The most Material Omissions and Erratas, are these which follow:  
PAge 1. line 1. read at the King's Bench, on  
p. 3. l. the last, r. they are distinctly enough by, etc.  
p. 5. l. 25. & 26. r. in all the last Trial  
p. 7. l. 34. r. there Reader any  
p. 9 l. 32. r. White, alias Whitebread  
p. 11. l. 17. r. writ, and left with a Friend there & l. 28. r. time for which  
p. 24. l. 31. r. Changes that can  
p. 33. l. 9 r. pretend it to be  
p. 44. l. 37. r. the Party were ready  
p. 57 l. 7. r. there was Hope. l. 4. circumstance is  
p. 64. l. 21. second Evidence  
p. 65, & 66. Margin r. 1675.  
p. 69. l. 20. r. on our behalf  
p. 71. l. 29. r. emplicitly  
p. 85. l. 11. r. been found (except in Coleman's Case of which we have already treated)  
p. 86. l. 27. r. proclaim it to no manner of purpose at an Alehouse,  
p. 87. l. 6. r. (nor the Liberties & l. 14. r. pretend to  
In the Margin is Printed sometimes pag. 16. for ib. and the Marks that refer to the Figures in the Margin, are sometimes wrong placed, especially in the Beginning.   

THE COMPENDIUM: OR, A SHORT VIEW OF THE LATE TRIALS, In Relation to the Present PLOT Against His Majesty and Government: WITH THE Speeches of Those that have been Executed. AS ALSO, An Humble Address (at the CLOSE) to all the Worthy Patriots of this once Flourishing and Happy KINGDOM.  
— Quis talia fando  
Myrmidonum Dolopumve aut duri Miles Ulissei  
Temperet a lachrymis!—  Aen. 2. 
LONDON, Printed in the Year 1679.   

To all our Worthy Patriots, of what Rank or Condition soever they are.  
My Lords and Gentlemen,  
HAving considered with great admiration, how it could possibly happen, notwithstanding so many legal Trials, (and those also published by my Lord Chief Justice, and others in Authority) to show the World how Guilty the Papists have been, That the Dispute should yet continue, and that each Champion keeping still his ground, should think the other extremely wilful and unreasonable. I say, having considered this with admiration, I at last found, That one main matter, besides Prejudice, was, That People had never well examined the said Trials; and therefore I took the pains (and truly it is no little pains) to present you with a Compendium, by which at the first glimpse, you shall see both how well the Witnesses have made good their part, and how the Accused have defended themselves. I have been exact to a tittle, defying any Man to show me that I have lessened the force either of the Charge or Answer: nor does the one party, or the other, allege any thing here, but that the Margin gives the very Page where it is in the original Treatise; for as to mine, and other Spectators' Reflections, they are by themselves; so that every Reader may presently judge, whether they are just or no.  
But now my Lords and Gentlemen, before I end, I must acquaint you; That Yesterday, as I was sending this to the Press, I found that Somebody had so far jumped with me in my Design, as to abbreviate all the late Judicial Proceedings, by the Title of the History of the Plot; which upon consideration, has not hindered me from publishing this; Because the Author of the said History has on the one side passed by, or slubered over, several things which the Parties concerned may justly insist upon to be of great force in their business, as you will here plainly see; and on the other side, my bare Compendium is not much more than a Fifth Part of his, as his is about the Fifth of the Whole. Peruse then, what I present you with, and by and by, I shall again Kiss your Hands.   

Concerning Mr. Coleman.  
MR. Coleman was Tried at the Old Bailie, on Thursday the 28 th'. of November, 1678. and was thus Charged by Oats: 
* Vid. Trial. Pag. 17, & 18.  That in November 77. the said Mr. Coleman did write Letters by him to St. Omers, in which he called the King Tyrant; and that the late Marriage with the Prince of Orange, would prove the traitor's and Tyrant's Ruin: That a Latin Letter in Mr. Coleman's Hand, was also then enclosed to Fr. Lafoy Chaise, thanking him for the 10000 l. which should be employed (he said) to no other use, but to cut off the King. That this Letter was written by the Provincial, Strange's Directions, because 
† pag. 19  he had hurt his Hand, and Mico his Secretary was ill: That Oats carried the said Letters to Paris; That La Chaise asked him there, How the Duchess' Secretary did? That the Answer (written by La Chaise) was sent Mr. Coleman, after it was first perused by the St. Omer● Fathers, in Oats his Presence; for he (the said Oats) was by a 
‖ pag. 20.  Patents to be of the Consults, and had Power also to 
* pag. 28.  open Letters. That there was (in 
† pag. 21▪  April 78.) a Consult of the Jesuits, at the White-Horse-Tavern in the Strand, to send Cary to Rome: That afterwards, they Adjourned into several Clubs, and pitched upon Grove and Pickering, to Kill the King; the one being to have 1500 l. and the other 30000. Masses. That this Resolve was Communicated in 
‖ pag. 29.  Oates' hearing, to Mr. Coleman. That the Jesuits that then came over with Oats, were F. Williams, F. Pool, Sir Thomas Preston, Sir John Warner, etc. That in August, there was a Consult of the 
* pag. 22.  Benedictines, (which, in all the 〈◊〉 Trials, he positively fixes on the 21 th'. of the said Month) and then Letters came from Talbot (Bishop of Dublin) that four Jesuits were to Kill the Duke of Ormona; and if they missed, Dr. Fogarthy was to Poison him: So that, Mr. Coleman would have him presently sent away. That 
† pag. 23.  Forty Thousand black Bills were provided for Ireland. That Mr. Coleman told Fenwick, That he had found a way to send Two-Hundred-Thousand pound thither, to promote the Rebellion. That the Four other Ruffians, (procured by Fogarthy) were sent in August, to Kill the King at Windsor. That the next Day after (being 
‖ pag. 72.  about the 21 th'. of that Month) Hartcourt made a Provision of 
* pag. 24.  80 l. to be sent them; and that Mr. Coleman gave the Messenger a Guinney, to be nimble and expedite. That Mr. Coleman saw the Instructions, which Ashby brought from White the Provincial, (who was then at St. Omers) about 
† pag. 25.  10000 l. for Sir George Wakeman, to Poison the King, in case the Assassins failed. That 
‖ pag. 26.  Mr. Coleman thought it too little, and took a Copy of these Instructions to send into the Country, to several Conspirators, to Encourage their Contributions. That he heard Mr. Coleman (in 
* pag. 27.  Mr. Fenwick's Chamber) acknowledge the Receipt of his Commission for Secretary of State; which was sealed with the Jesuits Seal, and signed by their General.  
To this Mr. Coleman answered: That now forsooth, Oates pretends to be 
† pag. 30.  extremely well acquainted with him, and a World of Intimacy, (even at Consults, and meetings about the King's Death) whereas before the Council, he told his Majesty, He did not know him: That Oats was then so far from laying any positive Treason to his Charge, (for as to the Payment of the 5000 l. to Sir George Wakeman, 'twas a Hear-say, as not 
‖ pag. 40.  seen by Oats) that the Board (after they had heard his Defence) did, instead of sending him to 
* pag. 39  Newgate, commit him only to a 
† pag. 16.  Messenger, till his Papers were Examined. And whereas Oates Accuses him at present, of ordering (about the 
‖ pag. 72.  21 th'. of August) 80 l. for the Windsor-Russians, and giving of the Messenger a Guinney; He was then in Warwickshire, having left London on the 
* pag. 80. and 96.  15th. of August, without ever returning till the 31th. late at Night.  
Oats replied, That he said at the 
† pag. 30.  Council, He could not swear he had seen him before; For his Eyes were bad by Candle-light, and Candle-light altars the Sight much: But when he heard him speak, he could have sworn, it was he; yet did not say so, 
‖ pag. 38.  because he was not asked.  
Besides, he designed then to lay no more to his Charge, than was matter for an 
* pag. 30.  Information; for Prisoners might supplant Evidence, when they know it. That the Information, which he then gave against him, was (as near as he could remember) his writing News, Letters with base Reflections. Moreover, he was so weak and tired, (through his late Fatigue and Watchings) that upon his Salvation, he could scarce stand upon his Legs; which (together with his 
† pag. 32.  Want of Memory) was the best 
‖ pag. 31.  Answer he gave the Court, why he omitted the present weighty Matters; as also, the Account of the 80 l. and the other Particulars, in relation to the King's Murder at Windsor. Nor could Sir Robert Southwel witness any thing new, 
pag. 40.  to Oates' Advantage, more than that he did in Council say; That if Mr. Coleman's Papers were searched, there would be Matter (he believed) found in them, that would cost him his Neck: Which, on the one side▪ most People deemed an easy Surmise, seeing Coleman was generally known to be a great Intriguer; and on the other side, they imagined, Oats might as well have then Charged him with downright Treason, if what he here alleged, had not been a Fiction of a later Date: For 'twas impossible to say, He thought there was Hanging matter in a Man's Letters, and through Lassitude, or any other Pretence, not to be able to tell the King, That the same Person had Contrived his Death, if it were really Designed. But as for Mr. Coleman's Absence on the 21 th'. of August, (as before) the Chief Justice told him, 
† pag. 80.  That if the Cause did turn on that Matter, he would stay till his Book were brought; (which Mr. Coleman urged, could prove his said Absence) but that he doubted, the Cause would not stand on that Foot; and yet, if that were the Case, it would do him little Good.  
This is the Sum of the Reply to Mr. Coleman's Plea, in relation to Oats: But Sir Thomas Doleman (who was one of the Clerks of the Council) attested in Court, not only, that 
‖ pag. 38.  Oats said at the Board, He knew not Mr. Coleman well; and (to the best of his Remembrance) That he had no Acquaintance with him, but also, That Mr. Coleman was Examined before Oats spoke: Which evidently shows, that Oats knew him no better after his speaking, than before.  
As for Bedlow's Charge, 'twas to this Effect: That Sir 
* pag. 41.  Henry Tichbourn told him, That he brought a Commission for Mr. Coleman, and the Lords, from the Principal Jesuits of Rome: That he carried a Packet from Mr. Coleman to 
† pag. 42.  La Chaise, Dated April 75. That he Delivered the said Letters to La Chaise, and brought Mr. Coleman and Answer: That he did not understand what was in it; because it was in a 
† pag. ib.  Language he did not well understand; but it was about carrying-on the Plot. That Mr. Hartcourt went to Mr. Coleman with Letters, and took him (the said Bedlow) along with him; but made him stay over the Way: That Hartcourt afterwards beckoned him in; and there he heard Mr. Coleman say, 
† pag. 43.  If he had a Hundred Lives, and a Sea of Blood, to carry on the Cause, he would spend it all for the Establishment of the Church here; and if there were a Hundred Heretical Kings, he would see them all Destroyed. 
‖ pag. 44.  That Mr. Coleman saw him in Somerset-House-Gallery, coming from a Consult, with great Persons; which he is not to name here, but 'twould make the Bottom of the Plot to tremble.  
Mr. Coleman made little Answer to him, besides protesting, that he never 
* pag. 72.  saw him before: Nor was there any of Mr. Coleman's Family, that had ever seen him, which had been Morally impossible, had he received and brought Letters, as he pretended. Besides, few of the Auditory could comprehend, how Bedlow did know, that the Letter, which (he said) he brought from Paris, and yet understood not, was about carrying on the Plot; or why Mr. Hartcourt should just call him in from over the way, for no other Reason, (for Bedlow gives not the least) but to hear Mr. Coleman's Treasonable Expressions, in his Zeal for the Church: But more especially, how the said Bedlow could carry La Chaise a Letter from Mr. Coleman, dated April 75. and yet Mr. Colemen first Letter to h●m, was 
† pag. 68  his Long one of September 29, 75. and came to the said Father's Hands, on the 
‖ pag. 57  22 of October following.  
Now for Mr. Coleman's Letters: Though He acknowledged them full of very 
* pag. 73.  Extravagant Expressions; yet he hoped (he said) they were not Treasonable; and that Some of the 
† pag. 16.  Expressions would explain, there was no Plot, or Intention to Kill the King. For the Reader may not only find him telling La Chaise, 
‖ pag. 69.  That the Labourers were few, and the Harvest great, (which assures us, that Few were concerned with him;) but showing him all along, that the promised Advantages to the French King and Religion, were to accrue by the Dissolution of the Parliament, which MONEY (the 
* pag. 72.  Aid and Assistance he expected from France, and not 
‖ pag. 102.  Force) was to Effect. No wonder then, Money being the Thing he aimed at, and hinted also by him, in almost every other Line of each Letter, if he kept no Correspondence (
‖ pag. 102. & 103.  as he solemnly protested, he did not) with France, after the Year 75. when we see him complain in his Last 
* Pag. 70.  Letter, That his 
* pag. 68  Christian Majesty was not with Him, and his Party, to the Degree of helping them with Ten Thousand Crowns: For the Truth is, that Court presently found, (for all his Pretences) that he had no Interest with the Duke, or with our Leading Men: Nay, we see, he could not so much as persuade his Highness, to 
† pag. 66.  Sign a Letter, which he had prepared without 
‖ pag. 69.  Order, (as he confesses, and the Court acknowledges) to give him Countenance with La Chaise. Besides, who can imagine, Mr. Coleman should expect or dream to wheedle in La Chaise, without telling him of a 
* pag. 80.  Pestilent Heresy to be subdued; of a mighty Work on their Hands, to wit, the Conversion of three Nations; as also, of their never having such Hopes, since the Days of Q. Marry, with the like Rhetorical Flowers.  
Mr. Coleman, being then found Guilty upon the account of his Letters, (for my Lord Chief Justice told him, (as I already mentioned) † That the Cause hung not on the Matter he insisted upon, to wit, on the Consult of August, which Oats pretends him to be at) He was next day Condemned at the same Bar, where he declared, with all the Execrations imaginable, 
‖ pag. 161.  That he told the House of Commons, all that he knew of this Business: That he never heard of Proposition, or knew of any to Supplant the King, or Government, by Invasion, Disturbance▪ or the like: That he thought, ('tis true) by Liberty of Corscience, Popery might come in; and that every Body is bound, to wish all People of the Religion be professes, with much more to the same Purpose. Then being carried back to Prison, where his Wife had only private Admittance; he was on Tuesday, the Third of December, brought to Tyburn, where he made the following Speech:  

Mr. Coleman's Speech.  
IT is now expected I should speak, and make some Discovery of a very great Plot; I know not whether I shall have the good Fortune to be believed better now, than formerly; if so, I do here solemnly declare upon the words of a Dying Man, I know nothing of it; And as for the raising of Sedition, Subverting the Government, stirring up the People to Rebellion, altering the known Laws, and Contriving the Death of the King, I am wholly Ignorant of it; Nor did ever I think to advance that Religion (which People think I am so Zealous of) hereby. I thank God I am of it, and declare I die of it; nor do I think it prejudicial to King or Government: But though I am (as I said) a Roman Catholic, and have been so for many Years, yet I Renounce that Doctrine (which, some say the Remish Church doth usher in to promote their Interest) That Kings may be Murdered, and the like; I say I abominate it.  
Here Mr. Coleman being interrupted by being told, that if he had any thing to say by way of Confession or Contrition for the Fact, he might proceed, otherwise it was unseasonable to go on, and spend time with such like Expressions; Mr. Coleman then replied No! But he thought it was expected; then being told to the contrary, he concluded with these few words following; I do say I had no intention to subvert the Government, or to act any thing contrary to Law, but what every Man of a contrary Religion, would do in a peaceable manner, if he could. And if I may be believed▪ the Witness, that Swore against me did me wrong; and that 
* Bedlow.  Witnesses, that swore, He was with me in Sommerset-House-Gallery, upon the words of a Dying Man, I never saw his Face before. Being afterwards asked, if he knew any thing of the Death of Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey, He also declared on the words of a Dying Man he knew nothing of it:    

Concerning Mr. Ireland, Grove and Pickering.  
WIth these three, Mr. White the Provincial, and Mr. Fenwick Procurator of Saint Omer's, held up their Hands at the Old Bailie on the Seventeenth of December, and though they were charged home by Oats, yet Bedlow had so little against the said Mr. White and Fenwick, that after a Trial of several Hours, they were for want of two Witnesses (as the Law requires in Treason) remanded to Newgate, where we will leave them till by and by, being now only to treat of the others.  
Oats than not only repeats the beforementioned April Consult at the 
† Vid. Trial.  White-Horse-Tavern; his coming over with 
‖ pag. 35.  Sir John Warner, 
Pag. 19  Sir Thomas Preston, Fa. Williams, Nevil, Hildesley, and others: his lying 
* pag. 36.  close in the time of the said Consult at Groves' (when as the Prisoners attest that he was then 
† pag. 34.  actually at Saint Omers) but he further deposes, that Mr. Ireland was caballing in Mr. Fenwicks' Chamber about a 
‖ pag. 60.  Fortnight or ten Days in August, and that the said Mr. Ireland gave him particularly on the first or second of September twenty Shillings. 
* pag. 22.  Then He says that two Jesuits were sent into Scotland to stir up the Presbiterians there; That at the aforesaid April meeting there was a formal Resolve (drawn up by 
† p. 19  Mico their Secretary, signed by at least 
‖ p. 26  Forty, and entered into a 
* pag. 47.  Book or Register) 
† pag. 19, & 26.  That Grove and Pickering should go on with their Attempt to Kill the King, and that the first should have 1500 l. and the other 30000. Masses: That it was to be done by 
‖ pag. 23.  long Pistols, something shorter than Carbines, and that the Bullets were Silver, which Grove said he would 
* pag. 24.  champ, that the wound might be uncureable. That Pickering had missed an opportunity in the preceding March, by reason his Flint was loose, for which he underwent a Penance of twenty or thirty strokes with a Discipline. 
† pag. 22.  That the Duke was also to be deposed, if he were not! vigorous for the Cause; That he saw in their Entry book that Sir George Wakeman had accepted of 15000. l. to poison the King if the others failed; That he perused the Entry-book of the 
‖ pag. 30.  Peterpences which Grove and Smith had gathered; That 
* pag. 32.  Grove told him, that he fired Southwark, and that his, the said Oates' business of coming now over, was to 
† pag. 20.  Kill Doctor Tongue for Translating the Jesuits Morals.  
Bedlow being called, acknowledges the Entry-book, and adds that Mr. 
* pag. 47.  Langhorn was the Register; 
‖ pag. 46.  That the Earl of Shaftsbury, the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Ossory and Duke of Ormond were to be killed; That 
* pag. 41, & 44.  Mr. Ireland was at Mr. Hartcourts' Chamber in the latter end of August, where it was agreed (the other Plot not succeeding) Coniers should go with Pickering and Grove to Newmarket, to kill the King in his Morning-walk there; That Pickering & Grove were also present in the said Chamber; 
† pag. 49.  that his Brother James Bedlow, heard him often talking of the Prisoners, and as one acquainted with Priests, and that he brought him (as the said James attested) Fifty and Sixty pòunds at a time from the Jesuits.  
The Charge was solemnly denied by them all, and besides their own constant Loyalty, they alleged that of their respective 
‖ pag. 67.  Relations, who had been great Sufferers both in their Lives and Fortunes for the King; and Pickering (as to his particular) protested he never 
* pag. 25.  Shot off a Pistol in his Life, which by his very mine and looks seemed not very improbable to the Spectators. Then Mr. Ireland▪ (after Answers to the several other particulars) affirmed, That he was constantly out of London from the third of 
† pag. 56.  August till above a week after the beginning of 
* pag. 59  September, which he proved by three Witnesses got together by 
‖ pag. 62.  chance by his Sister. He also urged 
* pag. 65.  that he had Witnesses, that there were more Witnesses, but that he and the rest were kept so 
† pag. 56.  strict, that they were not permitted to send for any body; nay that he was refused 
‖ pag. 56, & 62.  Paper, and expressly denied to send for his Witnesses. Besides Mrs. York (who actually lived both before and after April in her Brother Grove's house) 
* pag. 65.  attested, that she saw not Oats there, which he excused by his being forsooth in Disguise. In conclusion, there were three that gave evidence against Mr. Ireland▪ for Oates produced one Sarah Paine (an ordinary Maid that had formerly served Grove) who swore she saw him about the Twelfth of 
† pag. 57  August in Town at the door of his Lodging; Whereupon the Prisoners were all Condemned, and being carried back to Newgate, Mr. Ireland writ there under his own hand a Journal which showed where he was every day, and who saw him from the Third of August to the Fourteenth of September, being the time of his absence from London. The chief places were Tixhal, Holy Well, Wolver-Hampton and Boscobel; the Persons that saw him were of great Quality, as my Lord Aston and his Family; Sir John South●●● and his Family; Madam Harwel and hers; several of the Giffords of Chillington; several of Sir John Winfords' Relations; Madam Crompton, and Mr. Bidolph of Bidolph; Sir Thomas Whitgrave, Mr. Chetwin, Mr. Gerard and his Family; Mr. Heningham and his; the Pendrels of Boscobel and above Forty more; nor is there one day during the whole time 〈◊〉 which there cannot be produced above a dozen of these Witnesses.  
On Friday the Twenty Fourth of January, Mr. Ireland and Mr. Grove were carried to Tyburn; where they spoke as follows.  

Mr. Ireland's Speech.  
WE are come hither as on the last Theatre of the World, and do therefore conceive we are obliged to speak:  
First, than we do confess that we pardon all and every one whatsoever, that have any Interest, Concern or Hand in this our Death.  
Secondly, We do publicly profess and acknowledge that we are here obliged, if we were Guilty ourselves of any Treason, to declare it, and that if we knew any Person faulty therein, (although he were our Father) we would detect and discover him; and as for ourselves, we would beg a Thousand and a Thousand Pardons both of God and Man; but seeing we cannot be believed, we must beg leave to commit ourselves to the Mercy of Almightly God, and hope to find Pardon of him through Christ.  
As for my own part, having been twenty Years in the Low-Countries, and then coming over in June was twelve month, I had returned again, had not I been hindered by a Fit of Sickness. On the third of August last I took a journey into Stafford-shire, and did not come back to Town before the Fourteenth day of September, as many can Witness, for a Hundred and more saw me in Stafford-shire and thereabouts; Therefore how I should in this time be acting here Treasonable Stratagems, I do not well know or understand.  
Here one of the Sheriffs told him he would do well to make better use of his time, than to spend it in such like Expressions, for No body would believe him; Not that they thought much foe their time, for they would stay; but such kind of words did arraign the proceedings of the Court by which they were tried.  
Then Mr. Ireland proceeded, and said, I do here beg of God Almighty to Shower down a Thousand and a Thousand Blessings upon his Majesty, on her Sacred Majesty, on the Duke of York and all the Royal Family, and also on the whole Kingdom. As for those Catholics that are here, we desire their Prayers for a happy passage into a better World, and that he would be Merciful to all Christian Souls. And as for all our Enemies we earnestly desire, that God would Pardon them again and again, for we pardon them heartily from the bottom of our Hearts; And so I beseech all good people to pray for us and with us.   

Then Mr. Groves said.  
WE are innocent, we lose our lives wrongfully, we pray God to forgive them that are the Causers of it.  
MR. Pickering being Reprieved till the Nineth of May, was then brought to the place of Execution, expressing infinite Joy at that great happiness, and taking it upon his Salvation, that he was Innocent in thought, word, and deed, of all that was laid to his charge. Being taxed for a Priest, he smilingly denied it, saying, he was but a Lay-Brother; then Praying for his Accusers and Enemies, he said to the Hangman, Friend do thy Office; and presently after was turned over, being regretted by many, as seeming a very harmless Man, and altogether unfit for the Desperate Employment put upon him.    

