Votum pro Caesare; OR, A PLEA FOR CAESAR; Discovering briefly the great sinfulness of opposing the Authority of the higher Powers. Delivered in a SERMON, Octob. 7. 1660. By EDM. BARKER, Chaplain to the Right Honourable, the Lady CAPELL Dowager. 1 Sam. 26. 9 Who can stretch forth his hand against the Lords anointed and be guiltless? 2 Kings 14. 14. And it came to pass, as soon as the Kingdom was confirmed in his hand, that he slew his servants which had slain the King his Father. LONDON, Printed for JOHN WILLIAMS at the Crown in S. Paul 's Churchyard. M D CLX. To the Right Honourable. The most accomplished and excellent Lady, The LADY ELIZABETH CAPELL DOWAGER; MADAM, MAy this discourse appear as gracious in your eyes, as it lately seemed pleasing and acceptable to your ear. I shall not beshrew myself of my folly in letting it walk abroad, & giving it leave to take the fresh air. Madam, my obligations from you are very many, & the comforts which I have hither to enjoyed under you (ever since I first took Sanctuary in your family) not a few: I have lived to see many waveings & toss in other men's fortunes and conditions, whilst I myself have laid at anchor, and enjoyed the sweetness of a secure retirement, and have been sheltered from those storms and tempests which have lighted heavy upon many. This privilege, next under God, I do humbly acknowledge to be owing to your Honour; and the remembrance hereof affects me with the sense of a great Obligation; and this forces my modesty, and puts me upon the necessity of returning (though nothing proportionable, yet at least) somewhat in way of acknowledgement as a pledge and testimony of my thankfulness. And to let your Honour see how ambitious I am to be accounted grateful, I have adventured to do that now against which I ever had the greatest aversation: which is, to appear in Print. And though what I here present you with, be no ways worthy your eye; yet having been lately honoured with your ear, it is ever since grown proud, and will needs be gadding abroad, and see the fashions of the world, with resolutions (according as it likes its entertainment) to bring more of its fellows after it. But, Madam, I must remember that it is but a very small discourse which I here present you with, and I must not widen the gates beyond the proportion of the City; I do therefore most humbly offer it into your Honour's hands, and if you please cast it at your feet; and in case you shall think so favourably of it, as to vouchsafe it now and then the Honour of your eye, and admit it graciously into your presence, it will reckon itself highly graced and dignified, and not ambitiously desire any other patronage. And howbeit (I confess indeed) it is not so properly calculated for your Family and relations, (whose Loyalty hath been abundantly tried in the Furnace, and have come forth glorious and shining) yet I (am proud to conceive) it may be of some Use to others, and if but to one, it is enough. And thus recommending both it to the favour of your gracious acceptance, and yourself and most excellent relations to the protection and blessing of God Almighty, for a continuance of his comforts to you here, and a full consummation of perfect joy and happiness hereafter, I do humbly take my leave of you, and rest MADAM, Your Honour's Most highly obliged, and perfectly devoted Servant and Chaplain; BARKER. Luke 19 vers. 27. But those mine Enemies which would not that I should reign over them, bring hither and slay them before me. THese words are parabolically uttered by our Saviour in the name and person of a certain Noble man, as we render the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. vers. 12. Although it is plain by the following passages in the Parable, that this Noble man was none other but a King; for he took his journey to receive to himself a * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vers. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Kingdom: & he severely destroyed and punished his rebellious Subjects in the Text, for not willing that he should reign over them: And this also may suit well enough with the † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for though that properly relates to nobility of Birth, yet it excludes not the more excellent title and Arist. lib. 1. de Anima. office of Kingship, which is the highest step of Honour and Nobility, and from whence are derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as streams from their fountain or spring head) all those Titles of honour and nobility which do put a difference among subjects, and make some noble and honourable above others. Now I confess indeed that this whole Parable is mystically and spiritually meant, and to be understood of Christ; (viz.) the institution and establishment of his Kingdom; the rebellion and opposition of the jews and wicked men against it; and then lastly God's severe judgement and vengeance inflicted on them for their rebellion. And if any shall contend this to be the only proper and genuine scope and design of our Saviour's repeating it here to his Disciples; for my part I shall not myself contend with him about it, but easily and readily grant what he contends for. Howbeit, seeing the words (without any respect to the design and scope of their direction and intention) do carry a good literal sense in themselves, agreeable to the analogy of Faith, and the voices of other Scriptures; I shall accordingly for the present consider them altogether under this grammatical sense and construction. And so they are the words of a justly enraged and provoked King taking vengeance on a company of traitorous and rebellious Subjects. In them we have particularly considerable these three parts. 1. The parties arraigned and condemned: those mine enemies. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2. The ground and reason of their arraignment and condemnation. No less than an act of the highest Treason and rebellion, Who would not that I should reign over them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3. The sentence determined, and passed uponthem, Bring hither and slay them before me. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I shall begin with the first of these, the parties arraigned and condemned; [Those mine enemies] now who or what these Enemies were, we have generally set down and described vers. 14. they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his Citizens, people that had lived long and happy under the protection of his government, had derived all their rights and privileges from him, had enjoyed all their freedoms and immunities under him; and we will suppose too, that they had sworn fealty and allegiance to him, which (if so) brought a new accession of heinousness to their foul sin of ingratitude, (viz.) breach of Oath and promise: And can any punishment be too great, or sentence too severe for such? who have so little sense of their duty, make so little conscience of their Oaths, show so little respect and reverence to the sacredness of that authority to which (under God) they owed their very being and preservation. Should such Enemies be connived at, to what purpose then were Laws, of what use then were Magistrates; yea to what end did God Almighty stamp such a signal Item of * Nolite tangere, upon Regal Majesty Psal. 1● and authority, Touch not mine anointed, not my unctos populos, my anointed people, not them causelessly and wrongfully: but my unctos Reges, mine anointed Kings and Princes, the heads and rulers of my people, not these at any rate. Now is it a sin to