A REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF THE CATHOLIQVE APOLOGY.  
Or a clear vindication of the Catholics of England from all matter of fact charged against them by their Enemies.  
M. DC. LXVIII.   

PREFACE TO ALL THE ROYALISTS that suffered for HIS MAJESTY: AND To all the rest of the Good People of ENGLAND.  
My Lords and Gentlemen:  
IF formerly the English Catholics by their Apology did in treat your Intercession to our Gracious Monarch, in suspending the execution of those severities then proclaimed: I (a member of that faithful Body) must now beseech your justice against the malice of a Parson, who not only strives to oppress the Loyal, but also (by the inferences of his Discourse) would stifle hereafter zeal, and mitigate, if he could, the fire, that resides in the breasts of all generous Subjects. Can any thing touch men of Honour more, then after the loss of so many Lives and Estates, insultingly to have it said, It was but your Duty? Nay, to go yet farther, even in a barbarous falsity, that Necessity only forced us to what we did, and that at all times you would rather far have had our room then Company. What Preacher preached this in the days of old? Or who told us when Cromwell lived, Be gone, you are no friends to Caesar? It was our Duty, I confess, and a Duty which no good man can refuse his Sovereign, neither shall we ever be shockt in the fervour of it, by the Doctrine of such a Rabbi.  
The reason why I now take up the Gauntlet of this Goliath, is to show the candour of our Actions, being yet purer than his words are black: which though many could do far better than I, yet here I appear challenged into the List, as Author of the late Apology. Author I can call myself, if plain words may create that Title; but the Duty and Submission is the sense of the whole Catholic Party; and for the matter of Fact, Books are the preservers of it, which will for ever record our Innocence, in despite of such detraction and calumny.  
A Jesuit, the Minister is pleased to call me, though I had not the happiness to be bred in their learned Schools: but the trick of this poor man plainly appears, that thus he hopes to make Truth itself suspected, because by the Preaching of such Pastors, the ignorant (as children consider Sarazens) have most fond Ideas of the Society and of all Priests in general.  
My Lords and Gentlemen, Before I go any farther, I think it most necessary to tell you what moved me to write that Pamphlet; which wken you have well weighed, you will find in the intention, perchance that Piety, which is usually lodged in an English Heart: and that you may assure yourselves of the sincerity of my thoughts, Know, that if my Arm was too weak to wield a Sword in the late just War, I had then a passion to wish my years greater. But though I thus lost the Honour of laying my life at the feet of the injured Father, I had yet the satisfaction to hazard it for the Son, even before and since his happy Restauration. For my near Relations, they all suffered in the Common Cause, which as it brought death to some, so to others the sale of their considerable Estates, and the best Fortune that any could expect, was to be crowded into the dreadful List for Composition. I am sure my zeal to the Royal Family has been as forward (to my power) as the best, more than which no body certainly can do; nor have I ever been farther Satirical against those that stand at Helm, then by innocently saying, We Catholics are always most unfortunate. This is the Profession I have lived in, and in the same loyal Faith will I end my days. Doubtless then I could have no sinister design in publishing the Apology; the good end I had, let the World consider.  
My first Motive was the Law of Nature, which gives the Needy leave to call for Mercy: nor was there at any time a Nation so cruel, that ever yet denied this favour.  
Could there be a more frightful sight, then to see the whole English World on a sudden, point and cry, Fie on them, Fie on them? What scoffing Blasphemies did the Seditious utter? How did Tenants begin to confront their Landlords? Nay, (omitting several insolences of the Rabble) I knew some Justices, by reason of private spleen to their Neighbours, seize on a Servant, threatening his commitment, unless he made Oath what his Master daily did. Thus then in a trice we became an Eyesore to our Friends, and a byword among the Common Enemies.  
But now my Minister will nimbly demand, Is not this accusing the King, and blaming the whole Parliament for their Advice and Counsel? To which I answer, first, with the great Ambassador of Heaven, God forbid: Nor is it possible for a man, who would hazard whatever is dear to him on Earth for the glory of his Country, to harbour such thoughts against lawful and just Authority. Pray, Master Parson, let me ask you, Whether Laws in all places are executed by inferior Officers, according to the intent of the Legislator? Remember, Sir, the infinitely wise Bill of purging Corporations, and you will find how private revenge converted it into quite another thing. This is a flail, against which perchance no wisdom can make defence; but nevertheless, 'tis Vinegar, and may force a shriek from the oppressed, without offence to Government.  
My Lords and Gentlemen, I do with all submission acknowledge that Counsellors (especially the Supreme) may advise their Sovereign to put Laws in force, without giving a reason to the Public; and moreover, I do farther say, that it was mercy that they were till then suspended: yet it is no crime, even when they are revived, humbly to beg for favour. And to illustrate this, consider, I beseech you, an Example.  
