REGICIDES No Saints nor Martyrs: Freely Expostulated With the Publishers of LUDLOW'S Third Volume, as to the Truth of Things and Characters.  
WITH A Touch at AMYNTOR'S Cavils against Our KING's Curing the Evil, and the Thirtieth of January Fast.  
A SUPPLEMENT to the Just Defence of the Royal Martyr; By the same AUTHOR.  Virg. Aeneid. 6o. 
Vendidit hic auro Patriam, Dominumque potentem  
Imposuit; fixit Leges pretio, atque refixit.  PROV. xxviij. 2. 
For the Transgression of a Land, many are the Princes thereof.  
LONDON, Printed for W. Keblewhite, at the Swan in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1700.   

Regicides NO SAINTS nor MARTYRS.  
THAT this hath been all along, and still continues, an Age of Paradoxes, as to the most considerable Subjects men's Minds are conversant about, is too manifest to be disowned: Our Philosophy is so altogether new, that it bids defiance to whatever helps the Ancients might be supposed to assist us withal; scorns to stand upon their Shoulders, to take the better Prospect of the Natural World, which our Forefathers prudently did, and gratefully acknowledged; but, on the contrary, if we now stand so in any sense, 'tis to trample upon, and contemn them. And in some part it may be from hence, that our Divinity is more than ever tinged with the opposition of Sciences falsely so called, whether of new Lights on the one hand, which have so much darkened the right understanding of all true Religion; or new Notions on the other, which would submit the Mysteries of God to the Reason of Man, bring back all Revealed, to Natural Knowledge; and that, which is sadder still, without the least regard to Moral Practice. But nothing hath been so Paradoxical as our Politics, about which we have tried as many Experiments, as the Chemists for the Philosopher's Stone, and to much worse purpose; since they, tho' failing in their grand aim, every day improved their Discoveries to the health, and benefit of Mankind; whereas our State Empirics are so desperate, as to force upon us their Poison, without the least provision of an Antidote; will needs be altering the whole Constitution of that Body, nay, it's very frame and posture, even to setting the Feet uppermost, as if we had quite forgot the Mischiefs which attended their former attempts of that kind, what a Vertigo it made in our Brains, such a swimming, and giddiness, that many will not own it for a disease, that every thing should still turn round: neither indeed can it be upon any other Presumption but this, a belief of the generalities not being throughly recovered, so far in their right Wits, as to have attained that old, and true apprehension of things they mostly had before those many fatal Joggs, and National Convulsions, that these bold Undertakers have the confidence of thinking to set up their Stage again, make a Cant, and a Noise, with those many Old Compositions, which from our former experience have proved most destructive both to Health and Life: And 'tis of most unhappy consideration, that in this particular alone they should have reason, take us in such a careless indifferency as to those former Disorders, and Confusions so long groaned under, that we seem to have forgot, according to our aforementioned charge, not only God's Mercies, but our own Miseries too.  
And from hence alone it must be, that the Prefacers to Ludlow's Third Volume, boast so much of that reception the two former had met with. men's Palates are vitiated, and Stomaches foul, which makes solid Truths of too hard digestion; sound Principles, and sincere Advice, will no more down with them, than a Potion of Physic with a sickly pettish Child, or Water with a man in an Hydrophoby: Something they must have which is not to be had, or will certainly do them Mischief if they can get it; and yet having gratified their humour, and experienced the nauseousness of what was so earnestly desired, how loathsome and pernicious it proved, they will not be thereby cautioned from fancying something else altogether as prejudicial: would any Physician of Reputation comply with a Patient in such froppish Extravagancies; or wise, good man oblige a Friend, a Relation in the like unkind Concessions? And this is what I desire to expostulate with the Publishers of the forementioned Memoirs, with what design they are so forward to impose upon the World such a Farrago, such an Hodgpodg, of Calumnies, and Falsehoods; and presume it may be the more freely done, from certain information, that tho' their assigned Author provided the Ingredients, yet they composed the dish, from a confused heap of Alltogethers, according to his little regard either of method or truth, culled out what they thought most proper for this notable Swiss Entertainment: Now from so great an abundance, such as it was, one would think they should have presented us with nothing, but what had been sound, and wholesome, and thereby obliged every judicious Palate, tho' the Service had been the less, (and indeed 'tis probable one Volume would have comprehended all really worth information;) whereas to throw in the many superannuated Stories, and Commonwealth Fictions, which served their several turns from 41. forward, as if Time, the Mother of Truth, had not yet brought forth any thing of clearer discovery, made a real Detection of their many, however well▪ contrived Villainies, is too imposing, and what no common Imposter would be guilty of.  
And really when I first undertook to defend our Royal Martyr, wipe off that dirt, and obloquy, wherewith this Author, and his Friends designed afresh to bedaub the Sacred Memory of that excellent Prince, it could not enter into my thoughts, that they would venture further, at leastwise so far, as to write a Panegyric upon his Murderers, presume or imagine it possible to set them in a true Light, who through all their actions, and enterprises whatsoever, were as black and dark as Hell; a Generation of such profligate wretches, both in Morals, and Principles, as no Age, or Government can parallel; so insolently base, as neither Law, nor Reason could limit their Arbitrary Wills; and yet withal so despicably vile, as their own Creatures had them in equal contempt with all good men, and kicked them down with an answerable Scorn. There was indeed an old Humorist last Century, who writ an Encomion Neronis; and De Quevedo brings in Judas making an ingenious Apology for himself in Hell; but there was Wit and Fancy in those Conceits, without any thing of Intrigue, or mischievous Design; whereas here we are imposed upon with one continued relation of right down Forgeries, and pernicious Innovations, on purpose to possess the People that Knaves and Fools are their best Friends, to ruin the Nation, in subverting all fundamental Establishments, will conduce most to its interest, and that such Devils as have already, or shall hereafter do it, aught to pass for Angels of Light, A just indignation hereat, hath caused me to continue my Reflections upon this Third Volume; wherein, nevertheless I design to be very brief, and shall only take notice of such Passages as either directly or indirectly strike at the Memory of our Royal Martyr; or otherwise tend to the Subversion of the Monarchy in general, its Foundation, and Being. To which purpose I shall,  
1. Crave leave to Expostulate a little with the Author's Friends, (as they term themselves) who set forth his Memoirs, the last Volume more especially, whether they have not a Commonwealth design in publishing them, and do not give more than secret intimation thereof in their Preface? as likewise whether they can plead ignorance of several Passages, and Characters therein, being notoriously False and Scandalous?  
2. I shall presume to give the true Character of those Execrable Regicides, whom with so much Art and Daubing, they endeavour otherwise to represent.  
3. Show with how little reason, and much malice, this last Volume is swelled up, to pretty nigh one half, with a Collection of Letters, and other Papers, which had been frequently Printed before, and every thing therein cavilled at by them, as frequently, and fully replied to.  

SECT. I.  
MY first Business than must be to Expostulate with those worthy Friends and Admirers of the Author, whether they have not a Commonwealth design in Publishing these venerable Remains of his, and do not give more than secret intimation thereof in their Preface, etc. yet I cannot believe they are any otherwise his Friends, than agreeing in the same Notions of Commonwealthism, whereof they esteemed him a doughty Patron; for 'tis generally presumed the last of his Acquaintance and Confidents was S— by B—el, with whom those many Reams of Paper, he had, whilst grumbling in Switzerland, emptied his gall into, were entrusted: and report speaks that he was tricked of them by a Republican confident who best understood to make the best of them, as well for the Good Old Cause, as his own Advantage; which 'tis further said the churlish Nabal was very angry at, and would have resented accordingly, had not Death interposed, and put an end to that Dispute. The Usurper of the Copy, having now got quiet, and sole Possession, consulted, more than once, the whole Calves-head Fraternity, not without some Representatives, as to the most creditable way of Publishing; where in conclusion, it was resolved to cut off the superfluities of that slovenly Swiss dress 'twas left in, and notwithstanding the Books, and their many Prejudices against France, send it forth in that Allamode way of Memoirs. For what reason they affected so much umbrage as to date their Preface from Bern, and suppose the Impression at Vevay, I shall not concern myself; had they said at Derby it had been nigher home, and nigher truth too; nay certainly so, by a little quibbling transition from Place to Person.  
To come to their Preface, which good Books as little want, as good Wine a Bush, they begin with a stolen Common-place flourish of the Reception the other Volumes have found in most Parts of Europe, and the incessant Inquiries of divers Persons of Worth and Honour concerning these Remains, etc. What reception they met Abroad I have not heard, to be sure they are not yet translated into any Foreign Language, and dare engage they never will: But that the Publisher hath had a very good Market at home shall be readily granted, as well for what was formerly observed, that this Age's vitiated Palate relish nothing more than such crude unhealthy stuff, as feed the Disease, rather than nourish the Body; as likewise all Men of sense, and sober understanding were obliged to look into them, the better to refel those many Cavils and Conceits wherewith every superficial Reader is not more easily imposed upon, than forward to impose upon others. And really the only good I can possibly hope for, from the many forward Abettors of such desperate all-destroying Innovations, is that by degrees it may awaken such as apprehend much better, would they exert their Parts, into a due consideration of the Insolence and Arbitrariness of this Faction when in Power, and that the same Evil Spirit possessing us once again, it would be more than seven times worse than at first.  
One thing I must take notice of by way of Preliminary, as very artfully managed, by all the Modern Writers upon this Subject, they bend their whole force against Sir Robert Filmer, who writing at the beginning, or before the Wars, for so his Patriarcha was, proceeded upon one grand Postulatum, which the innocence and simplicity of those quiet times assented to for undoubted truth, and upon the acknowledgement of Revealed Religion, with the History of the Creation, only from thence discovered may indeed be cavilled at, but not disproven; the Postulatum is this, That as God is Sovereign Lord of the V; niverse, so here upon our little Spot, (this Ant-hill, as Lucian terms it, where Men creep up and down, and quarrel each other for every despicable clod) he delegated to Mankind a Superiority over all descended from him; by which means as they are not free to choose whatever Governors, or Forms of Government they please, so is there not the least danger of thraldom, or ill usage, under so natural, and indulgent an Oeconomy; for the treatment of Children is quite different from that of Servants or Slaves; which our Republicans would most illogically infer, and make much clamour about, yet nevertheless if the former the Children be untractable, defective in their duty, and bounden respect; 'tis most incongruous to suppose, even from the dictates of common reason, they that gave them Being, should be without a Power of Restraint, and Control. This Sir Robert lays down as the Basis, the Foundation of all Regiment, from whence, as Mankind multiplied, it grew up from Paternal, to Monarchical, where the People too much resembling Children, of a froppish, unmanageable disposition, 'tis equally reasonable their Common Parent should here likewise have a judgement of discretion, to countenance, or chastise according to their different deportments: Now as this is the Origin from whence that worthy Gentleman deduceth all Government, so is it less liable to Exception, Oppression, etc. than any of those popular Models this uneasy Age is so fruitful of, and troublesome with; but how readily any one may pervert another's meaning, the common course of Controversy unhappily discovers, where each one dresses up his Adversary, as the Heathens did the Primitive Christians, in the Skins of Wild Beasts, or some such like terrible shape, and then loo the Reader to fall upon, and devour them: whereas the forementioned Hypothesis, taken in a candid and true sense, as it gives no more Power to the Prince, than a Father hath over his Children, so is it most forward to grant all those Rights and Privileges, these busy Men make such a noise and clamour about; only designs to give them a true Notion of the thing according to its Original, its Divine Institution; that so they might thankfully, and respectively enjoy them, without offending God, and disturbing, or subverting the Peace, and Welfare, of that Community wherein they live. Yet at the forementioned severe rate is Sir Robert treated, in the former of those Two Treatises of Government; as if he designed nothing but Slavery, and Oppression, to all Mankind, and that nothing less could be deduced from the Principles upon which he proceeds. And that Folio of Discourses written upon the same Subject, By the Honourable Ambassador of the Commonwealth of England, (a commendable Character for a Person of an Ancient, and Noble Family, to be Minister to such a pack of R—) useth him in the like mistaken, ill-bred manner.  
And here I cannot but propound one thing which must be acknowledged reasonable, that since there are a new Set of Men so earnest to revive that old Controversy of Commonwealthism, they would act so squarely, be so ingenuous, as to make an Universal Search into the matter, consider those many Enlargements others have made upon the forementioned Premises; for Sir Robert Filmer only broke the ice, was indeed the first who dared to Remonstrate the cursed Consequences, and horrid Impieties of that Rebellion they were run into; but, as already mentioned, writ only in general, according to the universally received Maxims of precedent Times, till the Jesuit, and Calvinist, set up, the one for the Pope, the other for the People; and so turned all things topsy turvy. I say therefore, it were more generous, and to the purpose, would they take notice, and reply to what hath been further on, with greater particularity, and exactness written upon this occasion: for the Penquarrel went on with that of the Sword, and was much more successful in every Engagement; it would be therefore no little satisfaction to all impartial Enquirers, could these bold Undertakers be prevailed upon, in a full reply, to answer what that Prodigy of all Reading, the most Reverend and Learned Usher, written, during the Rebellion, tho' since Printed; Of the Power communicated by God to the Prince, and the Obedience required of the Subject. And his worthy Successor the great Bramhall, did in the heat of the War write the Serpent Salve, in Answer to a Virulent Libel, which contained all those popular Delusions, the Rebels then made use of to impose upon, and betray the Nation. An ingenious young Gentleman, Mr. Dudley Diggs, did likewise at the same time write of The unlawfulness of Subjects taking up Arms against their King: with many other unanswerable Pieces of that Nature, which these great Sticklers, for their Sovereign Lords the People, or rather their own Maggots, and wild Projects, never did, nor never will take notice of. What Dr. Taylor hath likewise written of the Supreme Power in his Cases of Conscience, is too clearly stated for them ever to meddle with. And to come to what hath passed since the Restauration in 60; when Charles the Second unaccountable Remissness gave their Demagogueships an opportunity of fermenting the People, to very nigh their 41 infatuations; among others, a very learned, and most accomplished Gentleman, Sir George Mackenzie, writ a little Tract, called, Jus Regium, or the Just and Solid Foundations of Monarchy in General, etc. which tho' calculated more immediately for the Meridian of his own Country, yet may it indifferently serve for the whole Island, with any other Part of the Civilised World; this Piece more especially is what I would provoke the whole Set of our revived Rota Club to take notice of, and reply to, if they can; for 'tis writ both like a Divine, and a Lawyer, so concise, and yet withal so full upon each account, as nothing can be more exactly or clearly expressed: He there makes it appear how impossible it is, that all the People in any Nation should be brought to Consult of their Public concerns; yet every private Man and Woman, according to these pretended Laws of Nature, this Popular Birth▪ right, have an equal claim with the most Pragmatical Pretender, and potior est conditio negantis: Observing further, that such plausible Intrigues have been the common wheadle of insolent, factious Spirits, to delude, and engage the Rabbles assistance in subverting the present Establishment, and if the attempt succeed, become 
P. 64.  really those Grievances to the People, falsely suggested in the former, yet the ball being once set a running, the breach made, it can end in nothing but confusion; for they that have subverted one Government may justly expect a Retaliation, and so the freak continued, or pursued, by one Bautefeu after another, without the least prospect of redress. All which must be an undoubted consequence of what Mr. Sidney so positively lays down in those Rhapsodies of his, Sect. 4. Part 3. That the People for whom the Magistrate is created, can only judge whether he rightly perform his Office, or not; excellent Judges without doubt, and very steady in their Resolves: Although Tacitus who hath hitherto passed for a judicious Historian, was of a quite different Persuasion, in that he saith, Plebi non judicium, non veritas: And Tully, thought no mean Statesman in the Roman Republic, 
Pro Planc.  passes the same censure, Non est Consilium in vulgo, non Ratio, non Discrimen, non Diligentia,— Ex opinione plurima, ex veritate pauca judicat: But our Modern Politicoes understand better, or rather design otherwise, to be the Gracchis, the Marij of our times, nothing more satisfactory to their turbulent Spirits, and bloody Minds, than Proscription, and Slaughter.  
But to urge this a little further, how shall the People judge or determine when these their admired Patriots or Ringleaders fall in pieces? what a nonplus were they put to upon the Conservators of their Liberties, as they were held in hand, the Presbyterians and Independents being divided, whilst the Army interposed to make the lesser part the whole; the People's judgement was then much regarded and their Rights maintained, their Purse, and Persons altogether free, that was to be disposed of by their mercenary Mamalucks not themselves; till thus by incessant, and unsufferable Impositions, that oppression, which according to Solomon, makes wise men mad, made these fools sober, in which sensible Mood, as the discreet Athenian foresaw in the like case, they were for tearing in pieces all that occasioned their mistakes and mischiefs. I had not mentioned the precedent pernicious Maxim of the People's being the venerable Judges of their Superiors actions, but for that it exactly agrees with what Ludlow more than once inveighs against, in the then Lord Chief Baron Sir Orlando Bridgman, because, sitting Chief Commissioner at the Trial of the Regicides, he had the assurance to tell the Jury, That no Authority, no single Person, nor Community of persons, not the people Collectively or Representative, have any coercive Power over the King of England: great assurance this, yet is it much greater in the Publisher, since all the Books in his Shop, and Warehouse too, will scarce be able to fee any one Lawyer of Sense and Reputation throughout the several Inns of Court, to aver the contrary, deny under his hand, that 'tis not one main Fundamental of our Ancient Monarchy, and upon which the whole Government depends: is not then the Printing thereof, to be aiding and assisting in something, which hath in former days been termed Treason, and would not have passed without a due resentment, of what kind soever the Monarchy were? Yet however forward they are to abridge others, Mr. Sidney lays it down as essentially necessary in his Model, that the Legislative Power should be always Arbitrary, and so it hath been, and ever will in such hands as theirs; for what he adds, not to be trusted in the hands of any, who are not bound to obey the Laws they make, is trifling, and depends solely upon their own choice; neither will a partial respect to each other, ever suffer it to take place: whereupon 'tis grown to a Proverb in the Low Countries, He that goes to Law with any in the Government is either Fool, or Madman; and here at home we may have observed, such as most vigorously opposed Prerogative, have stood as earnestly upon, and been very forward to stretch their own Privileges; and yet we must not say, Quis tulerit Gracchoes? or think the People little Redressed, if both those Buckets be not equally poised. This to be sure is a well known Passage, that tho' the Law took hold of Munson, and Harry Marten, during Cromwell's Usurpation, for their just Debts, yet when sent for out of Gaol to make a Quorum of Rumpers, 'tis scarce a Question whether they paid so much as their Fees, and would not have had a revenge upon their Creditors for committing them, had their Tyranny continued, for so it really was, and hath ever been, since Athens tried the Experiment of 30 for one.  