touch them, and is it not much more sinful to affront them? may not their persons be touched rudely and irreverenlty, & can it be less than a sin deserving the highest punishment to frame Articles of Indictment and accusation against them, to send abroad messages of exception against their government; and instead of paying them their deuce of ready subjection and obedience to their commands, to leap presently into their thrones and chairs of state and Majesty? if such offenders as these should go away unpunished, and that it should be free and safe for every unquiet and ambitious spirit (who is only an enemy to Majesty, because himself is not King; and a despiser of governments, because himself is haughty and proud, and thinks scorn to be subject) to practise such irregularities: then farewell all Laws, all order, all government, all difference of persons, all enclosures of civil title and propriety, all distinctions of Meum and Tuum; in a word, nothing but utter confusion and desolation, and turning all things upside down, must needs be the unhappy product and conclusion of such dangerous connivances. This for the first consideration of these enemies; they were his own 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. subjects and Citizens. 2. A second Consideration of these enemies respects their inward hatred and enmity towards him, says that Text, they hated him. See, it is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indeed that they hated him; but there is no cause given of their hatred, no reason alleged of their enmity; and 'tis no matter whether there were or no; for what reason can be given, or cause alleged for a subjects hatred of his true and lawful Sovereign? at lest what just cause, what warrantable reason? * Rex semper honorandus, si non propter se, atpamen proter ordinem, August. quaest. Vet. & No. Test. q. 35. Admit his government be exorbitant, yet is his authority venerable; grant his practices be vicious, yet is his person sacred: admit the execution and administration of his power be besides or contrary to law, yet is the derivation of his power by express deputation from God, and that to be sure is the supreme Law of all; and therefore says Solomon, a Eccles. 10. 20. Curse not the King, no not in thy thoughts; it is not said of a good, or a just, or a pious, or a merciful King only, but of a King, quà King; curse not such a one, no not in thy thought; not only not openly in the reproaches of thy common and ordinary discourses, but not so much as secretly in any inward dislikes and undervaluings of thy thoughts, though thou art sure to escape unpunished, and not possible to be discovered by men. God Almighty to the end that he might always secure in us an awful reverence and veneration of Majesty, hath not only sealed up our tongues from evil speeches (according as we have it Acts 23. 5. Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy people;) but also our hearts from evil thoughts and surmisings: we must not curse them at any rate, no not there. And if not that, then doubtless (by like proportion) not reproach them, not speak slightingly of them, not make irreverent approaches into their presence, not publish their infirmities, not lessen their abilities, not heighten their deviations, not scruple their just and lawful commands; in a word, not do any thing which may probably tend to the least abatement or diminution of Majesty. And then see here the exceeding vileness of these enemies, they hated Him, their King. What, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hate their King? a person, whom God almighty hath signally honoured with his own name, b Psal. 82. 6. Dixi, Dii estis, I have said ye are gods; hath immediately raised up by his own proper ordination & constitution, c Prov. 9 15. per me Reges regnant, by me Kings reign; hath invested with unquestionable power and authority d Eccles. 8. 4. where the word of a King is, there is power, and who may say unto him, what dost thou? hath advanced above the jurisdiction and cognizance of Laws, and made responseable to none but to himself; e Psal. 51. 4. tibi soli peccavi said holy David a King, against thee only have I sinned: though we know he defiled Bathsheba, and caused Vriah to be put to death: but they were both his subjects; and though the wrong was done to them in person, yet was the sin punishable by God only, * Si quis de nobis, o Rex, justitiae tramites transcendere voluerit, à te corripi potest; si vero tu excesseris, quis te corripiet? loquimur enim tibi, sed si volueris, audis, si autem nolueris, quis te damnabit; nisi is qui se pronunciavit esse justitiam, Greg. Turon. who alone is superior to Kings, and the only judge and censurer of their Actions. Thus you see what signal Characters of Majesty and authority, of reverence and veneration, God Almighty hath stamped upon the person and office of Kings, enough to make their names sacred and venerable with men, and to advance their Office above the aspiring reaches of popular ambitions and usurpations. That he might be sure to render their persons God the only ruler of Princes, Liturgy of the Church of Engl. Collect for the King. sacred and inviolable, he has hedged them in with a special and peremptory Nolite tangere, touch not mine anointed; and to assert the divine extraction and origination of their office, himself calls it f Rom. 13. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his own ordinance and constitution. We do not intent in all this to advance them above the degree and condition of mankind, though we place them in the highest rank and order of men. ⸫ Divisum imperium cum Jove Caesar habet, Mart. We dare not with that fawning Poet, call them copartners and fellow-sharers with God in power and sovereignty. No, our Faith teacheth us better manners, our religion will not permit such flatteries; we do not give this honour to them, we dare not have these thoughts and apprehensions of them: yet this we say of them, and the Apostle warrants it, that they are g Rom. 13. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, God's immediate substitutes and deputies; his most proper Lieutenants and representatives upon earth: further yet this also we say of them, and Tertullian warrants it, that they are homines à Ad Scapul. cap. 2. Deo secundi, & solo Deo minores, of men the very next step to divinity, and inferior to none but God: nay further yet, this also we say of them, and ⸫ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the ancient Poet warrants it, and one of greater authority than the Poet, S. Basil (I take it;) that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of all other the liveliest transcripts and images of that Sovereignty and Supremacy which is proper only to Divinity. So that now though we Deify not the men, yet we magnify their office; though we adore not their persons, yet we reverence Colimus Imperatorem sic quomodo & nobis licet, & ipsi expedit. Tert. ad Scap. their authority; we know them all the while to be but men which shall die, and h Esay 51. 12. Sons of men which shall ere long be as grass. And if haply their great power and command should beguile them, and put cheats upon them, and make them think otherwise of themselves, yet by and by either a fever, or an ague, or a fit of the stone, or colic, or gout, will discover the cheat, and show that it is nothing so. Howbeit, though we have these common thoughts and opinions of their humanity's, yet dare we not have the least slighting persuasions and apprehensions of their authority. God's command i 1 Pet. 2. 