Concerning Mr. Hill, Green and Berry.  
MR. Hill (servant to Doctor Godwin) Green an ancient ●eeble man (Cushion-keeper of the Chapel) and Berry the Porter of Somerset-House were tried at the King's Bench Bar, on Monday the tenth of Feb. 1678. where Oats swore, 
‖ pag. 12.  that he was told by Sir Edmund Godfrey the week before he was missing▪ That after the Plot was known, several Popish Lords (some of whom are now in the Tower) had threatened him, ask what he had to do with it; That other Persons desirous of the full Discovery, threatened him with the Parliament for his Remissness; That he was in a great Fright saying, He went in ●ear of his Life by the Popish Party, as having been often dogged; That he came some times to the said Oats for Encouragement, That he did encourage him, by telling him, That he would suffer for a just Cause, and the like.  
Prance swore, 
‖ pag. 14.  That at the plough, Girald and Kelley (two Priests) did about a fortnight before the Murder, entice him to it, saying, That Sir Edmund-Godfrey was a busy, man and would do a great deal of mischief; That 
‖ pag. 16.  Green, Girald and Hill dogged Sir Edmund Godfrey to a House at St. Clement's: That Green came about seven at night to tell Prance of it, (Kelly and Girald being at watch there) but the said Green did not tell him where at St. Clement's Sir Edmund Godfrey was, nor did any of the rest do it; That about the hour of Eight or Nine, Sir Edmund Godfrey came homewards; That Hill ran before to give the Conspirators notice of it at Sommerset-House▪ and then going to the Gate, He told Sir Edmund that two men were quarrelling within, and desired him being a Justice to qualify them; that he consented to it, but when he came to the bottom of the Rails, Green threw a twisted Handkerchief about his neck, and cast him behind the Rails, and throttled and punched him; That within a quarter after, Prance (who had been before watching above at the Water-gate,) came down, and laying his 
‖ pag. ib.  hand upon the body, found the legs to totter and shake, and then Green wrung his neck quite round. But here the Reader is to take notice, that Prance having related the matter of Fact in this manner, Mr. Attorney asked him on a sudden, if he saw Green thus w●ing his neck? No; (answered he, forgetting what he had just before said) but Green did afterwards tell me, that he did it; which words supris'd not a ●ew. Then he proceeded and said, that being thus Killed, they carried the Corpse to a 
‖ pag. 18.  chamber of Hills at Dr Godwins, where lying till Monday night, they brought it to a Room in the 
‖ pag. 19  lower part of Sommerset-House, and then Hill▪ showed it Prance by a dark Lantern; Green, Berry, and the rest being by. That on Tuesday, it was brought to Sir John Arundels, where lying till Wednesday, it was conveyed to the first lodging, and from thence (about twelve) in a Sedan to the 
‖ pag. 20.  Soho, and then on a Horse before Hill to the place where it was afterwards found; That 
† pag. 22.  Girald and one Vernat spoke to him the said Prance of a great Reward, and that there was to be a good one from my Lord Bellasis; That in the beginning of 
* pag. 21.  November, Girrald, Lewson, Vernat, one Dethick and himself met at Bow, where reading all the Writings of the said Murder, they were very merry, and a Drawer listening, Prance threatened to kick him down stairs; but the 
‖ pag. 44.  Boy being called said he knew nothing, but that Dethic was with company there, and that in reading a Paper he heard Sir Edmund-Godfrey's name, and that some body threatened to kick him.  
Bedlow swore, 
‖ pag. 29.  That Le-Phair, Prichard, Keines, and other Priests (but Girald he knew not) did treat with him, concerning the Murder of a Gentleman about the beginning of October last; That he having a mind about 
‖ pag. 28.  two years ago to discover the Plot, was prevented, but now drilled them on to know the Party, that he might prevent them; but they would not tell him who it was. That they set him to insinuate 
† pag. 29.  himself into the acquaintance of Sir Edmund Godfrey not telling their Design; That on Saturday, (the day that Sir Edmund Godfery, was murdered,) Le Phair having mist Bedlo in the morning, met him by accident in 
‖ pag. 30.  Lincolns-Inn-Fields about four, and at the Palsgraves' Tavern told him, That a material man was to be put out of the way that night, who had all Oates and Tongue's informations; which if not taken from him, would discover their business to that Degree, that they must stay till another Age to effect it: That Le Phair then told him he should have Four Thousand Pound for a Reward, That no worse man than my Lord Bellasis was engaged for it, and Mr. Coleman had order to pay it, yet named not Sir Edmund Godfrey to him; That he parted then with, Le Phair, but came not according to his engagement (to Somerset-House; That Le Phair met him on Monday in 
‖ pag. 31.  Fleetstreet and charged him with breach of promise; That he answered, That he knew not but the murdered person might be his Friend, whereupon Le Phair appointed him to meet at Eight in the Evening at Sommerset-House, and he should know more; that coming there, the said Le Phair told him the man was Killed; and that if he would help to carry off the Body he should have 
‖ pag. 32.  half the Reward: That he than showed him the body by a dark Lantern; but that he saw neither 
‖ pag. 33.  Hill, Green, nor Berry, there, Green being in the Court; That he had such a remembrance of 
* pag. 32.  Faces, that he can tell all he saw there, though the light were small. And by the way Reader, now it was (as appears by the Lord's Journal) that Bedlo Deposes he saw Prance, and that Wa●s, † Le Phair, Atkins, and my lord ●ell●si●'● man were wi●h him, being is you see quite different Actors from those mentioned by Pra●er.  
Then he tells 〈◊〉. T●●●●he Corpse had a 
* pag. 32.  Cravat about the Neck, like that about his 〈◊〉 now; but so straight, that he could not put his Finger between; which (Reader) one would think, were no very proper Instrument, to Strang●● a strong Man so cleverly, and without Noise. That he knew Sir E. Godfrey presently, though they said, he belonged to a Man of Quality That the Jesuits now with him, (the said Bedlow) were not those, who had formerly employed him to insinuate himself into this Knight's Company; and yet (Reader) his Worship informed us (as you see) but just before, That his present Introducer, Le Phair, was one of them, who had thus, employed him. He further says, That for his part, he advised them to throw the Body with Weights into the River; That they thinking that not safe, answered, They would put it on himself. That upon ask Le Phair, How they could get him away? they said, in a Chair, and Berry was to let them out. That upon his saying, 'twas too early, (Eleven or Twelve being better for their purpose) and that he would come again, Le Phair conjured him not to fail that Night, on the Sacrament he had taken on Thursday; for after Oa●es his Discovery of the Plot, the Sacrament was Administered to him twice a Week: That he hasted away; and (having so great a Charge upon him as the 
‖ pag. 33.  Sacrament) he grew disturbed, and went to Bristol, where God put it into his Mind to discover All, and so writ to the Secretary.  
The Premises were endeavoured also to be confirmed by Four collateral Testimonies; as first, by 
† pag. 14.  Mr. Robinson, of the Common-Pleas; who attested, that Sir Edm. Godfrey said to him, That he believed, he should be the first Martyr; but if they came fairly, he would not part with his Life tamely. Secondly, by one Curtis, a poor Chairwoman belonging to Sir E. Godfrey, who said 
‖ pag. 40.  She saw Hill with her Master, about Nine or Ten in the Morning, on the Saturday he was Murdered: Thirdly, by 
* pag. 41.  Hill's denying before the Council, that ever he saw Girald, whenas the Boy at the Blow proved in Court, that they met there. And lastly, by 
† pag. 49.  Berry's sending away the Prince (whilst this Intrigue was on foot) upon pretence, that he had Orders to acquaint all Persons of Quality, That the Queen received no, Visits: And then being asked at his Examination by the Lords, Whether he had ever had such Orders before? he then said No; which Contradicts his present Answer.  
To this Charge the Prisoners answered with all imaginable Protestations, That they were Innocent: Nor did Sir Robert Southwe●'s Testimony advantage them a little, in the Opinion of many; for firsts he (being summoned as a Witness for the King, to acquaint the Court with several Particulars about Prance's Examination before the Council) was asked, Whether his present Description and Account of Places, were suitable to what 〈…〉 which Sir Robert answered, 
* pag. 46.  Yes: but that it was 〈…〉 had said▪ In the next place the Attorney General demanding whether Prance did hesitate, when he showed the Lords the several places in relation to the murder? He answered, That he went positively and directly, till they ask● him where in Sommerset-●ouse the Body was carried, but that then (after going into several rooms) he was in great● 
* pag. 47.  distraction; yet (because in that Confusion, he said; Th●● 〈…〉 we are right) the C. Justice would have it, that his doubtfulness gave credit to his Testimony, since a Knight of the Post never sticks at any thing. Now as to the Prisoners themselves, they struck at the root,) for 
† pag. 23.  Hill desired that Prance's Testimony might not stand good against them; for he urged that the said Prance had denied all not only before the King, as 
‖ pag. 71.  Mr. Chiffins attested, but before the Council, as Captain 
* pag. 26.  Richardson acknowledged; to which 
† pag. 24.  Lord C. J. answered, That no body did believe Prance's denial, because his Discovery was so particular; & Mr. 
‖ pag. 25.  Attorney said▪ That whilst he was a Papist, and not sure of his Pardon, he was ('tis true) under disturbances and fears, yet no soone● returned he to Prison, but he desired the Captain to carry him back to his Majesty, offering to make good his first Confession; which gave several of the Auditory but small satisfaction, considering that a ●o●ler, whose interest it was to further the Plot, might easily (if the thing were true) at the sight of a Prison obtain such a promise; besides, not a few knew how he had been used and what Cries were heard where he lay for many days together, as Mrs. Hill 
* pag. 71.  urged. But Prance's own reason for his Recantation, seemed yet odder; for he said, it was out of apprehension of his 
† pag. 70.  Trade, as fearing to lose the Queen's Employment, and the Catholics, which was the most of his business, and also because he had no Pardon. The Prisoner's plea being over ruled, and Prance his Testimony adjudged good. Hill calls for his Master's Niece, & Mrs. Broadstreet (who looked after the house) as also the Maid in his behalf; the sum of whose Testimony was this, 
‖ pag. 52.  That he was a trusty servant, that he never kept ill hours, and always came in by Eight of the Clock; that he could not go out afterwards, because the Maid did lock up the doors, and that they were still up till Eleven; That he was at home on 
* pag. 53.  Saturday night, when Sir E. Godfrey was killed, and on the Wednesday night, when carried away. That their House and stairs were so little, 
† pag. 54.  that it was impossible that any thing could be brought in or out, without their knowledge; that the room (where the body is said to have lain) was not only over against the Dining-room, but a room that had the 
* pag. 56.  Key in it always, and that 
‖ pag. 58.  every day they went often into it for something or other, and that the footboys stayed there when any body visited the young Lady; Nay the Servant Maid, (whom 
* pag. ib.  judge Wild commended, as wary in what she said) attested, that she called in every day at the door of that Chamber, and was the last up every night. Prance his main reply (having first 
* pag. 56.  declared, That he laid nothing to their Charge) was, That Mrs. Broadstreet had said before the 
† pag. 54.  Duke of Monmouth, that there were Six or Seven Keys; and consequently he would have it, that Hill might go out. But whether the Court thought it improbable, that any Door should have so many Keys, or that they took the young Lady's Word, who said, There was but one 
‖ pag. 55.  Key to that which fastened the Door; they never sent to the Duke, or questioned Sir Robert Southwel about it. And whereas Prance also taxed Mrs. Broadstreet of saying, 
* p. 56, & 57  That Hill was gone from them before Sir Edmond Death, 'twas clearly proved, that said Hill was then there, not only by his former Examinations, (where he says, He was then treating with his Landlord about his New House, and that he did not go to it, till about a Week, or a Fortnight after) but also by the Testimony of Daniel Grace, who positively affirmed, 
† pag. 59  That he came not to it till the 22d. of October. After this, Hill called on Mr. Archbold, (a Gentleman of the Lifeguard) who said, 
‖ pag. 61.  That his Tailor being at Hills, he went thither; and being asked, What News? he told them, How Prance was taken about Sir E. Godfrey's Murder; whereupon Hill Replied, He was glad of it, wishing them all taken; and that next Morning, the said Hill was taken out of his Bed. This Mr. Ravenscroft confirmed; 
* pag. 67.  adding, That Hill's Wife told him the same Night, That the Neighbours spoke strangely of it; but that her Husband did defy Prance, and all his Works: From which Hill inferred his Innocence, 
† pag. 62.  since he might (as every Body also acknowledged) have escaped, if he pleased; nor could he doubt (had he been Guilty) but that he would be empeached and questioned. Green also called for his Landlord Warrior, and his Wife, being both Protestants; and the Man attested, That 
‖ pag. 63.  Green came in on Saturday night (the 12th. of October) at Seven, and went not from them till after Ten. Upon this Home-Evidence, the Judge asked him, How long after Sir Edmond Murder he began to Recollect? he answered, a Month after, Green being in Prison; and that he remembered the Time particularly, because Green had not been at his House but Fourteen Days before he was Apprehended. 'Twas replied, That Green was then in Prison about the Oaths: That it was the 24 th'. of December, before he was secured upon the score of the Murder: And that he (the said Warrior) had told Captain Richardson, that he and his Wife could do Green no Good. 
* pag. 64.  To this he answered, He called it not then to Memory, though he had since done it by his Work, and the time Green came to his House; for he had been a Lodger there not above Fourteen or Fifteen Days in all: And besides, He never knew him out after Nine in his Life. The Woman also affirmed the same with many Particulars; but calling the Day, 
† pag. 65.  Saturday Fortnight after Michaelmass, and Michaelmass being on a Sunday, this in Rigour was the 19 th'. of October; so that, their Testimony was rejected, whenas the Woman, it seems, meant only by the Expression, a bare Fortnight after Michaelmass; for otherwise Saturday the 19 th'. being the Day after Friday the 18 th'. (which she 
‖ pag. 65.  expressly said, was the time when her Milk Woman told her of the finding of Sir Edm. Godfrey's Body) she must have known, That what she had to say, was nothing to Green's purpose. After this, Berry calls his Maid, who witnessed, 
* pag. 70.  That on the 16 th'. of October, (or Night when Sir Edm. Godfrey was said to be carried away) her Master came Home from Bowls at the Dusk of the Evening; That he was not out an Hour all Night after: That he lay within her Chamber; and that she went to Bed about Twelve. But that which surprised People most, was the Testimony of the Three 
† pag. 68  Sentinels, who Watched that Night from Seven till Four in the Morning, at the great Gate of Sommerset-House, through which the Body was affirmed to be carried in the Sedan; for they attested, (and their Corporal was also with them) that there came in no Sedan, 
‖ pag. 69.  besides that which stands there every Night; but that none ever went out, during their respective Watches; it being impossible for any to pass-by, or for the Gate to be opened without their Knowledge; nor did they Drink one drop whilst they Watched, nor stirred a Pike's Length from the Gate: And moreover, that they were Examined twice about this very Matter by the Committee, before ever Prance was taken up.  
As for the Collateral Evidence against the Prisoners; first, Mr. Robinson's was not insisted upon, (we suppose) because Sir Edm. Godfrey did not say, He feared to be a Martyr by the Papists; and most People had heard, That he had been very much threatened by Great Persons, that were not Papists. Nor did the Court longer insist on Hill's denying before the Council, that he knew Girald, when Sir Robert Southwel showed them, that it was 
* pag. 48.  Kelly he spoke of: And the 
‖ pag. 43.  Master of the Blow could not say, He had seen Kelly and Hill together. Now, as for Curtis' (the Chair-Woman's) Evidence of seeing Hill with Sir Edm. Godfrey about Nine or Ten that very Morning before he was Killed, it was both Contradicted by 
* pag. 60.  How, (who witnessed, That Hill was with him that Morning from about Nine, till Two) and by Hill himself, who protested, That she said at Newgate▪ 
† pag. 40.  She never had seen him in her Life before: To which Answer, neither the Bench, nor the King's Council, nor the Woman herself, ever made the least Denial or Reply. And lastly▪ as to Prince Rupert's Non-admittance, Berry not only declared, that the 
‖ pag. 49.  Gentleman Usher brought him his Orders about the Answer he gave to the Persons of Quality, that came to see the Queen, and that the Prince might have entered if he had pleased, since several did go in, But he added also, that he never denied, he had such Orders before; for (the Truth was) he had had them formerly: So that the Court, when they commanded his 
* pag. 50.  Examination to be read, found not the least mention there of the pretended Denial; nor did they so much as send for the Gentleman Usher, which inferred, they were satisfied: And besides, every Body knew, that the Queen's receiving no Visits by day was little Advantage to the Conspirators in their Deeds of Darkness; especially, since all the Family, and who else pleased, might come in and out, as before. Nor was it possible, for the said Conspirators, to assure themselves of Wheedling Sir Edmond into the Palace, and more particularly, at a prefixed and certain time, which showed the Allegation to be vain and frivolous.  
This was the Prisoner's Plea; but the Jury finding them Guilty, they were Condemned the next Day; and Ten Days after, (viz. Friday, the 21 th'. of February) Hill and Green were carried to Tyburn▪ where Hill spoke thus much of the Speech, which was found in his Pocket, and being since Printed, is often put at the End of his Tyral.  

Mr. Hill's Speech.  
I Am now come to the Fatal Place of Execution, and in a little time, must appear before the Tribunal of God Almighty, who knoweth all things; and I hope, it will be Happy for me, because I am innocently put to Death. I take God, Men, and Angels to witness, I am Innocent of the Death of Justice Godfrey; and believe, it will be well for me, because I die Innocently; and hope, through the Merits of my Blessed Saviour, to be saved. I do confess, as I lived, so I die a Roman-Chatholick, desiring such to Pray for me. God bless and preserve his Majesty, and this poor Nation, and lay not Innocent Blood to its Charge: So I bid you all Farewell in Jesus Christ, into whose Hands I commend my Spirit. Then turning to some of the Officers, he said, There is a Report up and down, that I have Confessed the Murder of Sir Edm. Godfrey to Dr. Lloyd; I do deny it.   

Then Mr. Green spoke thus.  
I Desire all your Prayers: And as for Sir Edmundberry Godfrey, I know not whether he be Dead or Alive; For in my Days, I never saw him with my Eyes, as I know of: And if false People will Swear against me, I cannot help it; I pray to God to Bless my King, and all Good People.  
Then Captain Richardson told him▪ He had a fair Trial, and wished him not to reflect upon others, but to prepare himself for Death. To which Mr. Green replied, I pray God Almighty Forgive them all: I never saw Sir Edm. Godfrey to my Knowledge, in my Life.  
MR. Berry was Executed on the 28 th'. of the same Month; and though he was brought back to the Church of England by the Pains of Dr. Lloyd, or rather declared, that he had for Interest pretended himself for some time a Catholic: I say, notwithstanding this, he absolutely denied at the very Gallows, the Fact: Nay, as the Cart was Drawing away, he lifted up his Hands, and said, As I am Innocent, so receive my Soul, O Jesus.    

Concerning Mr. White, Harcourt, Fenwick, Gaven and Turner.  
ON the Thirteenth of June, 1679. the aforesaid Provincial Mr. White, and Mr. Fenwick, together with Mr. Harcourt (Rector of London) Mr. Gaven, and Mr. Turner (two other Jesuits) were Tried at the Old Bailie, being 
* Vid. Trial.  Indicted for meeting in London at a Traitorous Consult on the Twenty Fourth of April, 
Pag. 3.  78. where 'twas agreed upon, That the King should be-killed by Grove and Pickering, and upon their failure by Four others, as it has been formerly mentioned. Mr. White 
† p. 4. & 5.  told the Court, that he had already (viz. with Mr. Ireland on the Seventeenth of last December) been Indicted, the Jury Empanelled, Witnesses called, and he Examined during many Hours, and that he humbly conceived, he could not by Law be put again in Jeopardy of his Life for the same Fact; for otherwise a Man might be Tried 100 times. To which the Chief Justice Answered, That it was supposed, when he was Indicted, there would have been Two Witnesses, but that fell otherwise; that he was not in Jeopardy, being discharged before the Jury went together, and that his Case was no more, than if a Witness were taken Sick, and should that happen, it would not be reasonable a Malefactor should therefore escape. Chief Justice North affirmed the same, and said, that he knew this often done, and besides that his Plea was not good, because there was no Record of it extant; which surprised many of the Auditors to hear of the necessity of a Record about a public Fact done in that very Court▪ and before the same Judges. Hereupon Mr. White demanded Counsel as his right, as also, whether he ought not at his former Trial to have been Condemned or Acquitted; but the Chief Justice Answering, that it lay in the Discretion of the Court, and that he must plead; He did it at l●st, and so did Mr. Fenwick (whose case was the same with his) after he had urged in his own, and in Mr. Whites behalf, this reason; 
‖ pag. 6.  That not being formerly proceeded against, because the Second Witness declared he had nothing against them, it followed that his Silence ought to have then discharged them, since his Evidence would certainly have Condemned them; which not satisfying the Chief Justice, he replied, that this lay in the Breast of the Court, for it was unreasonable that a Man accused of a Capital Crime by the express Oath of one Witness, should go Scot-free for want of a Second. Now the Consequence of Mr. Fenwick's Argument tended to this, that if the Law were so, a Man thus accused might possibly never be freed, though Innocent; seeing he might be remanded from one Trial to another, and so in infinitum, on pre●ence of more Witnesses; a power which many Lawyers think the freedom of England, can by no means allow.  
The Dispute thus ended, and the Prisoners having all pleaded Not Guilty, Oats began the Charge, the main of which was to this effect; That Mr. White 
* pag. 12.  having ordered preaching at St. Omers against the Oaths, and given them an account how ready the Irish were to rise, He summoned a Consult (which began April Twenty Four, 78. at the White-Horse Tavern in the Strand) where they pitched upon Cary to go to Rome, and resolved (the Paper being afterward signed by some at Mr. White's Chamber, others at Mr. Harcourt's, others at Mr. Ireland's and others at Mr. Fenwick's) that the King should be Killed as aforesaid. Moreover he affirmed, 
† pag. 13.  That Mr. White did about the beginning or middle of July send from St. Omers Instructions by Mr. Ashby, concerning Ten T●onsand Pounds for Sir George Wakeman to Poison the King, and a Commission for Sir John Gage, etc. That in 
‖ p. 14. & 15.  July or August, but he thinks 'twas at the latter end of July, he saw Mr. Gaven in Mr. Ireland's Chamber, and though he had seen Letters from the said Gaven in June (about the affairs of Stafford-shire and Shrop shire) yet he never saw him Write till then; for he there drew a 
* pag. 15.  Bill of Exchange upon Sir William Andrews, and that between the Eighth and Twelfth of August, Mr. Ireland took leave of them, as if he were to go to St. Omers. As for Harcourt and Fenwick, he affirmed, they were with Blundel and others, on the Twenty First of the said Month at Wild-house▪ where lay before them the Eighty Pounds for the Windsor● Russians, and that Coleman coming in, gave the Messenger a Guinny. That a day after (as he thinks) there was held a Consult at the 
‖ pag. 16.  Benedictines, where Hartcourt and Fenwick were present, and there they understood of the Conspiracy against Ormond, by Bishop Tal●ot's Letters, who also desired Commissions and Money. That on the Fourth of September, White being returned, Oats went to him, but was beaton and reviled by him; for the Jesuits suspected he had hetrayed them, they having understood, that one in such 
* pag. 17.  clothes as Oates', had been with the King; yet the said White told him, he would be friends with him, if he gave an account of the Party and Minister that went to his Majesty. Then declaring he had no more to say against the Prisoners at the Bar (except it were concerning the additional 5000. l. which by Letter from Flanders, Mr. White offered Sir George Wakeman, and rejoyet at the acceptance of it) heends with this, That he remembered not perfectly that Gaven was at the Consult of April, though he remembers he saw then his subscription, but as for 
‖ pag. 21.  Turner, he could positively say, he was there, at the lesser Clubs or Colloquies, to wit, in Fenwicks' Chamber.  