However in this we will join Issue with them, that the Supreme Power in what hand soever it is, must be Arbitrary, and Uncontrollable; and this hath been with great reason brought an Argument for Monarchy, as better in one, than many hands, especially according to our Establishment, where, tho' the Prince is Free, his Ministers are liable, and have been frequently called to an account for whatever infractions, or violations they made upon the Laws; an excellent Temperament this, could it have been prosecuted with temper; but that being a main Desideratum among us, especially in the present case, hath too often turned the Remedy into a Disease, to say no more in so nice a Point.  
But to return to our Editors of this Third Volume, it will be requisite to take notice of those particular Instructions in their Preface, which they think, if not mistaken, may prove serviceable to the World. The first whereof is, That tho' the most violent Animosity and Desire of Revenge had so possessed the English Court against those who had any part in the Death of Charles I. etc. Whereto I reply, that▪ 'tis scarce possible to suppose there should be any Extreme in the Prosecution of those who had any part in the Death of Charles I. It was so Horrid so Execrable a Fact as deserves all those Curses of the 109 Psalms, for tho' literally Penned upon that unnatural Rebellion of Absolom, and Achitophel, with their Complices; yet was it prophetically fulfilled in Judas, and the Jewish Sanhedrim, who betrayed and Crucify'd the Son of God: and may from thence be transferred to our Sanhedrim at Westminster, who seemed studiously to Copy that Hellish Original, and would have done the same by Christ had he stood as much in their way. Neither yet was the English Court so violent as here represented, but quite on the contrary gave frequent checks, by Messages, and otherwise, to those just Resentments both Lords and Commons were often about, who looked upon themselves as obliged both in Honour and Conscience, to make some expiation for that innocent Blood, these Sons of Wickedness had shed like water on every side: and this Ludlow owns, the Lords were inclined to revenge their own Order on the Persons of some in the High Court of Justice, and to except one of the Judges for every Lord they had put to Death, p. 34. and if true, as he relates, that a certain Lord diverted it by naming one already dead, it cannot seem strange, considering how far himself was engaged in the Rebellion: Nevertheless such little temporary Evasions had taken no effect, but that the Court in●erest constantly thwarted whatever looked like Severity, tho' never so just. From whence likewise the Act of Indemnity was most earnestly pressed, and at length passed in so free a manner, as most men of thought foresaw, and foretold, it would have little other effect, than to encourage the like Villainies for the time to come, since after Twenty Years unparallelled Violations of all things Sacred and Civil, of God and his Church, the King, and his People, their Laws and Liberties, with whatever else tended to the Peace, and Happiness of a Nation, all should be passed by and pardoned, without any exemplary Punishment, more than a Dozen, or Fourteen such hardened Wretches as would not own their Regicidie to be a Crime, or that the Rebellion was not justifiable in the whole course thereof: all the rest of what Sect or Faction soever, by the Magic of the forementioned Act were transformed into as honest, faithful, Loyal Subjects as ever wore Sword, none so fit for business, or worthy to be trusted as they, nay, 'twas made actionable to say they had been Rebels; altho' with Aesop's Cat there were daily discoveries, how much was retained of their pristine Nature, and consequently how little they would act to the reputation, or interest of those, so earnest for, and affected with the Metamorphosis.  
A late Minister of State, in a Neighbour Kingdom, perhaps as great that way as this, or any other age hath produced, when dead, left by way of Testament, or Legacy to his Royal Master, several Discourses equally relating to the past and future management of Affairs: Among others, there is one of Rewards and Punishments, upon which Topick he makes it appear, that next God's Blessing, they are the main support of a Monarch, or any other Government whatsoever; and if so, it need not be further enquired, how, and by what defects, we have continued all along in so tottering a condition. I shall not much insist upon Henry viii. procedure against the Northern Rebels in his time, because it may be, not without something of truth, termed Cruelty; but must observe that his Daughter Queen Elizabeth, who is owned on most hands, for Wise, and Good, and advised by those that were so, upon that little Insurrection of the two Earls, Northumberland and Westmorland, with their Complices, had no less than Seventy Executed, and some Hundreds beside punished in Estate, and Family; by which means she never met the least Disturbance of that kind, the long remaining part of her Reign. But in the present case, it was usual with them to object, and take hold of the King's Declaration from Breda, which as it cleared him from all designs of Revenge, so they should have further considered, that he left all Matters of Punishment, for a free Parliament to resolve what might be most proper in that way; and was better than his word, to that ungrateful Party, earnestly pressing both Houses, to hasten that too general Amnesty, who otherwise, had not the Royal importunity interposed, were very much inclined, as aforesaid, to make full expiation for that Rebellion and Bloodshed, for which, upon their default, 'tis to be feared, Almighty God continues to take his own Satisfaction. In short, as the King of Heaven must be owned on all hands the best Precedent for any earthly Potentate to imitate, so more especially in acts of Justice, and Mercy, who tho' he abounds in the latter, yet forgives no otherwise than upon Repentance, and Amendment, with some signal instances thereof; which had it been observed in the case before us, might have conduced very much, to securing the Nations Peace, and saving the Rebels Souls.  
But perhaps these Friends of the Author will restrain this desire of Revenge in the English Court, to a design of Assassinating such of the Regicides as had escaped Abroad, about which they make a very false and insolent Harangue, that they thought the most base, and treacherous ways of compassing their Ends not to be rejected, whereas from his own relation the many attempts designed upon his precious Life, might in a great measure proceed from the fears of his guilty Mind, for doubtless Cain's curse was upon him to an high degree, otherwise he might have supposed Switzerland to be a Receptacle for other Outlaws, beside him and his Party, and not have suspected, that Du Pre, and Rouz had a design to add their Murder, to what they had already committed, but get a Protection in the same manner with those Royal Murderers, from their Swiss Excellencies; and as they were all Foreigners, which he mentions to be at, or hover about Vevay, so he doth not make it appear, in the least, that they had any thing of correspondence with the English Court, much less supplied with Treasure from thence; tho' that and the infamy is most impudently charged in the Preface. In like manner the countenance they pretended to from the Duchess of Orleans might be forged by them, or him, for they are equally creditable, and 'tis not likely, were such a thing designed, they would employ instruments, who dared not show their heads in France. Neither, till Lisle was cut off, do I find they suspected any thing of that kind, but to be seized upon, and carried over the Lake into Savoy, and so conveyed for Justice into England, as their friends Okey, and the rest were; for which he inveighs most bitterly against the Dutch, as fearing it might be a leading case to himself.  
As for that one, the only person, they say, who fell the object of the English Courts fury, neither Ludlow nor his friends do make it any way appear they had encouragement from thence, but did it rather to gain an interest there, wherein too their expectations were much disappointed. To give the true matter of fact it stands thus; three or four Irish who had been in the French Service, whether Discharged, or otherwise desirous to get home, thought to signalise themselves by this bloody Attempt, and find the more welcome reception, which was accordingly accomplished, and variously discoursed of here in England when done; where the most, tho' they detested Lisle, and all his Works, were not satisfied with the way of taking him off; nor cared to converse with the Persons who did it; some of their own Country▪ men seemed indeed to think otherwise, cried it up for an Heroic Act, and never wanting assurance at Court Solicitations, pressed earnestly to have them considered, whereby somewhat was done for them, mostly in Military Commands, during the Dutch War, and afterwards as occasion served; to be sure as they were not put upon their first attempt, so never more employed in any thing of that kind, whatever Ludlow prates of that pitiful Stocking mender Car: One of those Irish may be yet, I am sure was very lately, Living upon his paternal Estate, by virtue of the Limerick Articles, in his own Country.  
In the mean while commend me to these Prefacers, who can insult so boldly that their Hero lived to see that Tyranny brought to the last degree of contempt, which had taken such pains to destroy him; his Life doubtless according to his own relation must be very uneasy, from the many, whether real, or imaginary fears he continually lay under; but than it must be the extremity of Vexation, that they who altered the Tyranny (as their Worships are pleased to phrase it) would not let this Monster of a Regicide continue among them, but forced him back with as great remorse as the bad Angels fell from on high; and in all probability hastened his descent unto them. And I fancy 'tis with no little regret to these his surviving Friends, that there is any thing of that Tyranny still continued among us, for the extirpation whereof they so much applaud their Author.  
2. For the next thing they think not unserviceable to the World, is That the Tragical end of the King's Judges, may instruct those who shall in future time appear in Defence of Liberty, &c, where first 'tis a bold stroke to call them Judges, Murderers had been properer, but not so agreeable to the concern they seem all along to express for their miscarriage, and the hopes they have of its being undertaken again with wiser management, and consequently better success. Whereas I dare confidently aver, that as the Nation may be so far infatuated to let such Pretenders to Liberty once more act their Parts, so in conclusion they will undoubtedly bring them to the like Tragical end.  
3. A further Lesson we are to learn of these Commonwealth Sages, is from the Cromwellian Tyranny, (which nevertheless carries with it an underhand stroke at Monarchy in general) that Liberty, and a mercenary Standing Army are incompatible, and really I think so too, and yet withal am very much afraid, as their Wisdoms have managed Matters, no Liberty can be preserved without one: For 
Pol. lib. 4. c. 13.  as Aristotle observes in reference to his precedent times, That the first Commonwealth among the Greeks was made by the Soldiers after the failing of Monarchy: So upon an impartial Retrospection into the Transactions of the Northern Parts of Europe these two last Centuries, it will appear that Commonwealthism, and Standing Armies began together, and occasioned one the other; for when the People were put upon Rebelling for Religion, pretended Liberty of Conscience to Control the Magistrates just Rights, carrying allthings by a Mob Reformation; that Christian Simplicity, and Reverential Obedience, by which our forefathers had been taught submit not only for Wrath, but Conscience sake, was altogether Superseded, and the Civil Power obliged to arm its self against this Spiritual V; surpation, which made every Consistory a Conclave, a Commonwealth of Popes, who persuaded their Votaries, that to rebel against their Prince, was to fight the Lord's Battle, and that the appointed time was now come for bringing into Subjection all the Kingdoms of Darkness; the Sword being now drawn, upon this contradictory account to promote the Gospel of Peace, according to the usual event of War, met with different Success, in some places the People prevailed, and thereupon Voted themselves a Free State: in others the Prince, and made the People sensible he beareth not the Sword in vain: tho' it often happened that growing weary on either side, they breathed in a Truce or Peace, till the one or other found a more convenient opportunity to revive the Quarrel. Thus it was in France; thus in the Netherlands, and several Parts of Germany; and thus at last it came to be in England: Now of all these different Successes, I find each of them centre in this one fatal Event; they that became a Free State are forced to keep a Standing Army, to maintain their imaginary Liberty, and the People, taxed and polled, ten times more than before, in order thereunto, and where the Prince prevailed, he is likewise forced upon a Guard to prevent his Libertine Subjects from running into their former Lunacies, and cannot be blamed for making them bear the Charge. And where there was Cessations, or Treaties, the Sovereign Power, what with art, and force, is become more Absolute than ever, and repays, with denying all Liberty, their at first unreasonable demands of too much. And now, to come home to ourselves, as this Spiritual freak began last among us, so cannot the wisest of men foresee, where, or when it will end, a good one none can expect; which too must render us the more stupidly senseless, for that we ran wilfully upon the same Rock, many of our Neighbours had Shipwrecked on before our eyes; made the like noise about Religion, Liberty, Conscience, etc. till the Mob was raised to force away the King, and then an Army raised to bring him back, which Army having after a bloody Contest, ruin'd the King, and all his Loyal Adherents, fell upon their Masters, turned out the Presbyterian to gratify the Independent, and turned out the Independent, to gratify their General; by which means that cunning toty-nosed fellow set up his Tyranny indeed, and made them all sneak to it most Submissively. Now from these Premises it clearly appears, that as our Commonwealth Reformers raised the Army, so the Army rid the Commonwealth, which they have never failed to do at all times, and will continue the like course for the future, let them take what care they can. For these our Prefacers discover themselves to be but Owl-eyed Judges of Light, to say, 'Tis as clear as the Sun at Noon day that the Parliament by neglecting to put a Period to the exorbitant Greatness of Oliver Cromwell immediately after the Battle at Worcester, drew Destruction upon themselves and the whole Commonwealth, etc. Cromwell▪ and his Creatures, wherewith he had filled the Army, was long before to them as the Tartar to the Scotchman, would neither go as they would have him, nor let them go but as he pleased, altho' that last was a finishing stroke. But suppose the Army had been Disbanded, that little Nest of Cockatrices, would have been as much in danger from several other hands; the Cavalier Party, tho' kept desperately down, was not in any manner dis-spirited; and the main Body of the Nation was so exasperated at their insolent carriage, and abominable Exactions, besides the contempt they had of their Number, Persons, and Manners, that not one single Order of theirs would have been obeyed, without a Company of Janissaries to enforce it; nor they permitted to sit three days, or walk the Streets with respect and security, as at last it happened; for the Nation, no longer able to bear their Insolences and Tyranny, dispatched them and then the Army; and a happy Riddance it was of both.  
After all therefore, upon a Prospect of the whole, these unwieldy Projectors have brought the Nation into so many odd Dilemmas as a Standing Army among us, is like to be as the Mathematici, Astrologers, or Figure-flingers with the Romans, Genus hominum quod semper vetabitur, & semper retinebitur; if we have a Commonwealth they must have an Army to support them, ruin the Church, crush the Nobility, keep down the Gentry, with what else they please when they once get the Power: and if we have a Monarchy there must be somewhat of an Army, by way of Security from the continued Undermine of such unquiet Spirits as understand nothing of true Government, yet think it cannot be well unless in their hands, according to their maggotty fancies, and humoursome Capriccios; this, I say, is the condition their Wisdoms have brought us into; an Army we can hardly be without, and yet how faithful that Army will be to any but themselves, that is their continuance, and perpetuity, we have more than once seen, on each side, and are in a likely way to see more than once again.  
This Monstrous Tyranny of Cromwell's Usurpation is represented with one further aggravation of his Bassa's under the name of Major's General, which were indeed sufficiently Grievous, tho' a just return upon such as had grouled and clamoured at the mildest administration of their Rightful Prince's undoubted Prerogative; yet after all 'tis a Clodius Moechos for the Commonwealth Party to charge Cromwell with that, or any other such barbarous Impositions, since he did but transcribe the Copy they had set him; particularly his Major's General were but a single Person to their Committees, and nothing nigh so insolent as that underhand Commonwealth of Bassa's, placed by them in all Counties throughout the Kingdom, to Sequester every man's Estate, and Imprison his Person, whom they suspected to dislike their Proceed, or uneasy to pay their most intolerable Exactions. Take one Specimen thereof from that Hogon-Mogon Committee at Goldsmiths-Hall, from this following Order,  
THese are to give you notice, That by virtue of an Ordinance of the 27th. of October last, you are Assessed to lend the Sum of Fifty Pounds of lawful English Money, to be Paid for our Brethren of Scotland, for their assisting of us in this War; and that you are forthwith to pay the same, to Mr. Waring, and Mr. Herring, Treasurers at Goldsmiths-Hall, according to the said Ordinance; and that if you shall fail to pay the same, within 8 days after the Date of this Ticket, you shall forfeit for every day, after the 8 days, the Twentieth Part of the Sum so sess, and shall likewise pay 2 s. in every Pound over and above to the Collectors that are appointed to Levy the same, if you shall suffer yourself to be distrained.  
Dated this 7th. day of May, 1644. John Prat, Clerk to the Committee. To Mr. John Sadler, of the Parish of Stephen Walbrook.  
Was there ever any thing so Arbitrary and imposing upon a Free People, and too by a Set of Men who had the Impudence with the same Breath, to hold the People in hand they stood up for their Freedom? yet of such Committees, as there were several in London, so did they proceed to Establish them in the Associated Counties, and with the cursed prevalence of their Power the whole Kingdom through, where every honest, loyal Gentleman was forced to appear a Delinquent, and be used at pleasure, as you see in the forementioned Order. And this I cannot but further Observe as an unreasonable and most wilful Partiality, in our Prefacers, and indeed all their Adherents, that every thing from a Single Person, is right down Tyranny, and what all people who regard their Liberty may stand up against, and justly defend themselves from; but these Commonwealth Scorpions must not be complained of, tho' their little fingers were all along thicker than the others Loins, every Ordinance from them as Absolve, and as severely Executed as the Grand Seignior's Bowstring.  
What they further add, that Cromwell's, and his Bassa's Tyranny compelled the People to suffer the return of Charles II. is altogether false, for tho' they were not pleased in the least with his many perfidious Erterprises, which were all unmasked in assuming the Supreme Power; yet was it thought easier, than the fordid Impositions of the fag end, the worst part of a Parliament, which had done so much Mischief to the Nation, and from whose many Corruptions that glaring Meteor arose, with so fatal an Aspect in our Horizon. Besides, he managed his Usurpation with so much Art, and Treachery, as there was little hopes of the King's return during his Life, tho' frequent Plots about it, and some worthy Loyal Gentlemen cut off upon that account; indeed the Plots were thought most of his making, the Common Stratagem of all usurped Powers. But when he was gone to his proper place, and his Sons half-witted management, made way for the Rump's once more treading the Stage; the Southern Sun's approach is not more certainly expected in the Spring, than every one seemed to be of our Old Establishments, that Legal Monarchy, and Rightful Succession, which with so much Madness, and Folly, such a prodigious expense of Blood, and Treasure, had by several violent Factions been 20 Years opposed, and it happened accordingly, notwithstanding the divided Parties endeavoured a Coalition, and otherwise most indefatigably applied their last efforts to save themselves from the Gallows, which their own Consciences could inform them how justly deserved, and 'tis a thousand pities, they were more afraid, than hurt.  