17. is to Honour them, and at no rate to hate them; he bids us to pray for them, yea for them k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Tim. 2. 1 first of all, for them in the first place, and by no means to curse them: His ordinance it is l Rom. 10. 1. that every soul be subject to them, yea to them as m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the highest powers, and inferior to no power but his own; and who then can rebel, and arm himself against them, and not at the same time fight 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against God? This for the second Consideration of these Enemies, respecting their inward hatred and enmity. 3. The third Consideration respects them in their posture of actual mutiny and hostility, The open breaking out of their sedition and rebellion: They sent a message after him, saying, We will not have this man to reign over us; so we indeed, but in the Greek it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they sent an ambassage after him. See how soon they begin to King it themselves; they (forsooth) must be in the mode of great Princes, and must be dispatching their Ambassadors, and sending abroad their messages; & to whom do they send them? why to their King; well, but what kind of message is it I trow? one would think that being a message from subjects to their King, it should be dressed up in all the circumstances of fear and reverence, of awfulness and trembling, of loyalty and fidelity, of submission and obedience, that possibly could be: but this is nothing such, but a message of open defiance and hostility, a message of utter disclaimure and renunciation; in a word, a message as full of rebellion and treason as words could possibly set it forth, nolumus hunc regnare, we will not have this man to reign over us. Well, but mark first what a fit time they take to send this message after him; it was now in his absence, now that he was upon his journey. All the while he was present among them we hear of none of these carriages toward him, not a word of any such messages sent after him; but being onwards in his journey they presently take the advantage of his absence, and then they send after him. See, the children of darkness how wise, how cunning, how active, how diligent they are in their works of darkness: if any opportunity falls in their way which may advantage their wicked purposes, how greedily do they catch at it? how presently do they embrace it? how advantageously do they improve it and make use of it? These enemies (it is like) had waited a long time for an opportunity, but could light of none fit and ripe enough for their purpose: and now the first that offered itself, see, how presently they lay hold of it, what great advantages they make of it? Oh that the children of Light were also as wise and watchful, and serious in their generations! that they were but in as good earnest, would but take as much pains, and be at as much cost, and make as many journeys, and lie as much at the catch in their ways of piety, as sinners and wicked men do in their ways and courses of sin. Well but they uttered not these words in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 presence, but sent them after him; and indeed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had they done otherwise, their impudence would have been greater, and their rudeness far more strange and wonderful: for God Almighty hath stamped such secret characters of reverence and awfulness upon the persons of Kings, that those very men who regard not the authority at all, are yet many times greatly afraid and awed with the Majesty of the presence. I have read of many in former times, and have heard of more of late times, who brought along with them mischievous designs and purposes enough against the life of their Prince, but when they came once into their presence, they wanted power to accomplish their errands, and courage to perfect the execution of their wicked designs. And therefore these men we see were subtle and cunning in their wickedness; and that they might work the surer, they dissembled an appearance of some modesty and bashfulness in their carriages; they did not violently assault their King, they did not formally arraign him, they did not erect an high Court of justice to try him, and judge him: but (though wickedly enough, yet somewhat more modestly) they took the opportunity of his absence, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they sent after him. Well, but mark further a notable climax or gradation in their sin; first, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they hated him; next 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they send after him, next follows the full period and consummation of their wickedness, an act of open disclaimure and renunciation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we will not have this man to reign over us. See here Sin's usual way of motion, how it moves progressively, and creeps on by little and little, and improves by degrees; and one Sin is a step to another, and every lesser Sin the disposition and inlet into a greater; It is rare that any man gins with great Nemo repent ●t turpissimus. Sins at first, but slips into them by degrees, and ordinarily observes a kind of method in sinning, and commonly gins first with evil thoughts, then with evil desires, next with evil speeches, after that with evil actions, and last of all grows up into evil habits and customs: and then indeed is sin consummate & perfect, and hath all its measures of viciousness; when a man comes once to make a trade of sin, and hath left off to blush at the conviction of an evil action; and doth begin now to work uncleanness * with greediness, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ephes. 4. 19 and to make sinning a matter of course and necessity. There is commonly in most spirits a natural bashfulness unto sins of open same and scandal, and men are at first shamefaced and modest, and their reputation gins to be concerned, and their spirits to fly back and start at the odious names of theft, or drunkenness, or murder, or sacrilege; neither does the Devil usually make these his first Lectures, but commonly gins first with smaller sins, and sins of less public notice and discovery, and entertains the sinner at first with the wantonness of an evil thought, or an idle motion, and leaves him a while to make sport and play with this bait; but then having once well entered him here, and persuaded him into an easy yielding unto these, he with little ado afterwards draws him one step further unto evil desires and lustings, as being of equal privacy and secrecy with the former; and now the heart being full of evil thoughts and lustings, does naturally desire to ease and vent itself in sinful speeches and discourses, and is in some pain till it be delivered of them; and here the tongue gins first to dissemble, next to lie, next to swear, next to blaspheme: and the next thing that the man goes in hand with, is the practice of evil actions; & here also (as before) the Devil keeps him to his old method: and first learns the man the art of fraud and cozening, after that the practice of extortion and oppression, afterwards the trade of open theft and violence; and by this time the man is grown a perfect artist and proficient, and is taught to swallow any bait, and to scruple at nothing. This I add the rather to persuade Christians to be very wary and careful of the first motions and beginnings of sin, for he that easily gives way to a sinful motion, cannot