woody situation thereof, for which you have it misnamed in Ninnius, Luit-coit. The Many believed it called Lindum from the River Wytham, which by an ancienter name they say was Lindis: but they have no authority for it of any standing. With the Saxons it was * Vide omnino Galfrid. Monumeth. Hist. Brit. lib. 9 cap. 3. Lindo-colin (Camden knows not whether à collino situ:) and Lind-cyllan-cea●…. Camden rather deduceth it from Lhin, a British word signifying a Lake: and he brings many instances of the like. The curious reader perhaps will look for farther Antiquity: but there is none extant, besides what we have brought: yet if he please I bring that out of Beda: a Beda Eccles. Histor. l. 2. c. 16. Pradicabat autem Paulinus verbum etiam provinciae Lindisi, qua est prima ad meridianam Humbri fluminis ripam pertingens usque ad mare. Prafectumque Lindocolina civitatis, cui nomen erat Blecca, primum cum domo sua convertit ad Dominum. In qua videlicet civitate, & Ecclesiam operis egregii de lapide fecit, cujus tecto vel longa incuria vel hostili manu dejecto, parietes hactenus stare videntur, & omnibus annis aliqua miracula sanitatum in eodem loco solent ad utilitatem ●…orum qui fideliter quaerunt, ostendi. He mentions it again in the XVIII. chapter: but Beda is beneath that authority which I pretend to. SEGELOCIM. M. P. XXIV.] This Station in this Journey is so called; which elsewhere you have written Agelocum. And this also is noted by Talhot, and Simler, by reason of the aequi-distance between Lindum and Danum, or Dancaster: Agelocum therefore is to be reckoned among those words, to which the ancients sometimes put an S. or Sibilus, sometimes they omitted it. So they called the Alps, which in Lycophrons' Cassandra we find written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: And they, who are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Insula by Dionysius the Periegetes, the same in b Geogr. lib. 4. Strabo are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; lying in the British Sea. Salamantica of Spain, is called by Polybius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Caesar's Swessiones, in Ptolemy are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To add one Common Noun out of c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 1. cap. 7. Dioscorides, what in d Virg. Egloga 5. Virgil's Eglogues is Saliunca, in him is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; or rather take the whole place out of him: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In our great Antiquaries judgement, this place possessed the banks of Trent in Nottinghamshire, where at this day Littleborough (a little Town, but very ancient) stands, and that upon second cares. At this day it is famous for nothing more, then for the frequent pass of the River there. That the Romans held it, there are many things which cause a belief. For the Military Way went here, and the Tract of the Walls yet appears to be seen, which yet the Inhabitants, such is their captu●…, do think were raised there to keep in the violence of the River. Then there is so great plenty of Roman Coins in the neighbouring Fields, that they are often rooted up by the very Swine: whence it is that they are commonly called Swine-pennies. The distance moreover from Lindum to Agelocum, or Segelocum, makes us not at all to doubt; although the same learned man write, in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his Work, or former edition, that it was Idleton, a Country Village, which is no where else to be found but by the River Idle; whence also is the Name: And it produced his Conjecture, whereby he would in Antoninus have Adelocum, restored for Agelocum. For Agelocum, Aulerton in Sherwood, is the divination of Robert Talbot. William Fulk, for some small 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, would have it to be Agle, a small Village not quite VI whole miles distant from Lindum; when as in Antoninus in any Copies that are extant of him, Agelocum is from it fourteen miles at least. DANO. M. P. XXI.] This was that Station, which in after ages was called Dancaster, and the Name shows as much. It is Talbots conceit, that the Water which runs here under a stately Bridge, was Ptolemies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, called by him Humber: for, says he, the numbers in him of Longitude and Latitude added to this, and to York, are near the same: then there is none beside hereabout, to which you may better apply it. I know not this: but I am sure Hieronymus Surita is wide here, and that very much, who would have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Durotriges in Ptolemie, corrected into Danum: as after Antoninus it is also called by the Notitia Provinciarum Occidentis: where we read: Sub dispositione Viri spectabilis Ducis Eritanniarum Praesectus Equitum Crispianorum Dano. Chrispiana, saith Pancirolus, is a Town of Pannonia in this Itinerary; whence these Crispiani may seem to be taken: except, as he thinks, we had better read for them Chrestini, out of Velferus his old Papers, who are a People of the Country of Dorilania in Belgica along the Rhine, whence these might easily be brought hither. In the Learned Doctor Ushers Edition of Ninnius, the old Britain's Catalogue of our Cities, this place is called Cair Daun. Other Writers will tell you, that in the year Seven hundred fifty nine, it was ruined by fire from heaven; and from those ruins it hath not yet wholly recovered itself. See those Authors. LEGEOLIO. M. P. XVI.] We must observe in this place with Talbot, Surita, Simler, Camden, and others, that this station is in the third Journey after this called Lagecium. Besides their Authorities, the distance there from Danum exactly XVI. miles' makes it good, and it was at Castleford a Village, Marianus calls it Casterford, where the very meeting is of Calder and another Stream called the Ar●…. Here are many and manifest remainders of Antiquity: as great store of Roman Coin found hate, which the common people call Saracens heads, taken up in a place named Beanfield, from the store of them sowed there by the Church: I might urge also the distance from Danum and York, between which here it is placed; to say nothing of its standing by the Military Roman way, and that Hoveden expressly calls it Civitatem, though not as Caesar uses the words, but as it is commonly taken and understood. Leland, whom a joannes Balaus Centur. XII. Sect. 62. & 63. john Bail, Harrison, and Fulk do follow, thought it to have been Po●…frel, or Ponfract: but we let him pass with his conceit. In josias Simlerus his Scholia's upon Antoninus, you have it misprinted Logetium, for Lagecium. ISU-BRIGANTUM. M. P. XVII.] Some Books have M. P. XVI. which others correct into M P. XXVI. but amise I think. It is curtailed here for Isurium Brigantum. We have before said enough of that; we will here say something also of the people called brigants. The [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] brigants were a people in b Pul. Geograph lib. 2. s●…d Br●…nia 〈◊〉 In●…presi Pli●…i 〈◊〉▪ men, pro Piolem●…, hic ●…emere 〈◊〉. Ptolemie of the Island Albion, inhabiting from both sides thereof; mentioned also by Seneca Tacitus, juvenal, Pausanias, Antoninus here, and the old Inscriptions. Hermolaus of Byzantium the Grammarian, who set forth c Auctore Suida. Stephanus the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, more contracted, hath also in a more contracted word [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,] by which he names them: d Geo. Buchan rerum Scotic. lib. 2. George Buchanan saith, that the right case of this word in Stephanus is Brigas, unde inflectimus, saith he, brigants, ut a biga●… bigantes. In Tacitus you have in one place. jugantes, pro Brigantibus, in all the ordinary printed books, by the same negligence of the Printers, whereby you had formerly Tigenes, for Icenos, a people likewise among us. His words are these, e T●…it, Annal●…▪ 12. Praecipuus Scienti●… rei militaris Venutius e jugantum Civitate, ut supra memoravi, fidusque diu▪ & Romanis armis desensus cum Cartismanduam reginam matrimonio teneret. Truly it is exceedingly to be grieved at, that so many books of the Annals of Tacitus are perished, to the great loss not only of our British Affairs, but also of the Commonwealth of learning; and particularly, that this place is corrupted, that there is no hope of finding out what we would but by conjecture. Plainly then, we must restore Brigantum hither out of him elsewhere: for it is constantly published so by him in all other places. As for the several Etymons, and Originals of this name▪ I had rather than say any thing myself here (for I have ●…lse where f In Britanniis Romanorum. said enough:) refer you to Lhuyd, Camden; Spelman, and others; or if they speak not enough, to the 〈◊〉 of g Vide eum in Go●…is, 〈◊〉 li●…. Boropius in his Antuerpian Nights. The brigants are reported by h Tati●…. in 〈◊〉 Inhi Agricola. Tacitus to have been accounted Civitas numerosissima Previnciae totius: and indeed they contained i Camdenus; quem sequitur Doctissimus Savilius, aliique. Cumberland, Westmoreland, Lanchashire, the Bishopric, and all Yorkshire. I will set down the Cities, or k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ptol. famous Towns of them, as I find them set down in Ptolemie; the explanation thereof, you shall have recourse to, in what I have said upon him: in the mean while briefly thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epiacum. This is remembered only by him. O●…ro Oulo●… Vinnovium. In Antoninus it is Vinoviae, and in some Copies, if not carrupt, Viconia. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Caturractonium. Cartaractonium, in Antoninus: in the same Antoninus, and in Beda likewise, Cartaractone. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Calatum. It is named Balacum in Antoninus, or Calcaria, it is not in the same Itinerary; and Beda, as Humphrey Lhuyd thinketh amiss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Isurium here also mentioned, as also Isuria. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Rigodunum. Camden makes the site hereof to be the same with Coctium in Antoninus Itin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Olicana. In other Authors there is no mention thereof to be found. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l In Cod. Palatin. teste Petro Bertio. ita ert●… & Ferd. Non Pinti●…. Camulodunum. This is in Antoninus Cambodunum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Legio Sexta Vitrix. Whence we know it was a Colony. However m Editus 〈◊〉 Andr●… Sch●…to. In Sever●…. S. Aurel. Victor calls it Municipium: Britanniae municipio, saith he, cui Eboraci nomen. The same Ptolemy calls it n Ptol. in Camne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui inter Canonesejus Astronomicos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habetur. elsewhere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Evoracum. In the same Author in his o P●…l. Almagest. lib. 2. cap. 6. Great Syntaxis, which the Barbarous call the Almagest, it is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Brigantium; if the Printed book be not corrupted, which Camden very luckily suspected. It was indeed the head and chief seat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, of the brigants; but the admired Doctor Usher hath taught us that in the Greek MS. Copy, of the Lambeth Library, the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is altogether wanting, for which the Latin Translations out of the Arabic have Bericanas; as it shall be showed in its due place. juvenal the Poet means these Cities by Castilia Brigantum, which you shall find in his fourteenh satire in this Verse: Dirue Maurorum attegias, Castilia Brigantum. The Moorish Huts or British Towers destroy. For most amend where the old Romans had their Stations, or Castra, there were Cities and great Towns builded; where also in after ages not only the British, but the Saxon Kings had their dwellings: as I could plentifully observe out of Beds, if there were occasion. The place which is mentioned only taken out of p In A●…▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sive Ludo in mortem. Cl●…dis Imp. Seneca, I shall think good to bring hither, if it be but to show the several readings thereof: these than are his words; Ille Britannos Ultra noti Littora Ponti, Et * De nigro, & caeruleo colore: vide jul. Scaliger. Exercit. 325. Sect. 10. Aliis quoque in locis. caeruleos Scuta brigants Dare Romuleis Colla Catenis jussit, & ipsum Nova Romanae jura securis Tremere Oceanum. For Scuta brigants joseph (g) Scaliger, that great Dictator in (q) Ad Tibulli lib. 4. Panegyr. in Messallan & Animadvers. ad Eusebii ann. ∞ ∞ LX. Learning, pleaseth himself wonderfully in reading Scoto-Brigantes; and as his manner is, slights all the Gain-sayers: let the time be when it will, when the Scoti came first to be made known to the World. He doth well indeed to take up r In ipsum locum. Hadrian junius, who hath Cute Brigante; against the right reason and observaoion of quantity of Syllables. junius is therein so confident, that he doth take his Oath for the reading: but he hath not yet persuaded the learned World of men to it. For the old reading yet with them taketh place: For as painting their bodies, generally was taken notice of amongst the Britain's; so is it not unlikely that they had also their Bucklers painted, as well as other Nations: as we read * Tatis. lib. de Moribus German. that the Germans were Scutalectissimis coloribus distringuere soliti, and amongst them the Ary had tincta corporas and also nigra scuta, and the Labici are yet known by that place in s Virgil. Aeneidos lib. 7. Virgil: — Et picti scuta Labici. And th' Bucklers of the painted Labicus. About these brigants here t Buchan. Rerum S●…tiarum lib. 2. George Buchanan doth notably delirare, as became a man of such imperiousness, and insolency. It is not very certain how the brigants became first subject to the Romans; but certain it is, they were often conquered by them. It is worth the while to consult Tacitus, from whom we have a full relation of their Affairs. They were doubtless in the defection of Boadicia, and a considerable part among the Britain's in that their revolt. Galgacus the Caledonian in his speech to his men to animate them against the Romans, shows as much: u Tacit. In vita Agricola. brigants, saith he, Femina duce exurere Colonias, expugnare castra, & nisi felicitas in secordiam vertisset, exuere jugum potuere. Now whereas for the brigants in this place, Camden doth substitute the Trinobantes, I could wish that he had not done it against the authority of all books: Galgacus his meaning is to incite his Caledonians to Valour, and the study of liberty, by the example of other Britain's, all whom he calls brigants, who were better known to his men, being a great deal the nearest unto them, and the most populous people of the whole Island. But they were not wholly subdued till Vespasians time, as we find by the same Author; when Petilius Cerealis fought against them multa praelia, & aliquando non incruentia; magnamque Brigantum partem aut victoria amplexus aut bello. In Hadrinans days, therefore a main defection of all the Britain's happened out. Now if there be any place for conjecture, the (x) Aelius Spartian. in Hadriano, brigants seem to have revolted, when Julius Severus was called out of Britain, where he was Precedent to go against the Jews, who then also rebelled. Dio, or rather Xiphilin out of him, is our Author for it: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But finally Hadrian himself in person came hither, who conversis, regio more militibus Britanniam petiit: in qua multa correxit, murumque per octoginta millia passuum primus duxit, qui Barbaros Romanosque divideret. Et compositis in Britannia rebus, in Galliam transgressus est, as Spartianus writes. And in our days too there are extant, taken up amongst the brigants, very many Antiquities which speak Hadrians being here, and his doing many things amongst them. Yet though subdued by him, they took Heart again, and as the Poets say, victis redit in praecordia virtus: for under Antoninus Pius they overran Gen●…ia, an associate Country here of the Romans: but were again brought under by his Legate here (it should seem Lollius Urbicus:) and lost part of their own Territories. This is witnessed by a good y Pausanias' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Writer of those times: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There are many other things of Antiquity, which I might set down concerning the brigants; as of their Nymph Verbeia, and their Topick God Dui: but as I said, I will refer the Reader to my other Work which I have inscribed BRITANNIAE ROMANORUM, where I have at large treated of them. The other Stations of this Journey are formerly sufficiently spoken of in their places: only here let me tell you, that Brocavio would better be Brovo, as being abbreviated for Brovonacis, which you have in the second Journey. In the next Journey to this, which is from London to Lindum, or Lincoln, you have the way more contracted a great deal: thus than it is, as you see it represented to your eyes in what follows. BRITANNIARUM. ITER. VI Editio. Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana. ITER A LONDINIO LINDUM M. P. CLVI. sic; Verolani. VEROLAMUM M. P. XXI. Verolami. Durocobrius. DUROCOBRIUM. M. P. XII. Durocobrius. MAGIOVINIUM. M. P. XII. LACTODORUM. M. P. XVI. ISANNAVATIA. M. P. XII. Isannavantia. Isannavaria. TRIPONTIUM. M. P. XII. Venonis. VENNONIM. M. P. IX. Venonis. Ratas. RATIS. M. P. XII. Ratas. VEROMETUM. M. P. XIII. 12. MARGIDUNUM. M. P. XIII. Margindun. 12. Ad Pontum. AD PONTEM. M. P. VII. Croco. Cal. CROCOCALANUM. M. P. VII. Crorolana. LINDUM. M. P. XII. THese five first Stations here, even to * Pro Codda varietate, Isannavantio. Isannavaria. Isannavatia (which is altogether the same with Bennavenna.) you have before explained in the second Journey, but converso Itinere, the way lying there backward. Here at Vennonis there is a diversion from the public way, which they call Watling-street. See Talbot in VENNONIS. But whereas in this Journey between Isannavatia, or Bennavenna, and Vennonis, you see Tripontium put between, that indeed is done as Camden thinks, loco non suo, out of its right place. But see also Talbot in BENNAVENNA. ISANNAVATIA. M. P. XII.] Go to BENNAVENNA, which seems to be the very same Station or City with it. TRIPONTIUM. M. P. XII.] Hierom Surita shows himself a stranger indeed to our affairs, when he makes but so much as a doubt, whether a Ptol. Geograph. lib. 2. Ptolemies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an ancient City of the Selgovae here, had any thing to do in this place. Camden supposeth it to be that which now we call Torcester: and that he hath remaining for it such arguments, as are not languidae fidei. For saith he, if Trimontium a City of Thrace had its name, à tribus montibus; if Triturrita of Hetruria, à tribus turribus: if Tripoli, à tribus urbibus: then this Tripontium without doubt is denominated à tribus pontibus; as it may plainly be seen also to this day: here may also be seen the Praetorian, or Military Highway, which in very many places between this Town and b Lactorodum Stony-Stratford shows itself. Marianus Scotus hath this Towns name written Tovecester: and indeed there want not many who would have the Town called so, from the Tove running by it. Age and time have at length so wasted it, that now at length it owes to its situation, name, and ancient Coins, that it is believed that it is old. Of them indeed there have been some good store taken up there. VENNONIM. M. P. IX.] This is spoken to in the Second Journey already, to which you may have a recourse: RATIS. M. P. XII.] Leicester, called also by ancient Writers, and in old Records, Legracester, Legecester, Legeocester, Leogora and Caer-Lerion, so called, not of that fabulous King Leir, whom Geffrey of c Galfr. Mon. lib. 1. Hist. c. 15. Monmouth will have to be the first Builder thereof, but for that it standeth upon the River Legra, or King, now called Sore; as d Leland Colle●…. 