The last Inference these Friends of the Author thought fit to raise, is as groundless, and false, as any of the former, charging Charles II. of Ingratitude to the Presbyterians, who had so well deserved of him, by betraying all into his hands, etc. whereas they never deserved well of him; nor did him any good they could prevent.  
1. They never deserved well from him, but on the contrary, were the original Promoters, and chief Managers, for the Six first Years, of all our National Miseries and Confusions: 'twas from their inducement the Scots began to disturb the happy Quiet and Repose both Kingdoms were in; laid the Groundwork of our Rebellion by theirs, paid them for it in a most profuse manner, and thereby engaged them to assist at a dead lift; which wholly unking'd their Sovereign, and made him become a prey to the Avarice of the one, and Arrogance of the other, which too shamefully appeared by their insolent Rudeness, and scandalous Restraint at Holmby; and how far further they would have proceeded, had not the Army taken him out of their hands, may be well supposed from the continued course of that stubborn Crew; for tho' (their Janissaries having given them an Essay what they must expect, by Excluding the most leading Members, and threatening the rest) a Treaty, was condescended to in the Isle of Wight, yet were the Preliminaries so Innovating, and Dethroning, so destructive to all Fundamentals in Church, and State; and therein so grating upon His Majesty's Honour, and Conscience, that he thought Death more eligible than such unreasonable Concessions; which too their Dilatory Proceed, till the Army had suppressed the last Efforts of Loyalty, to rescue their Sovereign, very much conduced to, and might by a just, and Honourable compliance, have otherwise prevented. This no man can deny to be a true, tho' brief account of the Old King's treatment from that haughty, self-willed Set of Men.  
And that they would have been as imposing upon his Son, could they have carried matters according to their own Minds, is as little to be doubted, whatever these men prate of betraying all into his hands. The Comedian representing the Beggars at the choice of their King, (for it seems that Kingdom is Elective, and such are always beggarly, or thereby made so) when voted, brings in one of his ragged retinue, haranguing him, among others, with this Expression, Now thou art King, who would not have thee so; which was constantly applied by the old Cavalier Party, to those empty Shows of Respect, and hollow Acclamations of Praise, wherewith they who forced, and kept him out, were most clamorous at his Restauration; would have none thought so loyal, faithful, and true as themselves: Among the rest, the Presbyterian, indeed was most assuming, for having the twelve years' last passed been kept, with very great regret, from doing any considerable Mischief, by those viperous Sects which crawled forth of their own Bowels; and upon this account, out of Revenge rather than any good Principle, held a correspondence with the King, and his Adherents in Exile; at the Restauration stepped before all the Loyal Sufferers which had constantly adhered to the true interest of Church and Crown, highly advanced in Honour, Place, and Profit; so that quite contrary to these Prefacers' impertinent Suggestions, instead of the Presbyterians betraying all into the King's hands, he betrayed himself and his Cause into theirs, and as soon as opportunity served, they made several attempts to use him accordingly, but the People were grown too much Libertines for their Rigours, and the Monarchy was not so soon to have their Covenant Shackles forced upon it, although they endeavoured most earnestly at the Restauration to have it upon the Isle of Wight Articles, which their Cloak-men incessantly bellowed for, and their chiefs underhand strenuously endeavoured the same; among others, this Passage is a clear Proof; the hot Lord Hollis, from the beginning a most violent Biggot in that Cause, would, to his dying day, among his Confidents, with great earnestness of Passion, call Monk that Rogue, because giving him and his Party a meeting at the Earl of Northumberland's, he promised to bring in the King upon the Isle of Wight terms, and basely failed them: Now as I believe on the one hand he never intended to gratify them, if such a Promise was made, so could he not, tho' really intended, have brought it about; for whatever his design was at first, and his close deportment conduced not a little to what he accomplished, the incessant Petitions he met with from every corner of the Kingdom for a Free Parliament gave him full information, how the Nations Pulse beat, and what alone would satisfy them, that is without regarding Parties, and Factions, to be as we were before fallen in pieces; and therefore to set the Saddle upon the right Horse, the pretended Severity these Men charge the King withal, was really in the Parliament, the Majority whereof were a Set of as worthy understanding Gentlemen as ever assembled upon that account, who resolved to go upon the old Principle, to re-establish the Nation upon those well-poised, long experienced Constitutions which faction and folly had so fatally perverted: 'twas they were uneasy at so general an Indemnity, thinking such as had been accustomed so long in Mischief, could not leave off playing the old game, without some further Security; 'twas they pressed, and brought on the Act of Uniformity, how little to the Satisfaction of a too prevalent Party at Court, appeared in that the Winter following an attempt was made to Supersede it by a Toleration: In fine, whatever the Good old King would have had from a Parliament, during his Reign to make us the happiest People upon Earth, this would have most readily established; but the Papist, and Presbyterian rendered all Abortive.  
Thus have I run over and made some Remarks upon such Instructions as our Prefacers thought fit to observe from this third Volume; not but they grant it doth afford many other more useful Reflections, which is the truest word hath come from them, and therefore having their leave, or at least acknowledgement, I shall presume to cull out two or three, perhaps as serviceable to this World of ours, as any we have had from them.  
1. The Fanatic, the Commonwealth Party, were never without some Plot or other, both at home and abroad against the Ancient Established Government, this Monarchy, this Tyranny of ours, as upon all occasions they term it, since the Restauration. And this I fancy hath discovered a very blind side in the Author's Friends to make so Public a Declaration, of what hitherto was kept a Secret: for till now all Plots were laid at the Papists door, they alone must be thought the continued Underminers of our Peace and Welfare, and accordingly we have had several Prosecutions against them, ay, and Executions too, upon the Evidence and Oaths of such profligate Wretches, as ought not to have passed for the hanging a Dog: but such a thing as a Protestant Plot, was not to be thought of among the holy Brotherhood, and Godly Party; they Diffented indeed as to Forms of Religious Worship, and tho' a King in our Israel, must have Liberty to do what seemeth right in their own eyes, and this is the utmost of their demand, a little Schism they must have, but for Sedition, being dissatisfied with the Government, giving any disturbance to the Civil Power, was never admitted into their thoughts, they were as innocent, as free from that, as so many two year old Devils: and tho' the▪ Assassination at the Rye was owned by the very Partisans engaged, and their many Consults in order to other Disturbances fully made appear, yet not taking effect, must not be believed, such good People cannot be suspected of any mischievous Design, unless accomplished, and then 'tis God's cause and their glory: whereas this Author is very frank, and deals plainly in the matter; for tho' he had not fixed his correspondence in Sixty One, and will scarce credit that for which Overton, Desborough, etc. were secured, because his Excellency was not consulted in the Matter. Neither doth he mention what Blood told him was designed in Ireland, because that Fellow's reaching head discovered how little he had of what his Party cried him up for; altho' it was about that time he tells, p. 118. Upon the Prodigality of the English Court, etc. his Friends in all parts began to entertain hopes, that they might again be employed to rescue their Country from Servitude. In which posture of Affairs, Col. Algernon Sidney, who since Monk acted his treacherous part, had resided at Rome, and other parts of Italy, thought convenient to draw nearer home, that if opportunity offered, he might not be wanting to his Duty and Public Service; a very commendable Duty, and laudable Service to embroil his Country in continued Confusions, which till brought to the Block, we find this Colonel incessantly engaged in, and very earnest with Ludlow to set forward with him, and put to his helping hand: especially upon the first Dutch War, when his Generalship was accosted on every side, and by every Party, French, Dutch, the Devil and all: than it was the forementioned Person of Honour pressed him to declare his concurrence, p. 165. and his Brother Regicide Say, tells him from Amsterdam, The ruin of the present Government in England is certainly intended, and that he had cause to believe would be effected, p. 168. for that a considerable number in England, Scotland, and Ireland, will appear for us, etc. Afterward De Wit, and Newport courted him at an high degree; and his Friend Sidney invited him to meet at Basle, that they might go together to Paris, the better to carry on the Undertaking: Say and Brisco, add moreover, that if he will resolve to come, all the Exiles would accompany him, otherwise not a man stir, p. 188. That great obstacle likewise of his three Friends, Okey, etc. was set in a true light, not so foul as represented; with full assurance to his Worthy self, and Party, of an Honourable Reception, and secure abode with them. Notwithstanding all which fair Proffers, this cunning old Fox would not stir out of his Swiss Den; and had reason, for tho' we grant his Brutish Courage feared a Sword as little as his Fellows, yet a Gibbet he could not digest: And further to recommend his Prudence, in this his cautious deportment, he tells us, as the War was ended without the least advantage to his Friends, or Cause; so he foresaw it all along, that the Dutch were a mercenary People, and having secured their Trade, and other Advantages, made a Peace, so far from doing them any good, as on the contrary they promised to deliver up those called Regicides into the hands of the King's Ministers; and deal with all Persons, who should be declared Fugitives, or Rebels, in the same manner. A sad Disappointment this: may such ever attend them.  
2. My next observation is an Appendix of very nigh affinity to the former, viz. That men of Fanatic Commonwealth Principles, will never live quietly under any Monarchy whatsoever; let it be of God, or Men, nay, from their very selves, 'tis all one, they will submit no longer than needs must, and be very uneasy whilst compelled thereto; of all which the forementioned Characters, as well as Practices, which Ludlow and his Prefacers bestows upon it, are an abundant confirmation, for they vouchfafe it no other appellation than Tyranny, perfect Tyranny, in the harshest sense the word is now taken, and that which all Free People ought to extirpate with the utmost abhorrency, and detestation: directly according with what I have already mentioned of their admired Sidney's Maxim, that the People are sole Judges of their Superiors actions; and foreseeing a very weighty Objection to lie in the way, such a course would make the Remedy worse than the Disease, give occasion of continual Tumults and Civil Wars; he very slightly replies, Civil War, in Machiavel's account, is a Disease, Tyranny the Death of a State. Some other Authorities might have passed better than Machiavel's, but for want of better, his must serve the turn; had that unhappy Gentleman considered his fate, it might have prevented his own, which tho' for nothing else, this dangerous Position most justly deserves: that any man of sense should say Civil War is but a Disease! can any thing be more Mortal to a State? have not all Tyrannies commenced from thence? with unavoidable Oppression, and Slavery to whatever People fall under that worst of curses: yet how far our Publishers have taken this infection, appears in that they presume so boldly to use the same Epithet, Tyranny, all is Tyranny with them, tho' never more was known, than from the no Conduct of such rash unexperienced Phaeton's; and therefore to dissuade them from any future attempts, 'tis my desire they would transferr that Admonition, in their Close given the Presbyterians, and apply it to themselves (since altogether as agreeable) A Revenge taken against those who will not let us possess all, is a slender Satisfaction for the hazard of utter Ruin.  
3. There is but one thing more I will return upon these Critical Observers, and that shall relate to their admired Author himself, how they can justify that Ostentation, and Applause, he so fulsomly assumes in every the most trivial undertaking: the First Volume, is more than one half stuffed with such Vainglorious Rhodamontades. His defence of Warder Castle fills more Paper, than Sir Francis Vere's Relation of the famous Ostend Siege; when he was only blocked up to prevent his, and his fellow Rebels plundering the Loyal Gentlemen in the Neighbourhood; and could the King, who, good man, was ill furnished that way, and had greater occasion for them elsewhere, have spared two or three large Battering-Pieces it would have been beaten about their Ears in as few Hours; for want of which they were starved into a Surrender: In like manner when Prisoner, how vainly doth he relate the many importunities to forsake his Party, and upon his resolving to continue Rebel, what valuable Persons were proffered in Exchange, as if the fortune of either Side had depended upon this great Almanzor's abetment; when in truth, tho' that cursed turn raised so much dust as choked the whole Kingdom, yet his part in it was no more than Aesop's Fly, he did what Mischief he could, but his Vaunts far excel his Performances. Neither was he valuable for any thing more in their Civil Transactions than a grough positive humour, resolutely bend upon whatever his own will suggested, of which unmanageable disposition he gave an early Specimen that little while he was at Trinity-College Oxon, where the then Precedent kept a strict Discipline, and would frequently Moderate at the young Students Disputations himself: It happened upon a time this Positive Sir was engaged in an Argument about their Species Intentionales and Reales, or some such like Topick, for he confidently affirmed something to be Real, which was very far from it, the good Dr. endeavoured to convince him by this following instance, The Fox wagging his Tail, and seeing its Shadow upon the Wall, said it was an Horn, was that an Horn, quoth he to Ludlow? Yes it was a Horn, a real Horn. Wherein he so pertinaciously persisted, as the Old man fell into a little Passion, and put an end to that debate, with this resolve, Well if it be a Horn, than Toot it, you fool you: How it was expressed in Latin was not related; but I had the Passage from a Right Reverend Person, of great Eminency, who sometime after was in the same Presidentship, and upon a general Discourse of Fanatic Obstinacy, gave this particular instance how naturally some men's Dispositions lead them thereto. For at the same contradicting rate he went on in the whole course of his Life; and tho' as heavy as Led, yet as stiff as Iron, would bend to none, but break all other men's Measures, both good and bad, that did not come up to his Levelling Projects, (for that was his common Epithet, Ludlow the Leveller) with two or three such Whimsical Nostrums of his, as destructive to Humane Society as crude Mercury to the Natural body. With the like Arrogant fondness he relates how earnest they were to compliment him into the Lieutenant-Generalship of Ireland; whereas had not Pride and Pertinacy altogether blinded his vain mind, half an eye might have discovered there was no consideration of his Abilities in the Proposal, but a trick of Cromwell's to remove him out of the way, that the dark Designs he had in agitation here might receive no obstruction from such an unwieldy fellow, as might force him upon more Severity than was requisite in the infancy of his Usurpation. And this surther appears upon Ireton's Death, for he being next in Command, should have in course come into the Chief, whereas his name was never so much as thrown up among them, but first Lambert was propounded, and then Fleetwood topped upon him, as most proper to keep him under, when his new Father-in Law should top them all, and civilly detain him from coming home, that he might not be as insolent to the Usurper, as he had been to his natural Sovereign.  
We are now to follow him into Switzerland, where he highly applauds the Reception they met with, neither indeed could all Europe have afforded them a properer Place, the Devil and Collier, not being more alike, than these Guests, and their Entertainers: yet the Character he gives them of the Illustrious, High and Mighty Sovereigns, and most Honoured Lords, their Excellencies of Bern, would make one think them the most August Assembly ever sat at the Helm of any Government, the Roman Senate was nothing to them; whereas in truth never such a Company of Clodpated Clowns assumed the title of Magistrates; but since agreeable both to Place, and People, they pass for tolerable there, whom a more civilised Nation would by no means endure; at their first defection from the House of Austria, as they had but few Gentry among them, and fewer engaged with them, so they made an Order that none should be admitted into their new Established Government; and their Plebeianships have ever since proceeded accordingly, without regard to Honour, Integrity or Good Manners: as their Strong Bodies, and hardy Constitutions qualify them for War, so their necessitous condition engage them to Lease-out their Lives to that bloody trade, upon which account likewise they too often prostituted both Souls, and Consciences, in most perfidious violations of whatever Engagements they entered into, as the French, Spaniard, and Milanese successively experienced: one of these did since six them, tho' at a dear rate, upon their first Stipulation, but is now upon better terms; and may by degrees prescribe to them according to their own measures. This Composition of Rocks and Cataracts, was the Asylum of our Regicides, and properly enough, as already said, for that both the Climate was most agreeable to their rough, severe Dispositions, and the Government, the first Commonwealth Rebels, as well Temporal, as Ecclesiastic, of these later Ages. Nevertheless had our King been in any measure so solicitous to apprehend, or disturb him, and his Fellows, as they would hold the World in hand, it might have been easily done. 'Tis owned how much Geneva suspected their Power of Protection, if demanded, p. 104. and tho' Mr. Humelius one of the Bern Ministers, (who with the English Tongue, had got the Fanatic Taint) engaged some in the Government to stand their Friends; yet had our King, assisted by his Brother of France's Recommendation, pressed earnestly to have them delivered up to Justice, 'tis probable they would have given them notice to slip away, the utmost kindness they could have shown: Outlaws, and that for King-killing may find some private, but no public Abettors, and whatever Government doth so, aught to be adjudged a Common Enemy by all Monarches in the World.   

SECT. II.  
MY next Province is to give the true Character of those Execrable Regicides whom Ludlow, and his Publishers, endeavour with so much art and daubing otherwise to represent; for the little account they give of the Revolution doth not concern me, and is withal so mean and trivial, so deeply tinged with the partiality and prejudice of a violent Faction, as it looks more like an Invective than History, taking every occasion to lash at those of his old Acquaintance, who not having so deeply engaged, were not obliged so cursedly to persevere; and inveighs against the King and Court, as if still on th'other side the Water; tho' it appeared otherwise from his own Confession, for finding how unsafe it was to stay longer in England, he scampered away as well as he could, and much applauds his own Conduct in the retreat, passed incognito through France, and arrived at that grand Sanctuary of Sedition and Schism, Geneva; where his first Letters from home informed him, how ten of his Brother Regicides being accused of having in their several Stations contributed to the Death of the King, had been Condemned, and Executed, p. 59  
The Reflections he makes as to the Trials being put off, till the new Sheriffs came on, is mere cavil, for had Love the old Sheriff, been never so factious and obstinate, and returned a Jury all of the same Kidney, the Matter of Fact was so apparent, and foul, as they must have found them guilty, or come under the same Praemunire: But so great a concern as that, necessarily required an extraordinary Commission, and the many weighty affairs upon resetling a Nation so long in such a Chaos of Confusion, would not permit their Trials to come on sooner, perhaps not so soon, but for the approaching Term.  