certainly tell where it will end, and how far it may possibly carry him. Holy David doubtless was sincerely pious and religious, and one, that had a proposition of adultery or murder been made to him at first, would certainly have thrown away the motion and abhorred the proposition, and have reckoned himself much undervalved, and have been very angry with the man that should have made it: but yet you see how soon the entertainment of a single lust drew him on to adultery; and being gone thus far, the regard of his credit and reputation did afterwards force him upon the necessity of moving a step forwards, and of adding the commission of another sin, to conceal and hid the shame of his former folly. It has never yet been accounted safe playing an after▪ game with Sin; the surest course is principiis obstare, to begin with it at its first rise, to crush it in the egg, to stifle it in its first movings and beginnings; he that will keep sin out of his tongue or hands, must be careful to continue always a strict and constant guard upon his heart, and observe every passage there, that there be never a chink or cranny left for sin to enter in at; for the least leak of all may let in water enough to drown the biggest Vessel. But no more of this. I have hitherto shown you the manner of these Enemies comport and carriage toward their King: come we now to examine a little the condition and nature of the message which they send after him; a message (you will soon grant, I am sure) of huge disloyalty and disaffection, of the highest pride and insolency; and to say no more of it, a message of open and actual defiance and renunciation, Nolumus hunc regnare, we will not have this man to reign over us. How is that? we will not: why then is it wholly as we will? Is the title and office of Kings become now such a precarious Title? or do they hold their Crowns and Sceptres altogether in Tenancy from the people, that it is in their choice and power, to King them or un▪ King them, to continue them or displace them at pleasure? says not the Rom. 13. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Clem. constitut. Divine wisdom, per me Reges regnant, by me Kings reign? is there ever such a word as per populum, in all that Charter, which might entitle the people to some right and power in the choice of their supreme Magistrate? Again, says not the Apostle, The powers that are, are ordained of God? So that here you see is the joint consent and suffrage of both Testaments, to confirm and warrant the proposition, that Magistracy is not a popular choice, not a humane creature, † but a divine ordinance: and though a 1 Pet. 2. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Porphyr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lib. 4. narrat. de solenni apud E●senos juramenti formulâ. S. Peter indeed calls it an ordinance of man: yet must we not so understand the expression, as if he intended it of Magistracy in respect of the first rise and institution of it, (which other Scriptures do expressly affirm to be of God, and not of man) but in regard of the subject wherein it is placed, and unto whom (of God) the due exercise and administration thereof is committed: neither (in respect of what follows in the same verse) can it be imagined that S. Peter in calling Magistracy an humane ordinance, had the least design to assert a right and power in people of creating and making their King: for this would be to maintain a flat contradiction: in regard that Him (the King) he calls supreme; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and if the King be supreme, then are the people inferior to him; and that too, not only distributively in respect of every single and particular man (for this would be but to advance him into the rank and order of the best and noblest sort of subjects; a goodly advancement for a King) but collectively, as comprehending the whole mass and body of people. And as for that distinction of singulis major, but universis minor; it is a notion as far short of truth, as it is of antiquity: being a distinction of yesterday invention only, unknown to the Sages of ancient times, and on purpose devised of late, to serve the ambitious ends of some, who by making that unsound & dangerous position the chief ground and reason of their actions, did thereby plainly bewray the weakness of their cause, & how little of solid truth & reason they had to pretend for what they did. But to return to our business; if the chief Magistrate be supreme, and the people inferior to him, then can be not be the people's creature: for the Creator must of necessity be confessed superior to the creature, and not the creature to the Creator; neither is it possible that that which is made, should be more noble and excellent then that which made it; so that should it once be granted, that the chief Magistrate is the people's creature; it must needs follow, that the same things at the same time, and in respect of the same, are supreme and not Supreme, inferior and not inferior. But to give you all this more clearly in an example: and because I will free myself from the pretence of any exception, I will instance in the first King which was ever set up over the people of God, and that was Saul King of Israel. Now he, of whose choosing and setting up (I trow) was he? did the people choose him, was he their creature, and did they appoint him, and set him up over themselves? nothing less: they desired a King indeed, and went crying to Samuel that he would make them a King, 1 Sam. 8. But a King is too noble and excellent a creature for Samuel's making; accordingly he carries this request and desire of the peoples unto God, to know his pleasure in the matter; and he afterwards chooseth them a King, and singles out the man, and describes the person, and empowers him with commission & authority, and causeth him to be brought before them; & when he was set before them, hark what Samuel said unto the people, 1 Sam. 10. 24. See the man whom the Lord hath chosen; mark, it is not whom you, but whom the Lord hath chosen. * Cujus jussu homines nascuntur, hujus jussu & r●ges constituuntur, apti iis, qui in illis temporibus ab ipsis reguntur Irenaeus l. 5. So that Kings you see are of God's immediate choosing & setting up, the first King of all it is clear was so; & primi & ultimi par ratio, the charter holds alike in succession; accordingly it was well said of a De civitat. Dei, l. 5. c. 21. holy Austin. Qui regnum dedit Constantino Christiano, ipse dedit Iuliano Apostatae, he that gave the Kingdom to Constantine a Christian, gave it also to julian an Apostate; there was a very vast difference in the dispositions & qualities of these two Kings, the one a Christian, the other an Apostate; the one a protector, the other a persecutor; & yet you see they both alke derived their commissions from the same divine hand; and they had both the same letters patents to produce for their authority, he that gave the Kingdom to the one, gave it to the other too; he that set up the one, set up the oath likewise; he that made the one King, made the other King also. And then say, was it not a most frontless and impudent usurpation of power in these Citizens to say unto their King, Nolumus hunc regnare, we will not have this man reign over us? Well, but is it then as they will? to continue their King, or to cast him off; to pay homage unto him, or to rebel against him at pleasure? Are Kings thus beholden to Subjects for their Allegiance? and is it a courtesy in them to pay it? and not rather their duty, yea their special privilege, more, their singular happiness, if they would see it. Call you this the way to honour Kings, which the Scripture every where inculcates? Non n●scius David divin●m esse traditionem in officio ordinis regalis, id●irco Saul in ●adem traditione positum honorificat, ne Deo injuriam facere videretur, qui his ordinibus honorem decrevit, August. Quaest. Vet. & No. Test. q. 35. is this to be subject to the higher powers, which the Apostle so plainly commands, and that too in words of most peremptory and indispensible importance, a Rom. 1. 13. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers?. See I pray, how he extends the duty, how he lays it at the door of every particular man's concernment; Let every Soul, High and Low, Rich and Poor, Noble and Ignoble; one with another all must submit, all must be subject to the higher powers. Again, mark well the expression he useth, Let every Soul; now I confess that this word (Soul) is many times put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Scripture to signify the whole man, and so it does here too; but yet (in regard of what follows v. 5.) I cannot conceive but that the Apostle haply might have a special design in his choice of that word here in this place (viz.) to imply the right and proper principle of true Christian subjection; that it be not a mere forced, or yet a formal submission altogether, not o'er Significantius dicit, Omnis anima, cum debuisset dici, Omnis Homo, ut inteliigeremus, non solum res nostras, non solum corpora nostra, sed e●iam animas debere subji●i principibus saecularibus▪ in iis quae possunt l●gitime imperare, Cajet. in locum. tenus, or genu tenus, not a lip▪ subjection, or a knee-subjection only, but a free and willing obedience, a subjection out of Conscience, a submission out of free choice and election, that we do ex animo obedire, obey from our souls; paying higher powers their tribute of all due subjection and submission, not barely as a task or imposition of duty laid upon us, but as a tender of willing choice and election freely flowing from us. And he that is such a Subject, and makes a conscience of his obedience, is straight tied up to a necessity of continual subjection, and desires not to cast off any yoke which Conscience lays upon him; But perseveres constant and steadfast in his duty, and nothing can shake him out of his allegiance, or persuade him to disloyalty, or tempt him to rebellion, * Si totus orbis adversus me conjuraret, ut quidpiam molirer adversus regiam Majestatem, ego tamen Deum timerem, & ordinatum ab eo Regem offendere non auderem, Bern. Epist. 170. or to practise any thing against the person, or honour, or life, or estate, or interest of his lawful Sovereign; yea though an absolute Tyrant, though an open oppressor and grinder of his Subjects, though of a nature never so fierce and intractable, of a spirit never so hard and difficult, yet all this weighs nothing at all in the balance of Conscience, which carries the Law and reason of its obedience in its own breast; and so doth readily answer whatsoever can be objected in this kind, with the Apostles two words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Tibi summum rerum judicium dii dedere, nobis obsequii gloria relicta est: dixit M. Terent. ad Caesare●, apud Tacit. Annal. lib. 6. I must needs obey; every duty stands firm and sure upon the feet of Conscience; and therefore in whomsoever that is truly his principle of action, that man moves evenly and uniformly in every posture of duty, and hangs not in aequilibrio, in an equal poise and indifferency Rom. 13. 5. to either parts of a contradiction; but necessarily moves that way whither Conscience draws him, and is indispensably forced and put upon the practice of that, which Conscience tells him is his duty, and he must do it, or he sins grievously. I have donws now with the first part of the Text, the parties arraigned. Proceed we on to the second, the Cause and reason of their arraignment, employed in these words, who would not that I should reign over them.] In the message which these Citizens sent after their King, we meet with words of foul scorn and contempt, of most vile lessening and undervaluing; so mean and cheap (it seems) he was in their esteem and account, that they thought him not worthy a particular compellation; they scorned to call him by his proper name and title, but slightingly passed him over with a plain and common 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we will not have this man (this sorry, Hunc, despicientium est, & dedignantium nominare, Brugens. in locum. easy fellow, or indeed what ye please) to reign over us. And this indeed hath ever been the constant guise and practice of mutinous and seditious spirits, when ever they went about, and had a mind to resist and rebel against the authority of their lawful Sovereigns, still to vilify their persons, and to lessen and disparage their parts; and in a word, to throw on as much load, and to cast as much dirt upon the men, as may be, to the end that by so doing they might render them more cheap and contemptible in the eyes and esteem of the vulgar. An usage which Machiavelli solemnly taught his Scholars, with an Item of Nolite oblivisci, and which hath been but too much practised of late years: and yet neither is this any thing more than what is necessarily preparative to rebellion, and hath been the constant practice of Rebels; (viz.) to begin first with reproaching the persons of their Rulers, and possessing people's minds with strange reports and stories of the men; and this being once done, the Scene is fairly laid as they would have it, and they have a handsome opportunity for their purpose, and people are willing to be helpful and assisting to them; and now the mask gins to be laid aside by little and little: and the next posture which you shall likely find the men in, is in complete arms, in some strong garrison, or pitched field, in open confrontment and opposition of the power and authority of their King. Howbeit (if you mark it well) in this King's charge and indictment here in the Text, there is nothing of all this recorded, nothing of their rudeness named, but only their rebellion punished, not their previous incivilities towards his person mentioned, but barely their present contempt of his authority sentenced. And was not this Crime enough, you will say, Crimenlaesae Majestatis, a Crime of the highest possible Treason? what can be more treasonable than this? or indeed is treasonable in comparison of this? what, to say of a King, nolumus hunc, we will not have this man to reign over us? and conformably thereunto to endeavour actually the dispossessing him of his Regal power and authority? Can Subjects possibly do more against their Sovereign? yes they may do more, and late examples have told us they may do more, (I speak not of a Licet what they lawfully may do, for so indeed they may not do so much; but of a factum est, what some subjects wickedly have done) they may also add fury to their rebellion, may lay violent hands upon their Sovereign, may draw up articles of Indictment against him, may cause him to be brought before their Tribunals, and thence pass sentence of death upon him; this they may do, for some we know have done it: But tell it not in Gath, publish it 2 Sam. 1. 