Imagine that his Majesty being returned, an honest Cavalier was restored to his House, which with two parts of his Lands lay round about a City, the prime Jewel in the Royal-Diadem. Here the good man sitting now under his own vine, daily blesses God for the happiness of the Nation; and here each moment he conceives fresh joys, by considering how superlative his late sufferings were. If now on a sudden both Houses (upon mature deliberation) should beseech his Majesty to make use of old Laws, to new fortify this his most considerable place (which consequently would destroy this Subject's Estate) no body, I think, could wonder to see him amazed and troubled. Suppose then, to divert this ruin, the poor man should beseech his friends to intercede, should show his sufferings, should urge reasons that his house would be a strength to the Town, and that the King's Enemies have certainly some bad design by his calamity. For all this the Prince is no way necessitated to grant his request, Because reasons which seem strong to a Party concerned, may yet in themselves be frivolous, when they are weighed by judgements who know far better the state of things, then private men can be conceived to do. But yet, it were severe to indite this man for a Libeler, or say (because he begs) that he mutinies against Obedience and Rule.  
Niniveh might call for mercy without affronting Heaven, even after sentence was given; nor has ever the King of Kings, when he punishes, forbade his children to cry, Remember Abraham, Remember Isaac, Remember Jacob; O Lord remember the promises that thou hast made of old.  
My second Reason, was as a Subject to keep the Peace, and to the utmost of my power to prevent all strife and division. This is an obligation which no son of Adam can plead exemption from: for seeing all men are under some Government or other, and Quiet the sole end of that, everybody must use the best means he can (so it contradict not Laws) to preserve the thing for which Magistracy itself was established. No Creature, I am sure, can be ignorant of the distraction then in England: for he that was in the City, fled to his Farm, frighted with the noise of a new fire; and he that got into the Country, posted again to Town, to escape the Massacre, which designed whispers daily threatened.  
If this disorder was amongst Protestants, what dreadful confusion must you imagine amongst Catholics, who are but a handful comparatively to the whole, and yet the famed Authors of these two Conspiracies! Was it unbeseeming than an English Christian to wish a better understanding among his Countrymen, and to desire the Royal-Party should not be disjoined, especially when an Invasion was menaced by our Confederate Neighbours; and a Rebellion newly broke out within the Circuit of our own Island? If remedies were needful, what Medicament could be better applied then the gentle balm of true persuasion? By this men saw the Tares which the Enemy sowed whilst they slept; and thus they began to reknow their often tried friends, descended (according to Nature and Grace) from those Ancestors, who like so many Atlas' upheld the Grandeur of our Kings, whilst the whole World from East to West admired their Victories.  
Consider then, I beseech you, (Great Patriots) in whom the Prince of darkness reigns; whether in me that am termed a Jesuit, and would banish all discord from among my Brethren; or in this strange Minister, who to sow Sedition, ploughs with perverted Story, and then harrows with downright falsities and untruths.  
How does this poor man rip up old tales of Popes, and by discovering his passion and fancy, infer, that it is a check to the Glory of Kings, and utter loss of Sovereignty, to be under the spiritual Jurisdiction of this Universal Bishop? Why do not the Kings of France, Spain, Portugal and Poland see this? How comes it to pass also, that the Emperor (who is Absolute Monarch of Hungary and Boheme) and the other great Princes of Germany, are ignorant of a thing of so much concernment? This I much wonder at indeed, especially since their Countries have so swarmed with these Reformed Evangelists: But it may be they are careless of their interest, and so is the simple Florentine, who with the Duke of Savoy, and the rest of the Italian Regulets, want as much wit as they do Authority and Power.  
These Princes, even these very last, live, as I may say, just under his Holiness his Nose; and yet (when they please) dispute about Temporals, not only with Sword in hand, but are so absolute and arbitrary in their Dominions, that England would groan to bear once in many ages, what their Subjects daily suffer.  
Reflecting thus on the premises, might not I well wonder in our Apology, how so wild a calumny could be laid to our charge, as that our Principles are destructive to Sovereignty? Truly, I did wonder, and that not a little, especially since our forefathers were so eminent in Religion, and yet our Kings rather Monarches of Europe, then of half an Isle, giving Laws wheresoever they pleased. If some Popes have been exorbitant, 'tis no more our Faith to believe their actions just, than that humane transgressions are the true Precepts of Christianity. As some wicked men dealt ill with Gods Anointed; so on the other side, who defended these Princes against pretended illegal impositions of Rome? were they not Papists? Yes, and so fervent for that Truth, that the next day they would take the Croisado next against any foreign Heretics.  