He continues to carry on his Cavils against the Commissioners, at some because they had been engaged in the Rebellion with them, at others because they adhered to the King against it, so that 'tis not possible to please them unless permitted to judge in their own Cause, or have it postponed, as the Welshman desired, till the last Day, whereas upon the whole, there was never known a Commission of more able understanding Persons, both for Law and Parts, than sat upon that sad occasion, nor any Trial managed with more temper, patience, and all other kinds of fair carriage towards the Prisoners, as the worthy Sir William Wyld then Recorder of London told them, they forgot their barbarousness to the good King, they would not hear him, nor his just Allegations, who shuffled now with all the dilatory impertinencies imaginable, and the Court with an unwearied compliance let them go on: And for this Author, or rather his Friends, to publish the quite contrary nigh Forty Years after, is the height of baseness, and by way of Penance, might I prescribe it, they should be obliged to Reprint, for 'tis very scarce, The Trial of the Regicides, that the Truth, the whole Truth, and nothing but the Truth may appear, and moreover all the Party obliged to read it too, which I fancy would be very uneasy, the Koran would down with them ten times better. Yet this must be owned, Ludlow had certainly read those Trials, for the account he gives of his Friends, what they said by way of Defence, or Extenuation, is taken almost verbatim from thence, without the least notice of what was Rejoined upon them, either by Court or Council, as to matter of Fact, or Law. Is such a man fit to write an History? inform Posterity of the truth of things? or his Publishers men of Reputation and Integrity, to impose such things upon the World?  
The first he gives us an account of in this Martyrology of Hell is his friend Harrison; concerning whom, because nothing is mentioned of his Parentage, and Education, as he constantly doth, when worth taking notice of; the World may know he was a Butcher's Son of Newcastle Vnderline Staffordshire, placed Clerk to an Attorney in Clifford's Inn, and when out of his time became a kind of Pettifogger in that way of Practice, and was infamous enough for it, which might occasion him, when the War broke out, to exchange his Pen for the Sword; yet in this neither did he make any considerable advance till the Selfdenying Ordinance opened the way for such Mechanic Reformers, when likewise, tho' perhaps stout enough, he was more beholding to his Confidence, than Courage, for having a Tongue well hung, the effect of his perifogging Profession, by his Enthusiastical Preaching, and great pretences to Piety, he became admired by the Army, and advanced by Cromwell to a Major-General; being one of his chiefest Confidents, and accordingly made use of by him, to break the Presbyterian Junto, convey the King from Hurst-Castle to St. James', in order to his Murder, wherein he acted according to his descent, with more than a Butcher's Cruelty. This is Ludlow's Hero, who when brought to the Bar, did not sneak like Sir Hardress Waller, but pleaded Not Guilty, and justified the Sentence passed upon the King, and the Authority of those who had Commission'd him to act as one of his Judges, p. 61. and so continues his Cants, and Flourishes, impudently owning what he saw evidently proved, alleging that it was done by Authority of Parliament, and could not be questioned in any inferior Court, which being a point of Law, he desired Council might be assigned on that head, but the Court overruled it. Thus far Ludlow, as to their Plead, and no further mentioning (according to his base partiality already observed) what the Court so fully replied to every branch of their Allegations, both as to the reason of the thing, and matter of Law. Now since this weak, and slender thread, was the sole strength the whole Set of Regicides had to hang upon, till they came to the Rope, I shall here once for all give an account of what the Court replied to that Subterfuge of theirs, so full and clear, that had the Publishers consulted the reputation of their Party, they would never have given occasion of its coming afresh under debate.  
To that request of having Council assigned to justify the Authority by which they acted, 'twas thought a piece of new Treason to demand it, for that their pretended Parliament was so far from being so, that it consisted not of more than the eighth part of a House of Commons, packed together by those very Persons now arraigned, the better to gloss over, and carry on their Traitorous Designs: Upon which account it was further declared, That the 
Trial, p. 51.  King and Lords cannot do any thing without the Commons; nor the King and Commons without the Lords; nor Lords and Commons without the King; and for the Prisoner to excuse, nay, justify himself, upon pretence of being impowered, by one house, nay the eighth part of an house, to condemn their King, whom no Authority upon earth can call in Question, and without whom both Houses together cannot take away the meanest Subjects Life, deserves not only reproof but Sentence, without going any further. This Point of Law Ludlow takes no notice of, altho' it's a most reasonable return to every one of their Pleas, for they all harped upon the same string. The Military men, no Members, would have been excused, for that, according to their Profession, Superiors Order were to be obeyed without dispute; as indeed they were fairly bringing the whole Nation to Military-Law. Such as were Members insisted upon looking back to the Declarations and Remonstrances, from 41 forward, which was indeed a just, tho' spiteful Reflection upon the Presbyterian Party for Vnkinging his Majesty, but could not in the least justify their Vnheading him, and the others not going along with them so far, thought it might extenuate their going so far as they did, tho' doubtless it was Rebellion from the beginning, however in those Healing times, as the term went, they were rather for skinning, than searching the Wound too far, whereby notwithstanding the Cure was never the better; to be sure their Plea was altogether frivolous, and as the Court told Carew, tended not only to justify the action, but to cast a ball of Division among those that were present; and further added to Scot, That to expatiate in the manner he was going, tended to making a New Government, (which is the highest Treason next to Murdering the King in the World) subvert the Laws, and affirm a few of the 
Trials, P. 91.  Commons, nay, if they had been whole, the Legislative Power of the Kingdom.  
Another general Observation to be made, because in common to them all, is the Principle upon which they acted, the Light within them, the cursed Enthusiasm of their Rebel hearts; So Harrison 
Try. p. 50.  declared, he followed not his own judgement, what he did, he did as out of Conscience to the Lord, from whence he received rather assurances than otherwise. And Carew likewise, what he did was in the fear of the Lord, and Obedience to his holy and Righteous Law. And so most of the rest went on in the same Cant, whereby all the Laws of God, and Man, must be superseded, as Sir O. B. told them, to their obdurate hardened hearts, and seared Consciences.  
To begin with the Laws of the Land, they being so directly contrary to this Bloody unprecedented Fact, there was a never heard of way of Process found out, in the name of the People, for which they were beholding to Parsons the Jesuits pestilent Discourse of the Succession of the Crown, penned to stir up Sedition in Queen Elizabeth 's time, or at her death to prevent King James 's quiet Establishment in the Throne; But failing than it served the turn of these Jesuited fanatics most cursedly, and to that purpose was Reprinted in 48. with a different Title, but otherwise very little difference, and gave the Subject Matter to that Impudent Charge against the King, with Bradshaws as insolent Enlargements, and Replies, to his most Reasonable and Legal Allegations. 'Tis nevertheless probable the whole Pack of Bloodhound knew not from whence the notions were taken, and who first started them, but such only as laid the Design, and looked on the rest; Nay, some thought that Bradshaw and Cook, tho' they only appeared upon the Stage, as to the Law Pageantry, yet were no more than Properties to Ol. St. john's, who stood behind the Curtain, and was chief Assistant to Cousin Cromwell in all that cursed contrivance. To be sure this Trial once set in motion, all the forementioned Curs took the scent, and ran away with it most furiously, and 'tis probable some of them thought they did God and the Nation as good Service as the Scribes and Pharisees when they Crucify'd our Saviour. Thus Carew excepted against that Form of the Indictment, which said, he had not the fear of God before his Eyes, but was moved by the Devil, with a Traitorous malicious heart, etc. whereas he could say in the presence of the Lord it was done in his fear, etc. and Harrison Cants most 
P. 75.  profoundly of his feeling the Terrors of the presence of the Lord, that was with his Servant in those days, (and however it seemed good to him to suffer this turn at present) he believed e'er long it would be made known from heaven, there was more 
P. 50.  of God in it than men were ware of. At which blasphemous rate, all the rest, more or less, went on, to charge heaven with their infernal Deeds; so that since that of the Jews, there is no Record extant of such a Body of Men so Hellishly possessed; which I shall have occasion further on to take notice of more particularly.  
There is one thing more I presume it may not be improper to acquaint the Reader, among the former Informations; that however the Government took care, that their Trials should be taken in short hand, and faithfully Printed; no such thing was done at their Execution, perhaps scarce thought possible for the Throng; or otherwise that so much impertinent babble, and Spiritual Nonsense, nay many times Blasphemy, was not to be taken notice of, since the last time they would trouble the World in that kind. This defect the Brotherhood supplied by Printing The Speeches and Prayers of some of the late King's Judges, viz. etc. together with several Occasional Speeches and Passages in their Imprisonment, etc. and altho' they assure the Reader of great Veracity in the whole performance, yet many times in relating what they Spoke, or Prayed, 'tis ushered in with that common Salvo, to this effect; and whoever will have patience to read over what is there related of, or by them, cannot imagine how any one, unless truly Inspired, not a Fanatic Pretender, whose Memories generally are as weak as their judgements, should carry off, such abominable Presumptions, and Religious Delusions, wherewith every one of them, according to that account, were undoubtedly possessed; None of the Primitive Martyrs left the World with so much Assurance, and Self-justification as these Wretches; they doubted no more of Heaven, than the Executioner of their clothes, tho' they had as little reason to hope for it as Judas, dying with less Remorse, and Recognitions of their abominable Impieties; never considering what others take for sound Doctrine, that tho' their Consciences accused them not, yet were they not thereby Justified, since there is one greater than their Consciences, and knoweth all things; but what hath been in all Ages observed as to the ill management of Temporal Affairs, may be here applied in a spiritual sense, Quos vult perdere Deus, prius dementat.  
This Fanatic Legend of the Regicides, with the foremention'd Trials, one of which proves them the most impudent Traitors ever subverted Government; the other the most desperate Enthusiasts ever abused Religion, are so culled and falsified by this our Author, as to persuade the World they were true Patriots, and great Saints; with how little reason I shall make appear by a particular Survey of his Characters; and with the greater Brevity, because these general Remarks, have gone very far therein.  
To return therefore to Harrison, from whom we digressed, who, as our Author tells us, justified the Sentence passed upon the King, and the Authority of those who had Commission'd him to act, etc. the Court might have ordered an hasty Verdict, and pronounced as quick a Sentence, as he falsely suggests; but they with unaccountable temper attended all his insolent Evasions, and impudent Demands of Council, etc. and would he have attended to any thing of Law or Reason, must have been satisfied with their overruling his Demands. He trifled as much as contains between 3 and 4 Pages in a large Quarto of their Trials, before he would plead Guilty, or Not Guilty, till finding he would be entered Mute, the same with Judgement, he cried, Not Guilty: and for how he would be tried it must be according to the Law of the Lord, that of God and his Country being, as he said, vain words, which nevertheless he was forced to come to; which was the more foolish, and humoursome in him, for that being brought up in the Law, he could not but understand, that way of procedure to be a necessary Form, and not to be dispensed with. Neither can I take it for any thing more than a Fanatic Story, that is a Lie, when he tells us the Executioner was in a more than ordinary Dress, or Place, than usually assigned him in Court, where he is an Attendant in Course, and by Office. And if he declared going out of the Court after Sentence pronounced, that he had no reason to be ashamed of the Cause engaged in, it was the greater shame for him, and had he met with that barbarous usage, the Royal Party is so falsely charged to have shown him, it would have been but a just return. With like rude and groundless Reflections, he proceeds to the place of Execution, where Chairing-Cross formerly stood, that the King might have the pleasure of the Spectacle, and inure himself to Blood, p. 69. And was there no other reason to be given? Yes surely, not so much that the Court might look towards them, as they toward the Banqueting-house, out of which they led their Sovereign to the Slaughter. And for the King's inuring himself to Blood, the fanatics had great reason to complain, who hazarded his Life, and shocked his Monarchy, by that fond impossibility of obliging them. For his Execution▪ and Declaration before it, 'twas according to his Life, desperate Enthusiasm, abusing Almighty God more by his Presumptions▪ than had he absolutely defied him. And here I had left this desperate Wretch, but for one Passage which I am sure Ludlow did not like, and 'tis probable his friends will be as little pleased with; in the forementioned Fanatic Legend, which gins with this Brother, we are told the Sheriff sent three Divines to discourse him upon several heads, whereof one was the breaking the Old Parliament; to which he replied, That was the Act and Design of Cromwell, he knowing nothing of it, till 
P. 3.  called by him to go along as an Assistant that Morning it was done: Yet afterward, saith he, I was glad of it, as seeing they did intent to perpetuate themselves, without doing those desirable things which were expected and longed for by the Lord's people; and if the Lord's people were not satisfied with them, I am sure all others were much less; and yet we have a new Club of Politico's so much made up of contradiction, as to applaud those contemptible Villains.  
The next was Mr. John Carew, a Gentleman of an Ancient Family, saith Ludlow, and that Family not a little ashamed, say others, he should so basely degenerate. 'Tis further said he was brought up to the Law, altho' at his Arraignment he show little Skill therein, for that he would save to our Lord Jesus Christ his Right to the Government of these Kingdoms, before he would plead Not Guilty; I presume he had Enrolled himself among the Fifth Monarchy Gang, an unreasonable set of Men, who might have liberty to expect Christ's coming as long as they please, provided they would Submit to the present Government in the mean while, but till then they will be Governed by none but themselves, and of all Mankind none are so far from Christ's way of Governing. How justly the Court stopped his impertinent Excursions is already mentioned; and 'tis like our Author to tell us what this Prisoner replied upon Mr. Arthur Annesly's particularly chargeing him with the Exclusion of the Members in 48. That it was strange to find a Judge upon the Bench, give Evidence as a Witness in the Court; this, I say, Ludlow terms an irregular Proceeding, unbecoming a Court of Judicature, and all the while stifles what the Lord Chief Baron Replied, You are mistaken, it is no Evidence, but shows you what Authority that was, an Authority of Forty six Members, how is this Evidence? a Judge sure may expostulate from his own Knowledge about any particular, fully proved before, as this whole Charge was. Yet at the same rate is the Cavil carried on, every thing caught at which may serve a turn, tho' nothing mentioned to clear a Truth: Nay, sometimes he certainly obtrudes real fictions of his own; for I no where find that their Enemies confessed, or commended, their Harrison 's, and Carew 's steddiness of Mind, and contempt of Death; but that their Friends took care they should go off with a resolute Obdurateness, take this following Passage; Some few days after Carew Suffered, I met a Person who had been employed by his Nephew to get a parcel of Papers out of his hands, which related to an Entailed Estate, and so not forfeited by his Treason; which tho' he had attended several times, (as careless as his Friends say he was of Life,) could not be obtained till the last hour, which argued he had some hopes. During this stay, the Gentleman said a Fellow came to him, he presumed an Apothecary, and taking a Glass out of his Pocket, poured it into a Beaker and gave it him with this Grace, The Lord strengthen you; and it produced the designed effect, for whereas he looked wan, and trembled before, this made him flush, and sweat, with an answerable alteration in his Discourse, and Carriage; and this might occasion what he said at the end 
Speech▪ p. 22.  of his Prayer upon the Ladder, I am so exceeding Dry, that my Tongue is ready to stick to my Mouth, but I would fain speak a little more. 'Twas then discoursed that most of them took such intoxicating Doses, to be sure Peter's had so large a Potion, that he was stupidly drunk, which made Cook who suffered at the same time, say he feared him not fit to Suffer then.  
Adrian Scroop is the next with our Author, tho' in the course of their Executions there were three or four before him, and seems mentioned on purpose to inveigh against Sir Richard Brown, whom he falsely affirms to be the principal Witness, his Evidence was only Collateral, there were others who proved both his Sitting and Signing so fully as he owned all himself, and indeed there were none of them, had any thing of the Port and Language of a Gentleman but he, both at Trial, and Execution, for he always addressed himself to the Court with due respect, and civilly acquiesced in the Reasons they gave for overruling his Pleas; what impudence then is it for Ludlow to affirm, That the Jury taking every thing said against the person accused for substantial Proof, made no scruple of bringing him in Guilty of Treason? p. 66. whereas the Proofs against him were as full as any of the rest; yet I will not deny but he might have escaped with Life, had not Sir Richard's Testimony interposed, tho' his own folly as well as baseness must bear the blame, for expressing to a Stranger the no remorse he had of so horrid a Crime, which Sir Richard as a Member, was bound in Honour and Conscience to declare to the House, when his Case came to be considered. Almighty God, as already hinted, Pardons none but upon Repentance; and can King or Parliament follow a better Precedent?  
Tho. Scot follows, more especially valued by our Author and his Friends, because so impudent as to desire it might be written upon his Tomb, Here lies Tho. Scot, who adjudged the late King to die; But he lies without one, and may all of the same Mind, die, and lie as he did; yet even this being spoken in Parliament, ought not to be brought in Evidence, as is confidently averred here, without the least notice of what Sir O. B. declared, There could be no Privilege of Parliament for Treason, nor Felony neither, which that 
Try. p. 88  Learned Lawyer made several times fully out. What he urged likewise of the Convention which then was, and the Secluded Members, was altogether as frivolous; that Long Parliament had been so perpetuated, as none but themselves could make a Dissolution, (God keep us from such another) which the Secluded Members came in to do as Mr. Annesly told him: and the Convention they summoned was not so Regular, but the next Parliament confirmed all they had Enacted▪ and could these Fellows who had put the whole Government out of course, think it could ever be brought into Order, but by stepping back through those many Irregularities they had continually heaped together? What he saith of his being a Recruiter, speaks little of Reputation, that sort of Cattle breaking thorough in an odd manner; and less of his Policy to tell us how he was fooled by Monk: and how well he was respected throughout the Kingdom, none could better express than himself, who in a Speech he made to prevent the Dissolution of that fatal long Parliament, and finding it ineffectual, concluded thus, Being your pleasure to have it so, 
Try. p. 87.  I know not how to hinder it, but when done I know not where to bide this hated head of mine. And, indeed, it was the case of them all.  