20. not in the streets of Askelon; lest the daughters of the Philistines rejoice, lest the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph. Howbeit these Rebels in the Text, were not such through proficients; they had not as yet learned the art of killing of Kings, and of putting their lawful Princes and Sovereigns to death: accordingly you see they laid not violent hands upon his person, but only remonstrated their disaffection to his government; they drew not up articles of Indictment against him, but only cast off all yokes of obedience and subjection to his authority; their rebellion was not dressed up in like formalities and circumstances with others of a later edition, only, noluerunt regnare, they would not have Him to reign over them. And why not Him I trow? was it for any misdemeanours in his government? or for his cruelty and severity towards them? or his Tyranny and usurpation over them? No, none of these reasons are alleged; and we may probably conclude they were not pretended, because not alleged. But they will have him no longer King, because they will, stat pro ratione voluntas. And this indeed, would but people speak out, is the plain English of all rebellion, nolunt regnare, they will not have any King to reign over them: well, but where lays all the exception? not so much against the person of their King, quà Man, but his Office, quà King; for it is not said noluerunt esse, they would not have him to continue and remain among them, but non regnare, not to reign over them, not to be superior to them, not to have any place of command or power, or pre-eminence above them; so that it was not so much the person of the man, as his authority, all this time, which they fired against, and did strike at; and made use only of the person, to the end that through his sides they might mortally wound and destroy the authority itself. And this indeed is the whole bone of the controversy, Men are proud and aspiring, covetous and ambitious; they would all be Kings; and this makes them despisers of government, disobedient to Laws, undervaluers and contemners of those in places of command and authority. I think I may very truly say it, that scarce ever yet was there a professed Rebel in the world, who did not all the while carry a King in his belly. Would but the Church have made Pelagius Bishop, it might haply have been freed of his heresy; might but Corah, Dathan and Abiram, have been all of them Priests, it is like they would not have disturbed the Congregation with their strange fire: and Facite me Romanae Ecclesiae episcopum (said Praetextatus a heathen to Pope Damasus) & ero protinùs Christianus, an ingenuous confession, Make me but once Bishop of Rome, and I will presently turn Christian. There is usually in all seditious and discontented people, a spirit of much pride and ambition, and they are generally sick of a tympany, and their spirits begin to swell and grow big, and to quarrel with their condition; and Pelagius must be a Bishop or he will turn Heretic; and Diotrephes must have the pre-eminence given him, or he will breed great stirs in the Church; and Praetextatus must be made Pope, and wear a mitre, or he will not turn Christian; and this is that which puts men ever and anon upon strange and desperate designs: and because nothing can likely more serve their turns then pretences of Religion and reformation, to make Them commonly the stratagems and expedients of their ambition: for they observe most people to be naturally much delighted and pleased with pictures and images of Religion; and if they observe a man to pray long, or to fast often, or to be zealous against superstition, or to be open mouthed against profaneness, or to have a mortified look, or a sullen eye brow, presently they cry him up for a Saint, and he is voiced abroad for an heavenly man; not considering all the while how his Principles are laid, and whereat his Religion may possibly be designed: and we ourselves have lived in times which may sufficiently convince any sober man, that the forwardest professors and greatest talkers of Religion, are not always the best Christians. But these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Text were no such pretenders of Religion, they wanted a mask of devotion to cast over their face of rebellion; they were right-down rebels; and if any rebellion be better than other, this is that: their design was rebellion, and they professedly owned it: and so their wickedness (though vile and bad enough) was by so much less sinful, as it was more plain and simple: they did not sugar it over with pretences of Religion, or dress it up with the garnish and false colours of devotion, but plainly told him their mind, noluerunt regnare, they would not have him to reign over them. And thus now having hitherto discovered to you their guilt, I presume you will say it is high time that the men be brought to speedy execution; which also brings me to the third and last part of the Text; the sentence determined and passed upon them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, bring hither and slay them before me. In which sentence we have two things considerable, First, the severity of the punishment. Secondly, the speedy execution of the sentence. The first you have employed in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, slay From 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, à quo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jugulum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Thucyd. them, destroy them, cut their throats, more pecudum, as we usually serve beasts; and good reason for it too, that they who by their sin had degenerated beneath the common civility and ingenuity of men, should now in their punishment be dealt with, and served after the manner of beasts. Again the latter, that also you have intimated in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, bring them forth hither: He would not (it seems) have the sentence deferred, and put off from day to day, but be presently put in execution, and his own eyes must be witnesses of the vengeance, bring them hither and slay them before me. And why, in this sin of theirs there were two things to be considered; First, the horribleness of the fact itself. Secondly, the evil example which it gave: both which did call for a speedy execution of justice, to the end, that neither by the long delay and suspension of vengeance, the course of justice might be stopped, nor by a general Act of pardon and oblivion, others be encouraged and emboldened unto the like wicked practices. Now the observation which I shall raise from both these, is this; That a speedy execution of punishment upon notorious Offenders and malefactors, is a necessary Act of justice, and a seasonable mercy to a Nation. I grant indeed that mildness and clemency, that pardon and tenderness are special virtues in a Magistrate; and S. Iude's rule is very good, and worthy the imitation of such persons: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of some have compassion, making a difference: howbeit, Judas 22. though such are to show mercy at times, yet they must do it (you see) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and it must be dispensed with a difference: All spirits are not capable of mercy, all people are not proper for mercy; and to be sure, not scandalous, not notorious Offenders. Oh no; such must be made examples, and be brought to speedy trial; and it is much more mercy to punish them,, and to let the sentence of justice pass upon them here, that neither themselves in their persons, nor others by their means, and the encouragement of their impunity, may perish eternally hereafter. And indeed, these quick and speedy proceed against such Offenders, they are of very great use in a Kingdom, and do serve to several important purposes. First, they are excellent expedients in themselves, and the readiest and likeliest means to prevent public judgements and calamities. When the Magistrate once draws his sword of justice against sin, then does God also begin to put up his sword of vengeance, and commonly not before. The Scriptures afford us variety of examples in this kind. When joshua and his men went against Ai, The people of Ai (says the Text) came out against them and smote them, and chased Jos. 7. 