2. T. 323. Leland holdeth, signifying as much as the City standing upon the River Leir. Many other Cities and places in this land are so denominated, as Colchester, upon the River Colne, Lancaster upon the River Lune, Riblechester, upon the River Rible. It standeth in the Centre and heart of the Shire (as I have said before:) bearing the proportion of an heart, and being in the very midst and heart of the land, as by all Writers, and by the Topography thereof, it doth appear, and upon the great Rode-way called the Foss, (as Ranulph Higden affirmeth) which goeth from the South into the North, which begins at Totness in Devonshire, and endeth at Catness in the utmost part of Scotland. It is situated in a most rich, delicate, and pleasant soil, and a delicious air, and (whether you respect health or wealth, pleasure or profit:) it is in this place afforded. To parallel it with other Cities is not my purpose, but had it a Navigable River, whereby it might have trading and commerce; it might compare with many of no mean rank. For the antiquity thereof, I shall speak what I have either read, or found in the best and most approved Writers. That this was a City in the Britain's time before the coming of the Romans, I should conjecture by the name thereof, set down by Ninnius in his Catalogue of Cities, viz. Caer Lerion: that is, the City upon King, What the name was in the Romans time, I must assent unto Master Camden Clarenc●…ux his opinion, who taketh it to be e Prolemeo in Cori●… 〈◊〉 altera. Talbotus ait se vidisse codicem in quo Ratae haberctur. Certe Petrus Bertius ex cod. Palatino 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mendose omnino edidit. Ratae, induced thereunto, first by the situation thereof upon the said great Rode-way, called the Foss, the distance from Bennones, and Vernomet, agreeing so justly with the Emperor Antonine in his Itinerarium, and a piece of the name yet remaining in that old long Ditch and rampire called Radikes. That this his assertion should stand probable and true, and that this was a great Roman Station, these Roman Antiquities (here found and affirmed) will give strength and confirmation. First, the ancient Temple here dedicated to Janus, which had a Flamen or High Priest here resident, in which place great store of bones of beasts (which here have been sacrificed) have been digged up and found and the place yet called thereof, the Holy bones, which all Histories do agree to have been here, and surely was the foundation of the Romans, as appear by their God Janus Bisrous to whose honour the first Temple was built in Rome, by Romulus and Tatius, or, ●…s others say, Numa Pompilius, in a place called Argiletum; and not founded by that feigned King Leir, to the honour of Janus, as Geffrey of Monmouth, and (of later days) John Harding and John Reut of Warwick will have it; which how fabulous and improbable it is any ordinary capacity may conceive, in that it is known to all, that Janus was not adored or thought of ever of any but the Romans. And this King Liar died (at least three hundred years before Rome was built, as by their own Chronology and Computation will appear. But this and many such improbabilities and contradictions, will easily convince this forged History of Brute, and of his progeny. Next the many Roman Antiquities here found, their Medaglies and Coins in great abundance, both in silver and Copper; of Vespasian, Domitian, Trajan, Hadrian, Antonine, and others, which I myself have seen, and have of them. And within these ten years, near unto the Town, somewhat deep in the ground, was found a piece of Work of stone arched over; the stones very small, about an inch long, and half an inch broad and thick, finely joined together with a thin mortar. It was in length about five or six yards, in breadth about four, the roof covered with a square kind of quarry with small Earthen Pipes therein. This I guess to be a Stouphe or hothouse to bathe in, for as Vitrivius writeth, the Romans growing to the excess of riotousness and excess, through the abundance of their wealth, used these kind of Baths in a wantonness to purge and clarify themselves. All this hitherto hath been transcribed out of the exact Description of Leicestershire, so far as it conduced to my present drift and institutum. We shall also do the like in what follows to the next Station. If we had known that the places about Leicester had abounded with Ferne, we would presently have concluded, that the name RATAE had been from RATIS; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which Dioscorides saith in the old gallic Tongue (and so consequently in that of the Britain's:) signified just as much. The good Readers I hope will excuse this observation, who also know, that lame men, though they be never so much 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, yet they cannot conveniently be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Being bad for Talbot. & quieum sequuntur. any discovers, though never so studious and desirous thereof. Let those tell us here of Rateford in Nottinghamshire, or Rutland, look well to their Arguments, why they do it. VEROMETUM M. P. XIII.] Master William Burton, the restorer of his own Country and the antiquities thereof, in his exact description of Leicestershire. pag. 62. Burrow, anciently called Erdburrow, standing near to the confines of Rutlandshire. Master Camden doth conjecture that this place should be that Vernometum, mentioned by Antonine the Emperor in his Itinerarium, by reason of the true distance between Ratae and Vernometum; And (his words be these) the name of Burrow also that it hath at this day, came from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which An ancient Roman Fort. in the Saxon Tongue signifieth a place fortified, and under it is a Town called Burrow, belonging to an old Family of Gentlemen so surnamed. But (that which maketh most for the proof) in that very place there riseth up an Hill, with a steep and upright ascent on every side, but, South-eastward; in the top whereof appear the express tokens of a Town destroyed, a double Trench, and the very Tract where the Walls went, which enclosed about 18. Acres within, at this day it is arable ground, and in nothing so famous as in this, that the Youths dwelling near thereto were wont yearly to exercise themselves in wrestle and other sports in this place. And out of the very name a man may conjecture that there stood some great Temple of the Heathen Gods; for the word Vernometum in the old Gauls Vide Christopherum Boverum in Notis. language (which was the same with the old Britain's tongue) signifieth as much as a great Temple, as Venantius Fortunatus in his first book of his Songs doth show, writing of Vernometum a Town of Gaul in these verses. Nomine Vernometum voluit vocitare vetustas, Quod quasi fanum ingens Gallica lingua sonat. Of old the place they Vernomet did name, Which signifies among the Gauls a Fane. In elder times, this place they termed by the name of Vernomet, which sounds in the language of the Gauls as much as a Temple great. Thus far the diligence, and the great ornament of his Country, William Burton Esquire of Linley; who though now with God, hath left the heir of his virtues, as well as other fortunes, Cassibbelaun Burton, Esquire. MARGIDUNUM. M. P. XIII.] Where Lincolnshire borders upon Liecestershire, there stands Be●…vior or Beauvior Castle, not far from whence, as our great Antiquary thought, stood the Roman Station Margidunum in old time, in a most pleasant and fruitful Soyl. This the distance from Vernometum to which it stands next in Antoninus, having Admetus Pontem, or Paunton, also at not an unlike remoteness from what is set down there, giveth good credit unto. From the Marga, or Marle, and its site upon a rising hill, its seems to have had its denomination. For the later, I have several times taught out of Plutarch what Dunum signifies, namely a rising place. As for the other word Marga, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. a Plin. 17. cap. 6. cujus illud est lem●…a. Pliny in his Natural History tells us what it is there where he treats De terra quam Britannia & Gallia amat. Alia est ratio, saith he, quam Britannia & Gallia invenere, alere eam ipsae quod genus vocant Margam. But Camden speaks of little use of Marle in those parts: he indeed tells us of a kind of Chalk found * A kind of plastering stuff, gypsum. near there; in which perhaps Pliny might be mistaken, for his Margu: else he thinks it was never well searched for there. There is found there about also the stone called from its figure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Astroites, the form of which Camden describes, after b Georg. Agricola Fos●…um lib. 6. Agricola and others: but I'll meddle not with it, as being nothing to my present design in hand. AD PONTEM. M. P. VII.] That it was that Town of Lincolnshire, which on the banks of the River Wytham is yet called Paunton to this day, our Antiquaries do generally believe For to say nothing of the distance from the two stations on either hand, which very well agree with that at present, the reason of the name from a Bridge (for the River) according to the report of the Inhabitants was here in old time joined with the Bridge:) clearly evinceth the matter in hand: not to say that * Pavimenta tessell●… Vide Scalig●…n Sphaeram Barbaricam M. 〈◊〉 pa. 454. Ald. editio Antonini corrects. pavements of the Romans of Musive Work are sometimes digged up here. Wherefore Aldus his Edition of Antoninus may be observed, where ye find it falsely printed, Ad Pontum. Josias Simlerus in his Scholia upon Antoninus would have this Town to have been otherwise called Pons Aelii, where sub Deuce a Notitia Occidental. Imperii. Britanniarum Tribunis Cohortis I. Cornaviorum kept his Guard: which Station being long before first appointed by Hadrian the Emperor, was to be sought far away off, by the Vallum. Him yet our Harrison follows, who hath described unto us Britain in English. William Fulk would have it to be rather Boston, that is, S. Buttolphes Town in this same Shire; though the Itinerary account do wholly reclaim, and gainsay it; as being nearer to the Eastern Sea. CROCOCALANA. M. P. VII.] In the divers readings collected to Antoninus there is Crorolana set down, which in very deed signifies nothing and might a great deal better have been quite left out. In Antoninus that Town is called so; which at this day is Ancaster, nothing but a long street upon the Military Highway. At the entrance from the South our Antiquary saith, he saw a Trench, and it is evident that there was a castle about there. The British or old name may seem to have been taken from the situation; for it lies under the side of an hill; and Cruc M●…ur with the Britain's doth signify magnum collem or a great Hill; as Cruc Occhidient doth a Western Hill, as we are taught by Giraldus Cambrensis, and Ninnius very ancient Writers. But what shall we do then with Colana? Camden our Antiquary knew not: neither have we time to think of it, as we should: if we truly understood the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a Ptol. Geogr. lib. 2. Ptolemy in the North of Britain, we should also better know this. In this Town the Roman coins keep up the Memory of Antiquity therein; besides the vaults under ground, sometimes opened: to say nothing of the site by the Praetorian Causey or Highway, and due distance between it and Lindum or Lincoln. William Harrison * Harris. Deser. Britan. lib. 12. cap. 17. saith Ancaster hath been a great thing, for many square and coloured pavements, vaults, and arches are yet found, and oft laid open by such as dig and plow in the fields about the same, and among these one Vresby or Roseby a Ploughman did erred up not long since a stone like a trough covered with another stone, wherein was great abundance of the aforesaid Coins. The like also was seen not forty years ago about Grantham. LINDUM. M. P. XII.] Camden from the foregoing Station seems to have read the distance to Lindum XIV. miles; and that where he speaks of Ancaster where the foregoing Station had its being. Something is said, and perhaps more then enough, concerning this Lindum in the former Journey. Finis Itineris VI Britanniarum. BRITTANNIARUM. ITER. VII. Editio Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana. * CXV. ITER A REGNO LONDINIUM. M. P. XCVI sic; * * CXVI. 96. CLAUSENTUM. M. P. XX. VENTAM BELGARUM. M. P. X. Gelleu CALLEVAM ATREBATUM. M. P. XXII. Gall. PONTES. M. P. XXII. LONDINIUM. M. P. XXII. THis seventh Journey is from Regnum in Hantshire to London: Hierom Surita speaking of which, confesseth indeed that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Regni were a people of Britain, bordering upon the Atrebatri and Cantii; whose chief City was Noviomagus: but that by this Regnum it is to be understood, I can by no means hold with him. Camden resolves the business very well, where he makes the Midland of this shire to belong to the Belgae, as he doth the more Maritime to the Regni. That therefore this Regnnum belonged in old time to the Regni, is most plain; the relics of the one name still remaining in the other. Our Ancestors called it Regnewood or Ringwood, it seems for the Store of wood thereabout. In Doomsday book it is written Rincewed. CLAUSENTUM. M. P. XX.] Opposite to the Isle of Wight, in Southampton Port of Haven, called of old by Ptolemy a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ptol. Trisantonis fluvii ostium; from Traithanton, as I think, saith our great Antiquary, that is Aestuar●…um Anton. By the same name almost it is called by Ninnius Trahannoni ostium. The river that runs into it at this day called Test, in former ages, in the Saints lives, is named jerstan, and formerly that it was Ant, or Anton: Antport, Andover, and Hanton, Towns lying thereon, seem in a manner to persuade. Sofar are we from believing, that it was so named from Hammon the Roman, whom our British History fables to be slain hereabout by Arviragus, as do also all such as follow and admire it. Not far from this southampton, was Clausentum here placed, which appears by its distance from Regnum, as also on the other fide from Venta, or Winchester, and as of old time it was called Antoni Aestuarium, so Clausentum signified in British the Port Entum; which, as I am told, signifies as much as in Greek b Portus effossa terra extructus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth mean. They that make any wonder at this let them also look into Dooms-day-book, where they shall expressly find Hantscyre, and Hentscyre; from whence the Town, from the Southernly situation is at this day Southanton. It was seated especially where S. Martha's fields now are. What rubbish, ruins of Walls, and Trenches Camden was showed there by an old Castle, himself will best tell you. Whether it were the Castle of old time belonging to Clausentum, I have not any thing to say: the several Coins of the Roman Emperors taken up hereabout are sufficient witnesses of its great antiquity. If those ruins which Camden speaks of, were not of the old Castle; they were doubtlessly of those muniments, and bull works, quae Romani in littore Oceani ad meridianam plag●…, as Gildas hath it: ad reprimendas piraticas Saxonum depraedutiones collocarunt. VENTA BELGARUM. M. P. X.] There were three Towns in Britain of this name Venta, all mentioned by Antoninus, and this by Ptolemy also. Venta Icenorum is in (a) Ptolemy too; were Ptol. Geograph. lib. 2. but his Copies rightly published. The common books have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for Iceni: but the Palatine set forth by Petrus Bertius, nearer the truth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Caer-Guent it was called by the Britain's: which Leland makes to signify White, as if he would say, The White City: of which there wants not examples: and this stands in a whitish or chalkish soil, as do the rest they say elsewhere that are of that name too. After the Christian time, from this Venta in the most ancient Monks we find the Bishop of Winchester called Episcopus Ventanus or Wentanus, as Beda, Malmesburionsis, Eadmerus, and others: only the less experienced must take heed when he meets with this word c Vt apud Malmsb. de Gest. Pontif. lib. 1. pag. 117. Venlanus misprinted for it, as he shall sometimes. A City no doubt it was of very great request in the Romans time, which we learn from the Notitia of the Western Empire, for here was resident in this place the Procurator Gynaecii Britannis, (b) Edit. Lond. & alibi. (not Dremtensis, or Biennensis: but as it should be:) Ventensis. So the d Ita enim dictus Casaubon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Sueton. flour of French Lawyers Jaques Cujas reads it Gynaecium, and interprets it to mean the Sacrum Textrinum. Guidus e Comment. in Notit. Provin. cap. 38. Pancirolus, who set forth the Notitia is of no other opinion, who writes that these Gynaecia were first appointed texendis Principis militumque vestibus, naviumque velis, stragulis linteis & aliis ad instruendas mansiones necessariis. Yet Wolsangus f Comm. de Republic. Romana. Lazius, a learned Germane in his time, thought that these Procurators also were employed in taking care, and making provision for the Emperor's dogs: for the Britist dog's carried away the Bell in those days from those of any other nation in Europe. Strabo gives us good cause to say so, for they have his commendation for hunting; being said by him to be, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hence it is that the Shepherd says in g Nemes. in Eclogis. Nemesian under Caius the Emperor. — Divisa Britannia mittit. Veloces, nostrique orbis venatibus aptos. — Great Britain breeds fair hounds, Whose scents are fit to hunt upon our grounds. Meaning our British Dogs. Of which long before him it is worth the while to peruse an excellent trim Poem, written in Augustus' age by Gratius Faliscus, who entitles it Cunegeticon, published of late years by an excellently learned Gentleman; and accordingly it is set forth in Latin by him, and translated also into English. Quid freta si Morinum, dubio refluentia Ponte, Veneris, atque ipsos libeat h Haec vox ex hoc loto mutuata videtur à Velleio Paterculo Hist. lib. 2. ubi ait Britanniam à Caesar. ●is ponetratam. penetrare Britannos? O quanta est merces, & quantum impendia supra, Si non ad speciem mentitur osque decores: Protinus, haec una est catulis jactura Britannis: Ad magnum cum venit opus, promendaque virtus, Et vocat extremo praeceps discrimine Mavors, Non tunc egrogios tantum admirere Molossos; Comparat his versuta suas Athamania frauds, Acyrusque, Pheraeque, & clandestinus Acarnan. Sicut Acarnanes subierunt pralia furto: Sic canis illa suos taciturna supervenit hosts. Wouldst thou Morinum seek? and thee 'twould please Britain to enter through uncertain Seas. What profit there, what benefit would rise? Would thou not choose for beauty and for size? Both which they want; yet this the Britain's boast, In greatest need their dogs show valour most; And will his life forsake ere he retire, Not then Mollosian hounds thou wilt admire, Sly Athaman Dogs, with Mastiffs not compare, Acgran, Pheran, nor the close Acare As th' Acarnans steal in to battle, so This breed with silence sets upon their Foe. This is that Gratius, whom Ovid his Co-temporary thought worthy to commend to Posterity, and prolong his fame in that i Ovid. de Ponto lib. 4. Eleg. 16. verse: Aptaqu●… venanti Gratius arma dabit. Gratius for Hunting will accommodate. Divers others have highly commended our Britain Dogs; particularly the Agasaeus, or base Hound, was had in great esteem, thus described by Oppian in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: k Oppian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. a. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This kind though short, are for quick scent renowned Fit for a learned Poet to resound; The painted Britain people fierce in Arms, These Beagles breed and Agasean terms: Th' are small, want beauty, have no comely mark, That thou wouldst think th' are only fit to bark. Which Verses being part of them, which the l Andri Schottus Obstrvat. Human. lib. 2. cap. 19, Emperor so highly prised, joannes Bodinus hath done thus into Latin; but he had for his pains, I fear, scarce so great a reward. Est etiam catubi species indagine clara, Corpus huic breve; magnifico said * Lege carmine ita enim Gr. postulare videtur. corpore digna. Picta Britannorum gens illos effera bello Nutrit, Agasaeosque vocat, vilessima forma Corporis, ut credas parasitos esse latrantes. It should seem then, that the little Beagle is appropriated to our Britain; for that the Canis in Agasaeus in Oppian is so meant, janus Ulitius, who published Gratius beyond the Sea, hath shown (m) Adi Harrison. descript. Britain. lib. 3. cap. 13. to us against john Caius, who some age ago set forth a book De canibus Britannicis, The old gallant Poet n Claudian. Paneg. in Stilicontus lib. 3. Claudian lets not our Mastiffs pass unspoken of in that Verse: Magnaque taurorum fracturae colla Britannae. Britain breeds Dogs can break the Neck of Bulls. Neither were they others then our Mastiffs, which are mentioned by Sy●…achus in his o Symmach. lib. 2. Epist. 81. verum tu, lector, adi omnino V. Cl. justum Lipsium Centur. 1. ad. Belgas Ep. 44. Epistles; although they be termed by him Canos Scotici, which he makes his brag of at Rome, and which he says were showed at the Circensian Games, to the great wonder of the people that looked upon them; who could not think them brought thither otherwise, then in Iron Cages. In this City, as our own Historians relate, was that Monk Constans in the Roman time, whom his Father Constantinus, who had put on the Purple against Honorius, out of a mere conceit and confidence of his own name, had designed first to be Caesar, and afterward Augustus: For, for a good while before this, as Zosimus hath it, speaking of that very time the Monks had frequent Colleges, as well in Cities as Country Towns, who lived before lurking up and down, and haunted Mountains, Woods, and solitary places forlorn, whence also they had their name. Now those ancient remainders of Walls which are yet to be seen of such a thickness, and lastingness, at the Western-door of the Cathedral, seem to have been the ruins of that College. As for that Caesarean Monk brought out hence, he soon by death satisfied for his Father's ambition, and slighted Religion. Here many will tell you of King Arthur's round Table; but our Antiquary finds it to be of a far lower age: not but that he acknowledges the use of such Tables among the Ancients for avoiding b●…oyles, and fall out among them. And this he might well do upon the Testimony of p Athen●… Dipnosophist. lib. 4. Athenaus: for out of him you may learn that the ancient Gauls, and so consequently the old Britain's, for they promiscuously used the same Instituta as well as Sacra did sit about circular or round Tables, and that as Esquires, or Armour-bearers waited on them behind their backs, bearing their Shields by them. The Ecclesiastical antiquity of this City belonging especially to the Saxon time, is beside my purpose, and so as he said, Blandius est nostrum opus. Yet having long ago transcribed from the Walls of Estiar House, sometimes belonging to the Bishops of the Sea; a Catalogue of their names as they were set up a long time since, by the Courtesy of my very good Friend Mr. George Price, whose House now it is, himself being then Sheriff of the County of Surrey. Take this therefore instead of a great deal more, which I could say, but that my present design and project excuseth me, and bids me have done with the Roman Age. Birinus. Agilbert. Wyn. Elutherius. Heads. Daniel. Humfrid. Kinhard. Athelhard. Egbald. Dud. Himbrith. Ealmond. Widregyn. Herferd. Eadunus. Helstan. Swithun. Eathferd. Tumbert. Denwolp. Frithelsta. Brinstan. Alfreth. Alphegus. Brithelin. Athelwold. Alfreth. Kenulph. Athelwod. Alsinus. A●…in. Stigandus. Walkelinus. Giffard. Blesensis. Tokelin. Manners makes man. Lucy. P. de Rupibus. Which was the Motto of William of Wickham, the Bishop at that time. Raly. Adomarus. Gervais. Ely. Pontissara. Wodlock. Sandal. Asserio. Stratford. Orlton. Edynton. I had quite done with Winchester, as with the Bishops thereof, in whose Catalogue I observed some difference from others published, with the addition of the Insignia gentilitia of some more noted Families: but that the misplacing of Venta Belgarum by some of our Antiquaries, according as my manner is first to be taken notice of: Bishop Cooper therefore is much over-seen, who deceived by Joannes Balaeus, or Leland himself, it matters not much, sets down for it Bristol the City, which is of much later antiquity, and hath given occasion to others to err: among whom, Pitseus is one, in case he drew not his mistake from Balaeus self, which is most like: as for the Continuer of Thuanus his History I know not well what to say; in whom also we as falsely read a Eundem errorem deprehendimus quoque in julii Caesaris Bulengeri Historia sui temporis; sitanti est hic annotasse. Burgstovia, for the ordinary name of Bristol. REX CALLE obverse side of a coin reverse side of a coin He imagines therein, that that CALLE doth come nearest to the name of Callena, or Gallena, as he reads it, the frequented and famous station of old time. But that REX may be referred to Comius, whom m De bello Gallico lib. IV. Vide etiam nummum, quem adduximus ad Caesa em in BRITANNIS ROMAN. Caesar had made King over the Atrebates in Gallia, of whom, as it is said, ours were deduced, & cum Legatis civitatum Britannorum, quod sibi ●…idelem esse arbitrabatur, in Britanniam praemiserat, cujusque auctoritatem in his regionibus [Britanniaesc.] magnam habitam, himself writeth. I know that Speed will have Galgacus a Prince of the Caledonians in n Tacit. in vita Agricol●…. Tacitus understood: but than you will say it was not Clerkly done, in such a piece as this, to produce a short syllable by position against all o Lucani & alioru, mVnd●… Caledonios' falli●… turbata Britannos, etc. authority: as for Pitseus who talks of Calena built in King Arviragus days, we weigh him not; when he can better inform us concerning his reign, we will heed him. At Sinodun hill, not far from Gallena, its certain, there was a fortress of the Romans; for they take up coin there very often. PONTES. M. P. XXII.] A few miles from Eton, the River Cole runs into the Thames, parting Bu kinghamshire and Middlesex at Colebrook, where it bestows the name upon it; which that it was Antoninus his Pontes, the distance on both sides from Wallenford and London, do persuade. Neither is there any place in that Road, which may more conveniently suit to this name: for Cole here is parted into four Channels, laid over with so many bridges, for the convenience of travelling: we need not instance about the same business in p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vrb●… Syria. apud Ptol. lib. V. Geograph. Gephyrae of Boe●…tia, or Pontes in France, in the County of Ponthieu: the matter is not hard to conclude. I am not ignorant that q 〈◊〉. Stow Notit. Land. Lhuyd. Nevil, Harrison, aliique. many seek Pontes at Reading: but besides that the distance here will not so well fit, I do no more believe them, than I do admire their skill in Greek, who deduce Reading itself from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to flow. LONDINIUM. M. P. XXII.] They who know at this day the count of miles between London and Colebrook to be but fifteen miles, will sure wonder at this number here XXII. In the mean while never thinking of the shortness of the ancient Italic miles: so that it seems the kind Citizens of London, when good men! they carried their wives abroad into the Country to air them, gave not first occasion to observe that the miles about London were not so long as elsewhere. Finis Itineris 7. BRITANNIARUM. ITER. JIX. Editio. Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana. Eburaco. ITER AB EBORACO LONDINIUM. M. P. CCXXVII sic; Ebur. LAGECIUM. M. P. XXI. DANUM. M. P. XVI. AGELOCUM. M. P. XXI. LINDUM. M. P. XIV. Corocalana. CROCOCALANUM. M. P. XIV. * Dost in Ald. Cod. haec mansio. MARGIDUNUM. M. P. XIV. Vernametto VERNEMETUM. M. P. XII. RATIS. M. P. XII. VENNONIM. M. P. XII. XIX. BANNAVANTUM. M. P. XVIII. XIX. Magio-Vin. MAGIOVINUM. M. P. XXVIII. Magio-Vin. DUROCOBRIVIM. M. P. XII. Durocobrius. VEROLAMUM M. P. XII. LONDINIUM. M. P. XXI. THis Eight Journey is from Eburacum to London, not indeed altogether by the same Stations, until you come to Vennonis, by which you see it expressed in the second. For there indeed the Author of the Itinerary wheels about, and takes a circuit, according as the occasions of the Legate or Propraetor, or whoever the chief Magistrate was then in command, seemed at that time to require: but here he follows the shorter cut of ways, beginning his journey with Lagecium; which Town in the fifth Journey is called by him Legeolium, and is just at the same distance, from York, that is XXI. M. P. Thence to Danum, and Agelocum, which also in the fifth Journey is called Segelocum, which is distant too from Danum twenty one miles, just as we see it here set down. The other mansions of this Journey you have explained in the fifth and sixth Journeys, as far as Vennonis, as I said, where the Foss a public road crosseth the Watling-street, by which turn this way goes straight to London as you see in what follows; only passing by two Mansions unnamed (it should seem for speed and hast sake, Lactorodo and Sulloniacis:) but the account of the numbers of miles being kept entire, as in that other. MARGIDUNUM. M. P. XIV.] This Station is quite wanting here in the printed Edition of A●…us; as also in some Copies which jerom Surita made use of: for that somewhere Margitudis is put in by him, out of others, in what goes before, it is just as much as nothing: and so much seemed requisite to be said concerning the Eighth Journey; but that here also is B●…nnavantum, or Bennaventum; for what was before Bennavenna, and Isannavatio. BRITANNIARUM. ITER. IX. Editio. Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana. ITER A VENTA * Icinorum. ICENORUM LONDINIUM. M P. CXXVIII. sic; Icin. XXXI. SITOMAGUM. M. P. XXXII. XXXI. Combret. CAMIRETOVIUM. M. P. XXII. Comb. AD ANSAM M. P. XV. Camolodun. CAMULODUNUM. M P. VI. Camolod. CANONIUM. M. P. IX. CAESAROMAGUM. M. P. XII. DUROL●…UM. M. P. XVI. LONDINIUM. M. P. XV. THis Journey is from Venta Icenorum or Caster, to London, some three miles distant from Norwich; which place was so named from the Castra, or Camps, of the Romans sometimes hereabouts; and not as the Cambridge a Io. Caius Antiq. Cantabr. lib. 〈◊〉. Antiquary writes from Castor a King here placed by Julius Caesar. In Surita's MSS. and those Printed Copies of Antoninus, which we use, it is read Icinorum: yet he following Tacitus, rather, and others, mends Ptolemy, making 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For it seems not likely to him, that Ptolemy who wrote down the several names of the Countries, Cities, Rivers, Ports, Promontories, etc. throughout all Britain, should leave out so powerful a people, as the Iceni are said to be. Tacitus: b Tac. Annal. lib. 12. Quod primi Iceni abnuere, valida gens nec praeliis concussa, quia societatem nostram volentes accesserant. And a little after; Caterum called Icenorum compositi, qui bellum inter & pacem dubitabant. As they are corruptly called in Ptolemy Simeni, so were they also c Raymond. Marlian. explic. locorum. Caesar. & Tacit. Tigeni in Tacitus his old Copies, to borrow his words elsewhere, pacem exuebant magis nostra avaritia, quam obsequi impatientes, as plainly he shows in his relation concerning them: of later Writers see by all means Camden. Surita, for better distinction sake, calls the station here Secunda Venta Ptolemai. I might very well let pass their high flown fancy d Apud Camdenum. who would have the King Cynobellinus, mentioned by Di●… Cassius, to be as much as the belinus of the Icenians. This station hath not so much in Ptolemy lost the right name of the people, among whom it stood, as itself too; for they say, nothing thereof remains now, besides a few decayed Walls which enclose some thirty acres that shows the ground there, sometime inhabited, and some Roman Coin now and then taken up: else there is nothing remaining. But out of the ruins thereof in after times, there arose Norwich, a City whose antiquity the learned e D. Alex. Nevillus. Author of Kets History hath most learnedly and elegantly in Latin set down. It stands near the confluents of f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ptol. Garienis, and another River, which they call Bariden, Norwicus signifies as much as Aquilonare Castellum, seu vicus. Wic enim, Alfrico Saxone teste, Castellum sonat; as Camden observes. To say that Julius Caesar was founder thereof, were to say with the Many, which renders it much suspected. As is also the tradition of some g Polyd. Vergil●… Itali. Angeli Capelli Gal. outlandish men very false, who think to find something of Norwicus in the name of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a people of Britain in Ptolemy, far enough dissite hence. Yet of the name Venta, there are plain vestigia to be seen in the near River Wentsum, or Wentsar; as some do call it. SITOMAGUS. M. P. XXXII.] With this Station this journey goes on here. The name whereof is corruptly set forth in Peutingers Military Tables SIMOMAGUS, and sometime SINOMAGUS: but here in Antoninus it is right SITOMAGUS. From the Saxon times it was called Thetford, from the little River Thet; and the Ford there; besides the old British or gallic word h Vid. NOVIOM AGUS; ●…illic lin. l●…. Magus a dwelling, or house; as you would say, The mansion by the Thet. Thet and sit, they say come very near. Olim frequens & celebrata, this Station was saith our great Antiquary, & praeter alia vetustatis indicia, molem ostendit in magnam altitudinem aggestam, duplicique vallo munitam & moenibus, ut ferunt, olim firmatam, quam Romanorum fuisse opus credunt nonnulli, vel potius Saxonicorum Regum, ut volent alii. CAMBRETOVIUM. M. P. XXII.] So many copies have it, but amiss: There is a small Town in Suffolk, not far from the Source of the Breton, lying low in a bottom. This of old was Combretonium, as if you should have said, The Valley, or bottom, by Breton. This sometimes it was: Now scarce any Comb, quid Antiquit signi●… cares. thing appears left else, to say that ever it was. In the room thereof you have in Peutingers Military Tables, which the noble Mark Velfer set forth, but corruptly (for how could it be otherwise after so long time, and so ungain Transcribers?) Comvetronum, and Ad Coverin. AD ANSAM. M. P. XV.] But you shall find, that it is six miles from Camulodunum, the Colony. In Camden, our excellent diligent Antiquary, it is thought to be a Terminus of this Colony, grounding his conceit upon the authority of Seculus Elarcus; (for so his name is to be written, not Siculus) and him you have published in the Volume of Writers, De limitibus Agrorum, Agri, saith he, Coloniis adjacentes variis Terminis definiebantur: in limitibus constitutae erant pro Terminis res aliae atque aliae, alibi Hermulae, alibi spatu●…ae, alibi rhombi, & alibi, secundum vitalem & Arcadium, Termini erant Lagenares, vel Orculares, id est, Lagenae, & Or. Upon which words that learned man thus infers: Cur igitur, non & Ansa terminale signum fuerit, vel diversorium aliquod ad Viam sub ejusmodi intersignio, Cum ad Ansam, non Ansae, suo more dixerit Antoninus: Nec alia quam signa terminalia, vel diversoria, erant, quae eadem loquendi formula Romano saculo nom●…nabantur. Which we may truly believe to be said by him, if we understand it concerning the Mutations only, appointed in latter ages through the Provinces in public Roads, and were called by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, furnished with beasts for public carriage, as also with their meat and provender; but not with other accommodations, and therefore i Cod. Theod. XI. Tit. 1. c. 9 distinguished from Mansions. For otherwise places in the very City were expressed in this form of speaking. Suetonius Domitianus natus est, regione Urbis sexta, Ad Malum Punicum domo, quam postea in Templum gentis Flavia convertit. P. Victor P. Victor. de Regionibus urbis. also mentions it in the same Region of the City, and names it the House of Domitian, where also he places k Sueton. in Galba. Ad Gallinas Albas'. The name of this house was taken from the Vi●…ntan Countrey-dwelling of the Caesars, which was called Ad Gallinas, from the brood of Chickens of that white Hen, which an Eagle flying over let fall into Livias' Lap. l Ael. Lamprid. in Alexandro. Lampridius: Romae in palatio fecit diaetas nominis Mammaae, quas imperitum vulgus Ad Mammam vocant. Servius the Enarrator of Virgil: Porticum Augustus fecerat, in qua simulacra omnium gentium conlocaverat, quae porticus appellatur Ad Nationes. Certainly before the age Suetonius lived in, we observe not any such Notations of the names of places. Robert Talbot, Prebend of Norwich, who in our Forefathers days writ Annotations upon this Itinerary, thought this AD ANSAM to be Catwad-Bridge, in the Borders of Suffolk, where Stour the River dividing Essex, making a little Island: which yet we know only by the Testimony of William Fulk, whose later Interpretations of the old