John Jones, and Gregory Clement, seeing what the others had said was to little purpose, confessed the Fact, and were declared Guilty, saith our Author, but is mistaken here too, whether wilfully, or otherwise, let his Friends resolve; to be sure Jones Pleaded, confessing he sat some days, but did not maliciously contrive the King's Death; whereas his hand and seal being proved to the Warrant for Execution, he then cried Peccavi, and put himself upon the Lord, and that Honourable Court, which not having the desired effect of Life; at their Executions they both Recanted their pleading Guilty, or begging Pardon, and so went off; an exact testimony of Fanatic Sincerity. What he saith further of Jones being a Gentleman, of a competent Estate, and considerable Service for the Public Cause, stands thus:  
His first entrance into the World, if common report may be credited, was as Sir Thomas Middleton's Man, for that I find his Appellation in all the Prints of those times: and 'tis further said, that by his inducement Sir Thomas engaged on the Rebel side; but his grand advance was by marrying Cromwell's Sister, who finding him withal a Zealous Brother, made up of Faction, Sedition, and Insolence, countenanced him accordingly in all his Designs; for he was not only Governor of Anglesy, but Controller-General of all the Honest Gentlemen in North-Wales. Afterwards he was removed into Ireland, where he behaved himself as Servants use to do when got into Dominion, with a most Tyrannical Arbitrariness, no less morose, and severe than Ludlow himself, who otherwise would not have commended, a Relation, and Creature of Cromwell's.  
And because he tells us of Gregory Clement's being a Merchant, I shall relate this Passage, and then let the World judge of his integrity, honesty, how unfit for a Public, who behaved himself so unworthily in a Private trust. He was Apprentice to one Mr. Hukely a Spanish Merchant, who, when his time was out, advised him to try his Fortune in the East-Indies, and for his encouragement lent him 500 l. upon his single Bond; perhaps he might have something more of his own, but that was said to be his principal Fund, which he so well managed, as to return about the beginning of our Troubles with an Advance of 8 or 9000 l. which made him, not only considerable upon the Exchange, but a Recruiter at Westminster, when most honest men were gone, or forced away. At what time his Master died I omitted to inquire, but leaving only two Daughters, the Gentleman who married the Eldest engaged on the King's side, and so could not come to London till the War was over, than he addressed himself to Clement, and hoped he would not demur to pay so just and fortunate a Debt, which notwithstanding he did continually Shuffle, and put him off, and that with so much insolence, as once upon the Exchange to bid him Kiss his B—. When the case was so altered, as this Merchant came to lie in the Dungeon at Newgate in order to his Execution, the Gentleman applied himself to him there, where he found him at the Common Cant of all the Crew, that he had made his Peace with God, and the World, and desired he would not disturb him with any temporal concerns, he told him how little true Peace could be expected with God, when so unjust to Man, with much more to the like, tho' very little, purpose, for the obstinate Wretch persevered in his vain Presumptions, and even at the Gallows declared what great Assurances he had, tho' the Gentleman, mounted among the Guard, told him there of his unjust dealing, which he cared not to take notice of, and so went off, an horrid instance of Fanatic Delusion.  
Mr. John Cook takes the next turn, his Dear Friend, and fellow Governor in Ireland, where he was Lord Chief Justice, and otherwise had a great influence upon Civil Affairs; yet I do not find he was so squeamish as our Author, but continued in his Post under Cromwell. What he saith of his Parts, and Gentile Education shall be acknowledged true; yet could they not advance him in practice, so as to keep him out of some Necessities which sat uneasy upon him; and this, not only his Acquaintance thought put him upon that fatal Employ of Solicitor to that pretended High Court of Justice, but he owns here at his Trial, 'twas Avaritiâ non Malitiâ, what he spoke was for his Fee, and that he hoped the Jury would take into Consideration, whereto both the Sollicitor-General and Lord Chief Baron replied, that as no man can have a Lawful Calling to pursue the Life of his King, so for a private Person, tho' he only intends to beat a man, yet if he dies thereupon, in Law 'tis Murder: and the like Replies were made to the many other Allegations Cook very ingeniously urged in his Defence, with so much Candour, and Respect, as well as Law and Reason, that it would be most unpardonable in any body but our Author, who makes it his constant practice, to give so partial a relation, as to set forth the three Articles his Indictment was reduced to, with a brief account of Cook's Plea, without the least Syllable of what both Council and Court replied in answer to every particular, so full and satisfactory, and yet withal so fair and easy, as I never read any thing of that kind more diverting; Indeed, all the Gentlemen of the Long Robe, knowing the Prisoner to be a man of Parts, and for several years versed in Business, seemed to exert themselves above their Performances at other Trials, and let him see the most artful flourishes, could not palliate so foul an Act, or he allege any thing by way of Extenuation, they were not able to render frivolous, and false, with one single breath; so that after the greatest Liberty ever vouchsafed any Person in those Circumstances, he was forced to acknowledge their Patience in hearing him, and that their Lordships had justly stated both the Councils Proofs, and his Answers, if they laid aside those 
Trials, p. 150.  Acts, Orders, or Authorities, whereby he did at that time Conscientiously act▪ and thought to be born out, etc. And being told that aggravated the matter so as to Warrant the Authority, he desired not to be mistaken, meaning only in point of High Treason, so that it seems he would have gladly come off with a Misdemeanour, Misprision, or something of that kind, to have secured his Life: Which failing, at his Execution he acted the proper part of the Party, would be telling what a Glorious work the Lord had accomplished upon 
Speeches, p. 29.  his Spirit, which was to assure him he need not repent of any thing he had done, but own it as the cause of God, and Christ, etc. In short, none of the Pack went off more deeply plunged in Enthusiasm, the furies and follies of Fanatic Delusion.  
This Lawyer was accompanied with a Divine, of their Congregational way, the most impudent Buffoon that ever reproached any Profession, Sacred, or other, Hugh Peter, upon whom it was proved that he had made it his constant business to Blaspheme God and the King in his Pulpit Scurrilities, during the Pageantry of that horrid Trial; and otherwise became so vile a Property to their many dark and bloody Designs, as one would think the Devil had Commission'd him to be his Representative, in acting that dismal Tragedy: yet being now to make his Plea, that Infernal Fiend had so far left him destitute of that briskness of Wit, and presence of Mind, at other times his only talon, as he could scarce reply to any one particular Allegation, but declared in general that all was false, with so senseless a Stupidity, as to become the object of their Pity, who most abhorred his abominable Practices.  
In the same manner he went off at his Execution, where he was so far from being animated with courage, as our Author affirms, that Cook himself could observe, Here is a poor Brother coming, I am afraid that he is not fit to die at this time, etc. altho' he had endeavoured to put what courage he could into him, for they tell us he said, Come, Brother Peter, 
Passages, and Speeches, p. 27.  let us knock at Heaven gate this Morning, God will open the Doors of Eternity to us before Twelve of the Clock, etc. but Peter who had acted a Part too long, could not bear up in this last dismal Scene, no intoxicating Draught, whereof 'tis said he had taken very largely, could silence the Terrors of so great a Gild; tho' it had been the whole course of his life to fool others, he could not now fool himself.  
'Tis likewise an egregious falsehood in the account Ludlow gives of his Life, That he had been a Minister in England for many years, till forced away by Archbishop Laud 's Superstitions, etc. he was never in our Church, but sometime at Cambridge, where he was so Insolent, and Lewd, as to be Whipped in the Regent's Walk, (a Punishment scarce ever inflicted upon any since, nor perhaps as long time before) the most Public place in that University, and so Expelled for ever. Now as this affront, according to his Estimation, always rankled in his envenomed Mind, so it rendered him very acceptable to the Godly Party, as they termed themselves, who very much delighted in his Sarcastical Libels against our Government both Ecclesiastical, and Civil: Nevertheless fearing to come under a second Lash, he kept himself abroad, in Holland sometime, but mostly in New England; till the Independents, designing to undermine Presbytery, sent for him, who came accompanied with several young Disciples of his own Tutor, so managing the Army by his Cant and Buffonery, as he became Cromwell's Zane, so necessary a tool, as the work could not have gone on without him, for he acted several Parts besides that of Chaplain, sometimes Col▪ sometimes Agitator, and whatever else would advance his Patron's Designs and our Confusions, and therefore 'tis much Ludlow took notice of him, being so much the usurper's creature; but his deep engagements in the Royal Blood, expiated for his other failings on the Commonwealth side. I shall only add further, that upon the Restauration, he was discovered by one of those Confidents he brought out of New England, seized upon in Bed with another man's Wife, which his Party indeed would have for the better concealment of himself, tho' they could not but know, how much his Spirit was addicted to the Flesh.  
Axtell and Hacker came next, who Guarded that confounded Court, and the King to it, set on the Soldiers to cry for Justice, etc. and for these Reasons were charged with compassing his, the King's Death: Axtell made many long Harangues all to the same purpose, That he was a Commission Officer, and obliged to obey his Superiors Orders, and so ran back to the several Generals, Essex, Manchester, and Fairfax, from whom he received his Commission, as they did theirs from Lords and Commons; altho' upon enquiry, all his Orders in this Bloody Scene were from Cromwell and Ireton: The Court suffering themselves a long time to be teased with these Tautologies, in the end told him, That neither the General, nor Lords and Commons ought to be obeyed in any unjust thing, much less taking away the Life of their King; and this Ludlow styles their being necessitated to fly to their old Refuge of questioning the Authority by which he acted, as if that were not first to be enquired into in all Actions both personal and real. What he further calls a strong unheard of Doctrine, That no Person, nor Community, nor People have any Coercive Power over the King, is a continued Specimen of his supercilious Arrogance, and would he have mentioned the Precedents Sir O. Bridgman quoted, the Assertion would have appeared much to the purpose, and the Jury been justified in that they made no Difficulty of bringing him in Guilty.  
Hacker being present at the former's Trial, saw how fruitless it would be to make the same Allegations, and he had no other, besides he seemed to be the dullest of them all in their common knack of Canting, for that he only read a Speech at his Execution of ten or twelve Lines, and then desired that Axtell would be both their mouths to God in Prayer.  
'Tis likewise false that the Court being sensible of an injury done to Hewlet in finding him Guilty, for that it was made appear the Common Hangman cut off the King's Head, procured his Pardon: for the Lord Chief Baron told the Jury, That if they found him to be one of them in a Frock, tho' he did not the Fact, it was a clear testimony of his imagining and compassing the Death of the King, and this was not only proved by several, but from his own confession, 
Trial, p. 239.  That if he was to do it again, he would do it. The Pardon therefore was the immediate effect of His Majesty's gracious Clemency, what effect it had I have not heard, 'tis probable no better than upon others.  
Henry Marten and Ludlow, were two of as different Tempers and Constitutions as can be well supposed, the former a witty debonair Companion, who made Drinking and Whoring the delight of his Soul; the other of a haughty morose disposition, rigid and severe as a Scotch Covenanter; yet these two in the House always hunted in the same Couples, prosecuted the most desperate Courses which at any time came under debate, right-down Levellers, nothing would serve them but a Community of wealth and women; wherein Marten must be owned to have reason, for that having squandered away an Estate of several Thousand pounds per Annum, besides Plunder, and other Gratuities, wherewith these just Representatives obliged each other, he could not think of a better way to supply his Luxury, than out of other men's Stocks; to which purpose he writ a Book, called England's Troublers Troubled, wherein all Rich men are declared Enemies to the Mean; Lords and Gentry, Clergy and Lawyers, must come into one Common Fund, whereof too, I presume he intended to be Treasurer, and then it could not fail to be well disposed of. And that this might be reduced to Practice, in his own County of Berks, whose worthy Representative he was, he forbade the people to stand bare 
Hist. of Ind.  at a Sessions in 48, or pay Homage and Fealty to their Lords: yet at the same time he Plundered them of their Horses, Goods, Money, etc. under pretence of serving the State, and beat those that defended their own: In fine, there was not a more Immoral, Profane Wretch ever breathed upon earth than this Marten, who nevertheless being a Commonwealths▪ man, and of as inveterate a spite against the good King as this Author, he, who most undeservedly escaped with his Life, of a Dozen more, Tried at the same time, must be singled out for two or three maggotty Evasions, which nothing but a Court of unwearied temper would have born with; for he tells us whereas others confessed the Gild, but not the Malice; he confessed the Fact, but not the Gild; which was justifying the thing as all the former had done, in a more Impudent Buffooning way. This Distinction of his the Lord Chief Baron replied to very seriously, but the Solicitor▪ General ridiculed it most deservedly: neither was there any thing in what he further urged, that all Facts were to be denominated from their Circumstances; was that a new Notion? or any ways applicable in his Case? whose were the most aggravating of any in the whole Pack. His addressing himself from the Council to the Jury stood him likewise in as little stead, for his thinking that a House of Commons, when he presumed the Court did not so, which should the Jury more incline to believe? an Authority of his own making, as the Solicitor briskly 
Trial, p. 251.  told them, or not rather condemn him for making that Authority; as they most justly did.  
In those Familiar Epistles which this Devotee of Venus writ to his Lady of Pleasure, there is likewise a Letter in Justification of the King's Murder, penned it seems before he came in, and had it come out before his Trial, we might have seen how witty he would have been upon the Gallows, for 'tis written in his usual buffooning way, without any thing of solid Argument, or real thought, which our Author alone extols him for. All indifferent Judges tell us, he had addicted himself so much to a pleasant humour of Rallying, as they questioned whether he could have been serious, had he come to the Execution of his justly deserved Sentence; 'tis great pity it was not tried. And by what good luck he escaped that end I am next to relate, the better to refel another gross mistake of our Authors, not to term it worse, who positively tells us, The Convention made no provision for the securing his, Marten 's Life, or the rest decoyed into a Surrender, whereas they passed an Act, that however Condemned, Execution should be suspended till another Act of Parliament to that purpose: Which accordingly was the first thing under Debate in that of 61. where the whole dozen were Secured for Life, even Marten too, tho' with greatest difficulty, by reason of his insolent Deportment at Trial, but having some Relations of Honour and Quality, they were unwilling to have such a blemish lie upon their Family, and found out this pleasant Stratagem to prevent it; when Marten came to be considered it was declared on all hands none more deserved to die; whereupon a Gentleman, in the Intrigue, stood up and said he was as much for hanging him as any other Member, only feared having so rotten a Carcase, his Limbs would fall asunder and disappoint the Gallows; which humour being ingeniously prosecuted, 'twas concluded in the end, he should rot out the remainder of his Life in the Gaol. And accordingly he was sent to the Isle of Wight, Carisbrook-Castle, I presume, with Hevingham; from thence brought back to Windsor, which was not a little regretted by many Loyal Gentlemen, that they should have Liberty to walk over the Corpse of that Sovereign they had Murdered, and among them an Honest blunt Scotch Knight understanding they were removed for better Air, plainly told the King, they thought the Isle of Wight Air good enough for his Father, and the worst Air in Hell was too good for such Rogues as they: Hereupon they were removed, Marten to Chepstow Castle in Monmouthshire, where he lingered out his days with an ordinary Competency from some who had tricked themselves into his Estate, and other Friends, to the Year 80. the 78. of his Age, the longer doubtless for being debarred the profuseness of his former Epicurism, yet all this without the least improvement, under such great alterations of condition, and severe checks of Providence; for if we may believe the 
Athen. Oxo. Vol. 2. 495.  Epitaph he made of himself a little before his Death, he went off with as little sense of a future State, as he continued here in defiance of all Virtue, Loyalty, and Religion.  
What our Author next falls upon of this kind is with more than ordinary regret, that a Trium-virate of his fellow Outlaws were seized upon in Holland, and from thence sent home to receive the just Reward of their Treasons, the first he empties his gall upon is Sir George▪ Downing, who as the King's Minister there, laid the Scene so as to secure them, whose baseness he aggravates by telling he had been Okey's Chaplain, kindly entertained by him, and received many Obligations from him; all which the Factions most virulently charged upon him from the beginning, and he as little regarded, for being by Monk's recommendation continued in the same employments he had under Cromwell, for which he had then contracted an implacable enmity from all the Rumpers, he resolved to be aforehand with them, by hanging as many as possible out of the way, who he was sure if once more in Power, would do the like by him. For Gratitude he had conversed too long among them, not to know how little it was regarded when Interest stood in competition; neither indeed can there be a greater absurdity, than for any of that leven to recriminate thereupon, who so treacherously undermined each other in their several Turns; and altogether expressed an ingratitude great as Hell, for their too general Indemnity.  
He continues his charge against the barbarous part the States acted in this conjuncture, who contrary to a Fundamental Maxim in their Government to receive and protect all, etc. contributed as much as in them lay to the destruction of these Gentlemen; that they contributed any thing to the seizing of them is absolutely false, but were much vexed at it, tho' when done could not prevent it; Sir George had formerly attempted several such Stragglers, and the States had freely given him Orders to secure them; but withal took such care that before he, or his Messengers came there, the Birds were flown. This was the first time he outwitted them, and I dare engage had he continued there Forty years it should have been the last. However, I find this Author elsewhere affirming, that Interest is their darling Maxim, and there is none who know them, doubts it; seeing therefore so great a Revolution in England, the Royal Family restored, to which they had not been over kind from the beginning of their Troubles, and now entering into an Alliance with that Crown, it must really have broke all those Measures, and violated the Laws of Nations to prohibit their Transportation, when seized, yet many of their People were very mad for this; their Governors considered better, that however they permit their Country to be a Common Receptacle for the Refuse of all Mankind, yet that, in such extraordinary Cases, must be superseded to the just, and reasonable Demands of their Neighbours: Rebels and Outlaws are Beasts of prey, and when upon pursuit they escape out of one Royalty, the next should take the Alarm, either hunt them away, or upon seizure deliver them up, neither can it be expected any Prince should enter into an Alliance upon other terms; and when 'tis their own concern, none stand more positively upon it than the Hollanders; to give an instance, when the Seiur Kuivoit, Trump's Brother-in-Law, who upon Buats folly, De Wit discovered to be against his Faction, as this Author relates, p. 194. but escaped out of his clutches, into England, would upon the Treaty by no means be permitted to return into his own Country, but was forced to continue here several years, for aught I know till that grand turn which caused De wit's Massacre. And perhaps our Monarchy hath suffered not a little for being less severe in such Cases.  