'Tis no breach in our Religion to say, that Popes in their private Determinations may err, much less, that they sin like men. A Pope and Council in matters of Faith I confess Infallible; and therefore I look upon the Decrees of Trent, as divine as those of Nice: nor were there, I am sure, more tricks against Protestants pretended in this, then in the former against the strong and numerous Arrians. No man abominates Prelatic insolences more than I: Bring out then the Glorious Roll, and upon examination you will find, that our bravest Catholic Princes have been the best sons of the Church: nor is yet a King by our Tenets the worse Child for defending his Rights and Privileges. Caesar must have what is Caesar's, and to God we must ●●nder what is Gods.  
Shall Notions then convince Experience, when as Demonstration itself often gives way to Practice? Let us now summon for witnesses to this great Truth, the present Kings of our Profession; and though their thoughts tower far higher than Eagles, they will not only deride the contrary, but unanimously proclaim, that their people are not rebellious by reason of Ecclesiastical dependence abroad, nor do they think themselves less absolute than that very Prince, who cries, There aught to be no other Pope then Me.  
What shall I say then to such a man, who will yet affirm our Principles inconsistent with Obedience? To advise him to Anticyra is vain, for no Ellebore can purge that madness, which first taking root by ignorance, has afterward been quite transformed, through interest, into an obstinate, and selfdeceiving wilfulness.  
My Lords and Gentlemen, As malice has forced the Answerer thus ill to apply his reading, so also it hath stained his face with so deep a dye, that now he blushes at nothing, nor regards any more whatever he says. Well might I have pardoned him his rude upbraiding, That our sufferings were but Duties, because it is a real Truth: yet no Subject takes pleasure in the sound, when in rancour and despite it is used against him. I say, well might I with silence have swallowed this, seeing afterwards I was to hear him with impudence proclaim, That Papists were forced to their bravery, and like a hard-hunted-Deer, we threw ourselves into the Herd, glad to be sheltered under the Royal covert. Glad, we confess, as Loyal men grasp the occasion of expressing zeal; but that we could not sit quietly at home, I flatly here deny: nay, day is not clearer than this, that had not our Loyalty forbade, we might with triumph have been received even into the very embraces of the Enemy.  
Had this Minister perused Books any farther than their Indices against Catholics, he would have seen, that let Rebels declare what they will, they'll soon find excuses, and publicly make use of those very things (when 'tis for their advantage) against which in the beginning they openly professed. Was not Godliness, Godliness, the cry of all the Saints? yet because dexterity was needful, they admitted into their league H. Martin and others, who were then as notorious for their Vices, as afterwards eminent in all the abominations of the Land.  
Again, if the Papists were pursued, against Bishops there was as fierce a Chase; and ever after, Popery and Prelacy were continually placed in the same Parenthesis. For my part, I believe the English Episcopacy stuck more in their stomaches then we; because Heretics hate most that Religion which is but one remove above them, and from which they are ever justly taxed rebelliously to have gone out. Besides, the Catholics (being of a Faith for which the People had a prejudice) could no ways obstruct the Reformation, which they so earnestly intended. 'Tis plain then, against Prelates they had as great, if not a greater Pique: yet when it conduced to the reducing of North Wales, and subduing of Sir John Owen, they made commander of their Forces not only a Bishop, but an Arch- bishop also, I mean (that real Chimaera) his graceless Grace of York.  
But why do I trouble you with these probable arguments to prove the possibility of our reception, when as the matter of fact is certain, not done in a corner, but in the Palace of a King, and in the sight of all his Nobles? Sir Arthur Aston, a Catholic of Quality and Experience, offered our late Souveraign his service, and the service of many more, upon the first preparations of War. The good Prince sincerely gave him thanks; but told him, that by reason of their Religion, he durst not admit them into the Army: for the Rebels (who never omitted a pretence), would make use of this, to discredit him among the people. This Knight being refused thus, road in all haste to London, and made the like tender to Essex. The Earl upon the proposal consults the Cabal, who presently advised him to accept the offer; and so a formal Commission was given Sir Arthur. He immediately posted back to the Court, and there showed the Commission to his Majesty; which when he saw, and together with it the Intrigue of these Jugglers, he not only gave Sir Arthur a Command, but from that time declared all Catholics welcome, who thereupon from every Quarter hastened to his help and succour.  
The Designs which the Rebels had herein, were many: for by this they not only hoped to get to themselves a Party well versed in War, great in Blood, and of Estates answerable to that Blood; but also were sure at the same instant to weaken as much the King, as they brought strength to themselves: and besides, they farther considered, that this might add a gloss to their proceedings abroad, because all Neighbouring Princes (being Catholics) would then probably look on their actions with a more partial eye. Scripture also, which is the stalking-horse of all Sects, could not be wanting to them, who had already, with a Curse ye Meroz, invited all to Rebellion. That very Example might have been a Warrant, that the Godly & Profane may join in a Confederation. At lest 'twas evident, that the children of Israel, who went to fight the battles of the Lord, used 
a josh. 6. 22.  Rahabs' assistance, a Harlot of Jericho; for which service they showed favour to all her father's house: And why then might not the Elect (when the Cause required it▪) receive aid from us, though children of the Whore of Babylon? Doubtless, in Conscience this advantage could not have been omitted by the Saints, since it might have been a means towards our Conversion, as Cromwell afterwards urged, when he so passionately stickled to bring in the Jews.  