* pag. 22.  Dugdale followed Oats, and said, he had very liitle acquaintance with Mr. White, but had seen him at my Lord aston's about two or three Years ago; That White did send a Letter (enclosed in Groves') to Ewers, That he should Choose trusty, stout, and desperate Men to Kill the King, no matter whether Gentlemen or no: That Mr. Whites name was to it: That he knew it was his hand, because he had seen him once write a Letter when he was at my Lords, as aforesaid: That Mr. Ewers, Letters were all directed to Dugdale; That he intercepted this Letter, and read it, the words 
‖ pag. 29.  Killing the King being in it, and that the said Letter was sent by 
* pag. ib.  the ordinary Post, which seeming strange and wonderful to the 
† pag. 44.  Chief Justice, and all the Court, He salved it by a far madder Answer, viz 
‖ pag. 29.  That the Letters being directed to him, if they were intercepted, he should be hanged, and they saved. He further said, 
† pag. 23.  That he had been at several Consults in his own, and in Ewer's Chamber, about this matter; That Gaven was the Orator to persuade people; That my Lord Stafford was at one about the Twenty second of September; That he the said Dugdale himself was then Chosen out for the Assassination; That he heard of the King's Death two years before, 
‖ pag. 24.  Gaven often encouraging him to it, and upon his giving them 400 l. to pray for his Soul, and promising them 100 more to go on with the Work, the said Gaven assured him, he should be canonised for a Saint: That an Army was to come from beyond Seas; That the Massacre was to be put upon on the 
* pag. 25.  Presbyterians; That the Killing of Kings was a thing which Gaven endeavoured to prove out of Scripture, but that he could not call now the Text to mind; That he saw a Letter from 
‖ pag. 26.  Harcourt to Ewers on Monday the 14. of October, and in it were these words, This very Saturday night Sir Edm. Godfrey is dispatched; whereupon he the said Dugdale told Ewers, that he would be hanged, if that Action did not overthrow their Design; That the next day he went to an Alehouse, and asked there, if they had heard of a Knights being killed at London? now that this demand of his was true, he could prove by Mr. Chetwin, who being called in, attested, 
* pag. 27.  that one Sandbidge told him on that very Tuesday, that being at the said Alehouse in the morning, a 
† pag. 28.  Girl told him that Dugdale had reported there, the Killing a Justice of Westmi●ster; besides the said Chetwin attested, that he discoursed with Dugdale about this Letter etc. when he came to London to be examined by the Council; That going out of Town, he understood at his return that the said Dugdale was no witness, though his Evidence had been 
* pag. 29.  very material at the Trials of Hill, Green, and Berry.  
Dugdale having ended with this Account against White, Hartcourt, Gaven, and Turner, (for he said, 
‖ pag. 30.  Turner did in Mr. Ewer's Chamber, about two Years ago, assent to the former Treason, and was to carry on the design in Worcestershire.) Prance stood up next, and said, That having made an 
† pag. ib.  Image for Mr. Harcourt, which was sent to Mary-Land, in the Portugal's Country, the said Mr. Hartcourt, as he paid him for it, about a Year ago, told him, There was a Design of Killing the King. But when afterwards, Mr. 
* pag. 31.  Hartcourt asked him earnestly thus; Can you say, that I ever spoke to you about such a Business? Yes (answered he, with an Asserveration) and one Tompson came with you, when you paid me for Four Candlesticks: which either Contradicts his former Evidence, or the Image must be turned into Candlesticks. Then he proceeded, and said, That Mr. Fenwick in Mr. Ireland's Chamber, talked of 
† pag. ib.  Fifty Thousand Men, which should be raised for the Catholic Cause, under the Command of my Lord Bellasis, Powis, and Arundel; and that there should be Trade enough for him and others, in Church-Work: That he going to Mr. Fenwick's Chamber, and his Confessarius, Father James, being dead, Mr. Fenwick would have had him come to Confession to him, 
‖ pag. 32.  and enjoined him Secrecy once or twice.  
Then Bedlow was called, who said, That he questioned not, but Mr. White and Fenwick would now object his former, slender Evidence against them; but that it was then Convenient; for otherwise, it would have stopped a Design; there being a Treaty with Mr. Reading about them two, as well as the Lords in the Tower: So that, Mr. Reading depended on him, as to the favouring the said Lords, according as he dealt with these; which made him then Apologise in Court, (as some of the Justices he believed, did remember) That he could not then safely declare all he had to say; and in truth, he was so far from saying all, that he did not say half of it. Now, as to the Particulars of his then Evidence, it was (he affirmed) thus: That he had seen Mr. White at several Consults; but this he said with a Caution, viz. That he never heard Mr. White was so very much concerned in the Plot, because he had no reaeson to say otherwise, since he heard of it from Mr. White himself, and so could not well speak it from a Hear-say. And for Mr. Fenwick, he never heard him ('tis true) give in any Answer; but yet he had seen him at the Consults. This was Bedlow's Prelude; but whether Satisfactory or not, the Auditors then, and the Readers now, can best judge; and especially since his former Charge was not as he would now have it to be; it being without any Apology or Advertisement to the Court, that he had more to say against them; as it most manifestly appears by 
† Ireland's Trial. Pag. 42, & 43.  Ireland's Printed Trial: For being then asked, Whether he knew any thing of Mr. White's being present at any of the Consults? His Answer was, That he had the least Acquaintance with him, of any of all the Society; yet both he, and Mr. Fenwick had been several times at Consultations; but he knew not the particular Resolves of them, nor had he heard them speak any thing in particular; only he was often told, that nothing was done without Fenwick; but this Evidence not being enough, the Jury was Discharged of them, and they Remanded to Prison. The Court taking no notice of Bedlow's Pretence and Plea, or of Mr. White's Demand, viz. Whether any thing he had now said, was in the last Trial? the Chief Justice asked Bedlow, if they had told him any thing of Killing the King? who answered, Yes: For White had told Coleman the manner of sending the 
* Pr●s. Trial. Pag. 32.  Four Ruffians to Windsor: That he saw Hartcourt take out of a Cabinet 80. or a 100 l. That Hartcourt paid them the Money by Coleman's Order, and gave the Messenger a Guinney to Drink his Health; for Coleman was gone before he (the said Bedlow) came in. Moreover, he had seen 
‖ pag. 33.  Mr. Fenwick at Mr. Hartcourt's and White's Chamber, when this whole Business was spoken of: That he heard from Mr. White, and others, in Mr. Hartcourt's Chamber, of Grove's and Pickering's Reward or Killing the King, as aforesaid: That Pickering had received Checks for slipping many Opportunities; For once his Flint was loose; another time there was no Power in the Pan; a third time he Charged the Pistol with Bullets, and no Powder; and a fourth time, (as one that was at the Trial assured me, though the Common Print has omitted it) he Charged it with Powder only: Which Reader (if these Attempts had been Bells) are all the Charges that can be Rung on them. That Mr. White was in Mr. Hartcourt's Chamber with him and others, where 'twas agreed, that the Additional 5000 l. should be given Sir George Wak●man; and yet 
‖ pag. 17.  Oats in his Evidence told us, That Mr. White ordered it by Letter from Flanders. He further says, That 
* pag. 33.  Fenwick was to go to Newmarket along with Coniers, etc. to Destroy the King there, in his Morning-Walk: That he knew nothing in particular of Turner and Gaven: That ●e had brought Hartcourt many Pacquets from Spain, 
† pag. 34.  France, Flanders, etc. about this Affair: That he had often carried the Papers of Business to Mr. Langhorne, to Register them: That he saw Hartcourt in Sir William Aderson's Presence, give a Bill of Exchange to Sir 
‖ pag. 35.  George Wakeman of 2000 l. in part of a greater Sum; That Sir George then said, 15000 l. was too small a Reward for settling Religion; but that Sir George did not read out the Merchant's Name on whom it was drawn.  
After this, two Letters were produced, taken among Mr. Hartcourt's papers; The first being from Mr. 
* pag. 37.  Peter's here in England, in which the 24 th'. of April was mentioned, as the day of the meeting. Now because it was there enjoined, that they should not appear much about Town till the meeting were over, lest their Design should be suspected; and because of the word Design, as also that Secrecy was much recommended, as in its own nature necessary, The C. Justice thought it extremely conduced to the making out of the Plot. As for the 
† pag. 41.  second, it was from Mr. Anderton at Rome, bearing date the 5th. of February was Twelve month, where mention being made of Patents that were sent, and Patents being in the Plural number, 'twas thought that these were the Commissions so often spoken of.  
The Charge being finished, it became soon very dubious as to Gaven and Turner, because Oats knew them not at their Apprehension; and his own words in Court make it good; for first 
‖ pag. 14.  He confessed, that (when he met Gaven after his apprehension in the Lobby, and was asked by a Gentleman about him) he did not well know him, nor could say any thing against him then, because being under an ill favoured Periwig, and being a man he knew had a good Head of Hair, he did not understand the MYSTERY of it, and so spared his Evidence, and informing the Council against him. Again, Gaven produced several Staffordshire Witnesses, and among others 
* p. 63, & 64.  Sir John Winford's Niece, and her Maid, where he sojourned, who attested that they were very confident of his being with them (besides other months) all June and July, till the 23th. because they remember not his absence; yet they would not 
† pag. 65.  positively say, that 'twas impossible for him to be away some days, since they had no particular Circumstances in readiness; but both they and the rest of his 
‖ p. 68 & 69.  witnesses did aver, that he was in Wolver-Hampton, from the 23th. to the end of July; for then to their knowledge, he was in the Spiritual Exercise; which in truth included the very time of Oats his Accusation; for by his saying, that Gaven was in London either in 
* pag. 14.  July or August, and then absolutely agreeing that it was in 
‖ pag. 19  July, it in manner follows, that the time in dispute was in the latter end of the said month; and besides in the 
† pag. 15.  beginning of his Charge, He himself says, That he believed it to be in the latter part of it; but when once Oats came to be pressed with it, and especially with a counter-evidence, he flew back, taking the utmost extent and Compass for his Plea that he could. Now for Mr. Turner, He informed the Court, That Oats not only, did not know him at 
‖ pag. 21.  Whitehall, but called him there by another name; nor could Oates give the Court any better reason for it, than that Turner was at that time in a disguised habit, and a nasty Periwig; when as the Poor man was in his ordinary clothes and Accoutrements; neither had he (and the voluntary surrendry of himself most evidently proves it) the least aim or design of concealing himself from any body. Mr. Turner further urged, that though 
* pag. ib.  Oats deposed now, That he saw him at a Colloquy in Fenwick's Chamber, yet by his former Evidence, it was at Wild-house; to which Oats had nothing to reply, but this; That because the chiefest part of the Consult Sat at Wild house, ' 'twas called by them the Consult of Wild-house. As for Dugdale, the said Turner protested that he had not been in Stafford-shire these 
† pag. 30.  Four Years, which made no little impression upon many present; Since No body in all appearance could seem a more unfit man for intrigues than He; and besides had Dugdale named any of my Lord aston's Family, as Witnesses of the said Turner's being there later, than the time he prefixed, it would have been to his Confusion, not only in that point, but in all things else for the future. Nor were many less surprised with Mr. Hartcourt's Answer to Dugdale; for though he acknowledged he had written 
‖ pag. 27.  several Letters to Mr. Evers directed to him, yet he affirmed he had left off corresponding divers Years; for Reader you must know, that about Three Years ago, he was from Procurator of the Province (which keeps a general and frequent correspondency with all the principal Members) made Rector of London. Now Dugdale to prove Mr. Hartcourt's later correspondency with him, to wit, with Evers; for Priests have generally their Letters directed to others, so that Mr. Hartcourt never took notice at Dugdales mentioning the receipt of Letters from him; I say Dugdale, to prove a later correspondence, urges this wild and unheard of Circumstance: 
* pag. ib.  That Mr. Hartcourt having Written at least Eight Letters last Year, to Mr. Ireland, whilst he was in Stafford-shire, two of them made mention of Mr. Edward aston's Death at Paris, which Dugdale intercepting, pretended to Conjure, by telling the accident, before any of the said Gentleman's Friends knew of it; so that Mr. Ireland chid Mr. Hartcourt, for not acquainting him sooner; who replied▪ that he had sent him word of it; and yet it seems Mr. Ireland, and Mr. Evers were so far from questioning Dugdale about this silly Interception and Treachery, that he was a greater Confident than ever, as chosen to Murder his Majesty himself. Mr. Hartcourt also further showed, how little this fellow had knowledge either of him or his Letters; for first, He came (and several of these Witnesses Reader, have under false names served other Prisoners thus) to the Gatehouse to entrap him; and then he (the said Dugdale) did not so much as know his hand before the Committee, when they made him write there for a trial; to which the Chief Justice replied, that Hartcourt might write more hands, as well as have more names than one: but people thought there could then be no cheat in that, since the many papers which had been taken from Hartcourt, would presently have made it apparent. But above all, how incredible is it, that Dugdale (who was so apprehensive, as he 
† pag. 26.  told the Court, of the danger that might en●ue to the main Plot or Design by Godfrey's Murder) should go to an Ale house (the very next Morning after notice or the accident) and proclaim it there, before any Man dreamt of it in the Country.  
Now upon Mr. Hartcourts' protesting, that, as to Bedlow (who pretended to bring him 
‖ pag. 33.  divers and divers Portmantles full of Letters) he had never seen him but twice before his Apprehension, ●●z. 
* pag. 34.  once about five Years ago, with some Letters from Dunkir● 〈◊〉 others, though under his Cover (for then Reader he was Procurator) and once again, when he borrowed Twenty Shillings of him, as one deserted by most of his friends for his Religion. I say, upon Mr. Hartcourt's protesting thus, Bedlow replied, 
† pag. 33.  that he had Seven or Eight Witnesses out of Town, to make his familiarity evident and clear; but that he could not get them together, because the Trials had been so put off; whereas on the contrary (Reader) all the World knew, that they were positively ordered above Ten Days before, and and the Prisoners had accordingly provided. Mr. White now 
‖ pag. 34.  Questioned Bedlow, where he was a Lieutenant, as he had 
* Vid. Ireland's Trial.  formerly sworn; who answering in Flanders▪ in the Prince of Frizland's Regiment of foot, He replied, 
Pag. 37.  that there was no Lieutenant in all the Flanders Companies; whereupon Bedlow said, he would send for his Commission, and a while after something was brought in, 
* pag. 36.  which Chief Justice North took and looked upon, but no further words were made of it; and without any manner of doubt, 'twas a Paper of his own making; for we had several Officers in Flanders all the last War, yet no Man ever heard of him or his name there, either then or since, as a Soldier.  
As for the two Letters produced against the Prisoners, and first as to that from Mr. Peter's, it was Answered by Mr. Hartcourt, Mr. White, and the rest, 
* pag. 37.  that it was a Summons to their Triennial Congregation; there being a meeting of the Society every Three Years in France, Spain, Germany, etc. as all the World knows. That the Secrecy enjoined was necessary; for since every body's eye was upon them, they ought to be cautious of appearing in such numbers as might give offence, and especially at a time, when the Parliament was meeting. That as to the word 
‖ pag. 38.  Design (which the Chief Justice did so much insist upon) it was a hard thing to bring men's lives into danger upon the mere nicety of a Word, and especially when it was proper in itself, for they had a Design to choose a Procurator for Rome, and to consult about the whole Concern of the English Jesuits. Now as to the 
† pag. 42.  Roman Letter of February the 5 th'. Mr. White Answered, That the Patents there mentioned were the Literae Patentes, that constituted him (on the Fourteenth of the preceding January) Provincial, That the expression (though in the Plural) was genuine and applicaple to any single man; nor did Mr. Anderton the Writer, know at the sending of them, whether he the said Mr. White would accept the Office or no; which Mr. Recorder much doubting of, (as being a too selfdenying Action for a Jesuit) Oats presently affirmed, That He was bound on pain of Damnation, not to disobey his superior, and if he choose him or others to a place, they must take it upon them; and yet every body knows (that knows any thing) that nothing is more frequent, than for a Jesuit in these Cases to reply (as they term it) to the General, and consequently to free himself, even after Nomination.  
After this, the Prisoners called for Witnesses to prove Mr. Ireland's Absence out of London, from the 3d. of August to the 14th. of September, contrary to the Positive Oath both of Oats and Bedlow, which several of the Judges were against, because that Business had 
* p. 71.  received Trial: Others urged, 
† 69.  That the Jury was not to take notice of any thing done at a former Trial, unless it were then spoken of; which seemed hard and strange to many, because in reason the Accused were to lay hold of all Matters, that could lessen the Credit of their Accusers, and more especially of things relating to the Plot. But the Court (even according to their own Rules) were at last, forced to grant them their Demand; because Oats did in this very Trial say, That 
‖ pag. 15.  Ireland was in Town between the 8th. and 12th. of August, and that Mr. 
* pag. 72.  Fenwick was with him. Then the Witnesses (to wit, Sir John Southcot, my Lady, their Son and Daughter) were called; 
† pag. 73.  whereupon Sir Edward Southcot the Son affirmed, that he was told, That Mr. Ireland came to his Uncles (my Lord aston's in Hartford-shire) on the 3 d. of August at Night, but he saw him not there, till early on the 4 th'. and that he went with him, and his Family to Tixhal, (my Lord's usual Residence in Stafford-shire) continuing every Day with them till the sixteenth. My Lady Southcot (who was my Lord Aston's Sister) said, That he was with her from the fifth to the sixteenth. Sir John the Father, said to the same purpose, to wit, that he met Mr. Ireland at St. Alban on the fifth, and that he was in their Company for Twelve Days after. To them succeeded Mrs. Harwel the Mother, Mrs. Harwel the Daughter, and their Maid; as also, Sir John Winford's Ncece, four Giffords of the Chillington-Family, Mr. Biddulph of Biddulph, and two of the Perdrels of Boscobel, Son and Daughter to him who had there saved the King in his Escape from Worcester. These 
‖ pag. 73.  proved Mr. Ireland's being at Wolverhampton from the 17 th'. to the 26 th'. when he returned to my LordsLords at Tixhal: And five of them, to wit, 
† p. 74, & 75.  Mr. Biddulph, two of the Giffords, and the two Pendrels, attested, that they saw him on the 2 d. of September, some at Boscobel, and others hard by: which 2 d. of September, was the very Day, or the Day after, that Oats 
* Vid. Ireland's Trial. Pag. 60.  positively swore, Mr. Ireland gave him Twenty Shillings in London. But Oats foreseeing this Evidence, did (notwithstanding the Fact was in Print, and that he had made Oath of it in that very Court, even in the Hearing of several of the Judges, and two of the Prisoners at the Bar) insi●● now, 
‖ The Pres. Trial.  That it was the Day, 
‖ Pag. 71.  to the best of his Remembrance; but whether it was the 1st. 2 d. 7 th'. 8 th'. or 9 th'. of September, he would not positively say: Whereupon Mr. Gifford (who had been a summoned Witness in Ireland's Trial) stood up, and affirmed, 
* pag. ib.  That when Oats after much pressing, would not be positive as to the Days in August, he came at last to a Circumstance, and averred, That on the 1st or 2d. of September, Ireland gave him (in London) Twenty Shillings. The said Mr. Gifford also, and his Wife, (when the Court objected, whether it were the same Ireland that Died, that was in Staffordshire) declared, 
‖ pag. 75.  That they had seen him in the Country, and afterwards Tried and Executed. This Evidence being full and clear, and the Witnesses that appeared, Persons of great Quality, (nay, there were twice as many more in the Country, that could not come by reason of their Domestic Affairs) Oats had nothing to balance it, but the Testimony of 
* pag. 78.  Sarah Paine, the Servant-Maid which he had produced formerly in Ireland's Trial, about his being in Town on the 12 th'. of August, as I said. And here 'tis to be Remembered, that there were two Mrs. Giffords' Witnesses in this Affair, which confounds the Reader at the first sight, when he peruses the Printed Trial; for the Short-hand-Writer makes little Distinction between those Gentlewomen; and therefore, sometimes the same Person seems, as it were, to answer Negatively and Positively to the same Question. Besides, the said Writer is not always Exact (when the Witnesses are many) who speaks; so that he says sometimes John a Nikes spoke, when 'twas (in truth) John a Styles.  
The Prisoners then having cleverly proved this Point, strike at all that Oats had ever said; for having in Mr. Ireland's Trial often said, That he was here at the Consult of April 1678. he endeavoured (as a greater Satisfaction to the Court) to further prove it by these Circumstances, viz. 
‖ Vid. Irel. Trial. Pag. 35.  That he came over with Fa. Williams, Pa Nevil, Fa. Pool, Sir Thomas Preston, Sir John Warner, Hildesley, a young Scholar, and others. So that, 
* pres. Trial. Pag. 45.  Mr. Fenwick demanding now, Whether he did not own his coming over with the said Hildesley? Oats would have avoided it, by Bidding him ask Questions of what he said to Day; but Mr. Fenwick insisting upon this, as necessary and 
† pag. 46.  threatening Oats, That he had Witnesses to prove his Asserting his thus Coming from beyond Sea; Oats at last owned it: whereupon Mr. Hildesley (who is a Gentleman's Son of Quality) appeared, and denied it, protesting, that he left him at St. Omers behind; which Oats granted, but would have it, that he met him at Calis the next Day; and to confirm this, alleged, that Hildesley lost his Money there, that Fa. Williams did relieve him, and that he went not straight to London with them. Hildesley readily confessed the loss of his Money, etc. saying; He knew how Oats understood this, to wit, by a 
* pag. 47.  Gentleman, that (having met Hildesley) came to St. Omexs, with whom Oates was very familiar on the 2 d, of May, as several Witnesses present would prove.  
Then were called in Nineteen Witnesses from beyond Sea, Fourteen of which were from St. Omers; and among them Sir James D●rington's Son, Sir Philip Palmer's Son; Sir R. Dalison's Son, and Sir Richard Colester's Son; Son-in-Law to Colonel Charles Gifford, who was so instrumental in saving of the King after Worcester; but Dalison not hearing when the rest were called, appeared not, and so could not be a Witness till next Day. The Substance of the St. Omarian Evidence was this; Some remembered (by very good Circumstances) Oats at St. Omers at, and after Hildersley's Departure, which was on the 24 th'. of April, New stile. Others of Burnaby's coming to them on the First of May, who was the Person (you must know, Reader) that could tell Hildesley's Adventures, by meeting him on the Way: Others of Oats his Familiarity with the said Burnab 〈◊〉 Others, that they saw Oats whilst he was in the Infirmary: Others; that they saw him in the Spiritual Exercise: Others, that Father Nevil, and Fa. Pool were not Absent, as he said: And others told many Particulars relating to him on the latter End of April, and first Week of May; but all agreed in this, That he came to them a little before Christmas, 77. and went not away till the following June, living there the whole time as a Scholar; nor did they remember, that in all that while, he was a Night out of the Seminary, but on at Watten, a House of theirs two Leagues distant from St. Omers. They gave also these Reasons of their Assurance, That he could not be absent without their Knowledge, because first, The whole College would have Rung of it, the Discourse of Coming and Going being their News, and which all continually mind. Secondly, Because he sat in the Hall, or Rectory alone, at a distinct Table from them, viz. between Theirs, and the Fathers; so that, being thus in the Eye of all, every Body would have been missing him. And lastly, That from about Lady-Day to his Expulsion in June, he was Reader of the Spiritual Books in the Sodality, and therefore, he could not be away or Sunday or Holiday, but that they must most particularly have known it.  
Now, for the other 
* pag. 60.  Five Witnesses, Three of them (besides one of the former) affirmed Sir John Warner to be at Watten all April and May, because being Superior there in Fa. William's Absence, they were sure they saw him almost daily. The like did the 
† p. 61. & 62.  Porter and Caterer, as to Sir Thomas Preston's being then at Liege; nor could the Court find the least Incoherence or Disagreement in their Evidence, (though they were all strictly Examined, and cross Questioned) but in Cox's, who being a Stranger, and speaking English ill, made (by his odd Expressions, and giddy Answers) the Auditors often Merry: Yet the only thing objected to him by the Court was his saying, that Oats left the College in 
‖ pag. 53.  July, when it was on the 23 th'. of June, as the Scholars, and Oats himself acknowledged; whereupon, answering as to this, That it was after May he was sure, and that it was no matter for the Month, whether June or July, the People laughed: But his Meaning Reader, was that being sure, that Oats was never Absent (as he always said) from his coming, (which was before Christmas) till his going away for good and all, after May, (except to Wa●ten, as before) it was no Matter for the Month, whether in June or July.  
Though these St. Omarians had (at least in Appearance) as well by the Innocence of their Words and Behaviour, as by their Punctuality in all the Material Parts of their Evidence, given Oats a deadly Blow, yet he was far from leaving the Lists; For Sir William Waller having a while before taken Three of these Scholars, as Papists, in Town; they upon their Examination, declared what they came for, and told Oats to his very Face, That he never was but one Night out of their College, from December to June: So that, by this time he had provided himself for the Storm, and therefore brought into Court first; one 
* p. 79, & 80.  Walker a Minister, who deposed, That about the latter End of March, or the Beginning of April, 78 (and then presently, according to Oats his usual Method, extended the Time to the Middle of the said, Month) he saw one in Disguise near Lecester-House, but could not Recollect who it was, till a little before he rose next Morning; and then having drawn him within the Scheme of his Knowledge to be Titus Oats, he went and told Sarah Ives of it at her Shop; who now attested, that Walker had said so to her in April, but she knew not the Day. Then appeared Cecily Mayo, a Servant-Maid to one Sir Richard Barker of Ba●bican, (who from a Parrier, had by Posted Bills, made himself a Doctor) and 
* pag. 81.  she swore; That the Week before Whitsuntide, 78 (and Whitsuntide ●ell then, Reader, on the 19 th'. of May) she saw a Man in Sir Richard Barker's Yard, whom a Servant-Boy, that is since Dead, jeered at, telling her, That the said Man had changed his Coat from Black to White, and was turned either Quaker or Papist. That she saw him the Week after in the Garden with another, but discontented because he was no more Countenanced by the Family, (the Young Ladies being shy of him) and that the aforementioned Boy said to her, Yonder is Oats again, Does he not look like a Jesuit? Therefore, when the Plot was discovered, she went to see Oats, and knew him; who spoke slightingly to her, seeming offended with the Family, because they had scorned him; but she excused it, as proceeding from his being then a Papist: and further told him, That she hoped, he would never forget the Bread he had Eaten there.  
After her Philip Page (one of the same House) witnessed, 
‖ pag. 82.  That he saw Oats there, about the beginning of May, 78. to the best of his knowledge, by the token, his Master had a Patient at that time at Islington, Sick of a Fever, whose name he knows not; but the Doctor told the Court, she was Aldram Milvars Daughter. The Coach man also said, 
* pag. 83.  That Oats in the beginning of May, was there to ask for Dr. Tongue, and when he came out of the House he seemed troubled. Then the Knight himself being present deposed, 
* pag. 82. & 83.  That he was at the time of the Evidence abroad in the Country, as his business often leads him; that his servants (to the best of his Remembrance) told him after Witsuntide the story of Oats his being there in two Disguises, the one in Short-hair, which made them think him turned Quaker, the other in a Long-Perriwig, and then they thought him turned Papist. That upon the visiting a Gentleman he fell ill, in which time Oats was gone, and upon his Recovery, he the said Oats came to inquire for Dr. Tongue, which was the latter end of June, or beginning of July. These Witnesses were followed by one Smith and Day. Smith was Oates his Master, as Usher of Merchant tailor's, and he positively swore, that on the First Monday in May, 78. (i. e. on the Sixth of the said Month) Oates Dined with him, and stayed Three or Four Hours after discoursing of several things. Clay was an old weak, and doting man, who being taken as a Priest, was thrown into the Gatehouse, and suffered to see no Friend; so that Oats (to whom all Prisons were open) visiting him, and caressing him daily, brought him also for a Witness into the Court, where he attested, that he saw (he thinks) Oats in Apil was Twelvemonth at Mr. Charles howard's Lodgings in Arundel-house, and in May also at the same place, as he thinks.  
To this Reply, the Jesuits make a smart rejoinder, proving the whole (by the Contradictions that must follow) either a downright perjury, or a mistake; for Mr. White 
‖ pag. 85.  remembered the Court, how that when (at that very Bar) he had formerly pressed Oats to name any body, that had seen him then in Town, He had nothing to say, but that he lay privately at Groves'. Nay Reader he deemed it, in a manner, an unreasonable thing to be then asked such a question; for directing himself to the Lord Chief Justice, he Answered in these very words (as notoriously appears in Mr. Ireland's Trial) 
‖ Ireland's Trial. Pag. 36.  My Lord (says he) when I came to London, I was ordered to keep very close; and lay at Mr. Groves' house, let him deny it if he can. This was (you see) the best of his game then, and this made him fly to the former circumstances (which the late Witnesses have now proved also false) viz. of his coming over with Hildesley, Williams, Preston, Warner, etc. whereas had the present Evidence in his behalf been true, it would have been impossible for a man of his rank and acquaintance to have been more public; and yet a greater impossibility for him, (when demanded so pertinent a question) to have forgotten all these persons, especially when the seeing of any one of them in his then pretended Condition, was a great and dangerous fault, and consequently must have imprinted them in his Memory. But Mr. Gavens chief plea was about the time of Oats his Chimerical stay in England, and therefore cried out Ex ore tuo te judico; for since it was (as he urged) only a matter of 
* pag. 86.  Six days, (not did the Kings 
† pag. 77.  Councel ●●tend it to be above Eight or Ten) and since (according to the computation of the Court) Hildesley 
‖ pag. 85.  landed on the 17th of April our stile, and consequently reached not London, till the 19th, what could become of the Ministers Testimony, that saw him the latter end of March or middle of April, or of the Schoolmasters, that dined and discoursed with him on the 6th of May for four or five hours; and especially of the Knight's Family, that saw him often that month even after Whitsuntide. Now for Clay and the invalidity of his Testimony, there shall be a fuller account of it in Mr. Langh●rnes Trial, and more also said of the Rest. Mr. Gaven further insisted on the quality of his Witnesses and the fullness of their Testimony as to 
* p. 87, & 89.  Mr. Ireland's being out of Town in August; of the clearness of the proof in relation to Sir Thomas Preston's and Sir John Warner's absence; of the positiveness of the evidence concerning his own being at Wolver-hampton, at least the last week in July, and that all the Witnesses did incline rather to think him there the other weeks also, than not, with much more of this nature. Nor did Mr. Fenwick forget to tell the Court (besides the Repetition of the former unanswerable arguments) 
† pag. 91.  that there was not the least Commission found, or the least Letter to show that there were such, or any Money paid, or Arms provided, and the like; but that all depended on the word of these Witnesses. Nay if they were Guilty, he said, they ought to be hanged ' twice, Once for Knaves and then for Fools, for trusting a matter of this nature to such a fellow as Oats, who was not only expelled their Colleges, but necessitous and beggarly even to the last moment before the Discovery. And Reader you must also remember, that (among others) one Captain Hill did witness, that Bedlo (who had been long his fellow prisoner in the Marshalsea) was in May was Twelve Month, (which was the May just before the Discovery) so poor there, that he lived upon the very 
‖ pag. 76.  Basket. But notwithstanding this, or Mr. White's wondering, how he could be thought (were he of a fight disposition) to 
* pag. 91.  beat Oats, to whom such a secret was committed, or to send a letter by the common 
† pag. 90.  post about Killing the King as Dugdale witnessed; and notwithstanding Mr. Gavans great Eloquence (which every body much commended) or Mr. 
‖ pag. 91.  Hartcourts' appealing to the Integrity of his life for 70 years, and to the Infamy of his Accusers; or his concluding thus, that since a Negative cannot be well proved, he hoped Innocence will find some to defend it; I say notwithstanding this, They were all found Guilty, and (being condemned the next day) were on the Friday following (to wit the 20 of June) executed together at Tyburn, where they made these following Speeches.  
But Reader be pleased first to know that they were drawn on several Hurdles: On the foremost went Mr. Thomas Whitebread, and Mr. William Harcourt. On the second, Mr. Anthony Turner, and Mr. John Gavan. And on the Third, Mr. John Fenwick. And being come to the Gallows, They were all put into one Cart.  
Then Mr. Gavan said, If God give us His Grace, it's no matter where we die, at the Gallows or elsewhere. The Executioner being fastening the Halters.  
Gavan said, I hope you will be civil to dying Men. Executioner. I will be civil to you.  
Gavan. I hope they will give us leave to speak.  