The first our Author mentions of his three unhappy Brethren is Miles Corbet, a Gentleman of an Ancient Family in Norfolk, and so indeed he was, but proving a withered Branch, the Old Stock by degrees perished, and came to nothing. His Nephew Sir Thomas was a worthy Loyal Gentleman, kept this old Dotard from defiling himself with his Sovereign's Blood till the last day, for fear the Entail should be cut off from his Children, according to his own confession; but then the Devil with his own as Hellish Zeal, spurred him on both to Sat, and Sign: And 'tis probable upon this inducement, Sir Tho. parted with the Seat of his Family, which to my knowledge he did, and was very kind to his Sisters with their Descendants. For his Deportment in Ireland, our Author is too partial to be credited, because we have so odd an account of his carriage in the House of Commons, where he was 
Hist. of Ind. p. 36.  Inquisitor-General to the Committee of Examinations, having found an Expedient to Purge both Houses of such Members as the Army, or Independents disliked, without letting them know either their Charge, or Accusers, which the History of Independency terms a kind of Hangman's Office, and that he looked more like a Hangman, than the Hangman himself; 'tis true likewise he was constantly called Corbet the Jew, much resembling that Nation both in Countenance, and Actions.  
The next is Barkstead, a Citizen and Goldsmith in London, saith our Author, as if he had been a Banker of Thousands; whereas the Workers in that Trade are of as dirty and laborious a Profession as Country Blacksmiths, and take as much Pains for a small Livelihood: This fellow's chief Employ was to make Silver Thimbles, whereby he might become endeared to the Sisterhood, to be sure he was Second to Venus in leading up the Mob to threaten, and force the Parliament, ay, and King too, when matters did not go after their humours; and thus setting forward the War, when begun, he had his advance in it, where nevertheless he passed for a very shallow Mortal, but continuing a zealous Pretender, and withal very officious to his Master Cromwell, he continued him a Tool upon all occasions; as I remember made him one of his Lords; not so deserved an Advance, as here at the Gallows.  
The last is Okey, whom our Author will have a Citizen of London too, as if he had made some great figure there; whereas he was Modester, and declared, He was the least of the Families in Israel, and he the least of that. First, he belonged to a Brewhouse as Dray-man; after that a poor Chandler near Lyons-Key; but betaking himself to the Sword, upon our Civil Distractions, he appeared a man of Sense, and Courage, which cultivated by Action and Experience, rendered him one of the best Officers among them. That he was possessed with the common Cant of the Cause, and wholly given over to their Inspiration-Follies, and very zealous therein, cannot seem strange, for that he never had any other Conversation; and the Success God cursed them and the Nation withal, was a corroborating Argument to their deluded Minds of a Righteous Undertaking: yet after all, no one of the whole Party carried himself so like a Gentleman, and a Christian as this Okey; which not being for our Author's design to mention, I shall take notice of, from that very account the Brotherhood hath given of his final Exit, in these following instances. 1. As to the Death of the King, he declared himself to be none of the Council which sat about it; knew nothing of the 
Col▪ Okey's Sp. 75.  Judges, nor of his name being there till done; that he sat but once or twice, prayed for him, as for himself, as he had done for this King (than Regnant Charles II.) and looked upon it as his Duty to do so. 2. That tho' he doubted not a Resurrection of the Cause he had engaged in, (thorough-paced Enthusiasm) yet would he leave this with all his Brethren, and Friends, that they should keep their Places, wait upon God, and rather suffer, than do any thing to deliver themselves, by indirect, and unjust ways. 3. That if His Majesty had been pleased to have given him his Life; or if he had heard time enough of the Proclamation, to come over, he would, through the Blessing of God, have lived quietly, and rather suffered, than done any thing against the Law of the Land. 4. That whoever had proceeded against his Life, even to his quondam Chaplain, and those in Holland, who had engaged otherwise to his Friends, he forgave as freely, as he desired God to forgive him. 5. His last words were, And it shall be my Prayer now, that God would give you Peace and Truth, and scatter them that delight in Blood and War. These are some of those many wholesom●●dvices he left among them, arguing so much of a good intention, a pious well disposed mind, as 'tis much the fanatics have not expunged him their Calendar, for expressing himself so directly contrary to what the rest of their Party professed and practised, both Living, and Dying.  
Sir Henry Vane, who brings up the Rear in this Black List, according to course of time, deserves likewise that Preference as the Coryphaeus of Fanaticism, right down inspiration▪ Mad, so furious a Bigot for whatever came uppermost in his freakish head, that the common Appellation men gave him was, Sir Humorous Vanity. His Father, and he, were doubtless two the most ungrateful Servants to Good K. Charles ever advanced by Prince, and each of them qualified with Parts, and Interest to carry on whatever designs they engaged in, yet the old one was more cautious, and foreseeing what Fate his Son would come to, like a cunning Volpone, settled the Estate he had got from the Crown upon his Grandchilds. That there was any thing of the like caution in the other, tho' he kept out of that cursed Court which condemned the King, is hard to conceive, sin●e none conduced more to the bringing him thither, and when taken off, more zealously forward to Establish their new Commonwealth; yet in some of his Papers, that absence of his is insisted upon, as if he hoped it might help at a dead pinch: whereas all his other actions discovered so much of Republican rancour, that it was thought fire might be as well permitted to continue in Thatch, as he live at Liberty in any thing of a Monarchy; and when upon that great Revolution, it was discovered, whatever Ludlow saith to the contrary, he had been tampering with some Malcontents of the Army, and others, in order to fresh Disturbances, the Government thought fit to confine him, where he continued more than a year, and then, whether upon his own motion by right of Habeas Corpus, or otherwise, I cannot discover, was brought to Trial, with Lambert, and had he behaved himself as Lambert did, owned the Jurisdiction of the Court, confessed his Crime, and begged Pardon; he might have escaped with Life, as that other, according to the Parliament's Petition to His Majesty: But being charged with a continued series of Treasons from the King's Murder to the Restauration, (altho' the Council told him they might have begun with the Rebellion) he absolutely denied they had any Power to try him; that neither the King's Death, nor the Members themselves could dissolve the Long Parliament, whereof he being one, no inferior Court could call him in question, with so many Cavils for Arrest of Judgement, Council, and what not, as would have continued his Trial till Doomsday, could he have lived so long, and his Breath held out, which never failed him, nor words neither, tho' most incoherently put together. His Trial was Printed by his Party, with several Speeches, Memorandums, etc. his Deportment before he went, and upon the Scaffold; as likewise many Additional Discourses of Politics, Divinity, etc. making a pretty large Quarto, the compleatest body of Enthusiasm I ever saw, tending to this main end, That in Right of Jesus Christ, and his People, 'twas justifiable to stand up against any Government, control, and Subvert at Pleasure. In like manner he would have run on at his Execution, and because not suffered to defend the Treasons he had for 20 Years together continually acted, would have it a violation of every Freeborn Englishman's Right. But then for his Religious deportment, he declared to have such Signs of Special Salvation, they are the very words of his Prayer, as to assure himself a place no lower than the Right hand of Jesus Christ: St. Paul was but a weak Brother in comparison to him, who after many years labour in the Gospel could not promise himself to have attained, or were already made perfect, etc. whereas this Commonwealth Apostle, set the Crown upon his 
Trial of Sir H. V p. 89.  head, the first day of his Spiritual Birth, and even whilst here in the Body was made partaker of Eternal Life in the first fruits of it. But why should we mention St. Paul, when in his last Agony he so Blasphemously emulated our Blessed Saviour himself; for instead of a Lord have mercy on my Soul; Christ Jesus receive my Spirit; or the like; we are told his very last words of all at the Block were as followeth, Father glorify thy Servant in 
P. 95.  the sight of men, that he may Glorify thee, in the discharge of his Duty to thee, and to his Country. Can any thing but Hell inspire a man at this rate? yet all his Speeches and Prayers are move or less one continued Rhapsody of such abominable Stuff.  
I shall mention something of his Temporal Concerns, partly for that our Author's relation is as opposite to truth as one Pole to the other; Sir Henry Vane, saith he, was a Gentleman of an Ancient Family in the County of Durham; whereas the Family they were of, was directly South, either in Kent, or Essex, as I am informed, till the Old Fellow, having well fleeced himself at Court, moved Northward, upon this occasion. Raby-Castle was in the Crown, one of the finest Royalties in the North of England, assigned King Charles, with other Lands when Prince of Wales, for the support of his Family: When come to the Crown, the Parliament not supplying him to carry on the Spanish War, as they had promised both his Father and Self, he was obliged to assign it over to some Citizens for a Sum of Money, giving them Power to let Leases, etc. Old Sir Henry knowing this to be a considerable Purchase, agreed with the Citizens for their interest, and then got it confirmed to him by the King, upon easy terms, we may well presume, facilitated too by some undervaluings, for when entertained there in his Expedition against the Scots, and finding a magnificent Structure, according to that old way of Building, he pleasantly told him, Sir Henry, This is more than a heap of Stones. When Cromwell gave the Rump their Quietus, those few of them who had Country Seats retired thither, this Hen. the 2 d. his Father being a little before Dead, to Raby-Castle; where, because prohibited to do it any longer in the Government, he Tyrannised over his Tenants and Neighbours, obliging the former to take new Leases, as not allowing those they had from the Citizens; and seized upon an Estate to the value of 200 l. per Annum, which had been Purchased by a charitable Gentleman out of the Manor, and given to the Parish of Stanthorp, for Relief of the Poor, support of the Free School, and repair of the Church; with many suchlike Arbitrary Encroachments, according to the plenitude of his Self-willed Power. The People we may imagine could not long brook such usage, but at length took so much courage as to Petition Cromwell for Relief, who referred it, by especial recommendation to his Commissioners of the Seal, and they finding Matter of Fact true, did the Tenants Right to the great dissatisfaction of this Lord Paramount.  
I have been the more particular in this relation upon a double account; the one is to clear that great Man the Earl of Strafford, whom I have frequently found censured, by many otherwise his Admirers, for taking the Title of Raby to his Barony, supposing it to be old Vane's Paternal Estate, whereas if taken when first made a Peer, it was not in his Possession; if otherwise, when Earl, the original Right continued in the Crown, the King might dispose of the Honour to whom he pleased, as he had done before of the Estate; yet 'tis thought the peevish old Secretary, for this reason, plotted the ruin of that incomparable Minister, as both he and his Son, conduced in many other things to that of their Master; may such ingratitude in due time meet with an Act of Resumption. The other thing I designed to observe from the forementioned relation is, that men of Commonwealth Principles, whatever noise they make of the People's Right, Liberty, Property, etc. wherever they get into Power, and Authority are more insolent and Arbitrary than any sort of Mankind; uneasy Neighbours, griping Landlords, froward Masters, exact from, and impose upon all they have to do with. And this rough self-willed management of his own private concerns, is an Argument to me, much beyond our Author's authority, that the good Conduct of their Marine Affairs at that time, must proceed from others of a more sedate temper; so warm a Brain, and violent Spirit could not do any thing with judgement, and discretion. I cannot forbear to mention what his Friends tell us of his deportment after Condemnation, some persuading him to make Submission to the King, and endeavour the obtaining of his Life, 
Trial of Sir H. V Pag. 81.  he said, If the King did not think himself more concerned for his Honour, and his Word, than he did for his Life, than he was willing they should take it; nay, I declare, said he, I value my Life less in a good Cause, than the King can do his Promise: with several such like Rants so abominably extravagant, as if he studied to precipitate his own ruin; but he treated God Almighty at the same impudent manner, so that 'tis hard to resolve whether his Blasphemies, or Treasons were greatest; for both which I presume it is that our Author and his Friends give him so high a Character, commend his Eloquence, Soundness of Judgement, Presence of Mind, Gravity, Magnanimity, and what crowns all, Constant adherence to the Cause of his Country; whereas Bedlam would afford us many of a much more steady temper; and Newgate truer Patriots to the Nation's Peace, and Welfare.  
Thus have I run over the Legendary Relation of our Republican Regicides, as laid before us by this imposing Author, wherein nevertheless we both agree as to Matter of Fact, only what he attributes to a good, I will have proceed from an Evil Spirit; and for Decision, my appeal shall be to the Reader, whether the Word of Truth hath not foretold, That some might come under such strange Delusions, 
Jo. 16. 2.  as to turn men out of the Church, ay, and kill them too, thinking all the while they did God great service? And could that Text be ever more literally verified, than when a company of Illiterate Mechanics, with some others of little, or, which is worse, bad Education, shall pretend a Commission from the Divine Spirit, for Murdering their King, Subverting the Government, and make every individual Person submit to their own Arbitrary Wills, and Inspiration-Follies. For particular Men, there is no Discourse of Melancholy but tells us what freakish Conceits the strength of Imagination hath possessed them withal; but for a considerable part of a Nation to be so carried away, we are the only Precedent, and sure no others will be so mad as to follow us. Since therefore I cannot parallel them with a Party, I shall do it with a Person or two; and begin with that modern Patriarch of Speculative Atheism, Vaninus, who when he was condemned to be burnt, for that he denied the Being of a God, and upon the first sense of Pain, cried out, Mon Dieu, the Flames were stopped, and he told, upon continuing to own that God now called upon, his Life should be spared: To which he replied, They were only words of course, and he was resolved to die in defence of his own Cause. Now, I presume, the Atheist admires this abominable Wretch's Courage, as much as Ludlow and his Friends that of Harrison, and the rest, and just with as much reason. But to come from no Religion to that which is almost as bad, those Proto-Fanaticks in Queen Elizabeth's time, Hacket, Coppinger, and Arthington, what execrable Blasphemies did they utter? even commanding God to Patronise their Delusions. And if our Author consulted the History of Reformation among his beloved Swiss, he might have found at the beginning they swarmed much with Anabaptists, however it is at present, one of which cut off his Brother's Head, in presence of Father and Mother, saying, God commanded him so to do. And the Lord Chief Baron, when he passed Sentence upon the Five that were Tried next after Harrison, Carew, Scot, Scroop, Jones and Clement, told them of one in Shorpshire, who killed his Father and Mother, after he had sought of the Lord whether he might do it or 
Trials, p. 101.  not, very applicable to those Wretches who pretended they had done the same thing, in order to the Murder of the Father of their Country; and thereupon he went on very piously to advise them, That they should try their own Spirits, and not think every Fancy and Imagination to be Conscience: There is (saith he) a Spiritual Pride, Men may overrun themselves by their own Holiness, and pretended Revelations, rest upon that Self-confidence, and mistake the Devil for an Angel of Light. This was good Advice, indeed, too good for them to follow, for they all died as they lived, under the cursed Infatuations of a deluded Mind.  
There is but one thing more I shall further observe, how the whole Current of the Rebellion was carried on by this Inspiration-Fraud. The Presbyterians, though they had been all along for their own Forms, in opposition to those of our Church; yet this Evil Spirit getting in vogue, framed their Pipes accordingly, and bellowed among the rest: but the Independents, Hugh Peter more-especially, with his New-England Gang, having got the Trumpet-Stop, silenced them most profoundly; nay, which is more, so propagated the Knack among the Army, as most of their Officers, even to a Corporal, could thunder out Extempore Nonsense, Preach and Pray, without knowing what they said, or designing to be understood: And these were Cromwell's chiefest Properties, by whose means he made his advance, insomuch as it was observed he scarce cared for any Man that spoke Sense, and had several Artifices to disparage it, but most of all it was abhorred in their Pulpit-Cants. The truth of it is, a Man of sound Christian Principles, and good Moral Life, was as much Reprobated by them, as the Pharisees did all but themselves; and could they have fixed that Doctrine, of Dominion in Grace, which the Levelling Party bid fair for, no Person should have had any Property but themselves. But when Cromwell had attained his height, they perceived whose Tools they had been, and the most considerable of them began to be very uneasy to him, so that with much Stratagem he was forced to discard the most of them, and confine some in Prison; and though by this means he kept them under during his own time, yet that Oaff his Son was supplanted by them in less than a Year's time, and after about half a dozen turns, in the time of a year more, all things most miraculously returned to our times as of old. And tho' these Sons of Delusion had the Confidence to foretell at Execution a Resurrection of their Cause, as some of the Party have done of their Bodies, yet that time is still to come, and I hope may be as far of, as that many times expected Deliverance of the Jews▪ and indeed to me they have all along seemed to be equally under the same Spiritual Obduration, after their hard and impenitent hearts, Treasuring up unto 
Rom. 2. 5.  themselves wrath against the day of wrath, and Revelation of the Righteous Judgement of God.   

SECT. III.  
THE little now remaining of my promised Undertaking, relates to that Bulk of Letters and other Papers, which swell up this Third Volume to very nigh one half; and would they be sincere, the true reason is, that this might bear proportion with the other Two, and keep up the Crown Price, although the fresh and true Information it contains is not worth Sixpence. And this I must further take notice of, That these Letters of His Majesty were never but once printed by the Factious, and that when first taken at Naseby, bearing this Title, The King's Cabinet opened, etc. (which I have by me) with a scurrilous Preface, and most virulent Annotations, so rude and false, as most of their own Party blushed at them: To be sure the Loyalists were so far from being ashamed of any thing there discovered, as they became a further Confirmation to them of the King's great Parts, extraordinary Goodness, and most tender Regard of his People's Welfare, and accordingly had them constantly printed with his other Works both in Octavo and Folio.  
But the Title here tells us 'tis a Collection of Letters and other Papers relating to divers Important Passages in the precedent Memoirs; which Other Papers were likewise most of them printed with the Letters, or occasionally afterward as they fell into their base Hands, and as to every Passage replied to in my Just Defence, without any thing of Importance discovered, more than implacable Malice, and egregious Falsehoods. One Particular I must needs repeat: It is there made appear how grofly His Majesty was abused by that forged Commission the Irish Rebels produced, and how villainously their Lieutenant-General Ludlow would have had Sir Phelim O Neal redeem his Life by charging it upon him; which that Man, as bad as he had been, had more Honour and Conscience than to do; yet a Copy of this Commission is printed in the Collection, as undoubtedly so, though even their Memoir doth but say, the Irish pretended a Commission from the King, pag. 19 Vol. I. and they knew it as certainly false, as we may them Liars: but it helps on a Design, and that is enough.  