My Lords and Gentlemen, Thus stood our Case, and thus are we now reviled by a Minister, after such true and faithful Services: Yes, so Loyal have we been, that I defy all mankind to show one that was false, unless perchance those that renouncing their God, and shaking hands with Religion, were owned as Converts by the people. Nay, let any man read but the Account of the 
a Pyr. Tr. p. 4.  Pyrenaean Treaty, printed by the Dutch and others, and there he shall see, that Cromwell esteemed us the greatest of his enemies: for so he told the Duke of Crequi, when he desired him (as a request of his Mistress the Queen Mother of France) to cease his notorious persecutions against us.  
Certainly, nothing can more fully prove the sincere and disinterested meaning of the Catholics, than the King's miraculous Escape from Worcester: for he fell not there into the hands of men of Quality only, but among Papists of all ranks and conditions. There were Priests, there were Tradesmen, there were Labourers, there were old women, there were young, fully acquainted with his misery: and though at the same time death was proclaimed to the Concealer, and to the Discoverer a reward (able to make a poor man Emperor in his own thoughts) yet no danger, no gain could make them betray him, whom by their Faith they were commanded to conceal. Men of education and parts may sometimes have by designs, even in the best of their doings; but they of low degree (being unacquainted with the artifices of the World) declare the full reality of their hearts, having nothing lodged there, but the religious Principles, which from their youth they received from their Ghostly Father.  
My Lords and Gentlemen, I must here conjure you not to put any forced interpretation upon my words: for I do not now Apologise for any Extravagancies done by our Predecessors in the beginning of the Reformation; only let me beseech you to look on their Case at that time with the gentlest aspect that may be. Height of temptation may perchance move pity in Magistrates, though not pervert their Justice: and let me desire him that will judge, to lay his hand on his own breast, and truly examine there, what he himself would do in this condition. Suppose he were of a Religion which he thought the visible Church from age to age delivered, which he knew his ancestors to have happily lived under, and which he saw professed by all the Kingdoms about him: suppose then on a sudden, by the preaching of two or three men (base in their rank, and taxed in Moralities obyne another) a flame should break out through all Europe, and turn topsie-turvie this venerable Building, to make way for divers unlike Fabrics, every on of which, each Architect affirmed, was according to Gods own Word and Model. I ask him then in such a devastation, (which, to use 
a Cam. Brit. P. 163. B.  Camden's own phrase, The world stood amazed, and England groaned at) what would flesh and blood move him to? 'Tis an Article of my Faith, that neither Heresy nor Turcism (because ill must not be done that good may come of it) can be opposed by Rebellion; though many of the Reformed Divines are (
b Vid. Rep. 6.  as I shall show you) of another sentiment. Yet even those that do agree with me, will nevertheless confess, that (by reason of carnal passions) Grace must be predominant to resist so strong a torrent. Was it not strange in the beginning, to behold 
c 645. Monasteries. 110. Hospitals, 90. colleges, 2374. Chaunteries and free Chapels. L. Herb. H. 8. p. 443.  Abbeys destroyed, Bishoprics gelded, Chanteries, Hospitals and Colleges turned to profane uses? Nay, (after a change of Liturgies and Rites) to see people renounce their pious Vows, and out of Godliness grow more licentious and loose. 
a Vid. Rep. 48. sect. 5.  These and the like unexpected alterations (it being a pitiful thing (as 
b St H. ●. pag. 964. Reg. 26.  Stow says) to hear the lamentations in the Country for Religious houses) spurred men forward to resist: for people saw the Conflagration, and none knew in what it would determine or end. But now, Noble Countrymen, the Scene is quite altered: for now we know the full scope of your design, now we are enured to the gentle. Yoke of Protestant Kings, and now we are so incorporated by our long acquaintance and joint sufferings that all humane proneness to contend (which our Enemies called Principles of Faith) is wholly eradicated and taken away.  
Having thus showed you that our Principles are not dangerous to Kings, that our actions have been zealous for Kings, and moreover that it is impossible we should again fall into those misdemeanours, into which natural frailty and misusage drove the foregoing age: I will now, with your permission, examine the Answer of our Minister to each particular Paragraph, and by it shall still farther let you see, as well his pernicious ill nature, as his detestable Positions and Designs.  