Mr. Whitebread's Speech.  
I Suppose it is expected I should speak something to the matter I am Condemned for, and brought hither to suffer: it is no less than the contriving and plotting His Majesty's Death, and the alteration of the Government of the Church and State. You all either know, or aught to know, I am to make my appearance before the Face of Almighty God, and with all imaginable certainty and evidence to receive a final Judgement, for all the thoughts, words, and actions of my whole life. So that I am not now upon Terms to speak other than the Truth, and therefore in his most Holy Pre●ence, and as I hope for Mercy from his Divine Majesty, I do declare to you here present, and to the whole World, that I go out of the World as innocent, and as free from any guilt of these things laid to my charge in this matter, as I came into the World from my Mother's Womb: and that I do renounce from my heart all manner of Pardons, Absolutions, Dispensations for Swearing, as occasions or Interest may seem to require, which some have been pleased to lay to our charge, as matter of our Practice and Doctrine, but is a thing so unjustifiable and unlawful, that I believe, and ever did, that no power on Earth can authorise me, or any body so to do. As for those who have most falsely accused me (as time, either in this World, or in the next, will make appear) I do heartily forgive them, and beg of God to grant them his holy Grace, that they may repent their unjust proceedings against me; otherwise they will in conclusion find they ha●e done themselves more wrong than I have suffered from them, though that has been a great deal. I pray God bless His Majesty both Temporally and Eternally, which has been my daily Prayer for him, and is all the harm that I ever intended or imagined against him. And I do with this my last breath, in the sight of God declare, that I never did learn, or teach, or believe, nor can as a Catholic believe, that it is lawful upon any occasion or pretence whatsoever, to design or contrive the Death of His Majesty, or any hurt to his Person; but on the contrary, all are bound to obey, defend, and preserve his Sacred Person, to the utmost of their power. And I do moreover declare, that this is the true and plain sense of my Soul, in the sight of him who knows the Secrets of my Heart, and as I hope to see his blessed Face, without any Equivocation, or mental Reservation. This is all I have to say concerning the matter of my Condemnation; that which remains for me now to do, is to recommend my Soul into the hands of my blessed Redeemer, by whose only Merit and Passion I hope for Salvation.   

Mr. Hartcourt's speech.  
THE words of dying persons have been always esteemed as of greatest Authority, because uttered then, when shortly after they are to be cited before the high Tribunal of Almighty God. This gives me hopes that mine may be looked upon as such: therefore I do here declare in the presence of Almighty God, the whole Court of Heaven, and this numerous Assembly, that as I hope by the Merits and Passion of my Lord and sweet Saviour JESUS CHRIST for Eternal Bliss, I am as innocent as the Child unborn of any thing laid to my charge, and for which I am here to die.  Sher. How. 
Or Sir Edmundbury Godfry's Death?  Hartcourt. 
Or Sir Edmundbury Godfry's Death.  Sher. How. 
Did not you Write that Letter concerning the Dispatch of Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey?  Harcourt. 
No Sir, These are the Words of a dying man, I would not do it for a Thousand Worlds.  Sher. How. 
How have you lived?  Harcourt, 
I have lived like a Man of repute all my life, and never was before the Face of a Judge till my Trial: No man can accuse me. I have from my Youth been bred up in the Education of my Duty towards God, and Man.  Harcourt. 
And I do utterly abhor and detest that abominable false Doctrine laid to our charge, that we can have Licenses to commit Perjury, or any sin to advantage our cause, being expressly against the Doctrine of St. Paul, saying Non sunt facienda mala, ut eveniant bona; Evil is not to be done that good may come thereof, And therefore we hold it in all cases unlawful to Kill or Murder any person whatsoever, much more our lawful King now Reigning; whose personal and Temporal Dominions we are ready to defend with our Lives and Fortunes, against any Opponent whatsoever, none excepted. I forgive all that have contrived my Death, and humbly beg pardon of Almighty God for them. And I ask pardon of all the World. I pray God bless His Majesty, and grant him a prosperous Reign. The like I wish to his Royal Consort, the best of Queens. I humbly beg the Prayers of all those who are in the Communion of the Roman Church, if any such be present.   

Mr. Turner's Speech.  
BEing now, good People, very near my End, and summoned by a violent Death to appear before God's Tribunal, there to render an account of all my thoughts, words, and actions, before a just Judge, I conceive I am bound in Conscience to do myself that Justice, as to declare upon Oath my Innocence from the horrid Crime of Treason, with which I am falsely accused: And I esteem it a Duty I owe to Christian Charity, to publish to the World before my death, all that I know in this point, concerning those Catholics I have conversed with since the first noise of the Plot, desiring from the bottom of my heart, that the whole Truth may appear, that Innocence may be cleared, to the great Glory of God, and the Peace and Welfare of the King and Country. As to myself, I call God to Witness, that I was never in my whole life present at any Consult or Meeting of the Jesuits, where any Oath of Secrecy was taken, or the Sacrament, as a Bond of secrecy, either by me or any one of them, to conceal any Plot against His Sacred Majesty; nor was I ever present at any Meeting or Consult of theirs, where any proposal was made, or Resolve taken or signed, either by me or any of them, for taking away the Life of our dread Sovereign; an impiety of such a nature, that had I been present at any such Meeting, I should have been bound by the Laws of God, and by the Principles of my Religion, (and by God's Grace would have acted accordingly) to have dicovered such a devilish Treason to the civil Magistrate, to the end they might have been brought to condign punishment. I was so far, good people, from being in September last at a Consult of the Jesuits at tixal, in Mr. Ewer's Chamber, that I vow to God, as I hope for Salvation, I never was so much as once that year at tixal, my Lord aston's House. 'Tis true, I was at the Congregation of the Jesuits held on the 24 th'. of April was twelve month, but in that meeting, as I hope to be saved, we meddled not with State Affairs, but only treated about the Concerns of our Province, which is usually done by us, without offence to temporal Princes, every third Year all the World over.  
Sheriff How. You do only Justify yourselves here. We will not believe a word that you say. Spend your time in Prayer, and we will not think our time too long.  
I am, good People, as free from the Treason I am accused of, as the Child that is unborn, and being innocent I never accused myself in Confession of any thing that I am charged with, Certainly, if I had been conscious to myself of any Gild in this kind, I should not so frankly and freely, as I did, of my own accord, have presented myself before the Kings Most Honourable Privy Council. As for those Catholics which I have conversed with since the noise of the Plot, I protest before God, in the words of a dying Man, that I never heard any one of them, either Priest or Layman, express to me the least knowledge of any Plot, that was then on foot amongst the Catholics, against the King's Most Excellent Majesty, for the advancing the Catholic Religion. I die a Roman Catholic, and humbly beg the Prayers of such, for my happy passage into a better Life. I have been of that Religion above Thirty years, and now give God Almighty infinite thanks for calling me by his holy Grace to the knowledge of this Truth, notwithstanding the prejudice of my former Education. God of his infinite Goodness bless the King, and all the Royal Family, and grant his Majesty a prosperous Reign here, and a Crown of Glory hereafter. God in his mercy forgive all those which have falsely accused me, or have had any hand in my Death; I forgive them from the bottom of my heart, as I hope myself for forgiveness at the Hands of God.   

Mr. Turner's Prayer.  
O GOD, who hast Created me to a supernatural end▪ to serve thee in this life by Grace, and enjoy thee in the next by Glory, be pleased to grant by the merits of thy bitter Death and Passion, that after this wretched life shall be ended▪ I may not fail of a full enjoyment of thee my last end and sovereign good▪ I humbly beg pardon for all the sins which I have committed against thy Divine Majesty, since the first Instant I came to the use of Reason to this very time. I am heartily sorry from the very bottom of my heart, for having offended thee so good, so powerful, so wise, and so just a God, and purpose by the help of thy Grace; never more to offend thee my good God, whom I love above all things.  
O sweet Jesus, who hast suffered a most painful and ignominious Death upon the Cross for our Salvation, apply, I beseech thee, unto me the merits of thy Sacred Passion, and sanctify unto me these sufferings of mine, which I humbly accept of for thy sake in union of the sufferings of thy sacred Majesty, and in punishment and satisfaction of my sins.  
O My dear Saviour and Redeemer, I return thee immortal thanks for all thou hast pleased to do for me in the whole course of my life, and now in the hour of my Death, with a firm belief of all things thou hast revealed, and a steadfast hope of obtaining everlasting bliss. I cheerfully cast myself into the Arms of thy Mercy, whose Arms were stretched upon the Cross for my Redemption. Sweet Jesus, receive my Spirit.   

Mr. Gavan's Speech.  
DEarly beloved Countrymen, I am come to the last Scene of Mortality, to the hour of my Death, an hour which is the Horizon between Time and Eternity, an hour which must either make me a Star to shine for ever in heaven above, or a Firebrand to burn everlastingly amongst the damned Souls in Hell below; an hour in which if I deal sincerely, and with a hearty sorrow acknowledge my Crimes, I may hope for mercy; but if I falsely deny them, I must expect nothing but Eternal Damnation: and therefore, what I shall say in this great Hour, I hope you will believe. And now in this hour I do solemnly swear, protest, and vow, by all that is Sacred in Heaven and on Earth, and as I hope to see the Face of God in Glory, that I am as innocent as the Child unborn of those Treasonable Crimes, which Mr. Oats, and Mr. Dugdale, have Sworn against me in my Trial; and for which, Sentence of Death was pronounced against me the day after my Trial. And that you may be assured that what I say is true, I do in like manner protest, vow, and swear, as I hope to see the Face of God in Glory, that I do not in what I say unto you, make use of any Equivocation, or mental Reservation, or material Prolation, or any such like way to palliate Truth. Neither do I make use of any Dispensations from the Pope, or any body else; or of any Oath of Secrecy, or any Absolutions in Confession or out of Confession to deny the Truth; but I speak in the plain sense which the words bear; and if I do speak in any other sense, to palliate or hide the truth, I wish with all my Soul that God may exclude me from his Heavenly Glory, and condemn me to the lowest place of Hell Fire: and so much to that point.  
And now dear Countrymen, in the second place, I do confess and own to the whole World, that I am a Roman Catholic, and a Priest, and one of that sort of Priests called Jesuits; and now because they are so falsely charged for holding King-killing Doctrine, I think it my duty to protest to you with my last dying words, that neither I in particular, nor the Jesuits in general, hold any such opinion, but utterly abhor and detest it: and I assure you, that amongst the vast number of Authors, which among the Jesuits have Printed Philosophy, Divinity, Cases, or Sermons, there is not one to the best of my knowledge, that allows of King killing Doctrine, or holds this position, That it is lawful for a private Person to kill a King although an Heretic, although a Pagan, although a Tyrant: there is, I say, not one Jesuit that holds this, except Mariana, the Spanish Jesuit, and he defends it not absolutely, but only problematically, for which his Book was called in, and that opinion expunged and censured. And is it not a sad thing, that for the rashness of one single Man, whilst the rest cry out against him, and hold the contrary, that a whole Religious Order should be sentenced? But I have not time to discuss this point at large, and therefore I refer you all to a Royal Author, I mean the wise and victorious King Henry the Fourth of France, the Royal Grandfather of our present gracious King, in a public Oration which he pronounced, in defence of the Jesuits, amongst other things, declaring, that he was very well satisfied with the Jesuits Doctrine concerning Kings, as being conformable to the best Doctors in the Church. But why do I relate the testimony of one single Prince, when the whole Catholic World is the Jesuits Advocate therein? Does not Germany, France, Italy, Spain, and Flanders, trust the Education of their Youth to them in a very great measure? Do not they trust their own Souls to be governed by them, in the administration of the Sacraments. And can you imagine so many great Kings and Princes, and so many wise States should do, or permit this to be done in their Kingdoms, if the Jesuits were men of such damnable principles as they are now taken for in England.  
In the third place, dear Countrymen, I do protest, that as I never in my life did machine, or contrive either the deposition or death of the King, so now at my death, I do heartily desire of God to grant him a quiet and happy Reign upon Earth, and an Everlasting Crown in Heaven. For the Judges also, and the Jury, and all those that were any ways concerned, either in my Trial, Accusation, or Condemnation, I do humbly beg of God, to grant them both Temporal and Eternal happiness. And as for Mr. Oates, and Mr. Dugdale, I call God to witness, they by false Oaths have brought me to this untimely end. I heartily forgive them, because God commands me so to do; and I beg God for his infinite Mercy to grant them true Sorrow and Repentance in this World, that they may be capable of Eternal happiness in the next. And having discharged my Duty towards myself, and my own Innocence; towards my Order, and its Doctrine; to my Neighbour and the World, I have nothing else to do now, my great God, but to cast myself into the Arms of your Mercy. I believe you are One Divine Essence and Three Divine Persons, I believe that you in the Second Person of the Trinity became Man to redeem me; and I believe you are an Eternal Rewarder of the Good, and an Eternal Chastiser of the Bad. In sine, I believe all you have revealed for your own infinite Veracity; I hope in you above all things, for your infinite Fidelity; and I love you above all things, for your infinite Beauty and Goodness; and I am heartily sorry that ever I offended so great a God with my whole heart: I am contented to undergo an ignominious Death for the love of you, my dear Jesus, seeing you have been pleased to undergo an ignominious Death for the Love of me.   

Mr. Fenwicks' Speech  
GOod People, I suppose you expect I should say something as to the Crime I am Condemned for, and either acknowledge my Gild, or assert my Innocency. I do therefore declare before God and the whole World, and call God to witness that what I say is true, that I am Innocent of what is laid to my Charge of Plotting the King's Death, and endeavouring to subvert the Government, and bring in a Foreign Power, as the Child unborn; and that I know nothing of it, but what I have learned from Mr. Oates and his Companions, and what comes originally from them.  Sher. How. 
If you can make a good Conclusion to your own Life, it will do well; consider if your Letters did not agree with the Evidence, That ' s another matter.  Fenwick. 
I assure you; I do renounce all Treason from my very heart. I have always, and ever shall disown the Opinion of such Devilish Practices as these are of King-Killing. If I speak not the whole frame of my heart, I wish God may Exclude me from his Glory.  Sher. How. 
Those that Murdered Sir Edmun Bury Godsrey, said as you do.  Fenwick. 
As for Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, I protest before God, I know nothing of it: I never saw the man in my life.  Sher. How. 
For my part I am of Opinion you had a hand in it. Fenwick. Now that I am a dying man, Do you think I would go and Damn my Soul?  Sher. How. 
I wish you all the good I can, but I'll assure you, I believe never a Word you say.  Fenwick. 
I pray for his Majesty every day, and wish him all happiness with all my heart. Also I do with all my Soul pardon all my Accusers. If the Judge or Jury did any thing amiss, I Pardon them with all my Soul, and all Persons directly or indirectly. I am very willing and ready to suffer this Death. I pray God Pardon me my sins. and save my Soul.  
And as to what is said and commonly believed of Roman Catholics, that they are not to be believed or trusted, because they can have Dispensations for Lying, Perjury, Killing Kings, and other the most Enormous Crimes, I do utterly renounce all such Pardons, Dispensations, and withal declare, That it is a most wicked and malicious Calumny cast upon Catholics, who do all with all their hearts and souls hate and detest all such wicked and damnable Practices; and in the words of a dying Man, and as I hope for Mercy at the hands of God, before whom I must shortly appear and give an account of all my actions, I do again declare, That what I have said is true, and I hope Christian Charity will not let you think, that by the last act of my Life, I would cast away my Soul, by sealing up my last breath with a damnable Lye.  
Then they were at their private Devotions for about an hour. And Mr. Sheriff How spoke to them; Pray aloud, Gentlemen, that we may join with you; we shall do you no hurt, if we do you no good. Are you ashamed of your Prayers? Then he spoke to Mr. Gavan, and said, It is Reported you did preach at the Quakers metting.  
Gavan. To which he made answer, No Sir, I never preached there in my life.    

Concerning Mr. Langhorn.  
MR. Langhorn was tried at the Old Bailie on Saturday the 14th of June 1679, & to make good the charge of High Treason against him Dugdale first appeared, who proved the Plot in general, 
* pag. 6.  as having been at several Consults with the Jesuits, about the Alteration of the Government and introducing Popery, where they spoke of an Army to be raised, of Killing the King, and a Massacre; and that he knew of 
† pag. 7.  Sir Edm. Godfry's death by Ewers Letter on the Monday night, which began thus, This very Night Sir Edm. Godfrey is dispatched: that upon his being concerned, that the Plot might be spoilt by it, Ewers said it would be put upon debauched persons, for he was severe with such; yet he the said Dugdale, could not (it ran so much in his mind) but the next morning he spoke of it at an Alehouse hard by, and thence it was carried to Mr. Ch●twin.  
Prance rose next, and deposed, 
‖ pag. 8.  that Mr. Messenger (Gentleman of the Horse to my Lord Arundel) was employed by his Lord, and my Lord Powis, to kill the King, and this he Lord's Butler; That meeting Messenger, he asked him, what his reason was, that he would kill the King; who answered, He was off of it, now; which Question and Answer (Reader) made many smile: Then he proceeded & said, That presently 50000 men should be raised and governed by the said Lords, to kill all that were not Catholick●; that he heard it from Mr. Ireland, Fenwick, and Grove, who spoke of it to him together; That Mr. Har●court acquainted him (before one Thompson) that the King was to be killed by several; and that Fenwic said, That Langhorn was to have a great hand in it; so that still we see here are new men and (mean ones too) who know of the King's Death, and tell it one another for pastime, and ordinary News.  
Oats followed next, saying, 
* pag. 9  he went into Spain in April 1677, that returning in November, he brought Letters from Mr. Langhorn's Sons, who studied there; That Mr. Langhorn at the Receipt of them, was informed by him, that the Youths would enter into the Society, which much rejoiced Mr. Langhorn, being a great Votary of the Jesuits, but said, if they would continue Secular Priests, they would have great Promotions in England, since things would not last long in this Posture; That Mr. Langhorn did upon Oats his going to St. Omers in November give him a Packet, and in his Letter to the Fathers, he mentioned his writing to Fa. Lafoy Chaise, in order to their Concerns, and that Coleman had written very largely to that Father, which made him the more brief; That Mr. Langhorn writ another in March. or April, about ordering Five Pounds to his Son, that had been in Rebellion and turned Soldier, but was now reconciled to him by the Intercession of the Fathers; In this Letter also Mr. Langhorn expressed at large his great Care of the Catholic Design, and told them among other things, that the Parliament Flagging, they had a fair opportunity to give the Blow; which seemed very odd to many, That in an ordinary letter of Domestic concerns, He should treat of such high and secret matters. Then Oates goes on and says; That after the great Consult of April, he was ordered to acquaint Mr. Langhorn (in the Temple) of the 
‖ pag. 10.  MINUTE'S, passed at the said Consult, by which he understood of Grove's and Pickerings employment and Reward; That Mr. Langhorn (with lifted up hands and eyes for the good success:) did then sign also the Consult, and told him, That he had Received about fifty 
† pag. 12.  Commissions from Rome; and among others showed him the Commissions for my L'd. Arundel, Powis, Stafford, Bellassis and Peter; as also Mr. Langhorn's own to be Advocate of the Army, which were all 
‖ pag. 11.  Sealed with the Jesuits Cross or Cipher, and signed by their General; the Seal and Hand being the same as that of the Patent which Oats had then in Court, viz. a 
† pag. 14.  Patent constituting F. Stapleton. Rector of St Omers▪ and found it seems among the Jesuits Papers. That He the said, Oats saw those Commissions in his Study upon his Desk; when as Mr. Langhorn appeals (in his 
‖ Mem. p. 6.  Memoires) to all that great Company which frequented his Chamber; whether any of them ever saw a Desk in his Study? That Mr. Langhorn gave him several 
‖ pag. 12. †  Originals from F. Anderton and La Chaise, who did assure them of his Constancy in carrying on the Cause, and that the French King would stand by them with 
* pag. 13.  Men and Money. That Mr. Langhorn being Solicitor for the Jesuits, did Communicate the Design to the Benedictins, who promised 6000 l. That Mr. Langhorn called Sr. George Wakeman, a narrow soul'd Physician, for not being content with 10000 l. That he, the said Oats, never stirred out of the 
‖ pag. 14.  College of St. Omer from December till his coming away in April, except a Night or two at Watten, and when he went to Paris. 'Twas here (some two questions before) that Mr. Langhorn began to be Nice about the time of his coming to St. Omers, etc. whereupon the Court answered, That all the Defences of the Papists lay in Catches about time, a thing which no man living could be positive in, which heartened Oats not a little; for he being presently asked by Mr. Langhorn, when he returned in April into England, he answered, about the middle of that month, and that he stayed 
‖ pag. 15.  under twenty days, a Latitude which he would now have fain granted him, by reason of his ill success in the former Trial, though the Court never then pretended (as you 
‖ vid. Whites Trial, p. 77.  saw) to extend it to above eight▪ or ten; and because he feared Mr. Langhorn, he desired the Court to ask the Questions, adding, that he knew they would be so 
† Present Trial, p. 14.  kind, as to ask him such Questions as were reasonable. After this, Mr. Langhorn demanded whether he came with Hildestey from Dover by Coach or on Horseback? to which Oats (after much hesitation) answered, 
* pag. 15.  That the Question was so sudden, that he could not be positive; but at last said, that as near as he could remember, It was by Coach. This strange uncertainty amazed many, but more smiled at it, considering that in truth, he had reason for what he did, as not knowing the question was casual, but that Mr. Langhorn might have Witnesses ready to prove how Mr. Hildesley made that journey; nay, he would not tell Mr. Langhorn positively, whether he lay at 
† pag. 16.  Grove's the first night of his coming to London, or no; though he 〈◊〉 directly sworn in Ireland's Trial (as has been mentioned before) 
‖ vid. Irel.  That he was commanded to lie close at that House; so that if he had had such Instructions, 
Trial, p. 36.  it was impossible for him not to remember whether he broke them or no, and more especially at his first Arrival about so dangerous and great an affair.  
Bedlow brought up the Rear, and after he had also produced (as Oats had done before) a private Patent of the Jesuits, found by him in the search of Mr. Arthur's House, and which (Reader you must know) is written (forsooth) in the same Hand, and sealed with the same Seal, as the Commissions were he had seen at Paris; I say, after this he asked (fearing there would be Witnesses to what he said) whether a 
† pag. 18.  Papist might take Notes? The Court at first thought not; But when they understood, that the Scribe was the Marchioness Dowager of Winchester, 'twas answered, That a Woman's Notes would signify no more than her Tongue; and then he thus began.  