5. them away; this presently filled joshua with wondering and admiring at the strangeness of the discomfiture, that he who had fought so many victorious battles hitherto, should now be affronted and checked by such a little paltry City, such an inconsiderable handful of people: well, but mark the course he takes, he goes and complains, and prays, and cries heavily unto God; but God's ears are usually stopped to prayers which are not attended with justice. All his complaining, and praying, and crying prevailed not with God Almighty; No, he must have justice upon Malefactors done first: there was in Ioshua's Camp one Achan, who had lately committed a great sin, and deserved a great punishment, and until execution be done upon him, joshua may complain and cry if he will, but shall be sure to be worsted. Another like example we have 2 Sam. 21. 1. There was a famine in the days of David three years, year after year; and David enquired of the Lord, and the Lord answered, it is for Saul and for his bloody house, because he slew the Gibeonites; well, see the course that David takes, he calls for the Gibeonites, and asks what reparations he should make them, that they might bless the inheritance of the Lord; And the Gibeonites said unto him, we will have no silver, nor no gold of Saul nor of his house; But the man that consumed us, and that devised mischief against us, that we should be destroyed from remaining in any of the coasts of Israel: let seven men of his sons be delivered unto us, and we will hang them up unto the Lord in Gibeah of Saul: and this being duly performed and executed, mark the issue, the famine presently ceased; and there was a speedy return of plenty and abundance again. But most memorable above any other is that example of Ahab, 1 Kings 20. who for sparing and showing kindness and favour to Benhadad, whom he should have destroyed and slain, received this heavy doom from the mouth of God, ver. 42. Because thou hast let go out of thy hand a man whom I had appointed unto utter destruction, therefore shall thy life go for his life, and thy people for his people. A Text which should make Magistrates very wary and cautious, lest the mercy which they show to Malefactors, do over a while rebound ba●k in heavy judgements either upon themselves or their posterity. But than secondly, such speedy proceed are also great checks and restrains to sin. Nothing does more awe wicked men into good order and discipline, and make them more afraid of sinning, and bind them over to their good behaviour; then a speedy execution of justice upon Offenders: for he that sees such men punished before his eyes, though he makes no conscience at all of the evil of the sin, yet will he somewhat tremble, and be afraid of committing the same fact, for fear of incurring a like punishment. It is true indeed, were all men ingeniously and virtuously spirited, as there would be no occasion, so would there be as little need and use of such severities; but you know what the Apostle saves, Lex non posita est justo, 1 Tim. 1. 9 the Law is not made for a righteous man, but for sinners and wicked persons, to restrain and hinder them from sinning; and common experience (too evidently) proves it, that the Magistrate contributes much more to the suppression of vice in a nation, by one stroke of his sword, then do many others, by a whose life of pious example and doctrine. Yea and for this cause too says the same Apostle Rom. 13. 4. is the Sword of justice put into his hand, that he should be (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) an avenger of wrath to every one that doth evil. Again thirdly, such speedy proceed are also great preservatives of peace and quiet in a nation. Nothing does sooner stifle rebellions, and suppress tumults, and appease murmur, and discourage wicked devices and conspiracies than these: hence says Solomon of Righteousness, (a main part whereof you know consists in timely distributions of punishments) that it exalteth a nation, Prov. 14. 32. that is, makes it rich and populous, safe and secure. Ministers may preach their hearts out, and study to devise motives, and to prescribe rules of peaceable living; but when all is done, the Magistrates sword must have a great stroke in this work; he is the fittest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the likeliest of all other to keep the peace: and therefore if he once grows remiss and backward in his executions of justice, it makes people proud and scornful, and confident, and presumptuous; and every single sinner escaping unpunished, puts hope into thousands, that they also may do so too: and so in the effect, a mercy shown to one, proves a cruelty done to many. Again fourthly and lastly, such speedy and timely proceed are great gladding and rejoicings to the righteous and good people of the land. The righteous (says holy David) shall rejoice when he seethe the vengeance; Psal. 58. 10. and in perditione imp●orum (says Solomon) erit plaudatio, when the wicked perisheth, there is shouting: Prov. 11. 10. When Goliath was slain, the people risen up and 1 Sam. 17. 52. shouted for joy: when the Egyptians were drowned, Moses penned that admirable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Exod. 15. when Sisera was overthrown and killed, Deborah and Barak fell to composing their song of praise and thanksgiving, judg. 5. when Haman was hanged upon his lofty pair of gallows, the jews presently instituted their feast of Purim, dies epularum & laetitiae, days of general feasting and rejoicing, Esth. 9 Not that the righteous do (properly) take delight and pleasure in the destruction of any man; only it glads them to see Laws openly vindicated, justice duly executed, sin timely punished, and open marks of reproach and punishment set upon wicked men; * Dum mala opera puniuntur, laudantur bona; ipsa enim punitio malorum, laus est bonorum, Cajet. Com. in cap. 13. ad Rom. and such sights as these cannot doubtless but make every righteous man much applaud and comfort himself in his choice of innocency, and the constant use and practice of a virtuous life. And now all that I shall add more as to the application of this point, is a word only of exhortation; and I shall direct it chief to Magistrates, and persons in places of command and trust, and into whose hand the sword of Justice is put, & to whom specially the administration of Laws belongeth: neither shall I take upon me the boldness to prescribe rules and forms of justice to them: but as a Minister of the Gospel, and in the bowels of jesus Christ, I do most humbly beseech all such, that, for God's sake, for the Kingdom and Church's sake they would be courageous and active in their speedy and exemplary Executions of justice upon Offenders and Malefactors: Those Malefactors especially, than whom (next unto those that crucified our Saviour) the Sun never yet saw any more impudently lewd and wicked. What, (said Pilate to the joh. 19 15. jews concerning our Saviour) Shall I crucify your King? speaking as one that admired and wondered at the strangeness of such an Act. But, see, what an heathen admired and wondered at, some Christians have since practised. But I must not honour them with that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with that worthy name; rather, some that jam. 2. 