But, my Lords and Gentlemen, I shall beseech you, first throughly to peruse the Apology itself, it being the ground of the whole Dispute: and because it hath been mangled by him into many imperfect Sections, I have thought fit to print it here entire, to the end you might run it over with the more ease; and that by the whole connexion and dependence (which mutilation spoils) you may the better consider the real integrity I had, in putting out that true and submissive Vindication.   

TO ALL THE ROYALISTS that suffered for HIS MAJESTY: AND To all the rest of the Good People of ENGLAND. The Humble APOLOGY of the ENGLISH CATHOLICS  
My Lords and Gentlemen:  
THe Arms which Christians can use against Lawful Powers in their Severity, are only Prayers & Tears. Now since nothing can equal the infinity of those we have shed, but the Cause, viz. to see our dearest Friends forsake us; we hope it will not offend you, if (after we have a little wiped our eyes) we sigh out our Complaints to you.  
We had spoken much sooner, had we not been silent through consternation to see you so inflamed (whom with reverence we honour) and also to show our submissive patience, which used no slights or tricks to divert the debates of Parliament. For no body can imagine, where so many of the great Nobility and Gentry are concerned, but something might have been done; whenas in all ages we see things of Public advantage by the managers dexterity nipped in the bud, even in the very Houses themselves. Far be it from Catholics to perplex Parliaments, who have been the Founders of their Privileges, and all Ancient Laws. Nay, Mâgna Charta itself had its rise from us; which we do the less boast of, since it was not at first obtained in so submiss and humble manner.  
We sung our Nunc dimittis, when we saw our Master in his Throne, and you in your deserved Authority and Rule: nor could any thing have ever grieved us more, then to have our Loyalty called into Question by you, even at the instigation of our greatest Adversaries. If we must suffer, let it be by you alone: for that's a double death to men of Honour, to have their Enemies not only Accusers, but their insulting Judges also. These are they, that by beginning with us, murdered their Prince, and wounded you: And shall the same Method continue by your approbation? We are sure you mean well, though their design be wicked. But let it never be recorded in Story, that you forgot your often Vows to us, in joining with them that have been the cause of so great calamity to the Nation.  
Of all Calumnies against Catholics, we have admired at none so much, as that their Principles are said to be inconsistent with Government, and they themselves thought ever prone to Rebellion.  
My Lords and Gentlemen, Had this been a new Sect not known before, something perchance might have been doubted: but to lay this at their doors, that have governed the Civilised World, is the Miracle of Miracles to us.  
Did Richard the First, or Edward Longshanks, suspect his Catholics that served in Palestine, and made our Country's Fame big in the Chronicle of all Ages? Or did they mistrust (in their dangerous absence) their Subjects at home, because they were of this Profession? Could Edward the Third imagine those to be Traitorous in their Doctrine, that had that care and duty for their Prince, as to make them (by Statute) guilty of death in the highest degree, that had the least thought of ill against the King? Be pleased that Henry the Fifth be remembered also, who did those Wonders of which the whole World does still resound; and certainly all History will agree in this, that 'twas Old Castle he feared, and not those that believed the Bishop of Rome to be Head of the Church. We will no longer trouble you with putting you in mind of any more of our mighty Kings, who have been feared abroad, and as safe at home as any since the Reformation of Religion. We shall only add this, that if Popery be the enslaving of Princes, France still believes itself as absolute as Denmark or Sweden: nor will ever the House of Austria abjure the Pope, to secure themselves of the fidelity of their Subjects. We shall always acknowledge to the whole World, that there have been as many brave English in this last Century, as in any other place whatsoever. Yet since the exclusion of the Catholic Faith, there has been that committed by those, who would be fain called Protestants, that the wickedest Papist never dreamt of 'Twas never heard of before, that an absolute Queen was condemned by Subjects, and those styled her Peers; or that a King was publicly tried and executed by his own people and servants.  
My Lords and Gentlemen, We know who were the Authors of this last Abomination, and how generously you strove against the raging Torrent; nor have we any other ends to remember you of it, but to show that all Religions may have a corrupted spawn, and that God hath been pleased to permit such a Rebellion which our progenitors never saw, to convince you perchance (whom for ever may he prosper) that Popery is not the only Source of Treason.  
Little did we think (when your Prayers and ours were offered up to beg a Blessing on the King's Affairs) ever to see that day, in which Carlos, Gifford, Whitgrave, and the Pendrels should be punished by your desires for that Religion, which obliged them to save their forlorn Prince; and a stigmatised man (for his offences against King and Church) a chief promoter of it. Nay, less did we imagine, that by your Votes Hudlestone might be hanged, who again secured our Sovereign; and others free in their fat possessions, that sat as Judges, and sealed the Execution of that great Prince of happy Memory. We confess, we are unfortunate, & you just Judges, whom with our lives we will ever maintain to be so; nor are we ignorant the necessity of affairs made the King and you do things, which formerly you could not so much as fancy: yet give us leave to say we are still Loyal; nay, to desire you to believe so, and to remember how synonymous (under the late Rebellion) was the word Papist and Cavalier; for there was no Papist that was not deemed a Cavalier, nor no Cavalier that was not called a Papist, or at least thought to be Popishly affected.  