* pag. 19  That Coleman carried him about three Years ago, to Mr. Langhorn's Chamber, who in his presence registered several Treasonable Letters for La-Chaise, etc. some of which had been read in Court at Coleman's Trial; 
† pag. 20.  That there was no a penny of money received or paid, or the least thing done in relation to the Plot, that was not registered by Mr. Langhorn. That a year and a half ago, he carried a Packet from Hartcourt to be registered, That he was registered by the name of Captain Williams, and not by his own, which he wondering at, Hartcourt Answered, That this was but a blind Register, and that there should be a new one; That one of these Letters, was from the Rector of the Irish College at Salamanca, who desired the Lords, and the rest here to be ready; for that he had provided at the Groin, as Pilgrims, several Irish cashiered Soldiers and Bandits, as also a great many Lay-Brothers, who landing at Milford, should be joined with the Army my Lord Powis was to raise, 
‖ pag. 21.  That in May 76. he carried a Letter to Mr. Stapleton the Benedictin, to raise money for England: That Pritchard told him; That Mr. Langhorn had Commissions; That Sir H. 
* pag. 22.  Tichbourn showed him three at Paris, signed by the General of the Jesuits, and sealed with their Seal, like the beforementioned Patent. That he knows only by report, of Mr. Langhorn's being privy to Grove's and Pickering's design of Killing the King; for having a mind to go to Windasor, to see what the Assassins did, he asked Hartcourt leave, as if he went to a friend at Plymouth; who Answered, He could not be spared, till they knew how the Gentlemen had succeeded; and that he, the said Hartcourt, was going to Mr. Langhorns, to take the MINUTE'S, which was the contrivance of sending down the Assassins to Newmarket. That 
† pag. 23.  the Letter, which he saw Mr. Langhorn Register to the Benedictins beyond Sea, was to Solicit them to get their contributions ready, since the Hearts and Arms of the party 〈◊〉 ready here; and, That in the French Letter to F. Lafoy Chaise (Registered also by Mr. Langhorn) there were invitations to that King to invade us. Now upon Mr. Langhorn's saying that he understood only Law-French, as an Argument that he could be no Register, and upon Bedlow's confessing he never heard him discourse in French, Oates (to salve the difficulty) cried out (and thereby made not a few laugh) That he himself could neither write not read French, but he could Translate it. And when Bedlow▪ was asked by Mr. Langhorn, whether Mr. Coleman's Letter (Transcribed by him) were long like those in the Narrative or no; the said Bedlow Answered, The best part of half a sheet of Paper; for Coleman writ a curious fine small hand, and would thereby put a great deal in a little room; which very much surprised all that knew Coleman, who was far from writing a curious, or fine hand, and far from a small one also. Nor was this the only thing that amazed the Auditors, for both Oats and Bedlow openly declared in Court, when Mr. Langhorn charged them with Rewards, Gratifications▪ and the like, that they were so far from any benefit by the Discovery, 
‖ pag. 27. &▪ 28.  That they were out of pocket 700. l. a piece, and yet the one was proved the day before, to line 〈◊〉 Gaol on the 
* vid. Whites Trial, p. 76.  Basket, and the 〈◊〉 as deplorable? as a Man of ●e●p●ll'd the College, and des●tut of Friend's could● be 〈◊〉 Nay, there were several Witnesses at hand▪ 
† Ibid. p. 91.  to prove also Oiteo's, wretched poverty, but by not appearing presently at call, the ' Court went on to other matters. Besides Reader, you may imagine that Mr. Langhorn's Friends and Acquaintance, were not a little confounded, to find Bedlow saying Thus. 
‖ Pres. Trial pag; 20.  I saw him Register Colemavys Letter to his Studjl, whilst Coleman and I walk●●● in his Chamber; when as all knew (as he hints in his 
* pag. 6.  Memoires) That 'tis impossible to see one out of his Chamber writing in his Study.  
Mr. Langhorn being asked, 
† The Pres. Trial. p. 26.  what he had to say to all this, Answered, 
‖ pag. 28.  That he had been a close Prisoner from the Seventeenth of October, and never conversed with any Friend to tell him news, nor could he foresee what these men would testify; so that the main of his Defence was to lessen their Evidence, and thereupon he called the 19 St. Omer's Witnesses, etc. who proved as before, both Oats his being constantly at St. Omers from December to June, and that Sir Thomas ●reston, Sir John Warner, etc. were not in England either in April or May. But here the Court too 〈◊〉 great Exceptions at the Gardener of Watten, who was a Dutch man, and could scarce speak English, for being asked how he could be so ●onctual as to Sir J. Warners being there all April and May, and not so in July and other Months. 
* pag. 33.  he Answered, because Sir John, in the Rector's absence (who went then into England,) supplied his place; that he did not take so much notice of him (at other times: and besides, That the Question that he came for, did fall in those months and not in July, etc. whereupon the Court inferred▪ That he had his part given him, and the rest, and consequently, that there was no credit to be given to them. Now his meaning was this (and every body was thought to understand him so) viz. That all the World ringing by reason of the Printed Trials and the like, with the noise, That Sir John was at London in such and such months, he had reflected on the several circumstances in relation to the said months, and therefore could positively speak to them, when as for the others he never considered or dreamt of them.  
Then Mrs. Grove and her Maid a Protestant appeared, who witnessed 
‖ pag. 42, & 43.  that Oats never lay there, for they knew him not; that all March, April, and May, the House was full of Lodgers, whom they knew; and that Mrs. Fitzherbert lay: then in that room which Oats pretended was his; but because the Mistress (being demanded who lay there in June and July) answered▪ that she was not to be examined further than April and May they were both slighted and dismissed like the Gardener, though the Maid positively 
* pag. 43.  named Mrs Fitzberbert as there then; nor did Mrs. Grove mean any thing else by the words, but that April and May were the only months which Oats pretended to, as lodging at her house. * After this, Mr. Langhorn called for the Authentic Copy of the Record out of the Lords House, which though it were in the beginning of his Trial granted not only by Oats, but by the Court also, that (if he had one) it should be 
† pag. 15.  read, yet now 'twas denied, and Chief-Justice North said▪ 
‖ pag. 44.  It was unreasonable to think a man should be prepared to justify all he has sworn in his life; besides 'twas absolutely determined, that he should not prove even by 
† pag. ib.  Witnesses, what Oats had said against him at another Trial; which was thought very hard After this, came the Mistress of the White-Horse, a Protestant also, 
† pag. 46.  who said she had kept that Tavern Seven Years, that she had never seen Mr. Oats before. That it was a small inconsiderable House, that there was no room would hold above a dozen, and that she remembers not so great a company at one time, unless at a Parish Jury, 
‖ pag. 47.  who were divided into three rooms: Now Oats fearing much this Witness at first insisted on his privilege of not answering to any question relating to a former Trial, and therefore would not tell the Prisoner how many Jesuits met here; but the Chief Justice persuading him to speak 
‖ pag. 46.  he answered at last, about Eighteen or Twenty (and not Fifty Reader, as formerly) and that these were also, in two or three several rooms; which not a few deemed nonsense, and contrary to the Nature of a Consult; for that requires that the Members should be together; and besides the Meeting according to this rate comes but to about three Clubs or Colloquies (as he calls them) which were still kept (according to his usual story) in other places, the general Randezvous being only here. But Oates was soon comforted; for upon the woman's Evidence there stood up one that attested, that there were Rooms there, that would hold Thirty; and then another, that he was at a Wedding there, where Dined above Twenty, and so she made her Exit like the rest, and retired. But this ended not thus; for after the Trial, several went to view this so much talked of Tavern, and though it's back part be rebuilt since April 78. yet the Jesuits famous Room still remains, being about four Yards and a half square, and consequently not able with any convenience to contain above a dozen; no wonder therefore, if people can hardly comprehend how such a number of Politicians could meet there; or why they should choose the poorest Tavern in all London or Westminster, and where every extraordinary company, must necessarily be taken notice of; I say people cannot comprehend this, and especially they that knew Mr. White's, Mr. Hartcourt's, and Mr. Ireland's Chambers, either of which (besides the us doubtless of the respective Houses, upon any extraordinary occasion) is almost twice as big as the pretended one, and would have been 100 times more convenient to all intents and purposes whatsoever.  
After this, the Prisoner asked Oats about his distributing the Commissions who averred, that 
* pag. 49.  He (the said Prisoner) had told him in July or August, that he had distributed them, which▪ Mr. Langhorn urged to be quite contrary to his former Oath▪ as having sworn in Coleman's Trial, 
† Vid. Col. Trial. p. 29.  That he never saw him after the day in April, when he brought him the Result, and particulars of that grand Meeting as aforesaid. But this home Charge came to nothing, because there were no Witnesses ready to prove it viva voce; for as to the Print, (though published by the Chief▪ Justice.) it was refused, since a man was not (as 
‖ Pres. Trial. pag. 50.  Mr. Justice Pemberton Answered) to be Convicted by a History. The Prisoner urged again the Record of the Lords House, which could show, that Bedlow had there sworn, 
* pag. 48.  that he had no persons more to accuse either in or out of the House▪ than those he had already mentioned; so that He Mr. Langhorn, not being one of them, the said Bedlow must be perjured; but this was denied him, as was also the hearing of Witnesses to prove, that Bedlow had owned in Mr. read's Trial, that he had formerly minced his Evidence against Mr. Whitebread, which was plain perjury, since he then swore, to speak the whole. Truth, as well as nothing but Truth.  
Mr. Langhorn (though he thought he had hard measure) patiently acquiest, for he was a very quiet and modest man; and then the Court called the Witnesses that proved (in the preceding Trial) Oates' being here in April; but all of them in some material thing or other 
‖ pag. 52.  varied from their former Depositions; for, Walker the Minister (finding it necessary to advance in his computation about the time when he drew Oats the next morning within the Scheme of his Knowledge (as he worded it in the former Trial) tells us now, 
† pag. 52.  that he believes it was in April, and towards the middle of it, though in the said former Trial he made it every whit as likely to be in the 
‖ Vid. Whites Trial. p. 80.  latter end of March; and yet half April could not then serve (you see) Oats his turn. But Sicily Mayo on the contrary (finding it as necessary to shorten her time) will have it, 
* pag. 54.  That it was a matter of a fortnight before Whitsuntide (as she remembers) when she saw Oats at the Doctor's; & yet before, she not only deposed, That it was the week before Whit suntide (or May the 19) but that he came again to them a week after. As for the Doctor or Knight himself (who was to assure the Court that his servants told him of Oats his visits) he now tells us, that he was then sick in the 
* pag. ib.  Country, whereas before he swears in these words, 
‖ vid. Whites Trial. p. 82.  At that time (says he) that they have given in Evidence, I was abroad, as my business leads me often abroad into the Country; 
or this Treatise, p. 32.  and then he adds a little after, that upon the visit of a Gentleman he fell ill, in which time Oats was gone, but upon his Recovery (to wit in June or July) He came to inquire for Dr. Tongue: So that if the said Doctor or Knight were sick and out of Town from February, to Whitsun week or latter end of May, as his 
* Pres. Trial. pag. 53.  Coachman and 
† pag. 54.  He both now depose, what becomes of his Boy Page's Testimony, that remembered (the day before) Oates to have been at his Masters in the beginning of May, because his said Master had a Patient in 
‖ vid. Whites Trial, p. 82.  I slington Sick of a Favour; nay, what shall be thought of the said Doctor himself, who (to vouch the Boy, and to satisfy the Jury) swore then, that that Patient of his was 
* Ibid.  Aldram Milvers daughter, when as here we find him not in the Country about his business, but under the Care of Doctor Needham, and to be a Patient himself by his own Confession for a great many weeks together. The Schoolmaster's also showed that he understood his business; for having well considered Mr. Gavans late Inferences, he swore at present only, that it was on the first Monday in May, 
* Present Trial, p. 56.  to the best, for sooth, of his Remembrance, and, as he takes it; which are expressions far different from the words Yes I do, when▪ the Judge asked him, 
‖ vid. Whites Trial, p. 84.  if he swear positively and directly.  
As for Clay the old Priest, he was confronted by Mr. Charles Howard (the Duke of Norfolk's Brother) who was only examined, though his wife and two servants were also present to attest, That Oats was never with them after April 77, till July, 78. Nor were these the sole witnesses that were passed by; for it had often happened thus both in this and the Jesuits Trial, there being above 30, who never came to their Examinations, either for want of hearing or of being called. Now because Mr. Howard feared his Testimony in Court might be altered by the Writers of the Trial, he gave the following account to several of his friends, under his own hand, one of which came accidentally into mine: Nay he sent one to Oats himself, to the end no foul play might be used with him.  

An Account of what the Honourable Charles Howard said at the old Bailie, June, 14. 1679. As he attest's under his own hand.  
June, 14. 1679.  
AT the Old Bailie I'was examined how long I had been acquainted with Mr. Oates, and at what times I had seen him? I answered, That I had been acquainted with him two years or something more, That I did see him in Arundel House, in April 1677. That upon the Fifth day of May following my Son Charles died. and that I have another Son living; That after that time I did not see Dr. Oates until the third day of July, 1678.  
That after the said Third of July, Mr. Day did see Dr. Oates with me at Arundel House in my Chamber, and not before in my sight, but how many times I do not remember.  
That possibly Mr. Clay might see Dr. Oates before I did, but as to that, I could say nothing.  
Charles Howard.   
Besides, it must be remembered, that Mr. Howard (above a month before) had been examined by a Committee of the Lords about this business, in the presence of Clay and Oates, where he satisfied their Lordships so well by the time of his Son Charles' Death (who had (as he told the said Lords) been Examined or posed by Oats in April 77) and by many other Circumstances concerning the whole matter, that Clay himself confessed he might be mistaken in time, and that since Mr. Howard (who had a better memory than he,) said Oats was not at his House in April 78. he would no longer gainsay it, or words to that purpose.  
Mr. Langhorn being found Guilty, was Condemned with the five Jesuits that very day, and on the Fourteenth of July he was drawn to Tyburn, where he publicly declared his Innocence, as appears by the following Speech, which he left written under his own hand.  

Mr. Langhorns' written Speech, and Prologue.  
IN regard I could not foresee whether I should be permitted to speak at my Death, so as to make a public Declaration of my Innocence and Loyalty, as a Christian ought to do; considering likewise, that if it should be permitted unto me, it would be more advisable for me rather to prepare before hand, and set down in writing the very words in which I should make my Declaration, than to trust my memory with them; to the end that the same may be well considered of, and digested by me, and that all mistakes might be prevented, as far as may be: I say, in regard of this, I have in the present Paper reduced what I have to declare, as to my Innocence and Loyalty; and 'tis in these following Words.  
I Do solemnly and sincerely, in the presence of Almighty God, profess, testify and declare, as followeth: That is to say,  
1. That I do with my heart and soul, believe and own my most Gracious Sovereign Lord, the King's Majesty, King Charles the Second, to be my true and lawful Sovereign, Prince and King, in the same sense and latitude, to all intents and purposes, as in the Oath commonly called, The Oath of Allegiance, His said Majesty is expressed to be King of this Realm of England.  
2. That I do in my soul believe, That neither the Pope, nor any Prince, Potentate, or Foreign Authority, nor the people of England, nor any Authority out of this Kingdom, or within the same, hath or have any Right to dispossess. His said Majesty of the Crown or Government of England, or to depose him therefrom, for any Cause or pretended Cause whatsoever, or to give licence to me, or to any other of His said Majesty's Subjects whatsoever, to bear Arms against His said Majesty, or to take away his Life, or to do him any bodily harm, or to disturb the Government of this Kingdom, as the same is now established by Law, or to alter, or go about to alter the said Government, or the Religion now established in England, by any way of force.  
3. That I neither am, nor ever was, at any time or times, guilty so (much as in my most secret thoughts, of any Treason, or misprision of Treason whatsoever.  
4. That I did not in the Month of November, or at any other time or times whatsoever, say unto Mr. Oates, or unto any other person or persons whatsoever, in relation to my Sons in Spain, or either of them, or in relation to any other person or persons whatsoever, That if they did continue in the World, (as Secular Priests, of otherwise) they should suddenly have great promotions in England, for that things would not last long in the posture wherein they then were; nor did I ever say any words to that or the like effect to any person or persons whatsoever.  
5. That I did never in all my life-time write any Letter, or other thing whatsoever, unto, or receive any Letter or other thing, from Father La Cheese, or any French Jesuit whatsoever, or from Father. Anderton, or Cardinal Barbarino; or any other Cardinal; nor did I ever see any Letter, or the Copy of any Letter, or other paper, or other thing, written or purporting to be written unto the said La Cheese, or unto the said Father Anderton, or the said Cardinal Barbarina, by any person or persons whatsoever, other than the printed Letters, printed in the Narrative of the Trial of Mr. Coleman, lately executed, which I never saw otherwise than in the said printed Narrative; nor did I ever hear any mention made by any person whatsoever of the Name of La Cheese, or Father La Cheese, before I read the said printed Narrative.  
6. That I did never in all my life-time make any Entry or Entries, into any Book or Books, or take, or make, or write, or cause to be written into any Book or books, or otherwise any Letter or Letters, or any Copy or Copies of any Letter or Letters, written by the said Edward Coleman, to any person or persons whatsoever.  
7. That I did never in all my life-time enter or register into any Book or books, Paper or papers whatsoever, or take, or make, or Write, or cause to be written, any Copy or Copies, of any Act or Acts, Consult or Consults, Determination or Determinations, Order or Orders, Resolve or Resolves, or other matter or thing, at any time made, determined, resolved, passed, decreed or agitated, at any Congregation or Congregations, Consult or Consults, Chapter or Chapters, Assembly or Assemblies, of the Society or Order of the Jesuits, or of any other Religion's Order whatsoever; nor did I ever see, read, or heard read, nor did any person or persons, at any time whatsoever, ever Communicate unto me, any such Act, Consult, Determination, Order, Resolve, Matter or Thing whatsoever.  
8. That I did never in all my life-time, to my knowledge, belief or remembrane, see or speak with Mr. Bedloe, who gave Evidence against me at my Trial, until I saw him in that Court wherein he gave Evidence against me.  
9 That after the month of November, which was in the year of our Lord 1677. I did never see or speak with Mr. Titus' Oats before named, until I saw him in the same Court where he gave Evidence against me at my Trial.  
10. That I did never see in all my life-time, to my knowledge, belief or remembrance, any Commission or Commissions, Patent or Patents, Grant or Grants, Order or Orders, Instrument or Instruments, Writing or Writings, or other matter or thing whatsoever, under, or pretended to be under the Hand and Seal, or the Hand or the Seal of Johannes Paulus de Oliva, or any other General of the Jesuits whatsoever, other than the Paper or Instrument produced and showed unto me in the said Court at my Trial, which whether it was signed or sealed by the said de Oliva, I do not know.  
11. That I did never in all my life-time write, or cause or procure to be written, any Treasonable Letter or Letters whatsoever, or any thing which was or is Treason, or Treasonable in any Letter or Letters, Book or books, Paper or papers, or otherwise howsoever.  
12. That I believe, that if I did know, or should know of any Treason or Treasonable Design, that was or is intended, or should be intended, against His said Majesty, or the Government of this His Majesty's Kingdom, or for the Alteration by force, advice or otherwise, of the said Government, or of the Religion now established in this Kingdom, and should conceal and not discover the same unto his said Majesty, or his said Majesty's Council or Ministers or some of them; that such concealment would be in me a sin unto Death, and Eternal Damnation.  
13. That I do believe, that it is no ways lawful for me to lie, or speak any thing which I know to be untrue; or to commit any sin, or do any Evil, that Good may come of it. And that it is not in the Power of any Priest, or of the Pope, or of God himself, to give me a Licence to Lie, or to speak any thing which I know to be untrue, because every such Lie would be a sin against Truth: And Almighty God, who is perfect Truth, cannot give me a Licence to commit a sin against his own Essence.  
And I do solemnly in the presence of God, Profess, Testify and Declare, That as I hope for Salvation, and expect any benefit by the Blood and Passion of my dearest Saviour Jesus Christ, I do make this Declaration and Protestation and every part thereof in the Plain and Ordinary Sense, wherein the same stands Written, as they are commonly understood by English Protestant's and the Courts of Justice of England without any Evasion, or Equivocation, or Delusion, or Mental Reservation whatsoever. And without any Dispensation or Pardon, or Absolution already granted to me, for this or any other purpose by the Pope or any other Power, Authority or Person whatsoever, Or, without any hope, expectation or desire of any such Dispensation; and without thinking or believing that I am or can be acquitted before God or Man, or absolved of this Declaration or any part thereof, although the Pope or any other Person or persons, or Power or Authority whatsoever should dispense with, Or take upon him or them to dispense with, or Annul the same, Or declare that it was, or is, or aught to be Null or Void in part, or in the whole, from the beginning, or otherwise howsoever.  
Having made this Declaration and Protestation in the most plain Terms that I can possibly imagine to express my sincere Loyalty and Innocency, and the clear intention of my Soul, I leave it to the Judgement of all Good and Charitable persons whether they will believe what is here in this manner affirmed and sworn by me in my present Circumstances, or what is sworn by my Accusers.  
I do now farther declare, That I die a member (though an unworthy one) of that Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church of Christ, mentioned in the Three Holy and public Creeds of which Church our Lord Jesus▪ Christ is the Invisible Head of Influence, to illuminate, guide, protect▪ and govern it by his Holy Spirit and Grace, and of which Church, the Bishop of Rome, as the Successor of St. Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, is the visible Head of Government and Unity.  
I take it to be clear, That my Religion is the sole cause, which moved my Accusers to charge me with the Crime, for which upon their Evidence I am adjudged to die, and that my being of that Religion, which I here profess, was the only ground which could give them any hope to be believed, or which could move my Ju●●y to believe the Evidence of such men.  
I have had not only a Pardon, but also great Advantages, as to preferments and Estates offered unto me, since this Judgement was against me, in case I would have forsaken my Religion, and owned myself guilty of the Crime charged against me, and charged the same Crimes upon others: But blessed be my God, who by his Grace hath preserved me from yielding to those Temptations, and strengthened me rather to choose this death, than to slain my Soul with sin, and to charge others, against truth, with Crimes, of which I do not know that any person is guilty.  
Having said what concerns me to say as to myself, I now humbly beseech God to bless the King's Majesty with all temporal and eternal Blessings, and to preserve Him and His Government from all Treasons and Traitors whatsoever, and that his Majesty may never fall into such hands, as His Royal Father of Glorious Memory fell into.  
I also humbly beseeh thee (O God) to give true Repentance and Pardon to all my Enemies, and most particularly to the said Mr. Oates and Mr. Bedloe, and to all who have been any ways accessary to the taking away of my Life, and the shedding of my Innocent Blood, or to the preventing the King's Mercy from being extended unto me; and likewise to all those who rejoiced at the Judgement given against me, or at the Execution of the said Judgement; and to all those who are or shall be so unchristianly uncharitable, as to disbelieve, and to refuse to give credit unto my now Protestations.  
And I beseech thee (O my God) to bless this whole Nation, and not to lay the guilt of my Blood unto the charge of this Nation, or of any other particular person or persons of this Nation. Unite all (O my God) unto thee and thy Church, by true Faith, Hope, and Charity, for thy mercy's sake.  
And for all those who have showed Charity to me, I humbly beg (O my Jesus) that thou wilt reward them with all Blessings both temporal and eternal.  
13 July, 1679. R. Langhorn.   

Mr. Langhorns' Speech at the time of Execution.  
WHen the Hangman was putting the Rope over his Head, he took it into his hands, and kissed it. Afterwards He said: I would gladly speak to Mr. Sheriff HOW; who coming up to him he addressed himself thus:  
Mr. Sheriff. I having some doubt, whether I should be suffered to speak, in relation to my Innocency and Loyalty, I did, for that Reason, prepare what I had to say, and what I intended to say in Writing, and it is delivered into your hands, Mr. Sheriff; and therefore for the particular and precise Words and Expressions, I do refer myself to that, and I hope you will be so just to my Memory, that you will permit it to be seen.  
I shall therefore make only a short Preface, and I do declare, in the Presence of the Eternal God, and as I hope to be saved by the Merits and Death of my dear Jesus, That I am not Guilty directly or indirectly, of any Crime that was sworn against me; I do not speak this to Arraign the Court of Public Justice, either Judges or Jury, but those Men that did swear it; and the Jury had liberty to believe, or not believe, as they pleased; And I do like wise say, with the same Averrment, That I did never in my Life see any Commission or Patent, or any Writing, or any other Thing, under the hand of Johannes Paulus de Oliva. etc.  S. 
Nor under no other Hand.?  L. 
No, nor under any other Hand, of any Commission or Patents, for the Raising of an Army, or any Thing else against the King.  S. 
What was the Patent for? for Nothing!  L. 
I never saw any, nor do I believe there was any: And whereas I have read in a Narrative, that I sent a Commission by my Son, to the Lord Arundel of Warder, and that I delive'rd another to the Lord Petre (or Petres) with my own hands, I take God to Witness, that I never knew him in my life, or ever, to my knowledge, saw the face of that Lord; nor did I send or know of any thing that was sent to my Lord Arundel of Warder, of that nature.  S. 
Shorten your business, you have, Mr. Langhorn, and your Party, so many ways to Equivocate, and after Absolution you may say any thing.  L. 
I refer myself to that Paper I gave you, Mr. Sheriff.  S. 
I think it is not fit to be Printed. I will do you no wrong.  L. 
I do not think you will.  S. 
You have already printed a Paper, or some body for you.  L. 
Sir, I did not Print it, and it was done without any Direction or Permission of mine. The Lord preserve his Majesty from all manner of Treason, and preserve Him from falling into such Hands, as His Royal Father, of Glorious Memory, fell under; I pray god forgive my Enemies, as I freely do those that Accused me, those that witnessed against me; and all others that either desired my Blood, or rejoice at the shedding of it; and all Persons that have any ways concerned themselves with me, I freely forgive them with all my Soul, and beg my dear Jesus to forgive them, and all others. God Almighty bless you, and bless the whole Nation, and the Government, and preserve it from all Evil and Mischief that I am afraid is coming on it, for the shedding of Innocent Blood. Sweet Jesus, lay not my Innocent Blood to their Charge.  
I shall say no more now Publicly.  
Asked the Executioner, Whether the Rope was right or no? He said, Yes; and he asked him, Whether he did forgive him? To which Mr. Langhorne said, I freely do.  
I shall now recommend myself to God in Private.  S. 
You may have liberty. The Writer. The Lord have Mercy on your Soul.  L. 
The Lord in Heaven Reward your Charity. Crossed himself, prayed again.  
Blessed Jesus, into thy Hands I recommend my Soul and Spirit, now at this instant take me into Paradise; I am desirous to be with my Jesus; I am ready, and you need stay no longer for me.    