Cities of Eritain, we owe to the singular humanity of that incomparable man, james Usher, sometime Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of Ireland: for in two Copies which I have myself happened to see of Talbots Book, no such matter appears to be seen. Then there is a greater diverticulum, and farther distance from Camulodunum, then that the Compendium of this Journey can any way suffer it. In William Camden in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his great Work, we see m Vide ex Notitia Provinc. OTHONA. Ithamcester put for this place: yet after second cares, he thinks it was some place near about Cogges-hall, out of whose ruins it might seem to have had birth and increase. Truly the distance may seem to persuade it: for that the Romans sometimes possessed these parts, an Hypogaeum or Grot, with arched work opened not long since, by the Roadside, is sufficient argument. There was a Lamp yet burning still in a glass vial, covered with a Roman Tile, whose Diameter was fourteen inches. There were also some Urns, or Crocks, which contained in them ashes and bones. Amongst them, there was one of a polite and most fine substance, resembling rather Coral, then red earth, and had the Cover thereof inscribed COCCILLIM Perhaps for COCCILLI. M. That is Coccilli Manibus. n In his Funeral Monuments. john Weever indeed, no unlearned Antiquary, saith. That his conjecture was, that this was the monument of some Governor, who in Antoninus Pius his days held these places under his command, that he writes the more confidently, because there were found many of his coins, advising us moreover more seriously to observe the great affinity or nearness of both these names, Coccilli, and Cogges-hall; as which had in them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to borrow Strabo's words, no small force of persuasion: so that from this Coccilus the old Town may seem to have received its name, remainders of which seem visibly to continue yet in the present one even at this day. Meric Casaubon Is. F. in his most learned Notes upon Marcus Antoninus the Emperor his o Lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Books, that Sireno-Phoenix of better Philosophy, procured it to be set forth in this manner. covered urn Sometimes it was my conjecture, that for Ad Ansam we were to read Ad Arcam. Now this Arca was a Monument also; such as they set up in the borders of fields, and observed them for Termini, or Limets. These Arcae finales were ut plurimum sepulchrales, and served to inter the dead; sometime they were only placed ad siniendos Agros, that is, to limit men's ground. Hence it is that we read in an old Glossarii: Arcae, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. More may be seen in p Frontin. aliique de limititibat Agrorum. Frontinus, and the other Agrimensores, or Surveyors of Land. That Ara were anciently in Varro, called q Macrob. Saturn. lib. 3. cap. 11. ●…nsae, quod esset necessarium à sacrificantibus eas teneri, might perhaps have been let alone unobserved here. CAMULODUNUM. M. P. VI.] before fifteen hundred years this was a noble Town of Britain among the Trinobantes. There make mention of it besides an ancient stone, whose Inscription Onuphrius first published, ancient Coins, and Authors too, Pliny, Tacitus, Dio Cassius, Antoninus, and Ptolem us. But there is no small difference about the writing of the name; while some will have the second syllable written by the first vowel by * Plin Nat. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 75. A. following especially the stone and sometime too the Coins: and yet he seems willing to deduct the name from a peculiar Deity, or Indigena among them, which Camden says he durst not suspect. But if as he saith Mars were worshipped by them under the name of Camulus, then may the deduction hold good, and Camulodunum be interpreted, The hill of Mars; so that there will be the same reason of name, which was of the Areopagus at Athens. The Inscription runs thus: CAMULO SANC. FOR TISS. SAC. and the habit thereof is martial; the name remaining in Caesar in that of the famous and ancient Gaul, Camulogenus Aulercus. Ptolemy hath its name much corrupted by the strange transposition of Letters, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Camudolanum among the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for so he calls the Trinobantes in Tacitus: This need seem strange to no body, seeing that not only in him, but in many other ancient Authors, the like ●…jections do frequently happen. For I could produce many such luxations of whole verses, and periods, out of Virgil, Manilius, Tibullus, Proper sins, and others, observed by learned men, if I had a mind to it. However, we will not say that Ptolemy writ it so, though we find it in his most ancient Copies, I, and in the Palatine too: and yet Lhuyd seems to think so, while he conjectures that the last syllables of this name come from Lan, which with the Britain's was as much as Fanum, or a Temple. For saith he, Loca quae à Latinis in Lan desinunt vel incipiunt olim à Fanis Brittannice dicta fuisse credo. Which although it may be true in other names, yet here it seems to have no place. Therefore after so many Testimonies of the Ancients concerning the name of this place, we will leave out all fond and futile conjectures, it being neither the part of a knowing man to devise them, nor of a wise man to admit of them. CUNO obverse side of a coin CAMV reverse side of a coin CUNO obverse side of a coin CAMV reverse side of a coin CLAVD·CAES·AVG·GER·PM·●●●IMP 〈…〉 obverse side of a coin COL CAMALODON AUG reverse side of a coin On the one part you have the Effigies of Claudius Caesar: The other y Servius Honoras. in Virg. Servius will best of all explain: Romani, saith he, condituri civitates, taurum in dextra, vaccam intrinsecus jungebant cincti ritu Gabivo, i. e. togae parte caput velati, parte succincti, tenebant stivam incurvam, ut glebae omnes intrinsecus caderent. Et ita sulco ducto, loca murorum designabant, aratrum suspendentes cira loca portarum. But in an ancient stone, it is called Colonia Victricensis, quae in Britannia Camu'oduni; and in the very same Cives Romani of this place are mentioned. The whole Inscription according as Gruter published it out of Onuphrius, is thus: CN. MUNATIUS M. F. PAL. AURELIUS BASSUS PROC. AUG. PRAEF. FABR. PRAEF. COH. III. SAGITTARIOR. PRAEF. COH. TWO ASTURUM. CENSITOR. CIVIUM. ROMANORUM COLONIAE VICTRICENSIS QUAE EST IN BRITANNIA CAMALODUNI: CURATOR VIAE NOMENTANAE PATRONUS EJUSDEM MUNICIPI FLAMEN PERPETUUS DUUMVIRALI. POTESTATE AEDILIS DEDICATOR. FOUR Camden thinks that it was called Colonia Victricensis, because of the old Soldiers of the fourteenth Legion, termed also ●…mina Martia Victrix, whom Tacitus styles Britannia domitores. Yet truly under Nero, ten years after, this Colony Camulodunum being utterly razed, the Legion notwithstanding is reckoned among those forces, which Suetonius Paulinus led against our Boadicia, and those Britain's, who had destroyed Camulodunum, and the very Colony. It may be therefore that the Legion itself being cut off, yet the name thereof might remain continued from a new choice, and muster. The same Legion also is frequently spoken of by Tacitus in his a Tacit. Hist. lib. 1. Histories: Praecipui fama Quarta-decimani rebellione Britannia compressa. But let us come to what we would, and see what ancient Authors have concerning the deduction of this Colony, and their doings, a little more accurately observed, with the Succession of affairs. Tacitus therefore in his Agricola thus: That Caius had a meaning to invade Britanny, it is certainly known. Claudius did first with effect prosecute the matter, transporting Legions and Aides, and assuming Vespasian into the action, which was the beginning of the Greatness whereunto he after attained: some Country's were subdued, some Kings were taken, and Vespasian made known to the world. The first Lieutenant General was Aulus Plautius, than Ostorius Scapula, both excellent Warriors: and so by little and little was the nearest part of the Island reduced to the form of a Province? and besides a Colony of old Soldiers established there. Publius Ostorius in subduing the Silureses, made use of their help. The nation of the Silureses, saith b Annal. lib. 12. & 14. Tacitus, Non atrocitate, non clementia mutabatur; quin bellum exerceret, castrisque legiunum premenda foret. Id quo promptius veniret, colonia Camalodunum valida veteranorum manu deducitur in agros captivos, subsidium ad versus rebels, & imbuendis sociis ad officia legum. Itum inde in Siluras. Afterward, when for ten years they had impotently raged against the Britain's, they not yet enough servitio assuefacti, resumere libertatem occultis conjurationil us pepigerunt acerrimo in veteranos odio. Quip in Coloniam Camalodunum recent deducti, pellebant domibus; exturbabant agris, captivos, servos appellando: foventibus impotentiam veteranorum militibus, similitudine vitae, & spe ejusdem licentiae. Ad hac Templum divo Claudio constitutum, quasi ara aeternae dominationis aspiciebatur: dilectique sacerdotes, specie religionis, omnes fortunas effundebant. Now he understands the chosen Pontifices, and Flamens of Claudius, out of the Provincials themselves: by whom sacrifices and offerings were to be made at their no small cost. Moreover c Senec. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sive Ludo in mortem Claudii. Seneca also mentions this Temple: Parum est quod Templum in Britannia habet, quod hunc barbari colunt & ut deum orant. For Ara in Tacitus, it pleased Justus Lipsius to write Arra, as if he called that Temple a pledge or assurance of lasting servitude: but Valens Acidalius rather pleased to have it Arx. Tacitus goes on: Neither did it seem any hard matter, to extirpate that Colony undefenced and unfortified, which was not circumspectly foreseen by our Captains, whilst they had a greater care of pleasure, then good government. Amongst these things the image of Victory set up in Camalodunum, fell down without any apparent cause why, and turned back as though it would give place to the enemy. And the women, distempered with fury, went singing, that destruction was at hand. And strange noises were heard in their Court, and the Theatre gave a sound like to a howling, and a strange apparition of Houses in an arm of the Sea, was a fortelling of the d Subversae Coloniae. Imo sub vertenda, inquit Lipsius. subversion of the Colony. For so hath Lipsius substituted, or rather restored this place, out of e Dio Cassius Rom. Hist. lib 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ex quo etiam Dionis loco Tamesa nomen huc in Tacitum substituit Cursius Pichena & Cod. Florentin. ita ut legi debeat. Visamque speciem in astuario Tamesae subversae Colony. Xiphilin ex Dione lib. LXII. Dio, in whom the same Prodigies are mentioned, and in the same order. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is; and out of their Counsel-house, (the word is Curia in Tacitus:) a rude and barbarous stir in the night time with laughter, and out of the Theatre a tumult and hollow with lamentation was heard, when as no body either spoke or made any moan there, and certain houses in the River Thames were seen under water. The same Consular Historian in that book adds moreover, That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Ocean between the Island and Gallia increased at the time of the tide of a bloody colour. Camden confesses that he was ignorant quam ob causam in his time they called it blackwater, though he acknowledges it to be the same with o Ptol. Geogr. lib. 2. Ptolemies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which he understands in the same signification from the British. Such kind of noises with lamentation made in their Temples or Theatres, the rattling of arms, and turning of Statues out of their places were noted elsewhere amongst dire presages, so that there was not any more manifest evidence of ruin hanging over head. Apollonius Rhodius in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his Argonauticks: — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The neat and witty Roman Historian d Luc. Florus lib. IU. cap. 2. Dux ipse Pompeius noctur●… imagine Theatri sui audiens plansum in modum planctus circumsenare. Concerning the same Pompey an other Roman writer: e Val. Maxim. lib. 1. cap 6. Constat in delubris deum, sua sponte signa conversa: militarem clamorem strepitumque armorum, adeo magnum Antiochiae & Ptolemaide auditum, ut in muros concurreretur. But what Tacitus f Tacit. Annal. lib. XIV. doth add is most part let pass by Dio: Further the Ocean bloody in show, and dead men's bodies left after an ebb, as they brought hope to the Britain's, so they drove the old Soldiers into a fear, who because Suetonius was far off, craved aid of Catus Decianus the Procurator. He sent not above two hundred men, and those hadly armed, and the number not great which was there before, trusted to the franchise of the Temple. And those hindering which were confederates of the secret conspiracy, troubled their designments: for they neither made trench nor ditch, nor sending away the old men and women, and keeping the young men only, being as secure as it had been in a full peace, they were surprised with a multitude of barbarous people, and all overthrown, and wasted with violence, or consumed with fire: the Temple only excepted, into which the Soldiers had fled, which also within two days was besieged and taken. And the Britain being thus Conqueror, and meeting with Paetus Cerealis Lieutenant of the ninth Legion, which came to succour them, put to flight the Legion, and slew all the footmen: Cerealis with the horsemen escaped to the Camp, and defended himself in the fortresses. So the Romans found that to be of certain truth, which Strabo by a sagacious conjecture foresaw of the Britain's, and as a south-telling Prophet also foretold: g Strabo Geograph. lib. IU. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Necessarily violence being offered, some danger would follow thereupon. For the stubborn necks of the Britain's; and not handsomely accustomed to the reins of servitude, the violence of contumely and injury being added, easily took head against the Yoke, and made opposition. The Leader in so famous a design, & Dux foemina facti, was Boodicia Queen of the Iceni, under whom, they as h Tacit. ubi supra. Tacitus saith, contumelia & metu graviorum capiebant arma, commotis ad rebellionem Trinobantibus. He joins to them i Idem in vita Agricola. elsewhere the brigants: femina duce exurere Coloniam, expugnare castra potuere: sumsere universi bellum; ac sparsos per castella milites consectati, expugnatis praesidiis, ipsam Coloniam invasere, ut sedem servitutis: nec ullam in barbaris saevitiae genus omisit ira & victoria. Hitherto belongs what he had said a little before: Non sane alias exercitatior magisque in ambiguo Britannia fuit: trucidativeterani, incensae Coloniae: where, when as he saith, Colonies, in the number of multitude, besides Camulodunum he understands Verulamium, or which is most probable, London itself: of which yet neither was cognomento Coloniae insigne: for of London himself expressly denies it; and for Verulamium, he calls it Municipium. Neither is Suetonius otherwise to be understood: o Sueton. in Nerone cap. 39 Clades Britannica, qua duo praecipua oppida, magna civium sociorumque cade direpta sunt. But some of the most learned neither read the Latin word as in number of multitude; and there is also another commodious answer; Figure of speech; which not rarely admits a plural for a singular, as a graceful excess. But after so grievous an overthrow, Camalodunum yet after a few years began to flourish again; which we may conjecture out of Pliny: for he makes mention thereof as of a Town very famous in his days: In Mona, k Plin. Natur. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 715. saith he, qua distat à Camaloduno Britanniae oppido circiter ducentis millibus; For Pliny, in the Thirteenth Chapter of the same Book, makes mention of the third Consulship of Vespasian, which happened in the tenth year after the overthrow of Camalodunum: so that here it is nothing necessary to urge that the same Pliny dedicated his Natural History to Vespasian, when as such Inscriptions for the most part, and Preambles which no body is ignorant of, were wont to be made, when all was done. Again, if the Colony yet standing, Pliny wrote this, he seems not likely to have omitted the name Colony, as a thing that deserved not to be left out. From this time to Constantine's age, the memories of ancient things being lost, there is wholly silence concerning it; but that Antoninus here in this place makes mention of it, as also the ancient Itinerary Table of Peutinger, which Scaliger thought was compiled thence, as is observed before: whence no weak conjecture may be brought that it is ancienter than the Notitia Provinciarum, which they will have to be written under Theodosius the younger: because therein those strengths were recorded by the Seaside, which were appointed for the repelling of the piratical Incursions of the Saxons: And they were sub dispositione viri Spectabilis Commitis littoris Saxonici per Britanniam. Yet for all that therein is no mention made of it, the site being known well enough out of Dio, the matter itself I am sure seemed to require it, if it had been still standing: It is doubtful therefore whether or no, some grievous calamity, and very near to total ruin might not in this mean while have so afflicted and prostrated it, that if it made it not wholly equal to the ground, yet it might seem to have strucken off its head and Gallantry. But certainly Camulodunum appears under the Empire of Constantine M. to be mentioned with high praise and worth; the name of Colony being also added: which thing I see pleases an extraordinary man, and one born for the promotion of better Letters. I mean the most admired l Selden. Comm. in Eutychii Patriarcha Alexandrini Origines sue Ecclesiae Arabice editas, P. 122. John Selden, who will have it to have flourished at that time with the dignity of an Episcopal Seat; and that from the Subscriptions of the first Counsel at Arles: to bring therefore hither his dissertation concerning this business, I thought it to be most convenient, In the late Edition, saith he, of the Counsels of Gallia which we owe to Jaques Sirmond, the first Counsel of Arles, out of an old Book of the Abbey of Corbey is Printed, where the names of the Bishops are set before the places, otherwise then in the other Edition; and there so far as concerns Britain, they are in this manner: Eborius Episcopus de Civitate Eboracensi, provincia Britannia. Restitutus Episcopus de Civitate Londinensi provincia suprascripta. Adelfius Episcopus de Civitate Colonia Londinensium; exinde. Sacerdos Presbyter; Arminius Diaconus. So out of Britain, besides Restitutus of London, there were present at the Counsel at Arles, Eborius of York, and Adelfius de Civitate Colonia Londinensium, as here he is called, with a Presbyter and a Deacon. But what is Civitaes Coloniae Londinensium? That truly in the Topography of Britain, signifies nothing. What credit ought to be given to the Book of Corbey, I know not; neither have I yet heard of what Antiquity it is: but if those Subscriptions out of it be to be received, I can scarce at all make any doubt (however m Maxim intelligit Praestantis. Dom. Armachan. qui Coloniam aliam esse putat; de qua etiam in hoc opere alibi satis dictum. other men think otherwise:) but that Adelfius here was Bishop of the Colony of Camulodunum. Verily this Colony while the Roman Empire had any sway here, was exceeding famous, which, when as perhaps it was not written whole and entire; as Col. or Colon. Camalodun. or as sometimes, Camolodon. by the Transcribers, to whom the name of London, or Londinum was very well known; and yet were in the mean while quite ignorant what the Colony Camulodunum meant: as well from the cognation of the sound, as ignorance of this particular reading; it was changed into Coloniam, London, or Londin. So the old Maldon men had in times past their Bishop. But rather let the studious Reader have recourse to that uncomparable man's words, according as he is before directed. But for the present Situation of Camulodunum, where I mean the place it stood of old: then I must not dissemble, that some great Antiquaries, as john Leland, Humphrey Lhoid, and such as follow them, do seek for Camulodunum in Cholchester. Hinc credo, saith Lhoyd, fuisse Coloniam illam Claudii Caesaris Templo celebrem, quam nunc Colchestriam vocant. Hector Boethius placed it in Scotland, and saith, Regiam Pictorum fuisse olim ad Caronae fl. ripam; which George Buchanan his Countryman says is vanissimum mendacium. Polydor. Virgil seeks it in Yorkshire: Puto, Camulodunum (quando de ea re ambigitur) eo loci olim situm, ubi nunc est Dancastrum, quia vel Castrorum memoria videtur retinere nomen loci ad belli praesidium electi: aut Pontifractum, quod paulo proprius, & etiam citra Eboracum est, circiter millia possuum XVIII. loco magis amaeno, quam munito. Extat castellum, & in eo aliqua vestigia Templi, quod ibidem Claudio Caesari. In a word, Hector and Polydorus are in very deed alike, and according to the Greek saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But others also will have it to have stood among the brigants, or in Yorkshire, persuaded thence, because in Ptolemy there goes next before it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, Legio sexta Victrix; as if the title there of Victrix had explained that which erewhile we brought out of the Stone, Colonia Camulodunum Victricensis: when as it is plain enough, that that Legio sexta Victrix, is to be meant of Eboracum, accordingly as it is put and to be referred; which also is retained in a Coin of Severus: which see there. There have been some also who have sought it at Chester, the Seat of the Legio Vicessinia Victrix in Ptolemy. But what says the old Greek Proverb? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Let us hear our great Antiquary Camden instead of all: It was verily no other then Maldon in Essex. Maxima, saith he, dictronis parte etiamnum integra, & superstite. Nec hoc solummodo expressum nominis vestigium persuasit, verum etiam distantia à Mona, apud Plinium, à Vanonio apud Antoninum, & ipse situs in antiqua Tabula Itineraria probationem praestant vel apertissimam. But what is the complaint of the Poet? * Manilius lib. 1. Nec se cognoscunt terrae vertentibus annis. In space of time the Lands themselves not know. CANONIO. M. P. IX.] Our learned Antiquary Camden, when he saw the distance from Maldon, to Chemsford, to be some six miles, he concluded it to be Canonium, or at least that it increased and grew out of the ruin thereof, if it indeed possess not the same ground. It is a Town at this day spacious enough at the confluents of the Chelmer, and as some call it of the Can, which if they say right, this Can gave name to the old place. The same Camden in the Proecdosis of his Work, makes it to be Canonden; quite on the other side of the Country, only the name somewhat alluding. Talbot before him, had set down to it Keldon or else Esterford, of which we have Fulks testimony: for in his own book no such thing appears: but himself sets down Coune to it: truly in the ancient Military n Marco Velsero Editore; dein aliis. Table, about the place of its site Caunonium stands to be seen instead thereof. CAESAROMAGO. M. P. XII.] I conceive there is sufficient spoken in what goes before concerning this Station; We will go on therefore to the next. DUROLITO. M. P. XVI.] Camden, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the learned Illustrator of the decayed Antiquities of this our Island, ingenuously confesses, that he cannot show signate quo in loco this station was to be found; yet he assures us and that sine dubio, that it stood by the River Ley. His own words are once for all: Vetusta hujus Comitatus loca, semel praemoneo, obscuritate ita involuta latent, ut ego qui alibi aliquid viderim, hic plane cacutiam. But if his conjecture hold good, Durolitum signifies as much as, The Town upon the water Ley: for there is a Village at this day called Leyton V. miles from London, for which in Antoninus, XV. through the heedlessness of the Transcribers, hath crept in. Besides not far hence there was in old time a passage of the water whence the name of the place is called Ouldford, that is, Antiquum Vadum, which gives sufficient testimony. LONDINIO. M. P. XV.] What was fitting to be said concerning this I hope is enough expressed formerly, to which I refer you. BRITANNIARUM. ITER. X. Editio Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana. ITER A CLANOVEN. TAMEDIOLANUM. CL. sic; GALAVAM. M. P. XVIII. ALONEM. M. P. XII. GALACUM. M. P. XIX. BREMETONACIM. M. P. XXVII. COCCIUM. M. P. XX. * XVIII. MANCUNIUM. M. P. * XVII. * XVIII. CONDATE. M. P. XVIII. * XIX. MEDIOLANUM. M. P. * XVIII. * XIX. OUr very learned Antiquary, either truly, or as a matter Cumberland. of his opinion, for himself makes the question, p'aces Glanoventa by the banks of the River Went●…beck; neither wants he reasons to make it probable: as first of all, that it was the garrison consisting of the first Guard of the Morini in the Romans time, and that per lineam Valli, as we have the Good and sufficient testimony of the Notitia of the Western Empire: Sub dispositione Viri Spectabilis Ducis Britanniaram per Lineam Valli excubabat Tribunus: Cohortis 1. M●…rinorum Glannivan●…. Then with the old Britain Glanoventa signified, the Shore, or banks of Venta; as in p Pomp. Mela de situ orbis lib. 2. cap. 12. Nec procul. Massilia. Pomponius Mela we find a coast City, or Maritime of Gallis, styled likewise Glanos. Though in the Proecdosis or former Edition of his learned Work, Bainbridge in Richmondshire be to be seen there. GALAVA. M. P. XVIII.] So absolutely were both editions both of Aldus, and Simlerus; And Hier. Surita confesses, that in Cumberland. his best Copies the reading was alike, Galava, though Camden indeed would rather have it Gallants, and inclines to think it Wallwick, though in the former editions of his learned work we find 〈◊〉 in the Barony of ●…all for it. ALONE. M. P. XII.] The Eastern part of Cumberland is a barren, hungry, and lean soil, neither shows it any thing, Cumberland. save the Springs of West Tine in a plashie ground, and an ancient Roman Way paved some eight els broad, leading out of Westmoreland, which they call Maiden-way, and where the stream Alon, and the same Tine do meet, upon the side of an Hill some what yielding, are the remainders of a very great Town and Castle, enclosed with a fore-fold Trench, as likewise to the West: they call it at this day Whitley Castle, in testimony of whose antiquity this Inscription is yet to be seen: IMP. CAES. Lucii Septimi Severi Ara BICI, ADIABENICI, PARTHICI MAX. FIL. DIVI ANTONINI Pii Germanici SARMA. NEP. DIVI ANTONINI PII. PRON. DIVI NADRIANI ABN. DIVI TRAJANI PARTH ET DIVI NERVAE ADNEPOTI M. AURELIO ANTONINO PIO FEL. AUG. GERMANICO PONT. MAX. TR. POT— X— IMP— COS. FOUR P. p— PRO PIETATE AEDE— VOTO— COMMUNI CURANTE— Nomen legati Augusti Propraet. periit; fort is est Virius Lupus. — LEGATO AUG. PR— COH. III. NERVIO— RUM— G. R. POS. All that is said in this old Altar here is confirmed very well, and witnessed by the Notitia Occidentalis Imperii, which says as much: excubabat Tribunus Cohortis III. Nerviorum Alione per Lineam Valli sub dispositione Viri spectabilis Ducis Eritanniarum. Only Pancirolus following Camden is much mistaken, when he says, that of this at this day it is called Lancester, as if it were Alone, for the Britain's alone, id est, supra Lonum: Fl. much better we find it in Francis Holyoke, Old Town upon Allone, id est, Vetus Oppidum ad Alonem in Northumbriâ, or in William Fulk, Allenton, not far from Whitley Castle. But by no means may we admit of that conjecture of Josias Simlerus. Who in his notes to Antoninus very much amiss doth set to it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a City of Britain in Ptolemy. CALACUM. M. P. XIX.] Galacum in this Journey is Cumberland. the very same saith our Camden, which in Ptolemy is Galatum or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the fourth City numbered among the brigants, but Galatum in the one, and Galacum in the other are both promiscuously taken the one for the other in Camden, either through the Writers oscitancy, or the Printers oversight, or by both. In the last Edition it is Whelp-Castle with Camden in Cumberland, but in the Proecdosis of that Work it is Overburrow in Lancashire: but in the last Edition as I said, Whealp-Castle in Cumberland. And with William Fulk it is Litchfield, though quite against the * The reason of account. Ratio Itineraria. BREMETONACIM. M. P. XXVII.] It happens in Antoninus in the Tenth Journey, beginning at Glanoventa Lancashire. through Mediolanum. Camden, as we have said, in his Proecdosis, thought this the very same with Brementuracum, in the Notitia; But upon second thoughts he conjectured it to be Overburrow in Lancashire. Vide Suritam in Notis ad Antoninum. COCCIUM. M. P. XX.] Near Overburrow is thought to have been a great City, and to have possessed large fields between the Lac and Lone the Inhabitants do deliver by Tradition Lancashire. from hand to hand; and indeed this place doth assert its Antiquity by several Monuments yet appearing, engraven stone, pavements of Musive Work, Romans Coin, and the very name hard by, which being denoted from a Burrow, plainly expresses, and argues its Antiquity; and if there be any room for conjecture, this is Coccium according as the learned Spaniard dis-joines it from Bremetonacum in the Notitia very rightly, here the River imparts its name to the Town, in which appears so many tokens of Antiquity as no where else more, so many Statues, Coins, Pillars, the Bases thereof, Altars, Marble Inscriptions, and such Remainders of ancient State; that not undeservedly the Inhabitants boast, though in a halting rhyme. It is written upon a Wall in Rome: Ribchester was as rich as any Town in Christendom. The name is Riblechester from the River, as we said, and it might, as it usually happens, anciently have altered its appellation; and so that which here is Coccium, may be in Ptolemy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which he places in this situation, that is eighteen miles, which he affirms from Mancunium. The name of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aestuarium, which makes up towards it by the River Ribel is called by Ptolemy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: in which are some Remainders of the name, the Etymology of which I would you would rather look for in Master Selden, where he speaks of the several Deities named from BEL. In this place is the famous Inscription, wherein the Dea Matres are mentioned, of which Syntagm de Dis. Syriis. I spoke formerly: thus. THIS MATRIBUS M. INGENUI Vide Vi●…am supra. US ASIATICUS DE C. AL. AST. SS. LL. M. By which we learn, that the Decurio of the Ala Asturum (sometimes a people of Spain:) paid his vow here. Besides you must remember to correct your Beda, where you have Rhypum falsely printed, as well as in Ptolemy, for Rippon, see him Libro Ecclesiasticae Historiae, 3. cap. 25. The other three Stations Mancunium, Condate, Mediolanum, are already spoken to: I will therefore refer the Reader to what goes before concerning them. BRITANNIARUM. ITER. XI. Editio Aldina Suritana. Simleriana. A SEGONTIO DEVAM. M. P. LXXXIII. sic; CONOVIO. M. P. XXIV. VARIS. M. P. XIX. DEVA. M. P. XXXII. SEGONTIUM] It was of old a Station in Caernarvonshire on Caernarvonshire the Frith Menai, which divided Mona the Island from the Continent of Britain: In Caesar's V. Comment of his gallic War, De quibus Camden in Belgiis. Segontiaci are mentioned as a chief Civitas of the Britain's; but this no where else, save here: I might do well to take notice of the several readings here of Hierom Surita's Books, as a In Cod. Blandin. Seguntro, b In lib. Neapol. item apud Suritam. Seguncio. Our very learned Antiquary, who also tells us, that himself saw some remains of the ruins of the Wall, by the * L●…an-Beblin. little Church, built sometime to the honour of Saint Publicius, the place had its name from the River passing by, to this day called Seiont, issuing out of Lin-Perith, or the Lake so called, in which a peculiar Fish is bred, which from the ruddy belly the Natives call Tortoch. Now whereas a very ancient book of Ptolemy, in this same site doth place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. Setantiorum Portum, if I, says he, should read Segontiorum Portum, and though other Editions remove it farther, and say it was at the mouth of this River, perhaps I should hit the truth, at least obtain excuse and pardon from the favourable Reader. For c Adi Dom. Vsserium Primordiorum p. 60. ubi sepulchrum Constantii monstrari juxta urbem, quae vocatur Caer Segeint, refers Ninnius; ut litora, inquit, quae sunt in lapide tumuli ejus ostendunt, & antiquam urbem Constantii Imperatoris, filii Constantini magni, in Arvonia collocat Britannicis scriptor vitae Gruffini filii Conani Venedotiae Principis, quanquam anno Dom. 1283. apud Caernervon prope Suondunam, corpus maximi principis, Patris Imperatoris nobilis Constant ni fuisse inventum, & rege Edovardo 1. jubente, in ecclesia honorifice collocatum, Matthaeus Westmonaste iensic narrat, ut ad Constantium Constantini M. patrem quem Eboraci in Britannia potius quam ad Constantium Constantius filium quem Mopsocrenis vel Mopsnesti in Cilicia mortuum esse legimus, referenda ista videantur. Ninnius and he who wrote the life of Griffin the Son of Conan, saith, that Hugh Earl of Chester, built a Castle i●… Hean Caer Custenni, that is, as the Latin Interpreter turns it, in antiqua urbe Constantini Imperatoris, in the ancient City of Constantine the Emperor, and Matthew of Westminster, is the Author,: (but therein let himself look to his own credit for the truth of this:) that the body of Constantius the father of Constantine the great, was found An. MCCLXXXIII. and honourably placed in the Church of the new City by the command of Edward the first, for he had at that time out of the ruins hereof so drawn out of the City Caer-Narvon somewhat higher to the Ostium of the River that it was upon the West and the North washed with its waters: which itself as it was so called by reason of its situation thereof opposite to the Island of Mona so gave its name to the whole Shire or Country, which at this day the English do call Caer Narvonshire; the same Edward the first earnestly laboured, to pass his men into Mona, or Anglesea, to join this Island with a Bridge to the Continent, but in vain. Long before his time this was the place where Suetonius Paulinus the Roman General passed over his Army hither, which we learn by the sufficient Authority of the excellent d Tacit. Annal. lib. 14. Tacitus: Igitur Monam Insulam incolis validam, & receptaculum perfugarum aggredi parat, navesque fabricatur plano al●…to, adversus breve littus & incertum. Sic pedites, equites vado secuti, aut altiores inter undas, advantes equis transmisere. Stabat pro litore diversa acies, densa armis virisque, intercursantibus foeminis, in modum Furiarum, veste ferali, crinibus dejectis faces praeferebant. Druidaeque circum, preces diras sublatis ad coelum manibus fundentes, novitate aspectus perculere militem: ut quasi haerentibus membris, immobile corpus vulneribus praeberent. Dein cohortationibus ducis, & se ipsi stimulantes, ne muliebre & fanaticum agmen pavescerent, inferunt signa, sternuntque obvios, & igni suo involvunt Praesidium post hac impositum vicis excisique luci, savis superstitionibus sacri. Nam cru re captivo adolere arras, & hominum fibris consulere deos fas habebant. Haec agents Suetonio, repentina defectio Provinciae nuntiatur. Rex Icenorum Prasutagus, longa opulentia clarus, Caesarem haeredem duasque filias scripserat, tali obsequio ratus regnum & domum suam procul injuria fore, quod contra vertit, adeo ut regnum per centuriones, domus per servos, velut capta vastaretur. CONOVIUM. M. P. XXIII.] Caernarvonshire stretcheth Caernarvonshire itself in a fair Plain as far as the River Conovius, commonly called Conwey, which limiting on the East this Shire, terminates it. This River is by Ptolemy, compendiariâ Graecè scribendi ratione, expressed, saith the learned Camden, by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Toosevius, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Conovius; for breaking forth of a Pool of the same name, it speeds on, till near unto the mouth it grows less, where it nourisheth certain Shellfish which fed with a certain celestial dew, bring forth precious stones, giving its name to the old Station, here mentioned by Antoninus, which though it be now ruined and extinct, yet by the new name it declareth its antiquity: for a very small village, out of its ruins appears, called Caer-Hean; that is, Urbs antiqua: raised at the mouth thereof, out of the spoils of the other, which Hugh Earl of Chester first fortified, and afterwards Edward the first, according as Leland relates; debellatis Venetis, ●…uro quadrati lapidis pulcherrimo Vide Matthaeum Westmonast. ad annum 283. cinxit, arcemque restauravit. VARIM. M. P. XIX.] In the Confines of Caer-N●…rvonshire * Flintshire. and this, where the Hills fall with a gentler descent, and afford an easier passage into the Valleys, the Romans placed the City Paris in the very entrance, which is said by Antoninus to be XIX. mile. This at this day with little change of the name is called Bod-Vari, that is, the Mansion of Varus, and they show in the neighbour Hill, which they call Moyloy Gaer, id est, ●…ons urbis, wherefore whereas elsewhere you find it interpreted Transitus, as in Durnvaria, Isannavaria; & à nostrâ opinione facit haec Varis eo loci sita, ubi solum patet facilis inter montes transitus; as saith the all-learned Camden. DEVAM. M. P. XXXIII.] Of this we have spoken before, Cheshire. where we learn, that in the Roman age, the residence of the Legio XX. Victrix, was here: according to Antoninus and Ptolemy; besides old Inscriptions. Whence it is, that Leland calls the whole Country about, Devania, for Chestershire. BRITANNIARUM. ITER. XII. Editio. Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana. ITER A † Studii exemplae●…i, A Caleva per Muridunum ●…'●…roconium: atque i●…a rellius legitur, nam Muridunum vel Moridunum in medio hoc itinere ponitur●… Iosia●… Simlerus. MARIDUNO Viroconiorum VIROCONIUM. Viroconiorum. M. P. CLXXXVI. sic; Muridon. MARIDUNO. M. P. XXXVI. LEUCARUM M. P. XV. * Transpositae sunt haduae Stationes apud Har●…isonum. NIDUM M P. XV. * BOMIUM. M. P. XV. Iscel●…ia Augusta. * Iscelegu Augusti, vel Iscelegia Augus●… emendo ex Ptol. Iscaleg. II. Augusta. Ponit enim P●…ol. prope Iscamleg. II. sic tamen, ut amborum l●…ca semisse unius gradus longitudinis distent, & quadran●…e, quo ad latitudinem: quae distantiam faciunt circiter XXXV. M. P. hic tamen major ponitur distantia in●…er Is●…am 〈◊〉 & leg. II. Aug. josias Simlerus. ISCAM LEG. II. AUG. M. P. XXVII. Iscelegua Aug. 28. BURRIUM. M. P. IX. GOBANNIUM. M. P. XII. Magnis. MAGMIM. M. P. XXII. Magnis. BRAVONIUM. M P. XXIV. Bravinio VIROCONIUM. M. P. XXVII. Viricon. THis Author by the heedlessness of the Librarii or Transcribers is much abused, for they have very coarsely handled him, having confounded two distinct Journeys, the last and this same here: and this oversight and error, is in every copy, which is extant, and hitherto hath escaped the curious eyes of the undertakers of the several Editions of him: the main cause of the error was the ignorance of Muridunum, and the taking it for a Et non ul●…erius sua itinerae persequitur P●…olemaeus: but he maintains the old reading of Antoninus, which i●… 〈◊〉: of which s●… the last Journey. Maridunum; which is known by most to be Kaer-Marthin in Wales, so that this journey will prove from thence to Wrokcester in Shropshire, and it is by Kaer-Marthin, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Ptolemy calls it here: the Journey which begins Marodunum is exactly the same with the last, as you may see plainly in what comes after: neither doth Antoninus continue his marches beyond this Maridunun●…. The next Station which happens in this Journey, is Leucarum Glamorganshire. in c Camden in ●…ilurib. pag. 500 Glamorganshire by the River Logher, which also we now call Loghor. It is famous from former time for that about the death of Henry the first, Howel Ap Meridick, falling down upon the English, with his Mountaineers, slew many of them of better quality. NIDO. M. P. XV.] By the River Nidus, famous for the quicksand, is seated a Town of the same name, mentioned here: which our Antiquaries have in vain sought after; it stood of old near to Saint Lantwit, that is, fanum sancti Illuti, at a proportionable distance to this: and the foundations of many dwellings do show themselves thereby; besides Neath easily revealeth itself, in Nidus. BOVIO. M. P. XV.] William Fulck, an Antiquary of Cambridge, calls it Rumey (for so it is written f. Rumney:) thought Monmouthshire. was the name of it which is a village a mile and a half, as he saith, on this side Landaff in Glamorgan-shire: Camden in the Proecdosis of his work, saith it was Cowbrid a known Town of the Shire, and it is most known, that this name hath some consonancy therewithal, as we could show also by many other examples; that Euboea drew its name from Cattle, f Strabo Geograph. lib. X. Strabo is the Author: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [Euboea] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So that after it, it will be needless to mention Bosphorus, Bovillae, Bovianum, as neither Baulos, concerning the name of which village I am well pleased to transcribe the no in-elegant verses of Symmachus, and the rather because he was the possessor of it so many ages after Hortensius. Huc Deus Alcides stabulanda armenta coëgit, Eruta Geryonis de lare tergemini. Ind recens aetas corrupta Boaulia Baulos Nuncupat, occulto nominis indicio. Alcides here his cattle did improve That he from triple Gerion's stables drove; Our age corrupting this Boaulia call, Which hints the old denomination, Bawl. But seeing that in the repeated Edition of Camden's Britannia from second cares, three mile from this Cowbridge, as he saith, Boverton offered itself, they are his own words, ita me veritas amet, non alibi Bovium indagare ausim. Truly the Itinerary distance, both from Nidus, and Isca, on both sides, mightily confirm this conjecture: not far from this Bovium is Saint Donatists' Castle, the Coins of the Thirty Tyrants, which otherwhere Inter eos nummos Aemiliani item & Marii haebentur: quorum hic (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zosimo dicitur lib. 1.) sub jul. Philippe, ille sub Gallo Imp. ad moliendum res novas conversus, imperium arripuit, & utrique protinus 〈◊〉 medio sublati. are seldom found, are digged up here. Bonium in most Copies was written down, as Surita informs us, and in the second Journey Bovium, in both places much amiss, for there it should be Bonium, here Bovium. ISCAM LEG. II. AUG. M. P. XXVII.] Although Ptolemie place this Legion quite among a distinct people, g Inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dumnonios' Ptolemao quae & Romanis Isca Domniorum, ita à Britannis tesiante etiam usserio Milevensi in gessis Ae●…phredi Regis Anno 876. Cair Wise vel Cair Ice appellatum fuisse constat. Humfridus Lhuydus, ex Giraldo Cambrensi. yet the same Legion may be understood, where he hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Isca Sebasta altera Legio. I will briefly in a welsh Antiquaries words describe this City unto you, and that at full: Erat hac urbs antiqua & nobilis, cujus vestigia adhuc supersunt, palatia immensa, turris gigantea, thermae insignes, templorum reliquiae & loca theatralia, muris egregiis partim extantibus omnia clausa, etiam edificia subterranea, aquarum ductus hypogeosque meaius: sunt ibi stuphae miro artificio conficta. Ibi jacent duo Martyrs, Julius & Aaron qui habebant ecclesias sibi dedicatas. Erat etiam & Archiepiscopalis Ecclesia sub Dubricio, quae cessit Davidi. There were, besides others in this place taken up, the Inscriptions, whereof one makes mention of HATERIANUS LEG. AUG. PR. PR. PROVINC. CILIC. There is another, which mentions the Effigies of Diana, and witnesseth that a Temple to her was restored by Titus Flavius Postumius Varus Veteran. perhaps of the Cohors of the second Legion. T. FLAVIUS POSTUMIUS VARUS V. C. LEG. TEMPL. DIANAE RESTITUIT. A Monument, which all that Giantlike structure of Paul's cannot show the like, though it be said most anciently to have been dedicated to this Deity. Next to that is a votive Altar for Severus his Sons, but with Getas name scraped out at such time as he being declared to be an Enemy, was at length quite removed by his Brother Antoninus Bassia●…us. PRO SALUTE AUGG. N. N. SEVERI ET ANTON NI ET GET CAES C. Vampeino. P. SALTIENUS P. F. MAECIA In libris impressis Claudius Pompeianus & Lollianus Avitus Coss. Anno Christi 210. THALAMUS HADRI. PRAEF. LEG. II. AUG. V. Laterculum Coss. apud Dion. Petav. De Doctrina Temp. Tom. 2. ubi etiam hic Coss. Vampeianus, non Pompeianus dicitur, ex Idalio, fort, vel Cassiodore. C. VAMPEIANO, ET LUCILIAN. GALPHRIDUS MONOMETHENSIS HISTORIAE BRITANINCAE LIB. I. CAP. XIX. Belinus' renovavit urbes ubicunque collapsae fuerant, & multas novas adificavit. Inter cateras composuit unam super Oscam flumen prope Sabrinum mare, qua multis temporibus Kaerosc. appellata est. Metropolis Glocestre fuerat. Postquam autem Romani venerunt praefato nomine deleto vocata est urbs Legionum, nomen nacta a Romans legionibus qui ibidem hyemare solebant. Ex Alexandro Elsebiensi. Hic etiam sub ingressum Saxonum fuit gymnasium ducentorum Philosophorum, qui Astronomia caterisque artibus eruditi cursus stellarum diligenter observabant, ut scripsit Alexander Elsebiensis author rarus, è quo mihi plurima descripsit Thomas James Oxoniensis vir eruditus, & vere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, qui se totum literis & libris involvit, & jam publici boni studio in Angliae Bibliothecis excutiendis (Deus opus secundet:) id molitur, quod reip. literariae imprimis erit usui. Among the rubbish and fragments of stones here you shall also find these too. VIII. 7. VALERIA Trierarchus Val. Maximus jabolen. l. 46. ad S. C. Trebel. Manlius Severa ibid. MAXSIMI Hyeronimus Surita in * jacobus Augustus Thuanus videndus est Histor. Anno M IC LXXX. Varijs Lectionibus in Antoninum. Iscam Leg. II. Aug. M. P. XXVII.] In Bland. Iscaelia Augusti M. P. XXVII. & in Meap. Iscalegi Augusti M. P. XXVIII. & in Longol. libris Iscalegia Augusti M. P. XXVII. & pro dictione Augusti, Legi corrigtur, & XXVII. M. P. Legionem II. Augustam eo loco constitutum indicat, quod & a Ptolemao definitur, tametsi tanquam duo sint opida, numeri longitudinis & latitudinis utrique inepte attribuantur. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Praterea legio secunda Augusta in Britannijs ab Auctore Notitiae Provinciarum recensetur sub Comite littoris Saxonici per Britanniam hoc modo. Prapositus Legionis II. Augustae Butupis. This Legion instituted by Augustus was taken into Britain by Claudius Caesar, and planted here, where by the leading of julius Frontinus it resided against the Silureses, of whom Tacitus. How great this Isca was read a little out of Giraldus in his Itinerary of Wales: Erat haec urbs antiqua & autentica, a Romans olim coctilibus muris egregie constructa. Videas hic multa pristinae nobilitatis vestigia, palatia immensa aureis olim tectorum fastigijs Romanos fastus imitantia, eo quod a Romans principibus primo constructa, & adificijs egregijs illustrata fuisset. Turrim giganteam, thermas insignes, templorum reliquias, & loca theatralia muris egregijs, partim adhuc extantibus omnia clausa, etc. Guil. Camden in * Monmouthshire. Siluribus pag. 489. BURRIUM. M. P. IX.] It stands where the stream of Birthin is mingled with the Isca. The Britain's at this day, transposing the letters, call it Brubege for Burenbege by Giraldus Castrum oscae, but by the English Uske; it now only possesses the ground or room of a large and fortified Castle which most pleasantly lies between the River Isca an Oilway the stream which under it passeth by the neat dwelling of the Earl of Worcester as Monmouthshire. it were under a Castle on the East. GOBANNIUM. M. P. XII.] At the confluents of Isca and Gobannius this Statio is placed, whence Aber-Gevenne and contractedly Aber-Genne which signifies just as much. H. S. MAGMIM. M. P. H. S. XXII.] In Bland. & reliquis Magnis M. P. XXII. Sub Duce Britanniarum in Notitia Provinciarum Prafectus Radnorshire. Numeri Pacensium Magnis recensetur, tam etsi in Manuscripto, & vulgatis Magis legitur: nam infra in eyes per Lineam valli Tribunus Cohortis II. Dalmatarum Magnis legitur. Old Radnor in British called Maiseveth ●…hean, and from the steep ascent Pencrag, which in the Reign of King john, was by Rees Ap-Griffin burned down to the Ground. If I shall say that this which Antoninus seems to call Magnos, wherein Theodosius the younger time the praefectus of the Milites Pacenses had his being Sub Britanniarum Ducis, I should perhaps miss of the truth in other men's opinion, however not in mine own; for the inhabitants of this whole Tract are called Magaseses, and the Earls thereof As the learned Antiquary Doctor Godwin, In recensu Episcoporum Duvolmensium. Magesetenses and Masegetenses, in the writers of the middle Age, and the Reason of the account of Miles from Gobannium, or Aber-Gevenne, so also from Brangonium doth not in the least differ from that of Antoninus, In lib. de Notitia imp. Po. Ro. legitur, praefectum numerorum Pacensium in prasidio Magis: item in eodem lib. Tribunum cohortis secunda Magnis collocatum. Magnos item in Itin. Ant. invenimus unumne oppidum, an diversa sint non ausim pro certo affirmare. Verum magis inclinat animus, ut credam diversa. Geor Bukanan, Rerum Scoticarum Fol. 24. An Chesteringwall, it is called by Camden. BRAVONIUM. P. XXIV.] The name of a City of Britain in the way to Wrokcester. But Simlerus hath Bravinium, and Worcestershire. so hath he caused it to be published, but Camden hath corrected it Brannomium, most amendedly, if I am able to Judge any thing aright. In Piolemy it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Brannogenium, which William Fu●…k minded not, who set down to it Bangor, following, as it seems, joseph Moletius, and paulus jovius, who yet pleased to have Bravium, heretofore to be called Bridge-North, as we see. It is a City of the Ordovites, and therefore by Camden, who found it among the Cornavijs, rightly thought to be banished from its own Seat, it is famous to Posterity, for the Antiquity of it, and the often variety of Fortune. First, it remained content under the safeguard of the Roman gentleness, straightway the Danes troubling all with boundless Fury, it passed divers changes, yet always after the ruin, it sprang up fresh again, as at this day it flourisheth with very great celebrity, whether you consider the splendidness of the Buildings, and the magnificence of the Churches, or whether the frequency of the Citizens themselves, and inhabitants, or whether the Nature of the Soil and Situation by the River Severn, upon no very sleep Hill, on whose Eastern bank it was placed by the Romans, As also many other great Cities, not upon this River alone, to hold in the Transabrine Britain's, as also those which lived upon the bank of the Dee, and the Rhine beyond Sea, to hinder the irruption of the Germans into Gaul, as it hath been already observed by learned men who instance in Strasbury, Spira, Mentz, Bing, Boppard, Confluents, Lonna, and others. john Rossus of Warwick, a learned Antiquary in our Grandfather's days relates that it was founded by King Constantius. In Ninnius his Catalogue of old Cities, which he reckons to be XXVIII. where it is related that it was in old time Romanorum superba moenibus, old writings affirm, and however I fear Camden is somewhat mistaken, when he names to Worcester out of Ninnius Caer-Gorangon, and Guarchon, which in Doctor Ushers judgement are thought rather to be Warwick or Wrokencester; Worcester being commonly at this day Caer-Urangon, called by the Cambro-britains', as formerly, by the Saxons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from Wire, as some will have it, a Woody lawn thereto adjoined. In old time it flourished for nothing more than the Sanctimony and learning of the Bishops among whom some also were famous for the opinion of Miracles among the common people. The Bishop's Sea was restored about the year DCLXXX. among whom I will only name Baldwinus, to whom, adorned with the dignity of the Archbishopric of Canterbury, josephus Exoniensis, a man to be compared, not only with the most excellent Wits of his own age, but also with any of the Ancients, dedicated his Book De bello Trojano, so often published beyond Sea, under Wizard of g Cornelius ille Nepos hic est— qui solebant Catulli esse aliquid putare nugas ut ipse ait. Cornelius Nepos. And this the studious Reader shall understand, is the rather set down by us, because he is thought the first to have called this City by the name Vigornia, in this we have john Lelands own words for it, that it is not nomen admodum novum in this very work; as they do also commonly at this day: In numerum jam crescit honos; Te tertia poscit Insula: jam meminit Wigornia; Cantia discit; Romanus meditatur apex; & nausraga Petri Ductorem in mediis expect at cymba procellis. Tu tamen occiduo degis contentus evili, Tertius a Thoma, * S. Thomas Centuariensis. Thomasque secundus & alter; Soloriens, rebus successor, moribus haeres. Felice's quos non trahit ambitus.— Thy Honour grows, Thee the third Isle requires, Worster remembers and all Kent admires, Rome Thee expects, and prays thou wouldst appear, Saint Peter's crazy Ship through storms to steer, Thou in a Western Cure art pleased and want, Who next Saint Thomas we a third place grant, The rising Sun is to thy Virtue's Heir: Happy be those who not ambitious are. The most learned man Gerard Langbain, and my very good Vide Gerardam Langbainum Doctiss. Notis in Langinum. friend in Queen's College, and almost the only Ornament of Oxford, caused these Verses to be thus written out of the MS. which were before wanting in the Printed Books. This Baldwin following Richard the first in his Journey to the holy Land, mightily assisted our Party by preaching, counselling, and communicating his store to the needy, an example of most holy carriage, till at length in the Siege of Ptolemais: (our men say Acre and Acon) being taken with a grievous disease, died about the year ∞ c x c. VIROCONIUM. H. S. Variis lectionibus in Antoninum. Wrokcester in Skropshire. VIROCONIUM. M. P. XXVII.] Viroconio habent Blandin. exempl. & libri Longol. & Neapol. Viroconio supra Viroconium adscribi debere advertimus ex hac mansione, & Ptolemaei Geographia. BRITANNIARUM. ITER. XIII. Editio. Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana. ITERAB ISCA CALLEVAM. M. P. CIX. sic; BURRIUM. M. P. IX. In locum istum Gobannium restituit Guilielmus Fulco. BLESTIUM. M. P. XI. ARICONIUM. M. P. XI. CLEVUM. M. P. XV. DUROCQRNOVIUM. M. P. XIV. SPINAS. M. P. XV. CALLEVAM. M. P. XV. GOBANNIUM.] This is called Aber. Gevenne from the River, Monmouthshire. there mingling itself with the River Isca. BLESTIUM. M. P. XI.] It is a Station in Antoninus in the Journey which is set down from Isca Leg. 11. Aug. to Callena Atrebatum, Monmouthshire. that it was that little Town in the limits of Herefordshire, which is called the old Town, the exact distance from the two Mansions passed on either side doth sufficiently witness. Certainly if the reason thereof did not evince it, the reason of the name would for as many as happen in Britain (and they are not a few) the Romans being here Masters of all, were military Stations, and possessed by their Soldiers at this day, they that are of the Britons issue and Language, call it Caer Hean Francis Holyoke hath evilly published it, Blestuin. ARICONIUM. M. P. XI.] It is only met withal in the See Camden ●…in Siluribus pag. 471. Kenchester walls near Hereford. Journey from Isca, Leg. 11. Aug. to Gallena, some Relics of the Carcase of this City yet appear to be seen in that place which the Natives yet call Kenchester Walls, by an Apherisis of Ar. which conjecture is mightily confirmed by the neighbouring part of this Shire, in h Vide in Arch. Fiscali ubi hodie serv atur. Vide sis. clariss: Dui, Selden ad Eadmer. pag. 154. Guil. Harrison Descript. Britan. lib. 2. cap. 17. Geffrey Monmouth. Hist. Brit. lib. 1 cap. 5. Glocestershire, Doomsday book. There are Testimonies sufficient of its Antiquity, stones of Musive work, British Bricks, and Roman Coin, here frequently taken up, They say that the old Town perished by an Earthquake, but yet in William Malmsburyes age out of its ruins Hereford sprung famous for a Bishopric, which Baldus calls Henefortensis, for Henford in British signifies Vetus via, or the old way. CLEVUM. M. P. XV.] Sabrina or Severne passeth by the chiefest City of Gloucester shire, which in Antoninus is Clevum or Glevum, but among the Britain's Caerglovi, but with others, Claudiocestre, from Claudius, who they say, gave his daughter Genissa in marriage to Arviragus, of whom juvenal in his fourth satire. Regem aliquem capies, vel de temon: Britanno Excidet Arviragus— Another King take, or from's Chariot shall Arviragus fall. As if he had had more Daughters than Claudia, Antonia, and Octavia, all whose Husbands Suetonius doth plainly acquaint us withal, than what doth he in Claudius' time, slight notice of whom we light not on before Domitian's Reign when he was called Arivogus, as Doctor Usher out of an ancient Coin would persuade us, but the Scholia's upon juvenal would have him named Arbilas. Our learned Antiquary had rather a great deal more willingly bring down the name from Glovus, i Gildas sapiens lib. de gestis Britonum. Qui edificavit urbem magnam supra ripam Fl. Sab. quae vocatur Britannico sermone Cairgloni Saxonice autem Glecester, his Thoughts were also upon Caerglowi, it signified to the Britaines as much as Pulchrum or Splendidum, and is as much to them as in Greek Calliponis. There was a Colony deduced hither called Colonia Glevum in that Inscription. DEC. COLONIAE GLEU. VIXIT ANN. LXXXVI. Yet to be seen in Bath walls, near the Northern Gate. DUROCORNOVIUM. M. P. XIV.] So it is named in Antoninus, Cirencester. Glocestershire. that is, the water Cornovium. But in Ptolemaeus it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Corinnium. SPINIS. M. P. XV.] Cunetio or Kenet goeth by an ancient town Spine-lands near Newberry. whose name is not yet quite obliterated, being as yet called Spene, it is scarce a mile from Newberry, a famous Town which sprung out of the Ruins thereof, whence also it was called so, and part yet thereof is still to this day called Spinam Lands, to witness its Original. CALLEVA. M. P. XV.] I have spoken sufficiently to this Town in what goes before. Berkshire. ABONEM. P. IX.] Ita enim semper casu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sive ablativo, Glocestershire. quem vocant, proferuntur ea opida & mansiones, quae in Antonini Itinerario occurrunt. Id factum a descriptore ejus more prisci seculi, quo urbium nomina, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fere, sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse volebant: quod etiam nos pluribus docemus ad illud Itinerarium, quod quantum ad Eritanniam pertinet, restitutum jam in jublicum damus. Quamobrem merito reprehendendus videatur Hieronymus Surita, qua hoc in sua Antomini editione primus mutavit, contra omnium coditum authoritatem, quos tamen constat illum plures inspexisse. Memoratur hoc opidum in XIV. Itinere Brit. ab Isca Leg. 11. Augusta Gallenam Atrebatam instituto, ad IX. Mill distantiam à Venta Silurum: Situm autem est in Conventu Gleucestriensis ad Sabrinam fl. nec procul ab ipso ostio, hodieque etiam Aventon appellatur; de quo Vir Clariss. atque idem felicissimus Antiquarum Originum vindex Guilielmus Camdenus: Cum Avon, inquit, stumen Britannis denotet, non absonum erit, si à stumine sic dictum putemus, eadem enim plane significatione, ut alia omittam, nos Warerton, Bourne, & Riverton; Latini Aqui●…um, & Fluentiam habuerunt. Ita vir Eruditissimus; quanquam eum hoc nomine sugillet (cui tamen sua omnia debet) plagiarius ille transfuga Richardus Vitus, Basinstochius, in Notis suis ad Historiam Britannicam, miseris modis ab eo contaminatam; quod palpitando scilicet vocabula Britannica studeat inde nomina locorum producere. Norunt autem viri eruditi, quod nos pace ipsius dictum volumus, non aliunde locorum appellationes, sive Urbium Origines, quam ex ipsorum incolarum linguis petendas esse. De Fluentia certe ex Plinio constat, ita nominatam, quod praefluenti Arno apposita esset. lib. III cap. 5. Et Tenon è Cycladibus unam propter aquarum abundantiam Aristoteles Hydrussam appellatam ait, teste eodem Plinio Lib. IU. cap 12. Eadem prorsus ratione & Hydruntem, in primis Italiae portuns nobilem, nomen sortitam esse, par est ut credamus; cum ut ille idem ●…os docet Plinius lib. III. cap 2. ad discrimen Iönij & Adriatici maris situm habeat, qua in Graeciam brevissimus transitus. Sed & ad Abonem etiam Sabriani aestu●…rii trajectus olim fuit. vide TRAIECIU; Guilielmus Fulco, Antiquarius patrum memoria Cantabrigiensis, atque idem insignis Theologus, inter praclara Academia illius decora merito censendus, Abonem Bristoliam fuisse credidit, sive ut veteres ●…uncuparant, Emporium florentissimum ad Avonam fl. quod Julio Caes. Bulengero Burgstovia perperam appellatur; verum hujus erroris caussam inde fluxisse apparet, quod opido huic fluvium illum cognominem videret. Immensum autem quantum in hoc loco designando aberraverit Franciscus a Sacra-quercu, vir quidem optimus, & quem pueri nos admodum Oxonijs in eodem contubernio senem novimus: Abingdon enim, sive, ut in Monachorum libris legitur, notissimum opidum ad Issidem fl. nec Oxonijs procul, it a nuncupatum scribit. Sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod dici solet: alludente enim nomine tantum, ratio itineraria heic plane repugnat. BRITANNIARUM. ITER. XIV. Editio. Aldina. Suritana. Simlerians. ALIO ITINERE AB ISCA CALLEVAM. M. P. CIII. sic: VENTA SILURUM. M. P. IX. ABONE M. P. IX. TRAJECTUS. M. P. IX. AQUIS SOLIS M. P. VI VERLUCIONE M. P. XV. CUNETIONE M. P. XX. SPINIS M. P. XV. CALLEVA. M. P. XV. VENTAM SI LURUM. M. P. IX.] I before gave notice that there were three Venta's in this Itinerary; one of Tacit Annal. XII. the Belgae and one of the Iceni: and this last is attributed to the Country of the Silureses; Tacitus names them in an old Copy: the Nation of the Silureses was changed with no fierceness, nor with clemency, but that they would exercise War. And in the life of Agricola that the Silureses passed into Britain, he conjectures as a Colony of the old Iberi, that saith he, their coloured looks and curled hair for the most part, and their situation, over against Spain cause a belief that the old Iberi passed over, and possessed those places. And in the same Book; Julius also Frontinus sustained the brunt, a great man, as far as he might: and overcame in arms the strong and stout Nation of the Silureses. Ptolemy made the Demeta the utmost people of the Island towards the West; and the Silureses after them more to the East. Amongst them is the Why or Vaga, the limit betwixt the Gloucestershire and Monmouth-shire men. In former times this City was called Caer-Went. TRAJECTUS. M. P. IX.] This is named by Antoninus over against Abonis where there was wont to be a passage over the Sabrinian Sea, at a place which is called to this day Oldbury, (i. e.) Vetus Burgus, now a days they pass over a little beneath at Aust a Village. VERLUCIONEM. M. P. XV.] Diverril a little River Wilt-shire. passeth by here, so called, because it passeth under ground as the Anas in Spain, and the Mole with us in Surrey, and about a mile off it hasteneth to Cunetio a very ancient Town which is now called Warminster, and from the Saxon signifieth a Monestery. CUNETIO. M. P. XX.] The River Kennet visiteth a City Wilt-shire Merlin tumulus tibi Merlebr●…geae nomen Fecit, testis eris Anglica lingua mihi. Alex. Nechamus libro De Divina Sapientia. of its own name XX. miles from Verlucio, mentioned likewise by Antoninus. It is now called Marlburrow, named so perhaps from Marga in Plinnie which they now call Marle, and wherewith, as by a kind of Melioration, they dung their Land as with a kind of Chalk. For it is ridiculous to deduce it from Merlin the Wizard, which yet however some anciently have ventured to do. SPINIS. M. P. XV.] CALLEVAM. M. P. XV.] AQUIS SOLIS. M. P. VI.] Ponitur hoc opidum ab Antonino Somersetshire. in Itinere ab Isca Damnoniorum Gallenam Atrebatum. Ptolemaeo in Geographia lib. II. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, Aquae calidae, dicuntur, Stephano vero Byzantino 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Badi●…a. Nobis hodie bath a Thermis hie nobilissimis, unde infima latinitas Bathoniam appellat. Britanni antiqui Caer-badon, & quod Camdeno placere video; Caer-Palladour vocabant. Joannes Lelandus, magni nominis superiori seculo antiquarius, Montem Badonicum, Gildae, & a Beda lib. 1. cap. 16. Bedae lib. 1. cap. 16. nuncupatum scribit; qui in hac re tamen in aliquo versatur errore, uti postea docebimus, ubi Badonico Monti locus suus dabitur. Denique ne non videar omnia commemorasse nomina, quibus antiquitus hanc urbem insignitam volunt, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut Callimachi verbis utar:) praeterquam quod Vicum Aquarium nominatam scribat Carolus Stephanus, (de quo tamen nihil nobis constat:) etiam a frequenti huc ex tota fere Anglia valetudinariorum concursu Akemanchester, id est, Aegrotorum urbem veteres Angli appellarunt. Quip Aquae illae e terrae quasi venis atque visceribus mirabiliter ebullientes humanis corporibus tabifica lue aut morbo contactis, pravisque humoribus torpescentibus, admodum salubres. Humfredus Lhydus in sua Britanniae descriptione efficacis earum virtutis se certissimum testem esse scribit. Nam cum ex ictu inquit, equi Mediolani in Italia accepto gravissimo dolore ischiadico duodecim continuis mensi●…us laborarem, diversisque doctissimorum medicorum auxiliis non convalescerem, his balneis cum tantum sex diebus usus es●…em, sanitati pristinae restitutus sum. Guil. Malmesburiensis de Gestis Pontif. lib. II. Julium Caesarem earum auctorem fuisse tradidit; cum tamen has parts illum nunquum adiis●…e certo constet &, quod multo mage rediculum, Equitum Balnei Ordinem heic primum eum instituis●…e, (qualia sunt fere Monachorum deliramenta:) idem sommat. Britannorum Commentarii, quorum nescio in hac re an major auctoritas, ad Bladudum referunt veterem Britanniae rege●…: Quip eum, cum cives suos jam rudes, & agrestes huminitates excolere cuperet, study literarum in Graeciam profectum esse, diuque Athenis operam summis magistris dedisse. Ind digressum quatuor secum philosophos adduxisse, qui Graecorum arts & disciplinas publice in Britannia traderent. Ipsum vero ut in omni liberali doctrina politus erat, ita in ea sapientia qua T. Magiam alii, alii Necromantiam vocant, excellentem fuisse: & tandem progressu temporis in opido quodam, quod aedificasset ipse, quodque obeam rem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ptolemaeus vocat, calidas & m●…dicatas aquas effecisse narrant. Certe Necromantiam non posse effici, nisi sicubi loca sulphuratis & calidis aquis Scaturiunt, ex veterum scriptis docet Servius ad Aeneidos VI Britannos vero olim tantis ceremonijs Magiam celebrasse, ut eam Persis dedisse viderentur, auctor est Plinius in libri XXX. proaemio. Deinde referunt eadem arte atque audacia adhibita volare pennis innixum Bladudum hunc contendisse; idque ei perhelle alliquandiu processisse. Verum dum longius connititur, Icarum in medio cursu & artem & pennas defecisse, atque alte de subito cadentem, ad Templum, quod eo quoque opido Apollini consecrasset, allisum peri●…sse. Et de Bladudo quidem hactenus Britannorum Commentarij. Quia vero Templum heic ad Thermas Apollini dicatum proditur, ut inde Aquae Solis loco nomen inditum suspicemur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut ille ait. Certe major percrebrescit fama quae de Minervae heic aede posita diditur in vulgus, quam etiam firmat Julii Solini testimonium, sic enim ille de Thermis in Britannia (quas cave alias nobis investiges, quam Solis has aquas:) verba faciens. Polyhistoris cap. XXXV. sive ut in Salmasiana editione habetur, XXII. In Britannia magna, inquit, & multa flumina, fontes calidi opiparo ex culti apparatu, ad usus mortalium. Quibus fontibus prasul est Minervae Quae ipsa Solini verba transcripta sunt ab Auctore Historia Britannca unde apparet qualis naem sit ille interpres; quod tamen de se perhibet vir bonas. nume●…, in cujus aede perpetui ig●…es nunquam canes●…unt in favill●…s; sed ubi cinis (ita vulgati cod. lege ignis) Stabat, vertit in globos Saxeos. Quanquam ex Athenaeo discamus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 calida omnia lavacra, quae naturaliter ex terrae visceribus scateant, sacra esse Herculi, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dici. Hinc in Locride 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & Thermopylas sic dictas propter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, apud Strabonem in 〈◊〉. legimus. Scriptura non Paulo antiquior ex Herodoto in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [Sc. Thermopylarum] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Ammianus lib. XXII. reddidit; sunt Therma lutra, quae Cythrus indigenae vocant: Ita editio Lindenbrogiana: at in Rob. Stephani haec verba penitus absunt. Ex Herodoto apud eum obiter emenda, Chytros juxta illud Senecae epist. 41. Magnorum fluminum capita veneramur: subita & ex abdito vasti amnis eruptio aras hebenotuntur aquarum valentium sontes. Notaevit & exemplis probavit ad Anualem Taciti XIV. Lipsius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; In hoc ingressu sunt calida lavacra, qua Ollas indigenae vocant; & de super ara Herculis exstructa. Scholiastes ad illa Sophoclis in Trachinijs. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— In Sicilia quoque Herculis lavacra memorat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cum autem Herculi lavacra calida sacra esse dicantur, a Minerva tamen illi parata docet, non solum idem Scholiastes ad eundem locum: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lavacra intelligit Herculis, quae illi Minerva posuisse dicitur: sed & alter ille etiamad Aristophanis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui & Pisandrum Rhodium, Heracleae auctorem, in hanc rem laudat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quae nos ita reddidimus. Thermopylis olim huic caesta diva Minerva Calda lavacra maris reflui prope littora fecit. For thee Thermopolis bright Pallas hath Made ne'er unto the Ocean's shore a Bath. Fuisse quidem apud veteres omnia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sacra etiam Aristoteles docet, caussam rei inquirens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dicemus itaque quod Camdenus quoque censuit, posse fieri, ut utrique Deo eorum tutela sit dicata. Erant quip 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hercules & Minerva, quod ex Strabone docemur in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ubi Augustum reposuisse narrat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab Antonino sublatos ex insula Samo. De praecipuo autem utriusque Numinis apud gentes occidentales cultu, atque adeo ipsos Britannos, vide BELISAMA & HERCULIS Promontorium. Caeterum, ut heic quidem taceamus regionem quandam Mediolani, urbis Italiae, fuisse, quae diceretur Herculeum Lavacrum aut Herculea Balnea; quod Ausonius in Urbibus indicat isto versu. Et Regio Herculei celebris sub honore lavacri; The Royal honour of Herculean Baths. In hac ipsa quoque urbe nonnulla occurrunt monumenta, cultus ejus heic olim luculenta indicia. In moenibus enim, inter portas Australem & Borealem, imago ejus utraque manu serpentem constringentis extat; in Borealem quoque & Occidentalem alia quaedam, sed nuda, ejusdem imago duos itidem serpentes comprimentis visenda apparet. Earum meminit Guil. Harrisonus, qui ipse diligenter olim inspexit, praeter Harrison. Descript. Britan. lib. II. cap. 14. Camdenum; qui effigiem insuper ejus sublata sinistra, cum clava dextra ibidem cerni testatur. Quantum ad Minervae tutelam hujus loci attinet, cum a Julio Solino scriptore antiquo proditum sit calidis hisce fontibus Minervam sive Palladem praefuisse, satis sibi esse ait idem Camdenus, si ex ejus anctoritate evicerit, hanc urbem esse, quam Caer-Palladour sua lingua Britanni veteres dixerunt; hoc est urbs Palladiae aquae, si Latin interpreteris: apposite enim, inquit, res, nomen & significatio conspirant. Quare quaedam aquae ealeant, quaedam etiam ferveant, plures caussae reddantur, inquit Seneca Natural. Quaest lib. III. cap. 24. Empedocles existimat ignibus, quos multis locis terra opertos tegit, aquam calescere, si subjecti sunt solo, per quod aquis transcursus est. Sed disputationem de hac re proponere, non est instituti nostri. Illud satis est annotasse, calidos hos fontes, quorum aqua sulphur & bitumine percolatur, ebullire maxime ad radiorum solis accessum a XII. scilic●…t matutina ad horam III. pomeridianam: quo tempore foedissimas sordes ejectant; neque quisquam prius ingredtur, quam a Solis vigore penitus 〈◊〉 & expurgati salutares reddantur. Atque inde Solis aquas ab antiquis credimus nominatas: quemadmodum & Fon●…em Solis in Troglodylis appellatum memorat Plinius lib. 〈◊〉. 103. qui dulci●… circa meridiem & maxim frigidus; mox paulatim tepes●…ens ad noctis mediam fervore & amaritudine infestatur; idque occulta aliqua nec prorsus diversa, masculi illius syderis vi atque virtute. Certe ipsum hunc fontem, nomine his nostris magis consono, Aquam Solis nuncupat Q. Curtius lib. IU cujus verba huc transcribere non pigebit: Est aliud, inquit, Hammonis nemus, in medio habet fontem Aquam Solis vocant. Sub lucis ortum tepida manat; medio die, cum vehementissimus est calor, frigida eadem sl●…it; inclinato in vesperam calescit, media nocte servida exestuat: quoque propius nox vargit ad lucem, 〈◊〉 ex 〈◊〉 calore decr●…scit, donec sub ipsum diei ortum assu●…to tepore languescat. Porro de nostris hisce Solis Aquis, sive Thermis, quae medendis corporibus salubres adeo perhibentur, mihi non tempero, quin elegantissimos Challimachi Cyrenaei versus usurpem, qui Hymno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 extant. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quos versus, non solum de Callimacho, sed de Graecis queque literis optime meritus Bonaventura Vulcanius ita Latinos reddidit. Non adipem videas Phoebi stillare capillis▪ Sed Panaceam ipsam: quae quam rore imbuit urbem Prona petens, nullis illa est obnoxia morbis. Thou seest not sweat drop but Ambrosian dews From Phoebus' hairs: that Cities which do use This precious ointment are from sickness free. Portionem aliquam legionis IL. Augustae heic olim stativa habuisse exinde colligi potest, quod G. Murrius Modestus Arniensis Vide Thom●… johnsoni opera Botanica, & qua insbi de Thermis & his antiquitatibus. & M. Valerius Eatinus, Milites leg. II. Aug. heic sepulti perhibeantur, quod ex sepulcralibus inscriptionibus ad u●…bem effossis fatis constat. Quae ad reliquam sunt antiquitatem, ea omnia dedit Camdenus in Belgis, & qui, Camdeno censore, antiquitatis cognitione praestans Guil. Harrisonus Descriptionis Britanniae (quam primum se ait aggressum:) lib. II. cap. 14. quos tu, siquid lubet, adi. Nuperrime omnium Thomas Joansonus Pharmacopaeus Londiniensis & Botannicus peritissimus has Thermas urbemque adeo ipsam eleganter descripsit, edito non ita pridem Latine de iis Libello singulari. Vide AQUAE CALIDAE, & BADIZA. De Templo Apollini Bathoniae, cujus meminit Galfridus, ubi res gestas Bladudi prisci regis Britannici prosequitur, vide AQUAE SOLIS. Sed & Apollini Granno Aradicata Musselburgi in Scotia effossa, cujus meminit, praeter Guil. Camdenum Jos. Scaliger lib. I. epist. LXVI. ad Isaac. Casaubonum Joannes Napeir Baro Merchinstonius ad cap. XVIII. Apocalypseos, & Claud. Salmasius ad Spartiani Hadrianum. Eam, uti olim descripta est a Clarissimo doctis●…imoque V. Petro Junio, habes in GRANNUS. Praeter Gruteri Inscriptiones pag. CXXXVI. Vide ABELLIO, & BELATUCARDUS. AQUAE CALIDAE 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sic illud opidum Albionis in Belgarum regione appellat Ptolemaeus, quod Antonino Itinere ab Isca Damnoniorum Gallenam Atrebatum Aquae Solis dicitur. Hae aquae salubritate medendis corporibus nobiles. Quales habuisse plures Britanniam testatur Beda lib. I. cap. I. Habet, inquit, & fontes calidos, & ex eis fluvios balnearum calidarum, omni aetati & sexui per distincta loca juxta suum cuique modum accomodos. Hunc locum vicum Aquarium aliis dictum esse vulgo Which, Vique, unde habuerit Carolus Stephanus nos nescimus. Vide AQUAE SOLIS. Certe Bath-Wich it a appellari posse libenter agnoscimus. HIC JACET ALEX. DE ALNETA ET ER NEB URGA UXOR EJUS, etc. CUM LIBERIS EORUM. Est istud Epitaph. a dextra in ostio ruinosi templi quondam Minervae Vide prius Solinus locum: dedicati & adhuc in loco dicto sese studiosis offerens. 