We know, though we differ something in Religion, (the truth of which let the last day judge) yet none can agree with your inclinations, or are fitter for your converse than we; for as we have as much birth among us as England can boast of, so our breeding leans your way both in Court and Camp. And therefore had not our late Sufferings united us in that firm tie, yet our like humours must needs have joined our hearts. If we err, pity our condition, and remember what your great Ancestors were; and make some difference between us that have twice converted England from Paganism, and those other Sects that can challenge nothing but intrusion for their imposed Authority.  
But't is generally said, That Papists cannot live without persecuting all other Religions within their reach.  
We confess, where the name of Protestant is unknown, the Catholic Magistrates (believing it erroneous) do use all endeavours to keep it out: Yet in those Countries where Liberty is given, they have far more Privileges than we under any Reformed Government whatsoever. To be short, we will only instance France for all, where they have public Churches, where they can make what Proselytes they please, and where 't is not against Law to be in any Charge or Employment. Now Holland, which permits every thing gives us 'tis true our Lives and Estates, but takes away alle Trust and Rule, and leaves us also in danger of the Scout, whensoever he pleases to molest our Meetings.  
Because we have named France, the Massacre will perchance be urged against us. But the World must know that was a Cabinet-Plot, condemned as wicked by Catholic Writers there, and of other Countries also. Besides, it cannot be thought they were murdered for being Protestants, since 'twas their powerful Rebellion (let their Faith have been what it would) that drew them into that ill-machinated destruction.  
May it not as well be said in the next Catholic Kings Reign, that the Duke of Guise, and Cardinal (Heads of the League) were killed for their Religion also? Now no body is ignorant, that 't was their factious Authority, which made that jealous Prince design their deaths, though by unwarrantable means.  
If it were for Doctrine that the Hugonots suffered in France, this haughty Monaroh would soon destroy them now, having neither Force nor Towns to resist his Might and Puissance. They yet live free enough, being even Members of Parliament; and may convert the King's Brother too, if he thinks fit to be so. Thus you may see how well Protestants live in a Popish Country under a Popish King: Nor was Charlemaign more Catholic than this; for though he contends sometimes with the Pope, 'tis not of Faith, but about Gallicane Privileges, which perchance he may very lawfully do. Judge then, Worthy Patriots, who are the best used, and consider our hardship here in England, where 'tis not only a Fine for hearing Mass, but death to the Master for having a Priest in his house; and so far we are from preferment, that by Law we cannot come within ten miles of London; all which we know your great Mercy will never permit you to exact.  
It has been often urged, that our misdemeanours in Queen Elizabeth's and King James' time, were the cause of our punishment.  
We earnestly wish that the Party had had more patience under that Princess: But pray consider (though we excuse not their faults) whether it was not a Question harder than that of York and Lancaster (the cause of a War of such length, and death of so many Princes) who had most right, Queen Elizabeth or Mary Stuart. For since the whole Kingdom had crowned and sworn Allegiance to Queen Mary, they owned her as the legitimate daughter to Henry the Eighth; and therefore 'twas thought necessarily to follow by many, that if Mary was the true Child, Elizabeth was the Natural, which must needs give way to the thrice noble Queen of Scots. 'Twas for the Royal House of Scotland that they suffered in those days, and 'tis for the same illustrious Family we are ready to hazard all on any occasion. Nor can the consequence of the former procedure be but ill, if a Henry the Eighth (whom Sir W. Raleigh and my Lord Cherbury, two famous Protestants, have so homely characterized) should after twenty years' co-habitation, turn away his wife, and this out of scruple of Conscience (as he said) when as History declares, that he never spared woman in his lust, nor man his fury.  
Now for the fifth of November, with hands lifted up to Heaven, we abominate and detest, and from the bottom of our hearts, say, may they fall into irrecoverable perdition, who propagate that faith by the blood of Kings, which is to be planted in truth and meekness only. But let it not displease (Men, Brethren, and Fathers) if we ask whether Ulysses be no better known? or who has forgot the Plots of Cromwell, framed in his Closet, not only to destroy many faithful Cavaliers; but also to put a lustre upon his Intelligence, as if nothing could be done without his knowledge? Even so did the then great Minister, who drew some few ambitious, men into this conjuration, and then discovered it by a Miracle. This will easily appear, viz. how little the Catholic Party understood the design, seeing there were not a score of guilty found, though all imaginable industry was used by the Commons, Lords, and Privy Council too. But suppose (my Lords and Gentlemen, which never can be granted) that all the Papists of that age were consenting, Will you be so severe then to still punish the Children for their Father's faults? Nay, such Children that so unanimously joined with you in that glorious Quarrel, wherein you and we underwent such sufferings, that needs we must have all sunk, had not our mutual love assisted.  