As for this last Volume, I find but one Passage wherein our Royal Martyr is concerned, that is aspersed, for they never mention him but to that purpose, and this raised from his Correspondence with the Marquis of Antrim, who, our Author tells us, was an Irish Priest, among the first in Rebellion there, seized upon in London, upon Charles the Second Restauration, sent Prisoner to the Tower, from thence to Ireland, and there set at Liberty by a Letter under the King's Hand, charging the Gild of that Rebellion upon his Father, in that he affirms, the Earl of Antrim did nothing without Warrant and Authority from his Father. Thus far the Memoir, pag. 115. with some truth, but very little; for first, he was not set at Liberty by the King's Letter, but they who charged, and caused him to be Committed, not able to make good their Allegations, he became freed in course. Neither, secondly, is it said he did nothing without Warrant and Authority from the King his Father; the express words of the Letter are, That what he did by way of Correspondence or Compliance with the Irish Rebels, was in order to the Service of Our Royal Father, warranted by his Instructions, and that the benefit thereof accrued to the Crown. Col. p. 357. which how basely our Author would pervert, as if his first engagement in the Rebellion, and continued going along with them, were by the King's Allowance, every eye may discover; whereas the words can be no further stretched, than that in process of time, he was so sensible of his Folly, not to term it worse, as he thought to expiate for the same, by bringing over his Confederates, as many as he could, to their due Allegiance, together with himself. And that this he endeavoured, and was all the Good King encouraged him in, or Authorised him to do, will appear from these few Particulars I meet with of his Undertake. When the Scotch Covenanters first began their Stirs, I find this Marquis of Antrim making a Proposal to the King, of a Descent from his County of that Name, or some other of the Northern Parts in Ireland, upon the Earl of Argyle, and his several Dependants in the Western Parts of Scotland. But the Deep-sighted Strafford finding him unable to accomplish what he promised upon 
Nals. Col. 221.  that account, it came to nothing; tho' doubtless he might produce several Letters from the King, not without Encouragements, and kind Acknowledgements for his good intentions. The next thing I find him engaged in, was more considerable, though not full up to what he promised. When the Soots came in 43. to the Assistance of their Fellow- Rebels hear, the Noble Montross, then at Oxon with the King, laid a Design of giving them a Diversion in the Highlands, in order whereunto this Marquis of Antrim promised to send him Ten Thousand Men out of Ireland, and returned thither to that purpose, as the other with great difficulty got into the Highlands, and there absconded a considerable time in expectation of the forementioned Supply, wherein at length there was something done, that is, Fourteen or Fifteen Hundred Men, sent under the Command of that Brave Fellow Mac Donald, which Montross augmenting with his several Clans there, performed those many Noble Exploits recorded to his Eternal Glory. And this Charles the Second Letter particularly related to, That he drew some Forces from Ireland for the Service of Scotland, pag. 355. 'Tis likewise said in the same Letter, That he joined with the Irish, in order to reduce them to their Obedience: And though it doth not expressly appear as to any single Circumstances, for want of the Old King's Letters to him, yet in general it may be concluded he was not so hot as the Priestridden Party there, but willing to comply with such Concessions as the King in Honour and Conscience might grant. For whoever consults the History of those Times in Ireland, will find that most of the sensible Nobility and Gentry, ay, and Commanders too, from 43. forward, discerned what Mischiefs they had brought upon themselves, and were, to prevent further danger, desirous to comply with His Majesty's Proposals, of a General Toleration; but the ecclesiastics, especially when headed by the Pope's Nuncio, and had the Mobb at their Lure, would be satisfied with nothing but a kind of Inquisition-Establishment of their Religion. That the Marquis we discourse of was one of the former, appears by his Deportment at Oxon, where, I presume, he was one of the Agents sent by the Catholic Confederates, as they termed themselves, to attend His Majesty, with Desires and Propositions most extravagant, as they themselves confessed; and therefore according as they promised the King, did, upon their return, represent the absolute necessity of submitting to him, till able to grant them more, that they might not be glad to accept less: But the Evil Genius of that People, saith my Author, (condemned to wilful Ruin and Misfortune) 
Dr. Burl. p. 145.  soon evidenced how unripe they were for Mercy; and that it was not so easy to allay the Evil Spirits they had conjured up, as to foment and irritate them.  
And now from a due Consideration of the Premises, I appeal how it can be supposed His Majesty's Letters should relate to any thing more than encouraging this Marquess' good Endeavours to the making Matters as easy as he could, in order to the Cessation which thereupon followed: And the Peace likewise, which after many tedious Negotiations was concluded in 46, had doubtless his helping Hand, though it came to nothing, by reason of the Nuncio's and his Clergies abominable Assume, and Superstitious Rigours; all which appears from his Son Charles the Second Letter, the only Authority they have for this wrested Calumny; for 'tis there expressly declared, That his Compliance with the Irish Rebels, was in order to the Service of his Royal Father, and that the Benefit thereof accrued to the Crown. And upon a full, impartial Consideration of that Letter, the Marquis will be found to have had very hard measure; for at his coming over, after the Restauration, upon Complaint of the Irish Deputies here at Court, that he was not worthy the least Countenance from His Majesty, and that they had manifest, unquestionable Evidence of his Gild, he was forbid the Royal Presence, committed to the Tower, and then remitted into Ireland for his Trial and Punishment; where, after many Month's Attendance, and presumed Examination, he was dismissed without Censure; and without any Transmission of Charge to us, was Licenced to Transport himself into England: Whereupon the King thought in Justice he ought to be Herd by his Council here, and producing the forementioned Testimony under his Father's own Hand, recommended him to the Court of Claims, in order to be repossessed of his Estate, as more deserving than the Rebels on the other side, who had done all the mischief, without the least good, and had no other Title than Seven or Eight Years quiet Possession since their Master Cromwell made the Dividend. However, I am not to plead the Marquess' Case, any further than our Royal Martyr is concerned, who, that he should be concluded to promote Popery, or wish well to the Rebellion, because he ploughed sometimes with their Heifer, in order to an Accommodation, is a true piece of Fanatic Spite, and exactly resembles the grand Author, the Father of Lies; they might as well conclude him a Presbyterian, for that he corresponded with some Scotch-Covenanters; or wished well to the English Rebellion, and Army, because he treated with Cromwell and his Myrmidons, when in their Hands; whereas all he did, was to show, there should be no defect on his side, in order to the Nation's true Peace and Settlement. Neither is there any thing more common between Enemies, either in Courts, or Camps, than to work upon the Discontents, or good Dispositions, of some in Employment on the adverse Side, in order to Intelligence, or any other beneficial End, as the Circumstances they are in require. Dolus an Virtus? is a known Rule, and to give an instance thereof in our present Case, as to the Irish Affairs, by those that managed them as well against the King, as Popish Rebels; Sir Charles Coot being shut up in London-Derry by such of the Romanists as had gone over to the King, and reduced to great Necessity, made no 
Dr Burl. 217.  scruple of treating with Owen O Neil, a General of the Bloodyest Irish, and he alone who would not come in to the Duke of Ormond 's Peace, that he should raise the Siege, upon the Payment of 2000 l. in Money, with other Considerations, of Ammunition and Cattle, which was mutually performed on either Side: And the then Colonel Monk, in Command there, had done something of the like kind before. 'Tis true, indeed, their Worships at Westminster, who at that time had got all into their hands, seemed to mut●●r at it; but the Grandees, and Military Men, not only approved, but applauded what they had done, the Exigencies they were in duly considered.  
I shall mention but one thing more in Defence of our Royal Martyr, as to Correspondencies of this kind. Most of the Letters taken at Naseby, and so basely printed by the Junto, were to the Queen, in the first of which we find this Passage, I forgot in my former to tell thee, that Lenthall the Speaker brags, Cardinal Mazarine keeps a strict Intelligence with him:— As for Sabran (the French Envoy at London) I am confident he or his Instructions are not right for him that is eternally thine. Now in their Annotations to the first Edition aforementioned, as they charge the King most basely, even for Corresponding with his Queen, because of the Romish Persuasion, as if thereby he designed to bring in those Rites; so no notice is taken of this their Speaker's Correspondence, either to deny or justify it: And to give such Devils their due, since resolved to persevere in their Rebellion, 'twas as justifiable as any thing they did. But why then so severe upon their King, that they should dare to steal the Horse, and not give him leave to look over the Hedge, yet at the same insolent rate do these Second Publishers of his Letters use him; for though they had not so much Confidence as to adjoin the Annotations, their Predecessors made, they have found out a more contracted way of expressing their ill-natured Prosecution, by presenting us with a Passage out of his Declaration dated from Newark, March 9ᵒ. 1641. wherein he tells the Parliament, That whatsoever they were advertised from Rome, Paris, or Venice, of the Pope's Nuncio's soliciting France, Spain, etc. for Foreign Aids, was false; thereupon most solemnly protests against the thing; and indeed it hath since appeared to be one of the many sinister Stratagems to ruin him, and themselves: These thorough-paced Calumniators thought, I say, to do the business with one general dash, of so great a latitude, as to comprehend whatever from first to last had been brought against him; their words are these, If this Passage be compared with the preceding Letters and Instructions, all Equitable Men may judge, whether the King did not pass Sentence upon himself, and absolve the High-Court of Justice, p. 321. That Dolus latet in Vniversalibus is acknowledged on all hands: The Devil did not more covertly charge Job, than these his Agents this Good Man; and as he was given into their power in the same manner, nay, even to the touching of his Life; so never any since, mere Man, was attacked with greater Slanders, bore them and his many other Afflictions more patiently, and as gloriously sacrificed his Life, in Defence of that Religion, and those Laws, which these worst of Men would hold the World in hand afresh he designed to subvert, and betray.  
And here I had finished my own, and Readers trouble, but that a spiteful young Fellow, whom I took notice of in the end of my Defence, for defaming the Memory of our Royal Martyr, in his Life of Milton, hath continued the like inveterate humour in another Piece which he terms Amyntor; where he so basely catches at, and perverts every thing which in the most forced sense that can be put upon Words or Things, tends to disorder, or otherwise disturb those Sacred Ashes of his; an Action which among all the sober Greeks and Romans was looked upon as the greatest defection from Humanity, and what the Barbarous Nations were seldom guilty of. As to the Controversy about his Divine Meditations, it shall be wholly left to his worthy Antagonist, who hath abundantly satisfied all Men that will be so. That there are others, whom all the World shall not oblige to confess an Error, or amend it, is too clear to be denied, and too great a Folly to be regarded.  
My Exceptions shall commence at that which he takes against Mr. Blackall, for calling him the Best of Kings, and the Best of Men; which, he saith, Some, who otherwise honour the Memory of King Charles, are angry to hear. It seems this Gentleman is none of those Some, and if he had been pleased to tell us who they were, we might have been better able to judge of what degree their Honour was, real or pretended; for some may allege a Respect to the Prince, on purpose to aggravate the Mistake in the Preacher, or otherwise humour him who first found fault. I would desire him further to consider whether an Hyperbole may not be allowed in a flight of Rhetoric; and to call him the Best of Kings and Men, can be stretched no further, than that he ought to be ranked among those that have been most Eminent in either of those Qualities. Nevertheless, if taken in the literal sense, 'tis highly disingenuous to ascend to the Apostles, who, tho' indeed Men, yet was there an infallible Assistance of God's Holy Spirit attending their Ministry, in which case nothing of Comparison could be supposed by any ingenious Person; from which how far this Fault finder is, appears in that he urgeth a thing invidiously, which is no Article of his Creed; and should it be brought against him upon another occasion, would be rejected with a most Blasphemous Contempt: And hereof he gives us a tacit intimation, by leaping so suddenly out of the Pale of the Church, where he might have found several Confessors of all Orders and Degrees, for an exact parallel; and comes to the Greeks and Romans, many of whom, he saith, did infinitely excel him in all Moral and Heroic Virtues. A bold stroke this, and therefore he goes no further than the first dash, tho' he could not but imagine we should be desirous to know who those Persons were, and wherein they outdid him: Would he have had him imitate Cato and Brutus in their Self-homicide? or Nascia, or Opinius, in cutting off the Seditious Gracchis? That indeed had not been amiss; but neither our Laws nor our Religion will admit of such Heroics; so that it had been properer to have continued in the Christian Oeconomy, where, if we consider him either as a private Person, or a Prince, few will be found to have come up to him, none outdone him, as several have made appear, who knew him better, and were much more competent Judges than this unthinking Prate-a-pace.  
The Advantage likewise he thinks to take of Mr. Blackall, by fawning upon His present Majesty, will return upon himself, in a grand defect both of that Good▪ manners and Justice he so falsely chargeth the other withal. Comparisons have been ever looked upon as an odious way of arguing, at leastwise aught to be so managed, as the Disparity may not reflect upon the Person whom they would seem to advance. Now this bold Man need not be told, that Charles I. was His present Majesty's Grandfather; by which Relation, that of Royal was added to the Ancient Princely Blood of his Family; that he must needs be sensible what cruel measures he met with from a most perfidious Race of Rebels, who regarded nothing which their Forefathers had esteemed most Sacred and Religious; that the Principles upon which they acted, strike at all Monarchy whatsoever; and that this Fellow includes a tacit Threat, in mentioning those Defects wherewith the Grandfather was so falsely charged; as if, when they thought fit, or rather, could find a sit opportunity, they would act over the same Part again: For 'tis all Tyranny with them; and whenever they promise any one to make him a Glorious Prince, 'twill be, as in the sad Subject we are upon, by Martyrdom.  
And this is what I am farther to remonstrate, That all his Allegations are absolutely false. That Good King was not in the least guilty of any of those Popular Aspersions which in this Comparison of his are so basely revived, and supposed true: He never dispensed with express Laws in favour of Popish Recusants, nor protected any of his Chaplains against the Parliament for Preaching up Arbitrary Power, nor was in the least degree accessary to any of those reproachful Suggestions this Son of a Potato so impudently runs on with, as the Just Defence, I engaged in, makes appear at large, and thereto he is remitted: where likewise he may find Satisfaction in reference to the Letter sent Pope Gregory XV. the Circumstances he was then in considered, and with how great Prudence it was penned; which that vile Pamphlet in Defence of the Parliament 40, doth therefore add to, and alter most abominably. All these are so fully replied to, and in every respect made appear to be absolutely false, as I shall not further concern myself in any thing of that kind, but only take notice of two new Piques this snarling Fellow hath started afresh, though it only shows what little Nothings such Currish Humours will bark at.  
The one indeed relates in general to all our Kings, from Edward the Confessor downward, and perhaps in its Original Purport reaches as high as the King of Heaven, in this Man's bold Reflections upon that Divine Miraculous Gift which in the foresaid Edward's time was discovered, and hath ever since accompanied all our Crowned Heads, in Curing that Distemper by the Ancients termed Scrofula, but by us, (from this extraordinary way, not of the King's touching the affected Part, as he prates at large, but stroking the lower part of the Face towards the Neck and Throat, where indeed the Distemper oftenest resides, with imploring God's Blessing upon the Means used, in a a Solemn Office, which he so impiously ridicules) the King's-Evil.  
The other thing I shall reflect upon, is the strong Effort of his weak Endeavours, to recommend the setting aside that Solemn Observation of the 30th of January, being the Day of the Martyrdom of the Blessed King Charles I. and ordered by Act of Parliament to be most Religiously 
〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 punc;  kept, to implore the Mercy of God, that neither the Gild of that Sacred and Innocent Blood, nor those other Sins by which God was provoked to deliver up both us and our King into the Hands of cruel and unreasonable Men, may at any time hereafter be visited upon us, or our Posterity. This was the end of its Institution, which how little effect it hath hitherto had, too sadly appears, in that this bold Fellow, and too many like him, dare to extenuate or justify so Execrable a Fact. Such Men and such Principles prevailing every day at the rate they do, is to me little less than Demonstration, that the anger of the Lord is not turned away, but his hand continues stretched out still.  
For the former of these, the Cure of the Distemper by the Royal Touch, there is no part nor corner of the Kingdom without pregnant Testimonies as to the Matter of Fact, so fully vouched both by the Parties healed, and others, as the Cortex may be as soon denied to remove a Fit of an Ague, or a Dose of Laudanum to procure Sleep; so ridiculous and impertinent is this vain Assumer, to inveigh against and decry a thing which most of the able Physicians and Surgeons in Town could have informed him to be experimentally true, and many hundred Families afford Patients so recovered. Yet since he hath given me this Occasion, I shall mention a Cure or two of our Royal Martyr, which may not a little shock his Irish Infidelity. Ludlow, in his First Volume, tells us, and I presume 'twas complained of in the House, what a Concourse of People resorted to His Majesty, when delivered up by the Scots, as he went from Newcastle to Holmby, and was kept there, particularly many came to be Cured of the Evil; and so it continued all along when the Army had taken him into their hands, especially when brought nigher London; for during his Confinement at Hampton-Court, there were several Healings, where, his Chaplains not suffered to attend him, he performed the Priest's Office too: The whole was in this manner: The People kneeling down in two Rows, he went between them, and stroking every one, used this expression, I touch, God heal. A Person now living in Chancery-lane, by Name Oglethorp, was then touched by him, and gives this Account of himself, That he had been several Months, more than a Year, under the Surgeons hands with a sore Arm, wherein were many Holes, and other sad Breaches, so far from any thing of Cure, as he every day grew worse, till having obtained the Royal Touch, his Sores dried up in a short time, and he hath ever since, which is more than fifty Years, continued in a vigorous state of Health, and freely shows the Holes and Cavities in his Arm, to God's Glory, by the King's Means, when all others were ineffectual. What follows, is yet more remarkable: As they hurried His Majesty from Hurst Castle, towards London, in order to his Murder, passing through Winchester, a poor Man so miserably overgrown with that Distemper, as his Face was all run over with Scabs and Blotches, pressed earnestly to be Touched; but the cruel Soldiers not permitting him, and the King perceiving it, used this expression, May God do for thee, though they will not let me use the Means. The poor Fellow went away without any hope of Redress, but coming at night to wash his Face with a Water which some body had prescribed him, he found none in the Bottle; and what was stranger, it seemed to have been dried up by the Stone-Bottle, for that it was broke out into Scales and Blotches in every part, whilst the Man's Face in a few Days dried up, and was perfectly well. Now before our daring Amyntor explode this, according to his no laudable Practice, let him send or go to Winchester, where, I presume, the Bottle is still in being, for the Wife is said to be yet living, to be sure all the ancient People in the City will witness it, and scarce a Person of any Quality in the whole Country but had the Curiosity to see it: Which brings on one Circumstance more; A Gentlewoman, among some other Strangers, having the Bottle in her Hand, broke off with her Finger one of the lose Scales; the Man had immediately a little Scab risen on his Lip, and not knowing what was done, expostulated with his Wife whether no body had hurt the Bottle? which she thereupon was obliged to acknowledge. Dr. Turbervill, the famous Oculist at Sarum, did use to declare among his Friends, that he had often met with that Distemper in the Eyes, and was seldom able to master it; but finding the King's Touch as seldom failed, advised all Patients which came to him in that Condition, to take that course of Cure. This I have mentioned, in order to the following Passage: Going, nigh Forty Years since, (for it was the Winter after the Restauration) from Deptford to Lambeth, the Coachman, upon some little concern of his own, stayed at an Inn or Alehouse on the Way; whereupon a Gentleman in our Company said there was a Woman in that House well worth our taking notice of, for that she was cured of a Blindness, by wiping her Eyes with a Handkerchief dipped in the Blood of the Old King. Being called, she owned the thing, which two or three more in the Family testified. We put many Questions to her, whereof I only remember that she replied, It was not a Blindness from her birth, but bred in her Eyes: Which, from the forementioned Account of Dr. Turbervill, gives me reason to conclude it the Evil. And this I have purposely mentioned, in Defence of what Dr. Perencheff saith of the Veneration People had for the Chips of the Block, his Hair, etc. and to let Amyntor know the Popish Legends may be laughed at, and yet we ought to be serious in such Passages as these.  