Concerning Sr. George Wakeman, Mr. Corker, Mr Marsh, alias Marshal, and Mr. Rumley.  
THese were Tried at the Old Bayley on the 18. of July, against whom Dugdale first appearing, repeats his former Story of his knowing long ago something of the 
‖ pag. 8.  Plot, but more particularly, about two years since; That the Killing of the King▪ and Duke of Monmouth was told him by the 
* pag. 9  Priests and my L'd. Stafford. That Hartcourts' Letters (besides others) were ever directed to him, fraughted with the Business of the Plot; That he opened many of them privately, and that he kept those, he could not handsomely Seal again; which Reader, infinitely amazed the Auditory, as not being able to imagine, why if he were such a Privado, he should play such Tricks with his Fellows, and especially when there was no design or Advantage in it; for he had not one of them to produce, as the 
‖ pag. 18.  Prisoners urged; Nor could any body comprehend how the Conspirators themselves should have Letters of such Concern intercepted, and not be presently in an Uproar. Then he said 
* pag. 9  that Sr. James Symons, Mr. Howard, Mr. Gerard and Mr. Adderley were to be Officers in the Army which was to be raised; That he saw St. Omer Acquittances of July last, of the Payment of the money for this Affair; That in a Letter directed to him, there was also caution given. That no Rumour should be of Arms, or any thing else, till the King were dispatched; but he could not now recollect, either who wrote it, or its Date, or from whence it came, and yet 'twas brought by the 
‖ pag. 14.  Common Post; all which seemed very strange to the Court, nor did the Prisoners (besides the other mad Assertions) fail often to insist upon this Letter, so that 
† Ibid.  Dugdal (being perplexed & Confounded) was forced to run to another (forsooth) brought by a particular Messenger, and Communicated also to my Lord Aston, which at last proved as wild and odd as the former; for it came he said, from Paris, and from Sr. John Warner as he thinks, promising them not only all Assistance, but advising them also to lay the King's murder on the King-killing Presbiterians, which would make the Church of England join with the Papists, to cut them off; and that my Lord Stafford, Bellasis, and Arundel did approve of this Advice, by setting their very 
* Ibid.  Hands to it, which Reader was incredible. Moreover he affirmed (besides the notice of Sr. E. Godfrey's Death as before) That my Lord Stafford (who came down about July last) offered him 
‖ pag. 11.  500 l. as a present Encouragement for Killing the King, and to be received at his Arrival at London in October; That they had all a great Confidence in him; for he had been free of his Purse in giving the Priests 
† pag. 13.  400 l. secured upon Lands, and 100 l. more on promise; a passage 
* pag. 19  Mr. Corker made sport with, as thinking it very pleasant and pretty, for him to give 500 l. with one hand, for the promotion of the Cause, and then for Encouragement, to receive as much with the other. Nor had D●gdal any better Reply ready, than that my Lord Stafford (he supposes) knew not of the money given before by him; which was far from answering the Difficulty, why such a Zealot as he should have Encouragement for his bare personal help, even out of the present public Stock, especially when he 
‖ pag. 13.  confesses, the Contributions were so backward, that Mr. Peter' s complained to him of it. But the Evidence that made the most Mirth, both then and since, was Mr. Whites Letter, sent by the Common Post (as he also mentions in the former Trial) to command Mr. Evers in express Terms, To Choose hardy persons to kill the King; for the 
* p. 10, & 1 6.  Expedient in case Letters did miscarry (which made not a few Laugh outright) was, That he the said Dugdal should be the only Person hanged; the Jesuits having, (as he assures the 
‖ pag. 10.  Court so devised it, That they never subscibed but two Letters of their names, and the packet being directed to him, he was upon all accidents to deny it, and to observe the Secrecy, (which they had at least ten times sworn him to) and then they could not be discovered (he said) but must go 
‖ pag. 16.  free, seeing all was flung upon him.  
This Evidence being thus without either Head or Taile, Rhyme, or Reason, the King's Counsel told the Prisoners. that it was not to affect any in particular, but to prove the Plot in general, whereupon 
† pag. 12.  Sr. G. Wakeman readily answered, That it was the worst made out, that ever any thing was, he believes. ●rance therefore being next, repeats also his old Tale, 
‖ pag. 20.  and among the particulars, of my Lord Arundel's Butler's acquainting him That the King was to be killed by Mr. Messenger and then Mr. Messenger's Answering him afterwards in surprise when he found ●rance knew it, That they were now off the Business: and then he adds as new, That Mr. Paston told him, that Sr. Henry Benningfield Mr. Stoner, and Mr. Talbot of Long-ford had Commissions to to raise an Army, which was to be Governed by the Ld's Bellasis, Powis, and Peter's, as G●ove assured him, whilst he was buying silver Spoons of him for a Christening.  
Then stood up a new Witness, to wit, Mr. Robert Jennison, who said, 
* pag. 21.  That Mr. Ireland told him in June 78, (his sister Anne Ireland being by,) that there was hope of the Restauration of their Religion; that only one stood in the Gap; and that it was easy to poison the King: That he (the said Witness) called it a horrid Action; That Mrs Ireland did rebuke her Brother for talking so, who answered, That he thought it ought not to be done; That Mr. Jennison replied that Violence would never do the thing, it being a Scandal to their Religion, as appeared by the Gunpowder Plot, which Mr. Ireland said, was a state-trick and Cicils Invention. That he was then a Papist though now a Protestant; 
† pag. 22.  That he went to Windsor on Saturday the 17th of August; That on Monday the 19th, he returned about Noon, and then positively saw Mr. Ireland in his Chamber in Russel street pulling off his Boots as newly come from Staffordshire. That Mr. Ireland (upon his the said Mr. Jenison's telling him, That the King in his fishing Divertisements at Windsor had usually but three or four with him,) answered 
‖ pag. 23.  He wondered he went with so few, for he might easily be taken off; That he replied, God forbid; which Mr. Ireland qualifieing, he made no ill reflections on it, till after the discovery of the Plot, and then speaking of it to his Father and Sisters (for he went hence homewards on the 4th of September) he said, to them, pray God there be nothing in the Plot, for 'tis Suspicious by reason of My Cousin Ireland's discourse; Besides he writ (as he pretends) on the 19th of December last a Letter of these particulars to one 
* pag. 24.  Mr. Bowes, who produced it in Court, and is since printed in Mr. Chetwins 
† Nar. p. 3.  Narrative, where he declares, that all that He lays hold on in the Kings than Proclamation (for the Encouragement of Discoverers) was pardon for concealing the aforesaid Circumstances; for 'tis all he can tell, as he hopes for the forgiveness of his sins, and eternal Salvation; nor did he ever hear (as he hopes for life everlasting,) either Mr. Ireland or any of them defend or maintain in the least, the damnable Doctrine of, Deposing Kings, which made him have no ill opinion then of the Expressions. One Circumstance (he says) there is more, which has (considering the times) an ill sound with it, 
‖ Nar. p. 4.  and then he will have cleared his Soul; The Circumstances is, That Mr. Ireland said ' Twice or Thrice at their parting, that he had some business to Communicate to him, but when he urged him to tell it, he answered, he would take some other occasion to do it, but never did.  
Thus, is seen, what this Witness has said, or can credibly say as to this business; for he that in a Letter or otherwise, will with imprecations and Oaths declare, he has no more to say to a thing, is upon any further Evidence as much a perjured man in Conscience, (and consequently as little to be believed) as he that deviating from his Recorded Despositions in a Court of Judicature, has been therefore punished with his Ears as the Law orders and awards. Now that you may also know what this person is, I must tell you his Father is a Gentleman in Durham of about 500 a year at most; he is the Eldest Son as to the Estate, in case his Brother Thomas (who they say is a Priest) turns not Protestant after his Example; so that his Temporal Gain depends wholly on the Spiritual loss, and Popish blindness of the other; who (by the way) is reputed a very notable and quick sighted Scholar in all learning, and yet is as unfit a man, (I'll assure you) for a Plot of this nature, as ever was; and truly so most of the Conspirators have been. His Father sent the aforesaid Robert a while ago (with a small Allowance) to Greys' Inn to study the Law, but instead of it, he has learned to run in Debt, and is a Proficient to that Degree (as all that know him can testify), that no body would longer trust him, and therefore was forced to pawn all the little Necessaries he had. Besides he has had a Mother in Law, by whom his Father has a very plentiful stock of Children, and Consequently vows no Heirs; Nay there is a third Brother, besides daughters by the first venture, so that considering his late life and other Accidents, neither Oats nor Bedlow had more need of their present employment and profession than he. As for his knowledge of the Plot, or of Mr. Ireland's being here, take this short Account; That at Easter last, (the Lords providing for their Trial) summoned by an order of the House several persons of quality out of Staffordshire, as Witnesses of Mr. Ireland's being there all August; and among them Madam Harwell Mr. Jennison's Aunt, his Cousin her daughter, and others of his Acquaintance came to Town, whom he often visited, and showed them also Letters newly received from his Brother Thomas in Newgate, which mentioned several Witnesses that could prove him in Lincolnshire and else where in the Country, whilst Oats in his Narrative says he was at Consults here in London: nor did Mr. Robert fail of railing at the said Oats and Bedlow, and the rest of the Cabal for their Villainy; and was so far from pretending then, That Mr. Ireland was in Town on the 19th of August, that he knew his said Relations were come purposely to prove him with them that very day; Nay (on the 13 of June, or the Jesuits Trial) He came to the three Cranes among the Crowed of Witnesses, and even Ushered into Court his young Cousin Harwell to that very end, who (besides several others) 
* vid. White's Trial, p. 73.  averred (as it appears in the Print) That Mr. Ireland was to her knowledge every day (but the 23th.) in her mother's house, from the 17th of August to the 26th, the time he returned to Tixhal. Let the world therefore judge, what a Witness he is; and moreover it can, and shall be made appear by two and Twenty persons (many of them of quality, and many also Protestant's) that Mr. Ireland was on the said 19th with his Aunt in Hampton, as I now mentioned. The like ill luck also befell Sarah Pain, who pitched (as you have seen) on the 12 of this Month, as the Day of her Saluting Mr. Ireland in Town; for than he was in the midst of his Holy well journey with 35 in company, as my Lady Southcot and her Family with several others of Note and fashion will Witness.  
Here it was, that the King's Council admonished the Prisoners, 
† pag. 25.  That now it would behoove them to take Notes, (as if, Reader, Hector himself with all his God's were at hand) and they no longer to be dallied with: Whereupon Oats being called he began at the first onset with the most Stupendious Circumstance that ever was heard of; for he deposed, That Mr. Ash●y Arriving here ill from St Omers in July, Sir George ordered him to go to the Bath, and sending him a Letter of Physical Instructions how to govern himself (viz to take a Pint of Milk every Morning, and as much at night, and 100 strokes of the Pump) He (the said Sir George) mentioned in it, not only, Poisoning the King, 
‖ pag. 26.  but that the Queen would also assist him in it. Then he proceeds saying, that he knew this to be Sir George's hand by another Letter a day or two after, which could not be but his, for Sir George had it before him in a Writing posture, and he saw him put by the Pen, and found the Ink not yet dry, nor was there any body else to write, Mr. Ashby being Lame. That Oates heard Ashby talk to him of the Commission he had received of being Physician to the Army; That presently there came one Sir Richard or Sir Robert (a brisk man, about 45 years old) to call Father Keines, Langworth, Fenwick, Hartcourt, and another to wait on her Majesty at Somersethouse; That Oats accompanied them, and staying in the Antichamber whilst they went into her Room, he heard a Woman, (after expressing much zeal for her Religion and the violation of her Bed) say, That she would assist Sir George in poisoning the King; That when the Fathers came out, He (Oats) desired to see the Queen, who gave him a gracious Smile, and spoke to Mr. Hartcourt in the former voice about 1000 l. nor did he see there any other Woman; and Reader you may easily imagine how ridiculous this stuff seemed to every body; That a Lady eminent in virtue, should not only make such a declaration in a public Consult, (for the resolves of all Consults are known at one time or other) but also in the hearing of such a pitiful Wretch as Oats, who could help neither her nor any body else in any part of the Plot more than the first Kennel raker you meet with. After this, he tells the Court, That he heard Ashby (in express Terms) offer Sir George 10000 l. to poison the King, which he refused, as too little for so great a Work. 
* p. 27. & 28.  That Mr. White sent to offer him 5000 l. more, which he accepted and received; for he saw it thus Registered in the Jesuits Entry book, (which Langhorn sometimes kept), Mem. The— day of August 15000 l. was proposed to Sir George Wakeman; and then under it was written. Received of Mr. Hartcourt by the Order of Ed. Coleman 5000 l. in part. G. W. Now Reader he that can swallow such a Register, or such unnecessary, and unheard of Entries, and Memorandums, let him him never for the future think any thing either Romantic, or sottish. As for 
† p. 31, & 34.  Mr. Corker, he said he had a Patent, which Oats saw in his hand to be Bishop of London; That he, being 
‖ p. 31, & 33.  PRECEDENT of the Benedictines, did consent to the raising of the 6000 l. contributed by them. That he heard Mr. Corker dislike the Choice of Pickering to kill the King; 
* pag. 33.  because he commonly attended upon the Altar, and might miss an opportunity by being at High Mass; that Mr. Martial knew of Pickering's Design; and that he went 
* pag. 35.  halves with Coniers that the King should eat no more Mince Pies. That Mr. Rumley was privy to the giving of 6000 l. That he saw Mr. Marshal at the Consult in August; but Mr. Martial ask him what day, he answered, 
‖ Ibid.  ●Twas a great privilege he named the month. At last with much ado, he said, ' 'twas either the day before, or day after the (15th or) Assumption. Whereupon Mr. Marshal answered with heat and briskness, Now he hath avouched this positively; so that Oats fearing the Consequence, cried; Nay I will not be positive, and continued so all along as good as his word; only he said, that the Benedictin Consult, in which they had an account from A. B●. Talbot of the Irish Affairs, was positively on the 
‖ pag. 36.  one and Twentyeth if it fell on a Wednesday, as it did; which contradicts his former depositions (and therefore he is not to be blamed if he refuses to be positive) for in Mr. Whites Trial, 
‖ vid Whites Trial. p. 15.  he fixes the † Consult about sending the 80l. to the Ruffians on this day; and yet those two Consults are by his account on different days all along.  
Bedlo succeeding Oats said, 
‖ pag. 37.  That being at Mr. harcourt's about the beginning of August, Sir George came in Angry and discontented at put offs, and asked Mr. H. if he had any thing for him; who after some words gave him a Bill of 2000 l. saying, it was brought him by a Gentleman. (whose name Bedlo had forgotten▪) who received it from such a one, that said it was by the Queen's Order; That the Bill was charged on a Goldsmith's (as he thinks) near St Denstans, but his name he had forgotten also; That Sir George upon reading the Bill said●he found more encouragement from his good Mistress than from all the rest; 
* Ibid.  That Sir George ask Mr. Hartcourt▪ who Bedlo was, answered, A Friend long engaged in our business, and is to do the next great work; which Bedlo thought a sufficient answer to Sir George's wonder, 
‖ pag. 40.  † That upon the first sight of a man he should discover such high and dangerous secrets. Nay after Sir George's protesting he had never seen Bedlo before his now appearing in Court, for he had too remarkable a face (he said) to be forgotten, Bedlo replied, That Sir George was his Physician three years before at the Bath; which by the premises (Reader) is absolutely false you see; for how could Sir George ask Hartcourt now, who he was, or Bedlo need Mr. Hartcourts' Character, if there had been such an 
‖ page. 41.  Acquaintance between them formerly, as he pretends? Bedlo moreover says, 
* pag. 37.  That presently after this discourse in Mr. Hartcourts' Chamber, 
‖ pag. 38.  Sir George told him the said Bedlo near the Temple, That the Bill was accepted and would be paid in the afternoon, † That upon ask Hartcourt a while after, he told him, That he the said Hartcourt had made up the former sum, 5000, l. it being for the old business; for, if they should fail at Windsor, than this way was to be taken, and if this fail, they should be sure to do it at Newmarket; and that so was the Discourse with Sir George. That he had heard Corker speak of a Design, Army &c, and of Letters he had received from beyond Sea in relation to it; 
‖ pag. 39  That Mr. Martial was one that knew the Affairs; That he communicated all to Sir Francis Ratcliff, and used to be one of the Club that saw and examined the Letters he brought. That for 
* pag. 40.  Mr. Rumley, he heard he was one employed, when Secret Letters were sent into the Country, and so knew of the Plot.  
Here Sir George, ask Bedlo, (what day he had this Bill, he answered, He had no Dispensations (as formerly) to lie, and had no delight to damn his Soul, and therefore could only tell him, it was in the beginning of August or thereabouts, nor remembered he any names but those relating to his business. Now when the Evidence came to be stated, the 
‖ pag. 45.  C. Justice said, that Bedlo had heard ('tis true) doubtful words told Sir George, but that Hartcourt had not fully spoken of the business to him in the said Bedlow's presence; so that in effect 'twas no more than, That Sir George received from Hartcourt a Bill, he knows not upon whom, nor for what. But Bedlow being called to repeat his former Evidence and finding now where he had been too short, 
‖ pag. 46.  declared, That Hartcourt (
† pag. 47.  in one entire discourse) said in his hearing to Sir George, This is to be well followed and closely observed, because so much depends on it, for if we should miss to kill him at Windsor, or you miss in your way, we will do it at Newmarket. This impudent and Notorious addition; for if there were any Hint of such a design in Bedlow's before recited Evidence, it was (you see) only in doubtful words, or as a thing told Bedlo by Hartcourt; I say this impudent and Notorious addition amazed the C. Justice and most of the Auditory; but when Sir George saw that some seemed in earnest to allow it, and considered the Fate of all that had been yet tried, he turned himself to his Fellow-Prisoners, and with a Disdainful smile said, There is my business done; But resolving nevertheless not to die a mute, he and they fell to their Defence, the main of which is as follows.  
First Sir George proved by the present Mayor of Bath (his Apothecary,) 
* pag. 49.  who had read (and his Son did the like) the Letter of Directions for Mr. Ashby; That there was not the least mention of the 
† p. 48, & 50.  King or Queen besides the Baths called by their names. That he had the 
‖ pag. 49.  Physical part still by him, having torn it off the 
* pag. 51.  bottom of the said Letter, and that Milk was ridiculous, and never prescribed by any Physician. Oats being thus pinched, would fain have the Milk to be Mr. Ashby's direction in Town, 
‖ pag. 50.  before his going to the Bath, and that there were then two Letters. To this 
† pag. 48.  Sir George replied that it was Non sense to think he should write 
‖ pag. 51.  two Letters of Directions for the same man at the same place; and that Mr. Ashby went to the Bath presently after the writing of them; so that what he had ordered was for him there, which he proved by young Madam Heningham, and his man Hunt; for he attested, that his 
* p. 52, & 53.  Master coming in late and weary, and understanding by him that Mr. Ashby was going next day to the Bath, the said Sir George made the Witness write his directions (Mrs. Heningham being also all the while present, who averred the same) and that he carried them that very night to Mr. Ashby; nor was there any mention of Milk, only Mr. Ashby told him the said Hunt, that a friend had advised, him to drink it. Besides 
† pag. 30.  Sir George told the Court, that Oats at his first examination before the King and Council, declared, he never saw him, and consequently could not see him write, that he charged him there so slightly that the Board thought it not fit so much as to Commit him. 
‖ pag. 53.  That he had his Liberty 24 days after his being accused before the Council▪ That when Oates had accused him a new at the Common's Bar, the Lords (as appears by the Journal) examined Oats about this very pretended Letter; and when the Chancellor asked him, if he knew Sir George his hand, he answered, NO; and that he only knew it was his Letter by being subscribed, George Wakeman; which is (Reader) directly contrary to his present charge. Then Sir Philip Lloyd being called by Sir George, he said, 
* pag. 55.  That on the 31 of September, Oates declared in Council, that Fenwick writ to St Omers, that Sir George had undertaken to poison the King for 15000 l. of which 5000 l. was paid by Coleman; That Sir George denied the thing, and demanded Reparation; that the Board not liking his Carriage, the Chancellor asked Oats, if he knew any thing personally more than by Hear say, desiring a sufficient ground for a Commitment; That he lifting up his hands, answered, NO; God forbid I should say any thing against Sir George, for I know nothing more against him; and the said Sir Philip, for the Truth of what he attested, appealed to the whole Board. To this kill stroke and unquestionable evidence; for every body knew Sir Philip durst not for his head have asserted a false thing, since the Council (before whom Oates had deposed) would have certainly questioned him; I say to this kill stroke, Oats had no other answer, but his former to Coleman, that he was weak by his two nights fatigue, and that he was not 
† pag. 55.  COMPOS MENTIS: Whereupon the C. Justice replied 
‖ pag. 56  That it required not much strength to say he saw a Letter under Sir George's hand; which was a plain and full answer also to 
* pag. 59  Sir Tho. Doleman, who witnessed, That Oats was in a very weak and feeble condition at the Council; for can any body (Reader) life up his hands, and cry, God forbid I should say more than I know, and yet be so feeble as not to be able to say, I know he has written Treason in a Letter? Now when Oats saw this foolish Excuse would not do, he openly cried; It was such a Council as would commit no body; which was not only a most Rascally Reflection, (and for it the Court reprehended him) but a most Notorious lie, since they secured every body, whom he personally accused; I say this was not only a Reflection, and a Lie, but enough to perjure him also; for if he thought that this partial Council would not secure Sir George, than he has forsworn himself, by saying, that the remissness of his Accusation proceeded from forgetfulness and Lassitude. After this Sir George desired that the Record of the House of Lords might be read, but the Court 
† pag. 61.  refused it, and then Mr. Corker began his plea.  
He told the Court, 
‖ Ibid.  That it was swearing with probable Circumstances, that must render a man Guilty and not a ridiculous Charge by Scandalous men; for otherwise no-innocent person could ever escape an Oats, or a Bedlow, 
* pag. 66.  That the Record or Lords Journal shows that Oats acknowledged he had nothing to say against any man but those already accused, and that his name was not there; 
‖ pag. 72.  That when Oates came to seize on Mr. Pickering, He & the Officers asked, who was in the House? and when the Names of Mr. Pickering, Mr. Corker, & Mr. Marshal were mentioned, they said they had nothing to do with any body but Mr. Pickering, as Ellen Rigby the House-Maid attested; which plainly mproves, that had Mr. Corker and Mr. Marsh been. Traitors to Oats his knowledge, they would have been apprehended also. That the said Mr. Corker was not Precedent of the Benedictines as Oates had deposed, and this he proved by three, to wit 
† pag. 75.  Madam Sheldon, Mrs Broad-head and the said Ellen Rigby, who declared, that Mr. Stapleton was in that Office, and had been so for many years. Besides, this El. Righby (who had also with others attended the Court the two former Trials) witnessed, 
‖ pag. 73,  That Oats last Summer came to their House a begging to Pickerings, and that Pickering bade her not let him come in any more; which showed to all the Court what a Plotter Oates was, being forced to beg even in the very heat of the Plot, and contemned also by his pretended Partisans.  
Mr. Marsh. added also (and had the Messenger in Court) 
‖ Ibid.  That he sent for Witnesses out of the Country against his former Trial, and that they were then here to disprove Oates' Charge, but that neither his purse was sufficient to keep them, nor could their business permit them to come up upon any uncertainty; but now the time being sure, if the Court would respite his Trial for four days at most, they would be here he was confident. This being refused him, and the rest having done, he fell into an 
* pag. 76.  Harangue so pathetical, weighty, and moving, concerning the death of the former prisoners, and their present Case, that it affected the whole Assembly; but it being thought at last reflecting, the C. Justice gave him a Reprimand, and then summing up the whole Evidence he told the Jury in short, 
‖ pag. 83.  That if they were satisfied that Oats and Bedlo swore true, they would do well to find them Guilty; if otherwise to acquit them; for they ought (he said) to consider their Conscience, and not what the world would say. The Jury than went out, resolving at the very first not to condemn them; but two or three being Timorous proposed this expedient viz: to find it misprision, which they thought might satisfy the Clamorous, and yet be no such great inconvenience to the prisoners, especially since the King's merciful Temper was known to every body. But the Court declaring, that they must either be convicted of High-Treason or discharged, they presently brought them in, Not Guilty; for Prance and Dudgal (the two Collateral Witnesses) had made (you see) a most Lamentable, and (if possible) a more ridiculous story of it then ever; Bedlo's Impudent perjury, by his new and second evidenced) was also so manifest and shocking that all good people abhorred it; and lastly Oats his Beggary; his falsely accusing Mr. Corker of being Precedent; his ignorance of him and Mr. Martial when Pickering was apprehended; and his not knowing either Sir George, or his hand, (as the said Oats had himself declared to the Council, and to the House of Lords) was so Notorious, that no man could fear, that persons of repute and worth would do otherwise than they did; and more especially since the Scandalous and ill lives of these Accusers were now written with a Sunbeam, and no longer hidden from any body.   