What have we done, that we should now deserve your Anger? Has the Indiscretion of some few incensed you? 'Tis true, that is the thing Objected.  
Do not you know an Enemy may easily mistake a Mass-Bell, for that which calls to Dinner; or a Sequestrator glad to be affronted being Constable? when 'twas the hatred to his person, and not present Office, which perchance egged a rash man to folly. We dare with submission say, let a public Invitation be put up against any Party whatsoever; nay, against the Reverend Bishops themselves, and some malicious Informer or other will allege that which may be far better to conceal. Yet all mankind by a Manifesto on the House-door are encouraged to accuse us; Nor are they upon Oath, though your Enemies and ours take all for granted and true.  
It cannot be imagined, where there are so many men of heat and youth (overjoyed with the happy Restauration of their Prince, and remembering the Insolences of the former Grandees) that they should all, at all times prudently carry themselves; for this would be more than men: And truly we esteem it as a particular blessing, that God has not suffered many, through vanity or frailty to fall into greater faults, there are yet as we understand laid to our charge.  
Can we choose but be dismayed (when all things fail) that extravagant Crimes are fathered on us? It is we that must be the Authors, some say, of firing the City, even we that have lost so vastly by it. Yet truly in this our ingenuity is great, since we think it no Plot, though our Enemy, an Huguenot Protestant acknowledged the fact, and was justly executed for his vain Confession. Again, if a Merchant of the Church of England buy Knives for the business of his Trade, this also presently is a Popish contrivance to destroy the well-affected.  
We must a little complain, finding it by experience, that by reason you discontenance us, the people rage: and again, because they rage, we are the more forsaken by you. Assured we are that our Conversation is affable, and our Houses so many hospitable receipts to our Neighbours. Our acquaintance therefore we fear at no time, but it is the stranger we dread (that taking all on hear say) zealously wounds, and then examines the business when 'tis too late, or is perchance confirmed by another, that knows no more of us than he himself.  
'Tis to you we must make our applications, beseeching you (as Subjects tender of our King) to intercede for us in the execution, and weigh the Dilemma, which doubtless he is in, either to deny so good a Parliament their request, or else run counter to his Royal inclinations, when he punishes the weak and harmless.  
Why may not we, Noble Countrymen, hope for favour from you, as well as the French Protestants find from theirs? A greater duty than ours none could express, we are sure. Or why should the United Provinces, and other Magistrates (that are harsh both in mind and manners) refrain from violence against our Religion, and your, tender breasts seem not to harbour the least compassion or pity? These neighbouring people sequestrer none for their Faith, but for transgression against the State; Nor is the whole party involved in the crime of a few, but every man suffers for his own and proper fault. Do you then the like, and he that offends let him die without mercy, And think always (we beseech you) of Cromwel's injustice, who for the actions of some against his pretended Laws, drew thousands into Decimation (even ignorant of the thing) after they had vastlie paid for their security and quiet.  
We have no study but the Glory of our Sovereign, and just liberty of the Subjects; nor was it a mean argument of our duty, when every Catholic Lord gave his voice for the Restoration of Bishops; by which we could pretend no other advantage, but that 26. Votes (subsisting wholly by the Crown) were added to the defence of Kingship, and consequently a check to all Anarchy and confusion.  
'Tis morally impossible, but that we, who approve of Monarhy in the Church, must ever be fond of it in the State also. Yet this is a misfortune we now plainly feel, that the longer the late transgressors live, the more forgotten are their crimes, whilst distance in time calls the faults of our Fathers to remembrance, and buries our own Allegiance in eternal Oblivion and forgetfulness.  
My Lords and Gentlemen, Consider we beseech you, the sad condition of the Irish Soldiers now in England, the worst of which Nation could be but intentionallie so wicked, as the acted villainy of many English, whom your admired Clemency pardoned. Remember how they left the Spanish service when they heard their King was in France; and how they forsook the employment of that unnatural Prince, after he had committed that never to be forgotten act of banishing his distressed Kinsman out of his Dominions. These poor men left all again to bring their Monarch to his home, and shall they then he forgotten by You? Or, shall my Lord Douglas and his brave Scots be left to their shifts; who scorned to receive Wages of those that have declared War against England?  
How commonly is it said, That the Oath of renouncing their Religion is intended for these? which will needs bring this loss to the King and you, that either you will force all of our Faith to lay down their Arms (though by experience, of great integrity and worth) or else, if some few you retain, they are such whom Necessity has made to swear against Conscience, and who therefore will certainly betray you, when a greater advantage shall be offered. By this test then, you can have none but whom with caution you ought to shun, and thus must you drive away those that truly would serve you; for had they the least thought of being false, they would gladly take the advantage of gain and pay, to deceive you.  