Come we in the next place from Matter of Fact, to the Reason of the Thing, where, I know, it will much disguist this Patron of Novelties, to tell him, that Kings, in former days, were looked upon as Sacred Persons, Anointed to their Office, according to that Divine Institution of Almighty God in his own Theocraty, with a Respect and Veneration, as the Ministers the Vice-Roys of Heaven: And whatever he talks of Juggles, that profound Deference the Eastern Nations paid their Princes, (from whence all People and all Government proceeded) seems to intimate, that Nature itself is not without some Impresses of that kind. And the learned Primate Usher gives several Authorities 
Of the Power of Princes.  out of Homer and other Ancients to confirm the same. Now if with that Designation to so high an Office, God, among other Gifts, communicated one of Healing, and that so inseparable to the Character, as not to be lost by some Irregularities of Life, which David himself was not free from: so as neither Edward the Confessor's Superstition, nor Charles the Second no Saintship, could obstruct that Salvation which in this sense God may be said to give unto Kings, is a Truth altogether agreeable with the Principles of Revealed Religion. But knowing how prone this Amyntor is to cavil at such sound Doctrine, I shall proceed more Philosophically, and let him know, that the every way Profound, as well in Humility of Mind, as Depth of Judgement, and all Solid Learning, Doctor Barrow, in his Excellent Discourses of the Creed, among other Arguments to prove the Being of God, brings that of Supernatural 
Pag. 12●.  Effects. For although the Great Creator is said to have rested ceased from his Works of that kind at the Six Days end; yet did he not so tie up his own hands, as never more to intermeddle, but reserved to himself a liberty to alter when he thinks fit the Course of Nature, cross and check the Stream of Things, for the clearer Illustration of his Glory; the confirming that he made Nature, because he can command it, and control at pleasure; whereof he gives several remarkable Instances, as well from Profane as Sacred Story, of Fire being withheld from burning, Waters from flowing, the Sick being cured without Medicinal Applications, of long Chronical Distempers; of Murders strangely detected, Plots miraculously discovered, with many such like Extraordinary Providences, no less signal in their Cause than Event. And when the facto any such things appear to have been done, as in the Case before us, how can we otherwise conclude, than that the King is a Sacred Person, whom the Sovereign Lord of all things hath placed here as his Representative, a God upon Earth, and that we ought to pay him a Veneration agreeable to so Divine a Character. This, in better times than we live in, hath passed not only for good Divinity, but good Policy too; and whatever Notions of Liberty have of late been started, I fear, without such a Regular Subordination, and Conscientious Regard, it will be a difficult matter long to continue the Peace and Welfare of any Humane Society.  
The forementioned Doctor leaves his Discourse on this Head, with one Remark very much à propo to this our new Sir Positive. They are much mistaken (saith he) who place a kind of Wisdom in being very incredulous, unwilling to assent to any Testimony, how clear and full soever; for this is not Wisdom, but the worst kind of Folly, accompanied with Disingenuity, Obstinacy, Rudeness, and the like bad Dispositions. So that compare the two sorts of Fools, the credulous Fool, who yields his Assent readily, upon any slight ground, and the suspicious Fool, who never will be stirred by any the strongest Reason, or clearest Testimony, and we shall find the latter in most respects the worst of the two; his Folly arises from worse Causes, hath worse Adjuncts, and produces worse Effects: Credulity may spring from an airy Complexion, and modest Opinion of one's self; Suspiciousness hath its birth from an earthy Temper of Body, or Self-conceitedness of Mind; that is apt to correct an Error, this intractable, stiff and incorrigible in his Ignorance or Mistakes; both include want of Judgement, but this pretending to more, becomes thereby more dangerous. In fine, were Men, in their other Affairs, or in ordinary Converse, so diffident to plain Testimony, as some seem to be in Matters of Religion, and Almighty God, they would find great Inconveniencies to proceed from thence; their Business would stick, their Conversation would be distasteful, they would be much more offensive, and no less ridiculous than the most credulous Fool in the World.  
What now alone remains to be considered, is the Thirtieth of January Fast, a very great Eyesore to all Calves▪ Heads and Commonwealths-men, for which reason they have obliged this their Milton junior to attaque it; neither indeed could they have fixed upon a fit Person on this side Hell, he who makes it his constant business to Libel the Religion of so great a part, and the Government of very nigh the whole World, Christianity and Monarchy, must needs be thought the properest Instrument to decry the Commemoration of a Prince so eminently suffering on both those accounts; and this hath been already observed their new Mode of going thoroughstitch, doing all at once; Renounce their Allegiance to God, and then there can be none due to his Anointed: Abdicate the 13 th' to the Romans, and the 30 th' of January will fall in course. Thus that Figure-flinger to every Faction, Partridge, in his Almanac for the Year 89, left out both that, and the 29th of May, but so he did likewise Good-Friday and Holy-Thursday. Now if such Fellows as these should be harkened to in their Freaks, what a thorough Reformation should we have, how briskly would they carry us back to all the Confusions of 48, and 59 For this is Amyntor's, and all his Confederates Design; we must not recount their former Villainies, that they may the more securely re act them; forget past Troubles, without any assurance of future Peace; and therefore I shall make but one general Reply to all his Cavils, both against the Preachers and the Day, and that shall be in the words of the Act which enjoined it so solemnly to be observed, wherein 'tis declared to be an Horrid, 
12 Car. II.  Impious, Execrable Murder, and unparallelled Treason, committed by a Party of wretched Men, desperately wicked, and hardened in Impiety, who were neither true Protestants, nor true Subjects, but Miscreants, whose Fanatic Rage gave the Protestant Religion the greatest Wound and Reproach, and the people of England the most insupportable Shame and Infamy it was possible for the Enemies of God and the King to bring upon them.  
These were our Nations Thoughts, when newly recovered out of Twenty Years Rebellion and Anarchy; and 'tis a sad sign of our relapsing into that old Distemper, when a new Generation of such wretched Miscreants attempt to justify what was then done, with every thing else which directly tends to Immorality and Irreligion; for so most, if not all who of late have appeared in this unworthy Cause, will be found under one or two of these three, tho' too common, not yet 
D— y T— d St— ns  commendable, Denominations, Cheists, Atheists, and Sodomites. Can they imagine any Person of Sense and Sobriety should have the less Regard for our Royal Martyr, because such impious Wretches dare to inveigh against him? and not rather conclude him the Best of Kings and Men, because exclaimed against only by such, as in all other things approve themselves the very Refuse of Mankind? No, doubtless, when these Shimei's and Rahshekah's have railed all they can, as long as there is any thing of Virtue and Religion, of Honour and Conscience in the World, the Memory of this Excellent Prince will be Sacred, and the Shedding his Innocent Blood most devoutly Deprecated, with Remembenr not Lord our offences, nor nor the offences of our Forefathers, etc.  
That this Amyntor, as he terms himself, or perhaps, I more properly, Milton Junior, should so violently prosecute that Old Snarling Cynicks Libels, is not easily to be resolved. Personal Disgust he can have none, nor Relative, unless by an odd bye-way which some time since came into my head, fancying that the Irish Priest, his reputed Father, might be one of those Rigid ecclesiastics which adhered to, and put the Nuncio upon breaking all Ways and Means of Accommodation, and, among many other very bad Qualities, might traduce that of an inveterate Enmity to this his Rightful and too Gracious Sovereign. For we must know, as the English Rebels upbraided the King with too great indulgence to the Irish▪ so they, that is, the Priests and Priestridden Party looked upon him as an obstinate Heretic, who would never condescend to let them have their own Wills in all things, and thereupon made Overtures to most Catholic Princes in Europe, of holding the Kingdom from Theirs, and their Father the Pope's Donation. Now this Son of that Potato, finding how ill the Project succeeded on the Romish side, herds himself among the fanatics and Commonwealths-men, and is become a zealous Prosecutor of Milton's Malice against Monarchy in general, and that Monarch more-especially to whom he was obliged to pay the profoundest Veneration; but withal, the Matter is managed at such an hotheaded rate, with so little of Milton's Cunning or Parts, as when they meet in the Infernal Regions, the gruff Ghost will give him a severe Reprimand, for managing the Knave's Part so like a Fool. And this indeed is the sole Consolation any Man of Observation can have, as to the no-Accomplishment of what their busy Heads have always in Projection, they overact their Parts, have more Will but worse Management than their Predecessors, whereof take this Instance; There was one A. M. some Years since, not only a great Imitator, but Sub-Secretary to Milton, when both their Commonwealthships most pitifully sneaked to Cromwell's Tyranny, this Person came afterward to make a Figure so far as to be a Representative, was of a Reserved Conversation, and Thoughtful Wit, which he employed to do what mischief he could both to Crown and Church, as occasion served, but did not venture at All, as this Hotspur doth, without Regard to God or Man, the Living or Dead. Yet to show how these two agreed in their Characters, I shall end all with this Passage; When this Mr. M—ll was dead, an Admirer of his went to one of their own common Acquaintance, whom he knew to have an ingenious Fancy that way, and desired him to make an Epitaph upon their departed Friend: which he set about, and finishing, gave it to the Person who made the Request; who, with a great deal of formality, said it was very well, but, in his Judgement, fell short of the Party's just Deserts. The Composer knowing how much he had done the contrary, was so far concerned, as to go to work a contrary way, and made another in Burlesque, which ended thus, Poëta mediocris, Politicus minimus, Christianus nullus. Whether this Amyntor hath so much as a Mediocrity as to the first, may be questioned; but for the other two, his little of the Politics, and no Christianity, they are so altogether agreeable, as nothing can be more his due but a Halter, and thereto we remit him.   

THE CONCLUSION.  
'TWAS an Observation long since of the Philosophers, Odiorum acriores Causae quando iniquoe: And the Reason given is very consistent; The less (say they) such malevolent Tempers have from the Object, the more they must supply from themselves, make up the defect of demerit in the Person, by the virulency of their own perverse Dispositions, and malicious Calumnies. That this hath been all along the practice of Man's corrupt Nature, is apparent from numberless Instances in Profane History, though I shall mention but one or two from Sacred. The Royal Prophet never more passionately complains than upon this account of all his Enemies, none were so outrageous as they 
Ps. 35. 19  which hated him without a cause. His 
— 69. 4.  familiar Friends, in whom he trusted, and upon whom he had laid the greatest obligations, magnified themselves most against him. And though this was literally true in the Psalmist's own Person, yet in the Mystery he foretold it of our Blessed Saviour, and accordingly he applied it to himself, in the gross Infidelity of the Jews, with their incessant Projects to take away his Life, notwithstanding he had done among them the works which none other man did; 
Jo. 15. 24, 25.  but this, he tells us, cometh to pass, that the word might be fulfilled which is written in their Law, They hated me without a cause. How applicable this is to our Royal Martyr's treatment, every eye may discover, and I shall not here add any thing to what hath been already said, either as to those barbarous, inhuman Usages wherewith our Christian Pharisees ●o Jewishly paralleled their Predecessors there, nor enlarge upon those Just Commendations the Wise and Good ever have, and ever must acknowledge due to his most Sacred Memory. And therefore I desire all who wish well to our Old Establishments, upon which alone the Nation's Peace and Welfare depends, to take notice, That the Design of this THIRD PART, is not so much to vindicate the King, as to caution the People against a new Set of King-killers: For 'tis my real Belief, not that I would have them take it in Charity neither, that those former thought, nay, knew their many odious Reflections upon that Monarch to be false, but could not without such vile infernal Arts carry on the grand Intrigue they were so hot upon, of Subverting the Monarchy. Thus that Rump Buffoon, Harry Marten, declared publicly in the House, If we must have a King, he already so, was as proper as any Gentleman in England; and thereupon did freely own, what he stood against was the Thing, not the Person: And many others, upon the like Occasion, were forced to blunder out the like Acknowledgements. But when Cromwell and Ireton had made things ripe for his Murder, than the Cue was given to blacken him all that they could, which nevertheless struck at him most in his Politic Capacity. Now to bring this down to our present Projectors, so forward to revive that Good Old Cause, they tread directly in the same steps, and in order thereto, with redoubled Impudence, revive the Old Defamations.  
What indeed they further entertain us with, must be owned altogether New, but withal too imposing upon this Age of ours, tho' too easily imposed upon; the Characters, I mean, given those of the Rump Oligarchy, and Officers of the Army, who suffered for no greater Offence than Ruin of King and Kingdom, are so extravagantly fulsome and false, as every one of the least Thought may justly suspect whatever they relate of other Matters, to be as far from Truth. Can any one imagine so foul an Original as they propound, should be worth copying; for that, when first Drawn, it appeared most monstrous, a kind of Gorgon, could not be looked upon without Horror and Detestation? How, I say, could this latter Brood, these Sons of Innovation, think to make us enamoured with a Commonwealth, when the only Persons they commend for the wise Administration thereof, never had any thing of sober Sense, or solid Principles; as that Maggotty Hotspur, Sir H. Vane, equally made up of Freak and Fury; that Sink of all Immorality and Profaneness, Harry Marten; Corbet the Jew, Ludlow the Cynic, with twenty or thirty more, the most unclean, and withal unwieldy Beasts that were ever packed together in one Stall; no more fit to be the Guardians of a Nation, than so many Wolves to a Flock of Sheep: neither is it possible for any one to cry up and applaud them, as we find many nowadays do, did they not lie under the like Lycanthropy.  
The Reflections likewise upon their Trials are truly Commonwealthish, that is, most false and disingenuous, as, 'tis hoped, hath been all along shown, to the Satisfaction of every honest Man; from such as are otherwise 'tis not to be expected; yet I could have told them, there were several Gentlemen, and some perhaps of both Houses, earnestly pressed for a Bill of Attainder, as of quicker dispatch, without going through the tedious Forms of Law, in so clear a Matter of Fact. And certainly, if such a Bill had been ever proper, 'twas here: but the generality of the Nation were then grown so experimentally Wise, and thereupon Considerate, as to abhor what they had seen so fatal in the Case of Laud, and Strafford, with numberless other Arbitrary Exorbitances, which many of themselves had most sadly felt from every prevailing Junto. Upon which account, great care was taken that the whole Current of Affairs should be brought into the old Channel; no Man questioned either for Estate or Life, but according to the immemorial Usages of our Ancestors; and this was done with all Exactness imaginable, against so horrid, and withal so so unprecedented a Fact, as the like was never seen nor heard of among the Children of Men. And that now, after nigh Forty Years, this Regular Procedure should be arraigned, basely represented, and the worthy Judges of the Court impudently slandered, in the Remains, forsooth, of a Party so desperately engaged, as, had he not fled from Justice, would have been one of the first brought under its most deserved Severity, is not a little surprising; and yet to make it more, all this is made Public by a Cabal of Men, with such high Elogium's upon their Persons, and tacit Justifications of their Treasons, as if none but Rebels and Regicides were worthy to Govern the Nation: And this may add a further Surprise yet, that such abominable Insolences should be so tamely suffered, as if we had a mind once more to come under their cruel Clutches; which, could the Innocent escape, should never be my concern, to see befall such as might prevent it if they pleased.  
The only thing therefore I shall further recommend, is a cautious Distrust of whatever these Partaking Historians impose upon the World; that we would Try their Spirits in a Civil as well as Religious sense, by which means it will soon appear how much they have, in each respect, of the Old Pharisee, the painted Sepulchre, with a great deal of flourish and positive Ostentation to set themselves of; whereas, upon a thorough Search, there is nothing to be found underneath but the rotten Bones of Malice and Self-Interest, of Fraud, and Factious Designs, a reviving stale Lies to foment fresh Mischiefs. And were this Course truly taken, would our Politicoes, nowadays so numerous, go to the bottom of Things, not content themselves with a superficial View, it would much abate their Critical Severities upon the Royal Cause, the Management of Affairs during those miserable Distractions of Rebellion and Anarchy. When the Battle is fought, and Day lost, every Pretender to the Blade will be forward to tell, at least guess where the Courage or Conduct failed; who, had they been in Command, might have shown greater Defects upon each account. With as little regard to Candour and Judgement are the forementioned Transactions most rashly run down; since they cannot be presumed to consider either, on the one hand, how difficult the Steerage was in those rough Seas; nor, on the other, how much they expose themselves to the next Generation for greater Defects in much calmer Wether, when all those violent Storms of Popular Rage and Zealous Frenzy are much abated, and with due Application might have been quite down; neither can it be otherwise expected, but that After-days should be as forward as ours, and perhaps with more Reason reflect what no Advances we have made upon many great Advantages: On the contrary, Religion hath been so long suffered to run afloat, as 'tis now scarce possible to retrieve her from being lost; and in what Posture our Civil-Administrations stand, we may not, but they will presume to judge.   
FINIS.