An humble ADDRESS to all Worthy PATRIOTS, of what Rank soever they be.  
HAving (my Lords and Gentlemen) given you this exact and short account of the late Judicial Proceedings; for when should I have ended, had I not (in spite of the continual Follies that occurred) forced myself to Bounds? I say, having given you this short account. I know not whether you are now more surprised (for surprised I am sure you are) at the strange Incoherencies, nay, Impossibilties, in the Charge all along, or at the mighty weight of the Defence, though the Accusers themselves had been men of Repute and Probity. For, after a sober and close Consideration (to which nothing can more conduce than an Abstract, or Compendium) what have they laid at the doors of Catholics, that▪ by its●monstrous and disagreeing parts, shows not itself to be wholly vain and Chimerical? Or if any thing has at last been reduced to the Appearance of some little Proportion, by the Efforts, and skill of better Artists, yet how has the positive Testimony of so many Untainted Persons still discovered its Defects, and consequently proved the whole as Fabulous as before? Untainted I call them, and with Justice I may do it, who are not only Masters of a Reputation by Law, but have also so lived among their Neighbours and Acquaintance, that their Word has on all occasions been as readily taken, as any body's in the same Rank and Station; when as there is not one Witness against us, who has not either been amost Profligated Wretch, by the unanimous Consent of all that knew him, or given at least Prognostics by his Poverty or Temper, that the first Opportunity would infallibly make him so.  
Let us therefore consider a little the four Props or Pillars on which this Scene of so much Trouble, 
Of Oats.  and Distraction to the whole Kingdom stands; and having first taken a view of Oats; what can be said to his bare word, when I defy Mankind to produce any one of Repute, who formerly knowing him, gave the least manner of Credit to it? Does not Sir Denny Ashburnham (a Parliament man) declare as much in 
* pag. 66.  Ireland's Trial? and do not the 
‖ vid. Records of the Session held there May 27. 167●.  Records of Hastings, and the Order of Council notoriously make it good; for, being Minister in that Town, he accused young Parker of Sodomy, and attested it at the Bar with all the Oaths and Impudence imaginable; but the Jury nevertheless brought in the Prisoner not Guilty, as remembering what an Accuser he had, and understanding by their Neighbour's, that he was making merry with some of them at the very time of the pretended Fact. This so enraged the very women of Hastings (as Oats complain's in a Bill of Equity, drawn for his Relief, after he was arrested by Parker, in an▪ Action of the Case) That they stood at the Hall door with Rods to whip him, and Tubs of Water to wash him when bloody, that so they might whip him again. Did he not also accuse old Parker the Father (thereby to hinder the Son of all Assistance) of speaking scandalous and opprobrious words against the Lords of the Privy Council; which the King in Person examining, (as the then 
‖ Vid. Order of Council April 28. 1675.  Order testifies) he forthwith graciously discharged the old Man, having found by the Certificats of the neighbouring Justices, both his and Oates' true Character. Infinite are his Pranks of this nature in that very one Place, and therefore, no wonder that such a Witness should now (in the House of Lords) swear, that Mr. Preston (who is yet in Prison upon that account) was a Priest, and his Confessarius too; when as the poor Gentleman has not only a Wife, and has lived in Town with her these many years, even in the public view of all Catholics, but has several at hand, that can prove the very Marriage itself? Was not also his old pretended Camarade (Mr. Blundel, the Jesuit) taken by him with the like truth? for the Person is now found so far from being Blundel (and therefore one may plainly see how Oates knows those he accuses) that He is one of the Caryls, who never went so much as by the name of Blundel, nor has the least relation to the Jesuits.  
There is no end of these kind of Perjuries, 
Of Bedl●w.  as may be seen at first sight in his Charge all along, and which by and by we shall again touch upon; so that now we will Treat a little of Bedlo, who by his former Villainies has long ago forfeited all his Lives, had he as many as Cats are said to have. For does not every body know how he has taken upon him names of my L. Cornwallis, Gerard, nay of almost every body else (whom Accidents made to abscond) the better to accomplish his pitiful Tricks and Designs? Has not Mr. Sanders of Oxfordshire known this by Experience? How often has he been forced to fly from Chepstow by the Officers of Justice, that would have apprehended him? Was not Captain Spalding, (the now Governor there) accused by him for a Traitor, and Papist (though no man could show a more constant Zeal for the King and Protestant Religion, than He) only because, he seized upon the Horses he had stolen, as he would have done on him, had he not then gotten away by chance? Has he not committed a hundred late mean and wretched Cheats here in London even for Bread? and has he not lain in Ga●l (as 
* From 15 Dec. to 22 Jun. 7●  Books of the Marshalsea, show us) for seven Mouths this very last year, and reduced also to the Basket, though the Spark were then (forsooth) every Noble man's Privado, and the great Negotiator in the very Plot? H●s he not accused my Lord Brundel for a Grand Conspirator (●s his several Depositions Testify, and most particularly in the Lord's Journal) and yet, either his Lordship's Conversion has made him as innocent as the Child unhorn, or else his Worship's Testimony is looked upon as false as it ought to be. But what shall we say of this unheard of, nay, childish Perjury; that whilst he was shirking (as we see) for a mere livelihood, and dipped also in the Plot (as he pretends) to the destruction of the King and Government, he should scrupulously refuse 4000 l. to assist in the Murder of Sir E●. Godfrey, and 2000 l. for carrying away his very body, which had not been Death, though known. But why should we wonder at any thing now, since a man could have the Impudence to take his Oath (in a high Court of Judicature) to say all the Truth, as well as nothing but the Truth, and yet at one Trial we shall find him (as you have seen in Mr. White's) lay several positive Treasons to his and Mr. Fenwick's Charge, whenas in the former, he seemed hardly to know them?  
Is not Prance also a Witness of great value, 
Of Prance.  were there (besides the extravagancy of his Tale all along) no more to be urged against him, than his notorious and solemn Recantation before the King and Council? for what can render a Testimony invalid, if this will not? Nay, our very Law which grants and supposes that there may be Knights of the Post, leaves them no possibility, or way to stop the mischief when begun, but by making (as he has done) an humble and hearty Confession of their Villainy? But now, if on the one side, we consider the Advantages he was to have by continuing an Accuser (as Oats and Bedlo too plainly showed him) and on the other side, the Inconveniences, that would necessarily ensue by a Palinode or Retraction; for this was to make him a perjured man ●n Record; this was to submit him to all the Cruelties and hardships of a Prison; and this was to endanger his very Neck▪ as being an Actor (by his own Confession) in a great and horrid Murder; I say, if we consider all this, can there be any equality or proportion between one Action and the other, let our greatest Enemies themselves be the Judges? As Pain then and Terror drove this unhappy Man (as has been already hinted in the Trial,) to proceed, contrary to the Touches of his own Conscience, in this wickedness, so the Motives that first induced him to it were Revenge, and Profit; for what mountains had the success and good fortune of the forementioned Couple Created in his Fancy? and how quit did he imagine he should now be with the Queen, for refusing to let his Name (though he were only a Workman to the Chapel) be put into the List of her servants, after the late Proclamation had banished all Catholic Artisans out of Town?  
Now for Dugdal● the fourth Worrthy, 
Of Dugdale.  both the Town and County of Stafford know not only what an idle and inconsiderable Companion he was, but how ill he behaved himself in my Lord Aston's service; Nay my Lord took him in flagranti at last; even making a Tenant a Debtor, who had but just before showed his Lordship the Acquittance for his Rent. This put the Fellow into the utmost Confusion, especially when called to give up his Accounts, which knowing he could not possibly do, He conveyed his things out of his Chamber, and went away privately by Night; so that skulking a while, he was in the end arrested by some Creditors, and then other great Actions being▪ entered against him, He laid hold on the King's Proclamation, and presently knew the whole Plot, with the management of it, as you● see, for several Years together.  
'Tis with the utmost Regret (my Lords and Gentlemen) that I am forced upon this ungrateful subject; but since impending Dangers have made the very Dumb to speak, what Pen can stop in its Career, when the Writer sees not only himself and Relations under the Talons of such Bloody Vultures, but even his very Country at their Mercy also? For if whole Parties may be thus devoured, which of them, (and in England we know there are many) can assure itself, but the like trick may be put upon it; especially seeing besides our Transcendent Loyalty and service to the Crown (which two of our great Monarches have amply owned) there was a time when Episcopacy was as much hated as Popery, and a time too, when Papists were far more esteemed, than any sictary whatever? The Changes and Chances of time are ineffable: And therefore, let him that thinketh that he stands, take heed lest he falls; nor is the Caution unnecessary, when we consider the Precipice on which every good Protestant is at present placed; for how many of them have already been either sacrificed to the private Malice of these Birds of Prey, or singled out by them to satisfy some Patron's Revenge? Nay what Patron can really deem himself secure, since several that have stiffly abetted them, have also felt their unparallelled Treachery and Falsehood? Fallacious without doubt is the World in general, but most fallacious are such particular servants; yet how unconceivable is it, that these should impose or put the Dice on any man, since their abandoned and prostituted Reputation was like a smoke by day, and a Flame by night, to give every body warning of them. But seeing the death of Sir Edmund bury-Godfrey, has with many bolstered up their dying credit, some sew Considerations and Reflections on that Affair, cannot but be at present very pertinent and necessary.  
Were it not a sufficient Assurance to any one, 
Of Sir E. Godfry's Death.  even against the positive Testimony of ten Travellers, though of some ordinary Credit, That the grand SIGNIOR did not send the VISIER here to Kill this Knight; because, his Death being of no import to him, he would never order so vain a thing; and certainly the confirmation of it would be yet greater, were the Witnesses of different stories among themselves? If then (my Lords and Gentlemen) this be enough to show the falsity of such an Evidence, we have it in our present Concern, and infinitely more, which demonstrates the unspeakable wrong, that has been done us, or rather the poor nation in general. For does not every body know, that Sir Edmund-bury-Godfrey was so far from being our Enemy, that he was a friend to all, a most kind one to many, and in this affair, so extraordinary and particular, That he no sooner received Oates his Depositions, but he presently acquainted Mr. Coleman with them, who went to Windsor and divulged the whole matter to all he knew. If no Turk then can be thought (with Deliberation and in cool blood) to kill another, that has neither done him harm, nor can bring him the least Emolument by his Death, what Christians can be imagined so nonsensically stupid, as to lay their heads together, in relation to the Murder of a Person, who was so far even from accidentally provoking, that he had performed the utmost service on our Behalf, that Friendship itself could suggest? But how unconceivable is it now, that there should be such a number, and Rabble of Conspirators, and that they should execute this Design, when not only his Death would (in the Judgement of any Fool) infallibly ruin us all, if known, but when his Life also was so infinitely useful to us? For he was able, and he had also courage to confront Oats, and consequently to Witness how impudently, and beyond all measure he had now deviated from his former Depositions.  
No wonder then, that the Wits of our Enemies every where have been on the Rack to find pretences for this Murder; but after all, how ridiculous and weak they are, let any man judge that will? Did Prance and his Friends offer at better reasons (and certainly they had time and concern enough for invention) than, 
* vid. Hill's Trial, p. 14.  That Sir Edmund-bury-Godfrey was a busy man in the opinion of the Priests, and that he had done, and would yet do us a great deal of mischief; when as in the first place his Kindness to us was (as I have already shown you) extraordinary, and in the next, what a work should we have on our hands, If we must Kill all that are Busy, and all that would do us harm?  
As for Bedlow, let us consider his account, and we shall find in it, 
‖ Ibid. p. 30.  That Tongue's and Oats his Information, was their sole drift and aim: Nay the Conspirators tell him forsooth, That the Plot without these papers would be discovered to that Degree, that they should not be able to bring it to pass, till another Age. Is not this more than extravagant, and what Bedlams do they fancy the People to be, that believe them? for how could the Assassins hope (the Plot having been a full fortnight before the Council, and several of the main Plotters in Prison) that Sir Edmund-bury-Godfrey had not already (as the facto he did) delivered up those Papers to the Board, Or supposing the contrary, what expectation was there, that he should have them then in his pocket? and lastly if they had been about him; What advantage could men imagine by the Action, when Oats was still at hand, to give (as often as the Ministers of State pleased) a perfect account of all he knew? Are these reasons for the Killing of a Dog, much less a Man, that had acquainted us with the Design even when it was a Secret? But now (my Lords & Gentlemen) what shall we say, when this is pretended to be done in Somerset House, notwithstanding the Queen's whole Court, and God knows how many Protestant Guards were there to be alarmed at the least noise; That this Knight should be presently strangled (though stout and strong) by a feeble Ancient Man without resistance or bustle, and with a Cravat also; that he should be removed into many different places of the House (and that to no manner of purpose) without ever being discovered by any; That he should for the most part be hid in a little Lodging full of people, who neither saw him carried in or out, nor found him lying in the pretended Chamber, which was both over against their Dining-Room, and a place also where the whole Family, as it was 
‖ vid. Trial.  proved) were necessitated to go often every day; That he could being a very tall man, be crowded when stiff into a Sedan; nay that the Sedan could be not only conducted and carried out by men, That were then in other places (as several, testified, (you see) at the Trial) but thorough the great Gate of the Palace too, without being scen by the Sentinels, though they never stirred a Pikes length from it? Can there be within the reach of fancy such impossibilities? YES (my Lords and Gentlemen) That Bedlo should be offered almost 
‖ 4000 l.  three times more for this Murder, than Grove was to have for killing the King, and (for the mere carrying away the body) 
‖ 2000 l.  four times as much as Dugdal pretends for his Enterprise; and yet the said Bedlo refused (as I already mentioned both these vast sums, though he were then an actual Conspirator (if you will believe him) in the main of the Treason, and in such want also, that he was forced to hazard his neck, or at least his back, by Cheats and the like, for mere Bread and necessaries. To conclude in short; for I cannot now stay to trouble you with the different Actors, and all the several contradictions which these two Sons of Belial mention in their respective Accounts; I say to conclude in short, can any man believe, if the Accused had been Guilty, they would have denied (with the utmost Execrations) the fact at the Gallows, when a single Confession had saved their Lives; and especially, when one of them to wit Berry, was a Convert to the Protestant Church, and such a one also (as the Ordinary of Newgate in his late 
* The Behaviour of the Malefactors pag. 17.  Treatise declares) as did much lament his ever having been of our Communion. Show me then (my Lords and Gentlemen a plainer Demonstration since the Creation of the World for the Innocence of any man, or more Contradictions for the Detection of an Accusers Villainy? Yet if Sir Edmund must have been made away by a Consultation and Cabal, lay it then I beseech you at some bodies door, that had reason to wish his Destruction; and inquire (as has been formerly hinted to you) of Doctor Loyd, who it was that told him, even before the finding of the Body, that he lay Murdered with two Wounds, and his own Sword through him, as he publicly declared in his printed 
* pag. 24.  funeral Sermon. But since I have mentioned the solemn Denial made by those that were Executed for it, I must desire your considerations on a new Charge, I mean on the DISPENSATIONS, which they say we have for our LYING at our very Death; and truly before I begin I cannot but profess, that I know not whether I am more confounded with the infinite Arguments that crowd on all hands, or with the thought that Christians and those Englishmen too, should soberly and in earnest Charge us with so sottish and senseless a Crime.  
For first, 
Of Dispensations.  was there ever a Party in this Nation, that has so eminently as ours refused (ever since the very Reformation) the Preferments, to which their great Birth and Quality gave them pretences, or more Heroically underwent the Rage and Fury of all the other Laws, when one Halt, or one false Step would have put them within the capacity of their Birthright? Have not all our Protestant Parliaments, owned this ●mplicity by the penal Acts, which from time to time they have made; for he that denies it, makes them worse than Gotams, since every body now knows, that no Cuckoo can be hedged in, that has wings to fly over the Enclosure? Nay did they not explicitly also confess it, when in the next Session, after the Act passed, for putting Catholics out of 
‖ 1673.  Offices, they publicly congratulated the success of the Test, and then went on to new Rigours? Are not these then invincible Arguments, that there can be juggling with us in Religion? And do not they also amply prove, that we are (as I first hinted) the persons that stand most on Principles, seeing there was not one man, of any one party here besides ourselves, that left the least Employment upon the score of the said Test, though it commanded not only a Kneeling at the Communion, and a Compliance with several other Popish Ceremonies, as they are called, but contained also some speculative Points, which many of the Church of England themselves thought very new and thwarting? Besides this I appeal to any man of Fashion or Credit; that has been of our Religion (and you may assure yourselves he will not be over partial) whether he has heard, that a Catholic without Mortal Sin (and any ill man may do it at that rate) can deny the least point of Faith, or whether we do not look upon every Church Papist, or any one else, That for byends, and other pretences defer's to reconcile himself, to be in a far worse spiritual state and condition (let him be never so kind and advantageous to us by underhand Favours) than an open Protestant following the Dictates of his Conscience and Reason? If then we are so se●●re in their life time with the Nicodemus' and Dissemblers in Religion (notwithstanding all the Good they can do us) what shall we be with those that sin at their Death, even by calling God as Witness to a lie? We have therefore Reason certainly to complain of our late Usage, when thirteen Christian men of great probity (even among all their Protestant Friends) should be decried as most infamous Liars, because with their last breath, they solemnly asserted an Innocence, which was never questioned or blasted, but by the now Testimony of four Execrable Persons, who did not urge the least circumstance, matter or thing against them, that depends not wholly on their bare Word and Credit. Nay was there ever Imputation more weak and silly than this, that the Expression in their last Speeches, As Innocent as the Child Unborn, was mysterious and designed and yet every body knows it to be the common Phrase of the Kingdom, and that Eighteen out of twenty will certainly use it, when they are to assert either their own or another's Innocence? Is it not also pleasant that there could be a Dispensation for Dissembling & Lies, when these poor Men (on the one side) with their blood disown the Power both in the Pope and Church, and we on the other, deny it also with the loss of our Liberties and Estates, seeing we could save both in any storm, if (Watermens like) we could look one way and and row another. In the name of Jesus, let us not impose such Fanatical Nonsense on our Country; for if you see that no person is at any time out of the reach of Law, but some young, or LooseMan, that owns himself to the whole Nation a Convert and Desertor, where is the benefit of these Dispensations, if we had them? But perchance his Holiness is never thus Indulgent, you'll say, but when a Plot of State is to be concealed; and if so, I wonder first how he knows that no weak Brother in hopes of life, will discover the Design and Stratagem? For take but twelve Protestants casually, and they perchance will hardly find many Sureties, that all of them shall rather choose the Gallows, than the Alcora●; and yet Christianity is a far plainer Doctrine than the Pope's power of Dispensing, even in the Opinion of any Jesuit. No (my Lords and Gentlemen) there is nothing but Innocence can make us thus Resolute and Constant: Nay Humane Nature itself is too impotent and feeble for such an Enterprise; it being impossible that any number of Conspirators in the hands of Justice, should all upon the strength of Fancy, or their mutual Promises prefer Death to Confession, especially when, besides Self-preservation (which their respective Tempers and Passions are still suggesting) each of them may reasonably fear the weakness of his Companion, and consequently deem it madness to be longer obstinate, and behind hand. In the next place, May I not truly say, of this pretended Fortitude of ours what Doctor Pierce once fond said of our Religion, Non fuit sic abinitio, It was not formerly thus? for does not Judge Cook (the then Attorney) in his famous Speech against Garnet acknowledge, 
† vid. Proceedings against the Traitors pag. 117.  that all the Treasons against her Majesty, viz. Squire's, William's, York's, &c. were freely CONFESSED by the parties themselves under their own hands, and that they remained yet extant to be seen? How easily in the beginning of King James' Reign, might the two Priests, Watson and Clerke (had the present Doctrine been true) have saved the danger, or at least the Scandal, which was to fall on their Party? for, being drawn (you know) into that Protestant Conspiracy, by the Lord Grey, Cobham, Raleigh, etc. the Queen's old Favourites (who dislikeing this new Prince, fancied a couple of Priests sufficient to get them the Assistance of Spain and the other Catholic Princess) it had then been but swearing they were Innocent, and taking it upon their Death, that these (their formerly known Enemies) had thrown the Calumny on them to discredit their Friends and Religion with the King at his first Coming; I say it had been but doing thus, at least (I am sure) if their Consciences could have dispensed with so horrid a thing, there was matter enough for Pretences; but on the contrary, how far were they from it, when they both publicly and humbly confessed their Crime against his Majesty, and when Watson also acknowledged that infamous death to be a just Judgement for his former factious Writings and Designs, as may be seen in 
‖ pag. 275.  Father Moor's History? Again, who had sealed up their Plot with deeper and solemner Oaths, than the Gunpowder Traitors; and if their Religion could permit them (upon a sober consideration) to be obstinate, and to forswear themselves, what needed Fawkes to have made so particular a Confession and Discovery, as is printed in 
‖ pag. 231.  King James his Works? for there was no necessity that his Imprisonment, or the finding out of the Mine, (had the promise of Secrecy been valid) must have discovered his Complices; nay we find in the said Treatise that he huffed in the beginning like a 
‖ Ibid.  Scaevola, and declared he would confess nothing, laying all the blame upon himself, which the wise Lords of the Counsel laughed at, knowing that the Gentleman being in Hold, they would, for all his Bravadoes, find presently (and so it happened) the depth of the whole Intrigue. 'Twas the knowledge of this (I mean, that in a discovered Treason there is no Reliance on Oaths) that made Winter with both t●e wright's, upon Fawkes his Apprehension post out of town, as he 
* vid Winter's Confession.  confesses they did; for had they not been desperate and without further hopes of secrecy and faith, they would never have run to seven or eight Gentlemen, supposed then in Arms, who had now up against them both King and Kingdom to their own particular knowledge; Nor coul'd Tresham himself escape you see, though he still continued (as 
* K. Jam. pag. 880.  How tells us) about the Court, that he might thereby seem wholly free and innocent. In fine their own Declarations were such, that the Publisher of the Proceedings against them in the very Epistle says, That Justice passed on the several CONFESIONS of all the Capital Offenders, which they openly CONFESSED, and confirmed at their Arraignments in the hearing of multitudes of People. And by the way, be pleased to remember, that no Catholic ever denied this Treason, only some question, whether Protestant History itself does not show us, that Cecil (to ruin the Party) drew those fiery men into it by his subtle Tricks and Artifices.  
This one would think were more than enough to show you, how you are by ill men deceived, and we abused; but because no present Pretence shall be left untouched, I will speak a word of the two Examples which our weak Enemies deem so strong, and pertinent to prove this Calumny. The first is of one Curphy (an Irish Papist,) who being condemned (they say) in his Country for Burglary, denied it with great Asseverations at his Execution; 
† vid. Letter of E. of Ess●x printed, 1679,  but the Rope by chance breaking before he was quite dead, he thanked God, confessing the Fact, and then (in spite of the Sheriffs great Intercession) was again hanged by the Judge's special Order and Command. The next is of the before mentioned Tresham, who protested, (as they will have it) in writing upon his Salvation, and this just before his death, That he had not seen Garnet in 16 years, whereas Garnet and Mrs Vaux did both confess, that they had been often since that time together. As to Curphy then (though truly I know not why any Christian or Pagan, should be responsible for every Atheist or Libertine of his Pro●ession) give me leave to ask first, how our Adversaries can think this so Nicking a Blow? for since they themselves must acknowledge him already to have been an impudent Liar and an ill man, why may it not be as possible, nay as probable also (and then how is the Argument convincing) that seeing he could not save his Life by asserting a TRUTH, he now hoped to work on the Judge, by attacking him with a LIE on the other hand; for the denying of a Fact to death never pleases him, that gave sentence, especially if the Evidence be in the least questionable; nor was the said Curphy's Expectations it seems wholly frustrated, since the Sheriff and others did (as you see) earnestly intercede for him. Now for Tresham, the Case is plain, and at most but a poor simple woman's Project, and Mr. Att. Cook cannot but 
† vid Proceedings etc. pag. 143.  confess it in the aforesaid Speech; for there he tell's us, That Tresham's wife understanding with great Concernment, that he had confessed all against Garnet, got him a little before his death (even when he could not WRITE himself), to dictate the PROTESTATION to her servant; so that 'tis no wonder (since the mere changing of a Word, nay a Figure might do it) if there were an Error, as to the number of years in question. But (my Lords and Gent) if both the Examples were as our Adversaries would have them, what Resemblance or Analogy has the Action (I beseech you) of a single man once in a Century to Twelve that died together, who were not only free from the least matter or Circumstance, that could make them suspected, besides the Testimony of most nefarious Persons, but had also LIFE add PREFERMENT offered them upon their bare CONFESSION. Besides do they that thus charge us think their Religion so harmless, or us so ignorant, that we can show no Precedents against them of this nature? Certainly we can, and (as I suppose) much more to the purpose, Nay witnessed also by Protestants themselves. For does not first that most learned New-Gate-Divine declare in the before mentioned 
‖ pag. 30.  Treatise, That in his late Experience (as Ordinary there) he knew some Malefactors condemned for Murder and Burglary to have gone out of the World with a Notorious asserting their Integrity, although they had twice or thrice confessed to him, with some seeming remorse, that theywere justly condemned for the said Crimes; so that here Reader we have not only Protestant Penitents denying the truth at their death, but a Protestant Confessarius revealing secrets; and such another, or one at least very like him, Hind (the famous Robber) met with at Worcester, being there convicted and hanged by the evidence of his spiritual Guide. But what do you think of a far more eminent Example, to wit that of my Lord Castle haven, who (as all the Writers of King Charles' Reign will tell you) was after a Netorious ill life Charged and condemned at last, for prostituting his Daughter in Law; for holding his own Wife whilst his servant forced her; and lastly for Sodomy itself; and yet though these Crimes were proved by several plain Circumstances, by his wife and daughter's Testimony, and lastly by Brodway and Patrick, his abused Patizans (who were both hanged for the facts, and owned the Committing of them to the last) he at his Execution most solemnly denied all, dying (as 
* K. I. p. 160.  Sanderson affirms) not only a true Protestant, but assisted also by his 
† Ibid and H. L. Ch. I. 121.  Chaplain's, to wit the Dean of St Paul's and Doctor Wickham. Thus than you see (besides the former evident and unanswerable Reasons) that we are not only free from this Imputation ourselves, but that the Protestant Doctrine is guilty of it, if the Actions of some few men are sufficient to determine and adjudge the Point. In fine then was it not very pertinently asked by the Author of the New Plot; 
‖ pag. 11.  That seeing the Council of Trent has positively declared, No Absolution available which is not preceded by Detestation of the sin committed, and seeing it is impossible freely to do a thing, and at the same time to detest it, how could it be imagined, that the late executed Catholics should hope for any benefit by such an Absolution as is pretended, or be thought with the least appearance of Reason to make use of so wretched an Artifice to cheat the World, and manifestly to damn their Souls, even according to their own professed Doctrine and Tenets? Besides do not our Adversaries (by this wild Dream) show not only their own Barbarity and Ignorance, but affront, and call Villains the greatest and the most eminent parts of the Civilised World? and certainly should one of them say to a Knight of Maltha, or to a Teutonick Knight, or to any other Catholic Cavalier, That he was not to be believed, since he might by his principles lie an● forswear at pleasure, 
Of the Bishop of Lincoln's Book.  he would (I must tell him) be soon Kicked and bastinadoed for it.  
But (my Lords and Gent:) if this Calumny which carries some Alleviation in it (as having the Ignorant and Rabble for its chief Abettors) be never the less shocking, what must the Aspersion do, which is revived by a Nobler and Learneder hand, I mean, by the present Bishop of Lincoln? Yet if it be a breach of CHRISTIANITY to crush the bruised Reed, and of GENEROSITY also to Trample on the Oppressed, I wish his Lordship may be found Guilty of neither, and that there never rise any such, who, in hopes of Applause, shall contrary to the Light of their own Consciences reprint a Martyn-Marprelate, a Cobbler of Gloucester, or any Scandalous Pasquil, should EPISCOPACY, by some foolish Accident or Misfortune, fall again within the Fury of the people. But who could think, that his Lordship's heat against us, should force himeven to a TITLE that has confuted his whole Book, viz. That Popish Principles and Positions (when really believed) are destructive and dangerous to all Kings, especially Protestant's; for he cannot Term them Principles of Faith, because they were never thus believed by any Catholic, nor never thus approved of by the Church, and consequently nothing to his purpose. But if on the other side he means, that there have been Popish Doctors of the Opinion, That Princes might be deposed upon the Account of Religion, what advantage I would fain know, can that be to his Lordship or his Treatise, since not onlyall the prime Leaders of the REFORMATION (as Luther, Calvin, Zainglus, Beza, etc.) have in express Terms held the same, and in pursuance of it raised Rebellions and Confusions, in all Countries where they had footing, but also since very great Pillars of the Church of England itself have taught it too, as appears in Queen Mary's Case, in that of the Queen of Scots (who was at least the Undoubted Heir) and in later Efforts also of the same nature; and doubtless he that believes he can disinherit a Lawful Successor with Justice upon the account of Religion, will hardly find Arguments of Force to keep the Prince in being, on his Throne, when ever this happens to be imputed to him. Nay we have several Protestants here, who cry up the Bishop of Lincoln's Book at a strange ra●e and yet avow this 
* Vid Pereat Papa.  printed Doctrine: That God not only raised Johu to purge the Idolaters of Ahab's House, etc. but That there is no Reformed Church from the first Waldenses to this Day, that have not held such a Procedure lawful. These things considered, (as they have been often (I dare say) by his Lordship) he expected not certainly of us to think, that he believed what he writ; for than we should (he knew) have required him to show us at least, some Catholic Potentate or other (nor want they Worldly Wit or Inclinations, we see) abandoning this pretended dangerous and troublesome Religion, either out of Ambition or Safety. No (my Lords and Gentlemen) that is now a thing hardly within the reach of Speculation; for, Who find themselves so Flourishing and Great, as they? Or can it be said, That the Monarchy of England has gotten by the Reformation, when Protestants acknowledge, (and what desperate Enemies that has Created us, may be easily imagined) That nothing but Popery, or at least its Principles, can make it again emerge or lasting? Does not his Lordship therefore play at Cross-purposes with us? and is not his Meaning in truth this, That Protestant Principles (when really believed) are-destructive to all Kings, and especially to Catholic ones; since we see, that the Lawful Monarches and Princes of England, Scotland, Swedland, Denmark, the United Provinces, Transilvania, Geneva, etc. have been actually Deposed by their Protestant Subjects, not only as Florimundus Raimundus, and Popish Writers show us, but as Dr. Heylin, and other Protestants have laboriously made it appear? Nor has the Pope, in all that time, pretended to the giving away of any Crowns, except those of France and England; For the Defence of which, several zealous and noted Catholics appeared as well with their Swords as Pens. Nor could this Imputation have been worse timed, as to his Lordship's purpose by him, seeing there was a Protestant Rebellion then actually in Hungary, to the great Danger of Christendom; and another newly broken out in Scotland, for the Subversion of the English Monarchy; and this also ushered in by the Barbarous Murder Of the Archbishop of St. Andrews. What Parity then is there between US, and our Adversaries, either in our Actions, or Books of this Nature? And truly; we are so far from holding the Deposing Power of the Church, an Article of Faith, that the Greatest Defenders of it have absolutely declared the contrary. For does not Cardinal Peron, in his famous Speech to the Nobility of France, tell us, That the Proposition is PROBLEMATICAL? and does not C. Bellarmine, the Pope's great Champion, in his Answer to Barclay, (who writ so smartly against it) call the Assertion only 
‖ Opusc. pag. 830.  ARROGANT and TEMERARIOUS. In short, There is no Writer, though never so zealous for the Opinion, that says, That Men of the contrary Sentiment are out of the State of Grace, (as in truth they are) that asse●t not to Articles of Faith. This also plainly shows, that no Council ever imposed it on our Belief, seeing it has been, and is still without Censure denied, even by those, that would die for the Pope's Supremacy. Nay (besides former Authors) the Catholics ●f England have written 
* 1. F. Charon.  four Books (since the King's Restauration) to this very purpose; 
2. Provincial Letters.  I say, the Catholicks of England have done it, who are so scrupulous in Doctrines of Faith, that they deem it Damnation, to deny the least Article, 
3. Reply to the Answer of the Catholic Apology.  and therefore will not (you see) to save their Lives and Estates, profess one thing, and believe another. But his Lordship (which adds nothing to his Ingenuity) is so far from answering these Authors, by showing their Fallacies and Errors, that he never so much as citys them to this purpose, so that we must conclude them unanswerable; 
4. Answer to the Jesuits Loyalty.  for he could not but have heard of them, when we find him pretending to so great an Insight in all our Books, that (to show his Reading) he has quoted our very Almanac. But since his Lordship has mentioned this notable Tome, I hope he will not take it ill, if I say, That his whole Work has been already answered by a Treatise of the price and value of an Almanac; I mean, by one of the Common 
* Numb. ●377.  London-Gazets. For was it not a home Blow, and a just one also, that in the thus publishing of his Erroneous Book to the Nation, which pretends Popery so destructive to Kings, there should be there proclaimed, even in the very next Advertisement, The Trials of Twenty-nine Protestant Regicides, as Deposers and Murderers of their Glorious Sovereign under the cloak of Justice; a Villainy of a die, which the worst of Papists never yet arrived to? But to go on yet further in our Vindication, Was there ever on the one side, any Catholic Country, or Pope, that has censured either Man or Book, for the denying the said Deposing-Power of the Church? And have not the Venetians on the other side, openly professed it in their very Writings? Has not Mariana's Opinion been Condemned in Spain, and yet his Lordship 
* p. 75. etc.  citys this Author against us? Has not 
‖ vid. French Mercure, An. 1626.  Sanctarellus' Book been censured in France, with all the Formality imaginable; as also Bellarmine, Suarez, Schoppius, and others of the same Subject? And have not the College of Sorbon, the Universities of Paris, Caen, Rheimes, Poitiers, and God knows how many others joined in this Condemnation? Nay, does not 
* Vid. Pref. K. I. Work●.  Bishop Moutague himself tell us, That not only Becanus was Corrected at Rome, but that no State disowned this (Independency) or Power of Kings. This then being Matter of Fact, and this being the public Declaration of the Church of Rome, may I not with Justice call upon his Lordship to turn to our Religion, seeing in the very last Paragraph of this his Book, he professes, That if any Popish Priest, or Gentleman, can make it appear, that the Church of Rome by any public Declaration, has disowned such Principles, and damned them as Erroneous and Impious, he will turn (one of the worst sort of Christians) viz A Roman Catholic. Truly (my Lords and Gentlemen) I shall expect this of him, or he is not as good as his word: Besides, I do here declare, that supposing the Premises, to wit, That the chief Reformed Doctors have speculatively taught this Deposing Doctrine; That they have actually deposed and murdered their Princes, upon account of Religion; That the Catholic Princes are more absolute, than the Protestant; That our Monarchy of England is not a whit safer or powerfuller, than formerly; That Catholic Kingdoms and States have condemned the said Doctrine: That no Catholic Country, or Pope, has censured any that have done so; and that no Council ever imposed it on our Faith: I say, granting these Premises, (which are also of themselves evident) I do here declare, That I myself will turn Protestant, if his Lordship shows me but one Single Paragraph in all his Book, in relation to our dangerous Principles, (which is the Scope of the Whole) that is not here, either fully answered, or does not at least wound the whole Protestant Party by its consequence, more than Us: And moreover, I must tell his Lordship, He may find a great deal more to this purpose, in the beforementioned 
† Sect. 6.  Reply to the Answer of the Catholic Apology.  
To conclude, Let me once more remind his Lordship of his Promise, and then tell him (for I know he is a Man of Parts) what Dr. Taylor said to a Friend of mine, concerning his Disswa●●e from Popery, viz. That though 'twere liked, yet 'twas but turning the Tables, and he could write a Book twice as good.  
HAving thus (my Lords and Gentlemen) run over in haste, the odd Pretences, and Accidents, that have been so advantageous to the Saviour's of the Nation; I shall desire you before we part, to take a second Consideration of them, (for second Thoughts are still the best) and then you will find more Extravagancies in their Relations, than in any Romance extant. For 'bating the Ridiculousness Of the Army we were raising, when the King had Forty Thousand Men in pay, besides a very considerable Fleet; and 'bating the Wildness of Civil and Military Commissions, granted (as both Oats and Bedlow have it) to a whole Nation by the General or Superior of Religious Men, and sealed with the very Seal of their Order; Things that would make not only a Canonist, but any Foreigner run mad to hear of: and 'bating the carrying on by 
† Oates's Narrative p. 24, & 25.  Eighty-six Men and Women, the Fire of London, in as great a Method, as the Machines' move in Bartholomew-fair, without any Bodies being ever yet taken in the Action; and bating 
‖ Vid. also Lords Journal, par. 24.  Oats his particular Story of the Jesuits Plundering during these Fires, to the value of several Thousands of Pounds; Of Magazines full of stolen Goods, orderly brought and received; 
* Ibid.  Of their taking a thousand Carracts of Diamonds from a Man, who escaped and run away, after they had knocked him down; and no words ever made in London, either of him, or the Loss: 
† Ibid.  Of their Banc● of One Hundred Thous●nd Pounds, and lending it out at Fifty per Cent: 
‖ vid. irelands, Whits and Langhorne's Trials.  Of Entry-Books for all the Treasonable Debates and Resolves; Of Acquittances of Money, received for Killing the King; Of poisoning of Silver-Bullets, by chawing of them: Of gathering Peterpences; and of a Thousand such unconceivable Whimfies, Which appear in the Trials, in the Journal of the Lords, and in the Narrative Printed by Oates his Special Directions, and also solemnly sworn to by him: I say, abating this ridiculous and unconceivable Stuff; How was it possible, that the Jesuits should make this Fellow so particular a Confident, when the whole World sees he is Master of no one thing, that could render him in the least Advantageous? For, being a Beggar, he could not tempt them with Money; being a Weaver's Son, and (like one of Jeroboam's Priests) of the meanest of the People, he had no Relations to Countenance, or help them; being no manner of Scholar, but as ignorant as any other poor Curate may be imagined, (for I will be a Bond Slave for ever, if he can Translate six Lines into Latin, without a Solaecism) these Jesuits could not have the least Hopes of him that way; Being no greater a Linguist than his Mother made him, there was little Expectation of his proving a good Trouchman or Interpreter: In fine, Being also Ill in his Mine and Behaviour, Ill in his Elocution, Ill in his Writing, and Ill in every thing else, that can recommend one Man to another, How was it possible, (as I mentioned) That they should make him such a particular Confident, as he pretends; and especially, send one of this Guise Ambassador to the Crowns of Spain and France; I mean, to Don John, and Fa▪ La Chaise, as he has sworn? Now, though these English Fathers should be such easy and silly Men, How came it I would fain know, or what wonderful Advantages could be proposed to the General, and his Assistants at Rome, that they must grant him those Privileges, that were never before heard of, since the Institution of their Order; to wit, That a Layman should be admitted into their Congregations and Consults; and moreover, should have Power (as you have heard in 
† p. 20. & 28.  Mr. Col●man's Trial) to open●their very Betters? But suppose, that the Refined Romans are in truth, as weak as the Tramontans, What did our Gentlemen, nay our Neblemen, and the Queen herself, find so admirable in Oats, that they should so unanimously also receive him for a Privy-councillor? Has the recommendation of a Jesuit, or two such power, as to make men of this Rank, trust their Lives, Honours, and Estates▪ in the hands of one that could not be so serviceable to them, as any of their respective Footmen; and yet no part of this Plot was thought fit (it seems) to be communicated to my Lord Shrewsbury, my Lord Arundel, my Lord Brudnel, my Lord Lumley, or to any of the other late Converts, who were (one would have thought) as likely to be then trusted with any thing that tended to the Wealfare of our Religion, as the Heroes, that now appear as our Accusers? But after all the mighty and great Employments, which this Fool boasts of, could any body have thought him yet so simple, as to declare upon Oath in the face of the World 
* Ireland's Trial. p. 20.  That the business they sent him now into England about, was, to kill Doctor Tongue for having translated the jesuits morals; as if that forsooth were an Action so horrid and inconvenient to the whole Catholic Cause, that it deserved such a punishment, even in the principal time of the Plot, and by his hand also, that managed the whole, and knew all the secrets of it; nor was his Reward (though one might be hanged as well for Doctor Tongue as Sir Edmundbury Godfrey) any more than fifty pound, as he swears in the 
† Parag. 30.  Lord's Journal, and in his 
* pag. 19  Narrative. Is not this a happy Poet, to flag thus in the very top, and flight of his Fancy? and does he not also, (do you think) well personate his former Offices and Character, when in the Lord's Journal he swears; That Colonel Roper gave him Ten Shillings for bringing him his Commission, a gift (one would have imagined fitter for an Ordinary Keeper, that brought him a Haunch of Venison, than a Present for a great Envoye and Statesman? But Money and he were ever such strangers (that according to his Idea) the sums and business did fully quadrate and agree. Neither was his foresight greater in the Story about Colonel howard's, Commission, for in the Lords ‖ Journal he not only swears, That he himself delivered him one in Wild●Garden in May or June, but tells us also in his 
† pag. 59  Narrative, (to make it a clear and indisputable Lie) That the said Colonel Deceased, CONFESSED he had received and accepted his Commission; For, had this been true, would not the King do you think) would not the Council, would not the Parliament, and would not the whole Nation have told us of it, as having now found out the thing, they had so long sought after. But why do I stand thus on a single Perjury, when there are undeniable and evident ones in every Trial. For in Mr. Coleman's, does he not (besides a Hundred other Falsities) accuse him, of sending relief from London to the Ruffians at Windsor, on the twenty first of AUGUST, when as all his Servants could attest, That he was then, and several days before in Warwickshire? Does he not swear in Mr. Ireland's, That he the said Mr. Ireland was in Town between the eighth and twelveth of that Month, though he were notoriously and constantly absent from the THIRD to the FOURTEENTH of the following September, as I formerly showed you? Is he not forsworn in Hills Trial, for saying that Sir Ed. Godfrey told him, that he went in fear of his Life by the Popish Party; whenas he has since declared in the presence of several, That this Knight was (he believed) a PAPIST; That he frequented the Benedictins▪ and was most cruelly threatened by a Protestant of great Power and Interest. Is he not also forsworn in Sir Geo. Wakeman's Trial by the Testimony of Sir Philip Lloyd, and the clear proof of Mr. Corkers not being Precedent of the Benedict●ines, as he positively swore he was? And as for Mr. Langhorn's and the Jesuits Trial has he not among his other egregious Untruths Deposed, That he was in Town the twenty fourth of April with Sir Thomas Preston and Sir John Warner, whenas Six have plainly proved (you see) the last Perjury, and FOURTEEN the former.  
But now, that I mention these St. Omer Witnesses let me appeal to you, 
Of the St. Omer Witnesses.  my Lords and Gentlemen, if such Testimony be invalid and not to be believed (because they have studied under the Jesuits, or witness for their own Party.) Whether there can be any more Commerce between Nation and Nation, and whether it lies not in the power of a Villain to father what ridiculous Fact he pleases, on any man, as committed in the very Streets of Paris, without p●ssibility of Desproving him, though a thousand persons could testify the contrary to their own certain knowledge; for there are few there comparatively, that are not Catholics, and of them also that study, most have been taught by the Jesuits? Besides if this Doctrine had been formerly allowed of, how easily might all the Cavaliers in England have been destroyed in the late times? for (seeing Parties convers chiefly together) it had been but finding out an Oats and a Bedlow, and then any Charge must have past muster, if the Testimony of other Cavaliers were to go for nothing? 'Tis not bare swearing (as Mr. Corker well observed) that makes an Evidence credible, but probable Circumstances, together with an absolute and entire proportion, which is always the Concomitant of Truth. As for those Youths then, many of them were Gentleman, and of prime Families too,; many had left the School, and had no more to do with the Jesuits; nay some (as Oates tells us of Hildesley's usage in 
† pag. 35.  Ireland's Trial) had Piques and Grudges against them; nor did they aver any private Intrigue, but a thing obvious to a whole College, which consists of about 200 persons, and might if false be contradicted to their shame when they least dreamt of it; I say, they averrd a thing obvious to the whole College; viz. That Oats was constantly there, but one night, from his first coming to his Expulsion or going away for good and all. Besides their Testmony was not single, and barely said, but confirmed by Sir John Warner and Sir Thomas Preston's not being in Town; by the beforementioned improbabilities of Oats his admittance to the knowledge of such weighty Affairs; by his extreme poverty all along; by Mrs' Grove and her Maid, where he pretended to have lodged; by the Mrs. of the White horse Tavern, who denied that any considerable company was then there, she being at that time in a very low Condition, and just leaving the Tavern; so that she could not have forgotten so unwonted a meeting, had there been any; and lastly, by his palpable and impudent flinshing from his former Testimony in this Affair; I mean from his keeping himself then close and private as he publicly declared upon Oath in Mr. Ireland's Trial; and from the time of his pretended stay in Town after the said Meeting, which was but three or four days, as he swore in his Narrative and before the Lords also, though now he would fain extend it to twenty; which two particulars prove sufficiently, without other Circumstances (as I showed you before) the downright perjury of the Witnesses, that saw then his Doctorship here so long, and so publicly also.  
And since I have mentioned this Title or Dignity, it is truly so prodigiously odd and simple, that I cannot pass it by, without some few Reflections: For if he were thus graduated, it was either out of favour, in relation to his particular Merits and Service in the present Affairs, Or upon the score of his Learning. As for the first, Can any one believe, (if there had been a Plot, and he employed it) that he would have been suffered, in the midst of his Negotiation and Business, to go out of his way, not only to lose time on so foolish an Errand, but to render himself suspected by so unusual a Grace? Nor could he himself hope to make any Advantage by a Dignity, since it was to be concealed (you may be sure) till after the Success of this wonderful Design in England; and then 'twould be wholly useless, seeing he might (we suppose) expect far greater Honours and Preferments. Now, if his Learning promoted him, (and you must remember, That Doctors at Salamanca do defend in the open Schools, a whole Course of Divinity against every Body that will oppose them) let any Man that knows Oats, judge of his Doctorship by it; and as for those, that have no Acquaintance with him, or his Abilities. They are to understand, that he went to the English College at Valladolid, in April 77. to begin his LOGIC, and returned Home in November following, as dismissed for his good Qualities: Nor in truth, was he ever within many Miles of Salamanca in his Life. In short, We will join issue in this, for the Point may be easily decided, That he shall choose One, and we will choose another to be sent to this University; and if they find him to have Commenced there, or if they shall be denied the Sight of the Public Registers, or perceive in them Blots, or any thing tending to a Falsification, we will for the future, own him not only a Doctor, but to have proved once in his Life, a thing contradicted by us, which will give no little Lustre to his other Evidence.  
But to end with him for the present. (though I confess, I have not half done; nay, (as I mentioned before) there is no end when one reflects on his strange Assertions and Follies) take this Circumstance as a Demonstration, That there is not one true Word in all his Charge: And therefore I may here well say to each of you,—  
Accipe nunc Danaum Insidias, & crimine ab uno,  
Disce omnes—  Aen. lib. 2. 
For on the one fide, he has declared in his very 
* Vid Epistle to the Reader.  Narrative, That it was presented to the King on the Thirteenth of AUGUST, by the Means of Mr. Kirkby, who on the Twelfth was made acquainted with the Matters contained in it by Dr. Tongue, as appears in the little Pamphlet called, The 
† page 1.  Narrative or Manner of Discovery of the Plot to his Majesty. On the other side, If we consider the various Particulars, and the Number of Persons concerned, 'twas impossible for him, and Dr. Tongue to digest and methodise the Whole under a Month's time; so that we may suppose it to be begun about the XII. of JULY: Nor can we allow less than a Fortnight between his first Debate about the Discovery, and his falling to work on the said Narrative; so that his Head was full of it, and consequently more particularly nice and observing, from the End of JUNE at least, and especially in JULY, AUGUST, and SEPTEMBER; For then Protestants knew of the treasure as well as himself. But now, when he comes to be pressed about Time, Circumstances, Papers, and the like, in relation to what he urges against the Prisoners, He is so far (though the Matter happens within the said Months) from producing any one Note, (as certainly he might have done, had his Charge been true) that he will come to no positive Day, when the Accused at the Bar require it of him; and yet in his Flourishes, throughout his said Narrative, he is so exact, (for nothing there, he knows, can be brought as Evidence against him) that besides Consults, Accidents, and several Particularities, He remembers above a Hundred Letters, with their respective Dates, How, and Whence they came, and Who Subscribed them; though sometimes Ten or Twelve do it together, according to his Relation: I say, He is so far from producing Letters or Notes, that at the Bar, he will come to no positive Day: And thus he has notoriously done in every Trial. For, in Mr. Coleman's, he shuffles you see, about the 21 th'. of August, as soon as he perceived, that the said Mr. Coleman was absent in that Month; though since his Death, (and no further fear of the Business) he is again 
‖ White's Trial, pag. 15.  positive. The like you find in Mr. Ireland's about the time of his being in Town that Month. As for the Jesuits Trial, he absolutely Hanged (you see) Mr. Gavan, by not standing (as he first Accused him) to the Latter End of July, and Beginning of August, when he understood, that the said Mr. Gavan could prove himself then at Hampton. And here also he would fain have gotten off (you see) from the 2 d. of September, the Day positive he pretended to have received Twenty Shillings from Ireland in London. In Mr. Langhorn's, (besides other Particulars) he was not certain, (though on so remarkable an occasion, and so little a while ago) Whether he came from Dover by Coach, or on Horseback. And in the Last Trial, he had not only the Impudence to tell Mr. Marsh, (when the Dispute was about a Day in August) That it was a great privilege, that he named the Month; but flew also (as I showed you) from the Fifteenth, (though he once granted it) as soon as he began to suspect that there would be Counter-Witnesses. Is not this then (as I said) a clear Demonstration of their VILLAINY, and LYING all along? for was it possible for him, who had now Discovered all to the King himself, and was to make it good at a Bar, to go afterwards to Consults with the Conspirators, and not know the Time precisely; and to see and peruse several of their Papers and Letters, without being able to produce the least Scrip or Scroll, or to have any Circumstance, that has not been most evidently disproven? Whenas, on the contrary, notwithstanding the strict Searches, that have been made in all our Houses, and the Reading of our secret Letters, and notwithstanding our Examinations before Magistrates, and our Imprisonments afterwards; and by the way these Wretches have had a Sight of every private Writing, by which they came not only to know our Hands, but had oftentimes Hints, the better to frame their Accusations: I say notwithstanding all these Accidents, there has not been found▪ any ill Letter, any Commission, any Bill of Exchange, any Money, any Arms, any Horses, or any Thing else suspicious; but to the Confusion of our Enemies, an Innocency, a Patience, and a Loyal Zeal beyond Example.  
I have been (my Lords and Gent:) the more particular with Oats (though as I said, I have not half done) to the end you might see not only how impossible it was, That he should have any knowledge of a Plot, had there been one; but that his whole Information also is a most vain Fiction; and consequently, if 100 Men (and all of them of some repute) should vouch and justify his Fopperies, it could but show us, what Encouragements and Temptations will do; For since he has most evidently Lied all along, how can their Testimony make him to have spoken Truth? If therefore upon force you must judge thus of all, that shall witness for him, though their Credit should be a little Tolerable (of which I'll assure you, we have no Apprehension) what are we to think of his declared Coadjutors and Partisans, who are so known, and not one whit behind him in any impudent or apparent falsity! As for Bedlow's part, nothing can be a greater proof of it, than that he should at first solemnly profess to the very Secretaries in his Examination upon Oath, That he knew nothing of the Plot further than of Sr. Edm. Godfrey's Murder. Besides when he was asked, where they laid his Corpse in Somerset house, he mentioned the Room next to that where the Duke of Albemarle lay in state; but being caught Tardy there, because it belonged to my Lord Ossory's Protestant Servants, he went and showed them another, in which he was yet more unfortunate, it being the common place for Pages and other foreign Attendants, and had to boot (during the Queen's stay) Sentinels still by it. Prance also you see (for I must be very brief in my Instances) acquaints us of God knows how many, that mentoned the killing the King to him, and this (as a trivial matter) even, whilst they were buying Spoons, Candlesticks, and the like. And to confirm the raising an Army by us, he comes to the very number of men it was to consist of, to wit, Fifty Thousand, and yet there are not so many Men, Women and Children of our Religion in England; nor were we to expect much help from abroad seeing the King's Navy was not only then in a good forwardness, but all foreign Princes were together by the Ears, and wanted Recruits as they still do, who are in an actual War. But considering Dugdale is the Junior of all; for as to Jenison▪ I shall only add this at present to what I have said 
‖ pag. 57  before, That he has already demanded a PENSION for his Services; which shows both his plentiful Condition, and his Aim; I say as to Dugdale, he is no ill Proficient (I'll assure you) in proceedures of this Nature, Having had▪ the luck (as well as the rest of the Fraternity) to be proved in Open Court a Villain; For at the last Staffored Assizes, Mr. Sambige a Protestant Gent, together with Mr. Philip's the Parson of the Parish, represented to the Court, That Dugdal never mentioned to them the kill of a Justice of Westminster, as he deposes in Sir George Wakeman's Trial; and lest such a Testimony should endanger the spilling of Innocent blood, they were willing to swear to the Truth of this Averment; nor could this ill man say any thing then to it, only (after some days search) he got two wretched fellows of his Gang, who privately made Oath, That Dugdal had told them, the said Deponents that Story; which contradicts nothing (had their Depositions been true) of what Sambige and Mr. Philip's attested to his Confusion; and how Mr. Chetwin also (who makes Mr. Sambige in the Jesvits' 
* pag. 27.  Trial his Author) will avoid this Blow, let any man tell me that can? Besides, were there no such persons as Mr. Sambige and M. Philip's living, is not yet the Lie most apparent and clear? for how is it possible (as I mentioned before) That Dugdale that was so greatly concerned in the Plot, and so surprised and disturbed (as 
† ib. p. 26.  he assures us) at this Murder, lest it might ruin the whole business, should run the very next morning (after Mr. Ewers had forsooth with great Secrecy told him of it) and proclaim to no manner of purpose at an Al● before any man dreamt of it in the Country●  
Thus stands our Case my Lords and Gent) & thus you see that no good Protestant can be safe, if such notorious Perjuries shall be countenanced. Nay if Popery should be thus depressed, could it be, do you think, either for the Honour or Interest of your Religion, since the History of all Country: as well as our own, (for no Tittle of this can fall to the ground and be unrecorded) will like the Ghost of a Murdered man be ever haunting you, which must raise in yours, and your children's thoughts great Detestation and Horror? For to what Height is the Effrontery of these Sons of Perdition come, when they can threaten Juries for not going against their Consciences, and tell Judges of WRITS of EASE, if they take notice of most apparent and impudent Contradictions. Have not they then destroyed all Law? And will not our moderate and excellent Government (if these Precedents stand good) be the most despotical & uncertain one, that ever was but to add yet to our Amazement, who could have ever thought (unless it were to make the folly every where proportionable) that we who have so eminently hazarded our ALL for the King, that have so entirely Loved his person & have so constantly even doted on Monarchy, should be accused as the grand Parricides, and that they that are generally reputed to hate King, and King-ship, should be now the Sticklers and Zealots for both. Is there not then some further Trick & Design in this new Loyalty? And may not the Papists (as the Dogs in the Fable) be thought too great a safety for the Fold? Yes certainly; for as the 
* Reply, pag. 562.  Apologist has long ago observed, The Prerogative never suffered; no great State's man has ever been disgraced; nor the Church of England itself, (n●● the Libertyes of the People) ever wounded, but a fearful Out cry against Popery has still preceded. And now that I speak of the Liberties & Rights of the People, show me an Instance in Story, even in the reputed Worst of Times (and therefore you may see, what Judgements ever follow the falling upon the Innocent) that whole Corporations (as appears now in the Buckingham case, & in other Places also) were ever before publicly Libelled for their Choice, which takes away the chiefest Liberty and Privilege we can possibly pretend. Therefore for Liberty's sake, for Monarchies sake, for Religion's sake; or in short, for the sake of all that is Good and Holy, put a stop to this present Tempest, which bearing up Perjury, has not only destroyed all Trade and Commerce among us, but rendered us a Laughingstock to the whole world, and shaken the very Basis and Foundation of our Island.  
FINIS.   