7. called themselves Christians, and would needs be accounted such: but let not our adversaries cast this in our teeth, Exierunt è nobis, they went out from us, they were not of us, who did these things, and in doing 1 joh. 2. 19 what they did, they un-Christned themselves. It is impossible for any Christian to arrive at such an height of impiety, but he must first quit his religion, and shake hands with his Christianity: for if any thing can possibly tie up men to Laws and Government, to duty and allegiance, to obedience and reverence toward the persons of Kings, it is doubtless Christian Religion. Howbeit, to men that have once out grown all sense and modesty of conscience, such ties and obligations are but as a fence of cobwebs, which they can easily break through at pleasure, and laugh at when they have done. And shall not such Offenders be punished? shall not such Malefactors have speedy and exemplary justice done upon them? is it not sit that they should? is it not just and necessary that they ought? Under the Mosaical Law, no land which had innocent blood shed in it, could be cleansed, but by the blood of him that shed it, Nu. 35. 33. Now was that the Law for common and ordinary blood? does that bring such a sin? does that entail such a curse? does that leave such blot and slain upon a Nation, that there is no washing it off, no possible cleansing and wiping it out, otherwise then by the bosom of vindicative justice and vengeance? and shall we have cheaper thoughts, and make lesser account of Royal Sovereign blood? does that call loud for vengeance, and does not this cry much louder? will not God be friends with the nation, where that is silently connived at, and passed over? and will he likely ever be reconciled to that Kingdom where This is not severely punished? You know what great difference the Scripture puts betwixt the life of Kings, and of Subjects; making one drop of a King's blood of more worth and value then many large quantities of the blood of subjects. If we flee away (said the men of 2 Sam. 18. 3. judah to David) they will not care for us, and if half of us die, they will not care for us. But now thou art more worth than ten thousand of us; see the disproportion! ten thousand, to one. And does not God (think you) expect that we should observe a like proportion in our inquisitions after the blood of Kings? And doubtless it is nothing less than a special miracle of mercy; that we have been spared all this while, and that our land (the unhappy Scene of all this wickedness) hath not long since become as Sodom, and been made like unto Gomorrah: and yet did we not stand here, but have been daily adding to our measure of sin, and pickling up other horrible crimes (which though in horror and magnitude not equal to the former, yet) such as the innocence of former times would have blushed at, and the modesty of our fore fathers have been put out of countenance to have heard so much as mentioned. But Aetas parentum, p●jor●vis, tulit Horat. n●s Nequiores; we are a viperous generation, a thriving sort of sinners, people that have out done the immodesties of former Malefactors, and devised new arts and stratagems to commence Excellent in wickedness, and to try how far it was possible to sin. Many strange, many horrible things have of late years been done amongst us; and blood hath been as common in our streets as water; and the murder of Christians, as the slaughter of beasts. And no wonder neither, for having once leapt over this highest fence, and adventured that upon the life and person of their Sovereign, which never yet entered into the thoughts of the most heathen and barbarous people, (to be sure not dressed up in like formalities) what ties of Laws, or obligations of Conscience, or motives of Reason, or arguments of Modesty can be imagined of strength and force sufficient to restrain such spirits from breaking out into any open violences which unbridled fury and frenzy can possibly suggest? Is it like that those savages would afterward grow tender and squeamish, and make a conscience of the blood of their fellow-subjects, who were so prodigal of their Sovereigns? And yet, say I beseech you, has not this been our manner of living for these twelve years together? how hath our land been made another Aceldama, a field of blood? and this Kingdom of ours so famous in the Histories of former times; for modesty and civility, for justice and equity, for Religion and reformation, for excellent Laws and government, been changed into the rudeness of a wilderness, a dominion and habitation of Wolves and Tigers? Oh the abundance of innocent blood which hath of late years been shed among us! the cry whereof hath already pierced the Heavens, and is Gen. 4. 10. come up into the ears of the Lord of hosts, and is importunate, and will not be satified: and many souls of them that have been barbarously slain for the word of God, and for the testimony which they held, do at this very time lie under the Altar, calling out and crying with loud voices, How long oh Lord, holy and true, dost thou not avenge our blood on them that dwell Revel. 6. 9 on the earth? And yet neither is this all; there hath of late years been a very great reproach and scandal brought upon the Protestant religion, and the wound hath gone deep, & our enemies do rejoice & laugh at it, and there is no way possible to wipe it off, but by the exemplary punishment of them that brought it. And until this be done, I fear God will not be perfectly reconciled unto us, nor our Church ever able to get up, nor our Kingdom ever recover into its ancient happiness and security; but still there will be fears, and plots, and jealousies, and continual parties and factions amongst us, and wicked men will be emboldened unto strange attempts, and good men much discouraged in ways of loyalty and obedience. It is a notable example for Magistrates, that which we have recorded, Psal. 106. 30. Then stood up Phineas and executed judgement, and so the plague ceased; See, justice timely executed, it stays plagues, it hastens mercies, it removes and puts by judgements. We must not think that God will be reconciled to our land barely by our praying, or preaching, or fasting, and the like; nay but he will have justice executed withal, and sinners shamed, and Malefactors brought to condign punishment; when that work is once over, then if (afterwards) we return to him in the exercise of those holy duties, we may hopefully expect that he also will be friends with us, and will delight to dwell among us, and to do us good; and will be a wall of brass about our Kingdom, and will defend the person of our King, and will restore to our Church her ancient rights and honours, and will rain down blessings into our laps; and we shall not be any longer a reproach and a scorn, and a by word to our neighbours; but a joy to our friends, a terror to our enemies; and shall enjoy a lasting succession of much peace, and plenty, and happiness in our land: and (in a word) when we have once made our kingdom terram justi●iae a land of righteousness, by removing the wicked from out of it: then will God also continue it to us for ever, terram visionis, another Goshen, a land of light and vison: Amen. Numb. 35. 31. Moreover, you shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, which is guilty of death; but he shall surely be put to death. FINIS.