1582. 7. Decemb. Extat in rubro codice Bathoniae quem debemus singulari humanitati optimi Viri Joannis Parkeri Aldermanni illic. Extant etiam ibidem in aedibus ejusdem hi lapides ita inscripti. VIBIA Item ille IMP. CAES. VESPAS. 〈◊〉 ibid. eff●…ssus ap. 〈◊〉. us constet ab eod. Vespas. Leg. 11. Augustam huc fuisse deductam. JUCUN DA AN XXX HIC SEPUL TA EST. Bladud magnus negromanticus qui, ut scribitur de gestis suis, Calidas aquas in Badone fecisset per artem Magicam. Sed magis ascribendum est naturae cum similia balnea fiant in varijs regionibus illis calidiora. Sed scriptum vidi quo tempore Elias Propheta oravit ut coelum plueret, tunc eruperunt tres fontes aquae calidae in urbe illa medicinales morbis mortalium. Ex eodem codice. quae sumuntur ex Historia Britannica Galfridi Monumethensis lib. 1. cap. 14. Having said so much concerning the Bath, I should highly offend against gratitude if I should here omit his name whose house in London is as another Akemanchester, and so would prove if Merlin's prophecy should be fulfilled, which I neither believe nor fear. The gentle cure of the Palsy effected upon me this year makes me never think of him, but withal I have a remembrance of the excellent Physician Apis who cures Aeneas in Virgil's twelfth Book, these are the excellent Verse wherein he describes him. Jamque aderat Phaebo ante alios dilectus japis jasides: acri quondam cui captus amore Ipse suas arts, sua munera laetus Apollo Augurium citharamque dabat, celeresque sagittas. Ille, ut depositi proferr●…t fata parentis, Scire potestates herbarum, usumque medendi Maluit, & mutas ag tore inglorius arteis. Stabat acerba fremens, ingentem nixus in hastam Aeneas, magno juvenum, & maerentis juli Concursu, lacrimisque immobilis, ille retorto Peonium in morem senior succinctus amictu, Multae manu medica, Pbaebique potentibus herbis Nequicquam trepidat, nequicquam spicula dextra Sollicitat, prensatque tenaci forcipe ferrum: Nulla viam fortuna regit, nihil auctor Apollo Subvenit, & saevus campis magis, ac magis horror Crebescit, propiusqu: malum est. Jam pulvere coelum Stare vident, subeunt equites, & spicula castris Densa cadu●…t 〈◊〉: it tristis ad aethera clamour Bellantum Juvenum, & duro sub Marte cadentum. Heic Venus indigno ●…ati concussa dolore Dictamnum genetrix Cretaea carpit ab Ida, Puberi●…us caulem folijs, & flore comantem Purpureo, non illa feris incognita capris. Gramina, cum tergo volucres haesere sagittae, Hoc Venus obscuro faciem circundata nimbo Detulit, hoc ●…usum labris splendentibus amnem Inficit, occulte medicans, spargitque salubreiss Ambrosia succos, & ●…doriferam Panaceam. Fovit ea 〈◊〉 lympha longaevus japis Ignorans, subitoque omnis de corpore fugit Quip dolour: omnis stetit imo vulnere sanguis, Jamque secuta manum, nullo cogente sagitta Excidit, atque novae rediere in pristina vires. japis Phoebus' minion, now was there, To whom the God did such affection bear, That his own Gifts on him he did bestow, His prophesying Spirit, Harp, and Bow, That he might long defer the fatal hour Of his old Father, he the use and power Of Simples learned, and to himself imparts, By study, knowledge of despised arts. Aeneas chafing, leaned upon a Spear, With sad julus, and great concourse there, Nor is he moved nor troubled at their tears, Then old japis many things prepares, His Vest girt back in the Peonian guise, And Phoebus' powerful herbs in vain applies; Vainly he labours to draw forth the steel, Tries with his probe, and doth with pincers feel; No way will hit, no aid Apollo yields; And horror more and more raged in the Fields; Dust clouds all Heaven, the horse draws near the wall, Dangerous it grows, shafts midst the Camp do fall; The cries of valiant Soldiers scale the Sky, And those that in the bloody battle die. Here Venus troubled at her Sons deep wound, Brought Dittanie, in Cretan Ida found; The stalk hath sprouting leaves, and on the Crown A purple Flower, not to wild Goats unknown, When winged Arrows in their backs are fixed; Veiled with a Cloud, this beauteous Venus mixed, With purest water, in a Bowl, and strews The healing moisture of Ambrosian dews, And with its sweetest Pa●…ax did compound (wound: With which th' old man, not knowing, bathed the Then from his body straight all anguish fled, And now the wound no more, though mighty, bled; The steel now, uncompelled, follows the hand, And strength returns unto its old command. BRITANNIARUM. ITER. XV. Editio. Aldina. Suritana. Simlerians. A CALLEVA. ISCA DUMNUNNIORUM. M. P. CXXXVI. sic: VINDOMI. M. P. XV. VENTA BELGARUM M P. XXI. BRIGE. M. P. XI. SORBIODONI. M. P. VIII. VINDOCLADIA. M. P. XII. DURNONOVARIA. M. P. IX. MORIDUNO M. P. XXXVI. ISCADUM NUNNIORUM. M. P. XV. VINDONUM. M. P. XV.] The Segontiaci were a people Hantshire. of Britain which yielded themselves to Caesar, and inhabited the Northern parts of the Hundred of Holeshot, and their principal Silcester. City was Vindonum Segontiacorum, by the Britain's it was called Caer-Segont, as at this day it is called Silcesier. The distance between Calleva and Venta Belgarum in Antoninus persuades me to what I say here: as for what Richard de Basingstoake saith here concerning Vindonum of Gaul, I matter it nothing, nor heed it no more than what he saith concerning Sicula, in other writers, a Town of the lower Germany, which he makes our Silcester in England. Ninnius and others will have this City built by Constantius the Father of Constantine the Great, & that it was named Murimintu●…, for Muri-l indum, but elsewhere you shall have more of this, in the mean while let this content you. BRIGE. M. P. XI.] Or Brage an ancient Town mentioned Han●…hire. by Ptolemy nine miles distant from Sorb●…odunum or Salsberry called Broughton, near by the Banks of the River Test: otherwise it was overthrown when in the time of William the Norman all things were rooted up, to make a Park there. Whether it hath any thing to do with that Brige in the third Book of Beda's Ecclesiastical History, I had rather others should inquire. In loco qui dicitur Brige. And a little after, Maxim in Brige & in Cale, & in Andilegum M●…asterio. SOR BIODUNUM. M. P. VIII.] Besides the Frigid deductions Salisbury. of the ancient name of this famous Town Severia and of Sarisburia, from either Saron in Berosus, or Severus the Emperor of this name from the signification which one well skilled in British Catalogue Epispocorum Sarisbur. assured Camden was as much as collis siccus, or a dry Hill, for good reasons which he allegeth: I will only add the mistake of Francis Goodwin, who in his learned work voucheth the name of Ptolemy for Antonins, for Sorbiodunum. The rest I refer the reader to Camden for. VINDOCLADIA. M. P. XII.] Which now is called Wimburnminster. It gained the name from the situation: for Windugledy soundeth as much in British as between two Swords. Now that Rivers are called so, by a peculiar phrase or manner of speaking, is known to all who are acquainted with the Antiquity of Milford-haven, and is better known then that I need any way to tell. The latter Wimburn is from Saxon deduction where Burn signifies by a River. DURNONOVARIA. M. P. IX] This Town of principal note was called as the passage of a River, and in Ptolemy it is according Dorsetshire. to the variety of copies, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in English is called Dorchester, and there are many Emperor's Coins found there, but the vulgar call them King Dornies pennies, besides the military ways which appear there. MORIDUNO. MP. XXXVI.] This is Seaton in Devonshire, between Dorchester and Exeter. The fire in both Languages giveth the name; as if he would say, the Town on an Hill by the Sea. In Pentingers Tables so often mentioned, it is called Ridnnum: but it is plain that the Book is corrupted. * Isca Dumnoniam Ful. solin. editione lib. 3. ISCADUMNUNNIORUM. M. P. XV.] They are otherwise called in Ptolemy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Devonshire men. Their other names out of Strabo and others we are to consult Camden for; that denoted the Romans residing here; because it was called Camer. afterward * Urbs Sicariorum. Caer-Ruffian, now it is Exeter. FINIS. AN INDEX Of the most memorable passages contained in this Book. A. ABo 255 Actus publici, what 2 Aethicus who 5. His works ib. Agasaus 220 Agelocum; vide Segelocum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Mutations, Stages 9 How they differed from Mansions 230 Akemanchester, Bath 257 Alone 240 Amphibalus the Martyr, 145. Properly a Friar's Habit ib. Ausa or Ad Ansam 229 Antoninus not Author of the last part of this Itinerary 6 Apollo and Diana worshipped by the Britain's 170 Apollo Grannus worshipped here 171. And in Scotland 261 Apollo worshipped by the name of Belutacadrus in Britain, of Abellio in Gaul, and of Belinus in both 170 Apollinarea Herba, wherewith the Gauls tainted their Arrows 171 Aquae Solis 257 Arces finales 231 Areani 107 Ariconium 254 Aruspex rusticus 69 Atrebates 222. & seqq. B. BAngor, and the great Monastery there 130 Bath called Aquae Solis from the Sun's influence upon it 260. Called also Akemanchester ib. Not founded by Bladud the British King and great Magician 258. Minerva's Temple there 259. From her the Town called Caer-Palladour, i. the City of Palladian Waters 260. Herculeses two Effigies, holding in either hand a Serpent, upon the Wall of that Town ib. Hot Baths sacred to Minerva and Hercules 259. The Baths at Thermopylae and in Sicily sacred to Hercules' ib. Bellona's Temple at York 69. Her Priests ib. Her Temple at Comana in Cappadocia 69, 70. The raving of her Priests, and cutting themselves ib. Bellonae montes near Carthage ib. The manner of denouncing War before a Pillar in her Temple 71 Bennavenna 142. The Bishops of England present at the Councils of Arles, Nice and Ariminum 86. And at the general Synod at Sardica it. The mean Revenue of the Bishops of Ireland 87 Blatum Bulgium 114 Blestium 253 Bonium 130 Bonus Eventus worshipped as a God 52 Bovium 248 Bravonium 251 Bremenium 35, 36. & seqq Bremetonacum 242 brigants 207 Brige 265 Britanniae, why in the plural 10. It's division into Provinces 11. And by whom ib The number of its Provinces, Cities, Rivers, Havens, etc. about Ptolemies time 12. The Higher and Lower Britain 64. Whether one Continent ever with France 18, 19 Made a Province by Vespasian 99 It's dangerous Sea 188. & seqq. Brovonacis 119 Burgi 120 Burrium 250 The Family of the Burtons' in Shropshire 136. & seqq. C. CAEsaromagus 195 Caishow Hundred in Hartfordshire, whence so called 147 Calacum 241 Calcaria 122 Calcariense●… ib. Calacum 241 Calates 14 Caligula's fond Expedition for Britain 15. His Tower and Camp ib. Calleva Atrebatum 222 Camboricum 201 The University of Cambridge, its Antiquity 202 Camodunum 123 Camulodunum 231, Ruined by the Iceni and others under Boadicia ib. Canonium 239 Camulus, Mars ib. Carausius 105 Castra Exploratorum 114 Cataractonium 52. It's derivation 53. Burnt by Beornerd King of the Mercians 54. The uncertainty of its situation ib. Cansennis 203 Cester, castrum 41 chorographical descriptions how ancient 3 Clausentum 217 Clevum 254 Comes Municipii 147. the difference of a Colony and Municipium 149 Condate 124 Colonia 62, 199. It's several kinds 62 Conovium 239 Constantine the Great his Encomium 79, 80. Whether borne in Britain ib. Falsely aspersed by Zosimus 106 Constantius his Apotheofis 77 78 Corstopilum 41 42 Crococalaria 215 Cunetio 257 D. DAnum 206 Deae Matres, who 48 Delgovitia 90 Deva 125, 126, 127. & seqq. Derventio 88, Called also Whirhale and Cynenge Cestria 129 Dextri 30 Dieta, what 2 Dover Castle 186 187 Dubris 186. & seqq. Dunstable, whence called 144 Duplares and Simplares 38 Durocobrivae 145 Durnonovaria 266 Durobrivae 203 Durocornovium 255 Durcliponte 202 Durolitum 239 Duroprovis 178 Duroverno 185 E. EBoracum 57 & seqq. Whence denominated 60. called Alteza Roma 61 Equites Crispiani 206 Etocetum 139 Exploratores, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 39 F. FAstidins, a Bishop of Britain 168. His Tract, De vitae Christiana ib. Villa Faustini 199 The Fore-land of Kent's distance from the oppesite Continent 33 34 G. GAlava 240 The Gauls and Britain's Language and Religion one and the same 170 The Go●…d and Evil Genius 50 51 The Genius of Places and Cities 51 their figure most frequently a Serpent ib. The custom of calling them forth from places besieged ib. Each Nation had its peculiar Genius ib. Gessoriacum 13. & seqq. Glanoventa 240 Gobannium 250 Grantchester near Cambridge anciently an eminent City 201 H. AT what Havens the Romans took shipping for Britain, their number and names 14 Flaevia Julia Helena, the Mother of Constantine borne in Britain, and where 199 Hercules and Minerva 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 260 Hostiae survae 71 72 The British Hounds and Mastiffs excellency above those of other Nations 219 220 I. ICianis 200 Isannav atia 211 Isca 249 Iscadum Nunniorum 266 The Goddess Isis known in Britain 56 Isis' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. Why figured horned ib. Isu Brigantum 207 Isurium 55. 56. Whence called ib. The Itinerary Tables of Angustus and Agrippa 6. Of Julius Caesar 57 Itiner anciently used for iter 1 Itinerary Tables, their great use 8 Iter militare, what 2 Itinerarium 9 L. LActodorum 143 Lavatriae 120 Legeoliam 206 Legio VI. victrix, where it resided 58 63 Legio XX. victrix 65 Legio X. 63 Legio Ferratensis 64 Legio vicesima & Victrix & Valens 126 Leuca, a League, its several Dimensions 29 Leucarum 247 Lemanis Portus 193 Limbs 35. The Lands near it given by Severus to the Soldiers and their Heirs 35 36 Limitare iter, what 2 Lindum 204 Londinium, its Elogium 155. A Metropolis, 158. & seqq. No Colony 156. Of its name Augusta 164 165 London-stone, for what end erected 31 Lugdunum, whence named 116 Luguvallum ib. M. MAdus, Maydston 178 Magmim 251 Magivinium 144 Manduessum 139 Manucium 124 Margidunum 214 Maximus the Tyrant, whether by birth a Britain 22 Mediolanum 132 Mercury's College at Rome 160 Merida in Portugal whence denominated 31 Migeria 30 Mil●…s Provincialis 44 The Miles in Antoninus precisely 1000 paces ib. Milliarium 30 Milliarium aur●…um at Rome and CP. 31 Milton in Kent, the many Urns digged up there 181. & seqq. Moridunum 266 Morini 14 Municipium 61 Mutationes 9 N. NIdus 248 The Notitia Imperii set forth by Th●…dosius the younger 66 Novio●…agum 175 O. Oysters carried from Britain's to Rome 20 P. PAgus, what 17 Papinian, the famous Lawyer 73 The cause and place of his death 75 Parasanga, a measure used among the Persians 28. It's derivation ib. Pelagius the Heretic a Britain, and Abbot of Bangor 131. Called by the Britain's Morgan, because borne upon the Sea ib. Pennocruciu●… 138 Picti 97 Pontes 225. Ad Pontem 152 Two Presidentships of Britain ordained by Severus 65. XIII. Praefecti sub Duce Britanniarum 66. Et XXIII. sub lineam Valli ib. Praetorium 36 91 Ptolemy the Author of the Geography, whether of the Almagest also questionable 65 Q. QVat●…viri 64 R. RAsta, what 29 Ratae 212 Rivers described horned, and why 56. The names of Deities appropriated to River's ib. Rutunium 134 Rutupiae 20, 21. & seqq. S. SCboenos, what measure with the Egyptians 27 Segontium 244 Segolocis 205 Severus his Wall 63. His Palace 〈◊〉 York 67. His speeches near his Death ib. The Presages of his end 69. Severicollis, 〈◊〉 Hill 68 Sitomagus 229 Sordiodunum 26 Spinae 255 Stulic●… 107 108 Strata Iuli●… 96 Strata Marcelia ib. Stadium, what 27. 31. 32. The Sea-Stadium 32 Stationes Agrariae 35 〈◊〉 153 T. TEllus Mater, Vesta, Mater Deum, Dea Syria, Stat●… Mater & Astarte, the same Goddess 48, 49. Circular Tables to eat at 221. The Isle of Thanet 24 25 The Thames 173 The Romans enjoined the use of their Tongue to such as they conquered 44 45 Trajectus 257 Tripontium 211 Numerus Turnacensis 194 V. VAgniacis 177 Vallum and Murus the same 43 44 Varis 246 Ve●…is 140 Venta Belgarum 218 Venta Icenorum 228 Venta Silurum 256 Verlucio 257 Verometum 214 Verterae 119 Verulamium 147. Plundered by the Ic●…ni under Boadicia 148. The great Pools formerly about it 152. The Road thence to London altered, and when 154 Vindocladia 266 Vindomora 43. & seqq. whence derived 43 Vindonu●… 265 Vi●…ovia 46 Uriconium 134 〈◊〉 138 W. THe use of Walls or Praetenturae known also to the Ancients 98 The Chinois Wall ib. The Murus Decelius at Athens ib. The Wall of Anastasius Dicorus ib. Hadrians Wall ib. The Wall of Antoninus Pius built by Lollius U●…bicus 100 The Wall of Severus 201, 102. & Seqq. C. Cara●…sius his Wall 105 The Wall of Theodosius 106 The Wall of Gallio Ravennas' 109 The four ancient Ways through Britain 94. Watling 95. Why so called 94. The Fosse ib. Ermingstreet ib. Iknel-street 95 The Romans went the Street-way, not the shortest cut from Station to Station 55 17 Two Ways anciently from London to Canterbury, by Croydo●… and by Rochester 177 The Isle of Wight, whence denominated 19 Y. YOrke made an Episcopal See, by whom 82, 83. The Palace there, and Praetorium of the Emperor 86. Eborius Bishop thereof at the Council of Arles ib. FINIS. Errata. PAg. 3. l. 44 r Milesian. p. 5. l. 27. r. Frye●… p. 8. l. 21. r. perscripta. p. 10 l. 7. r. Archaism●…, p. 11. l. 34. r. Gesners. p. 12. l. 45. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 15. l. 27. r. Xiphiline. p. 18. l. 37. r. Virgil. p 23. l. 30. r. City. p. 24. l. 39 r. Thane●…. p. 28. l. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p 42. l. 2. ignoratione. l. 7. 〈◊〉 l 47. Colchester. r. 63. l. 34. 〈◊〉. hither, p. 69 l. 36. Manutius. l. 37. L●…pridius. p. 84. l. 19 seq●…untur. l. 25. eundum l. 43. Trajan's. p. 86. l. 27. Marg. r. vitae 〈◊〉. 89. l. 39 r. Ethelwerdus. p 96. 〈◊〉. 1●…. r. gl●…a, p. 110 l. 46. r. Statuitur ad ba●… in edito p. 119 l. 9 add not. p. 112 l. 21. r. id. l. 46. sanctimonialis. p. 134. l 38. r. XII. p. 141 l. 7. m 〈◊〉 videtur. p. 146 〈◊〉 14. 〈◊〉. ●…i quis. p. 1●…5. l. ult add I p. 157. l 23. r. well. p. 190. l. 41 r. nos. l. 44. auct●… p. 197. l. 4. r. Learned. p. 204. l. 27. ad. and. p. 205. l. 9 m. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 209. l. 22. r. distinguer●…. l. 23. corp●…a. l. 37. socordiam. p. 210. l. 〈◊〉. r. Hadrians. p. 213. l. ult. that. p. 22●…. l. 33. r. 〈◊〉. 245. l. 19 r. or. p. 259. l. 3. r. ●…buit. p. 255. from Above. M. P. IX. to repugnat in the next page, is to be placed in p. 257. after l. 10. Other faults, being obvi●…us and inconsiderable, the Reader is desired to amend with his Pen.