The Certificate of the City of St. Omer, concerning Titus Oats.  
WE the Mayor and Sheriffs of the City of St Omer, being surprised at the Report, That the English Fathers residing with us, had about the beginning of the Present Year (by the Negotiation of one Titus Oats, in France and England) contrived and Plotted a wicked and bloody Treason against their natural Lord, the most excellent▪ King of Great Britain, and being the more amazed at it, since they had given through a long ●cries of Years, a rare example among us, not only of Learning and Piety in particular, but of Obedience in general, to all Civil Magistrates and Governors; a thing which makes the whole Society of Jesus highly respected and esteemed, by most of the Christian Princes of the World: We say that being surprised at this report, we took (as far as we could) the Examination of the matter into hand, and therefore certify, That it has appeared to us by the Oaths of several of the best, and ancientest Scholars of that Seminary (the 
* Consisting of 200. Persons.  whole College having offered to make the same Oath) That the said Titus Oats, was not only effectively in the said Seminary at the end of April and beginning of May, 1678 but did constantly reside there, from the tenth of December, 1677. to the twenty third of June following, without ever being absent from thence, except one night in January, at which time he was at Watten, two Leagues distant from us▪ The said Deponents, also have alleged as a reason of this their knowledge, That they Lodged, Conversed, Drunk, and Eat with the said Oats, in the said Seminary, all that while, he being at a distinct table alone, and did particularly take notice that he was there in April and May as abovesaid, as having seen him at that time constantly perform the Office of Reader in the Sodality of the Students in the said Seminary, and as being present at the departure of one Killembeck alias Pool, an English Scholar, who went from this City the fifth day of the said Month of May New Style, to take his journey into England. In Witness whereof we have caused the Seal of the said City to be hereunto put this 28 of December, 1678.  
Loco Sigilli ✚ J. Ganon.   

The Certificate of the City of Liege, in Relation to Sir Thomas Preston.  
WE the Eschevines of the high Court of Justice of his most Serene Highness, in the City and Country of Liege, To all those to whom these presents shall come, greeting, do certify and attest, That a Petition being presented to us, in our ordinary Consistory in the Palace of his said Highness▪ on the behalf of Sir Thomas Preston Knight and Baronet, residing at the English College of this City; That whereas the said Sir Thomas Preston during the greatest part of the Year One Thousand Six Hundred Seventy and Eight, and more especially in the Months of March, April▪ May, and June, did constantly reside in the said College, be the said Sir Thomas Preston having petitioned that we would in favour of the Truth, hear a great many Witnesses, which he had to produce, we condeseended unto his said Petition as reasonable and just, and have accordingly heard upon Oath, fourteen creditable persons, who have all unanimously upon their respective Oaths, declared and attested that the said Sir Thomas Preston Knight and Baronet, did reside all the time aforesaid, at the College aforesaid, and particularly in the Months of March, April, May, and June, in the Year 1678. and that he was not absent, s● much as one-night during the said time; and they further have attested that they knew this to be true, in that they resided all in the said College▪ and there saw, and conversed daily with Him.  
Given at our Court of Justice this 28 of March, 1679. By Order of the High Court of Justice abovesaid. 
 Locus Sigilli. 
 ✚ De Bernimolin per Bonhomme.  
THe like Certificate came from Watten about Sir John. Warner, the Witnesses names being 

Albert Bapthorpe  
William Bitchfielt.  
Tousaint Vanden Cruys.  
F. Caeles.  
Augustin Elmers  
Jaques Broos.  
Nicholas Willaert.  
Thomas Higgenson.  
Marc. Bartolet.  
Charles Verons.    
FINIS.