We know your wisdom and generosity, and therefore cannot imagine such a thing. Nor do we doubt when you show favour to these, but you will use mercy to us, who are both fellow-Subjects, and your owen flesh and blood also. If you forsake us, we must say, the world decays, and its final transmutation must needs quickly follow.  
Little do you think the insolences we shall suffer by Committee-men, etc. whom chance and lot has put in to petty power. Nor will it choose but grieve you, to see them abused (whom formerly you loved.) even by the Common Enemy of us both. When they punish, how will they triumph and say. Take this (poor Romanists) for your love to King ship; and again, this for your long doting on the Royal Party; all which you shall receive from us, Commissioned by your dearest friends, and under this cloak we will gladly vent our private spleen and malice.  
We know, My Lords and Gentlemen, that from your hearts you do deplore our condition; yet permit us to tell you, your bravery must extend thus far, as not to sit still with pity only, but each is to labour for the distressed, as far as in reality his ablity will reach: some must beseech our Gracious Sovereign for us, others must again undeceive the Good, though deluded Multitude. Therefore all are to remember who are the prime raisers of the Storm, and how through our sides they would wound both the KING and You; for though their hatred to ourselves is great, yet the enmity out of all measure increases, because we have been yours (and so shall continue) even in the fiery day of trial.  
Protect us we entreat you then upon all your former Promises, or if that be not sufficient, for the sakes of those that lost their Estates with you; many of which are now fallen a sleep. But if this be still too weak, we must conjure you by the sight of this Bloody Catalogue, which contains the Names of your murdered Friends and Relations, who in the heat of Battle, perchance saved many of your Lives, even with the joyful loss of their own.  
The Catalogue of Names is at the end of the Book.   

A material Advertisement to the Reader both concerning the Answerer of the Apology, and the Method of this Reply.  
READER,  
ABout the middle of Novem. 1666. when the known Enemies of the Kingdom had inflamed the minds of several honest and wellmeaning people, I put out this sincere Apology. The Reasons therein (having nothing but truth and reality in them) satisfied many: for every body of themselves saw there was no ground, and most confessed they were disordered because they saw others so. 'Twas after Christmas before I left London; and truly, I supposed that if any body could be so maliciously impertinent, as by an Answer to cavil at so innocent a thing, he would have done it in two months, it being but a sheet of Paper against which he was to write; and then (being near at hand) I should have been as quick in my Reply. Though the worthy Answerer took much more time for his solid Piece, yet in the interval mine was egregiously confuted: Nor was ever Gonvil's plain Testament so tore and repieced as this Pamphlet, by the wise and numerous Assailants. One said, that the whole thing was harmless and reasonable; but that Magna Charta seemed to be struck at. His fellow answered, that Magna Charta was Magna Farta, and of itself Popish; and that all was well, had not Queen Elizabeth been abused. To this a third answered, that Q. Elizabeth was now no more to them then William Rufus, and all that was said was out of Protestant History; but the only thing he blamed was, that the fifth of Nou. (which was still a Festival) was defamed, and consequently they themselves jeered at in their Annual observation. At him another presently laughed, and asked, whether any people ever reverenced a Solemnity against themselves: for his own part, he cared not whether the Papists were guilty or not, let them look to that; therefore he was sufficiently satisfied with the Apology, had the Catalogue been omitted of those that died in the War: for by it, it seemed, as if the whole Royal Army were Papists, because so many Popish Officers, and men of great Condition, were killed in that Service. To this a Neighbour said, that he knew many more of the Party, than were mentioned, that thus fell for their Allegiance; and that it was hard, that so cheap recompense should be denied men for their lives: but the sole thing which he stumbled at, was the timing & publication of it. Against whom the whole Company concluded, that if ever the time was fit, 'twas then when the flame appeared, and that't would have been ridiculous to Apologise, when there was no stir or clamour. Thus have I been vindicated by my Reprehenders, and thus have I both read and seen in matters of Religion, where the several Antagonists have solved the Popish difficulties themselves.  
After Christmas, Reader (as I said before) I not only went out of Town, but have ever since been many score of miles distant from it, which is the cause I saw not this Answer so soon as otherwise I should have done: at last it was sent me by a Protestant Gentleman who had seen the Apology before it was printed. When I had read it, I began to admire, not only at the malice of the thing, but also at the weakness of the man, that thus needlessly took up the Cudgels. Who the Author is, to this day I know not; nor can any man desire his Acquaintance, unless it be to say, they have seen the Eighth Wise man▪ I do not say, that he may not be a man of Wit; but nevertheless, I am sure, he is neither of Judgement nor Principles.  
For had he been a royalist, he would have had more Gratitude and good Nature, then to have forgotten faithful friends in a storm, and added (as he hoped) fuel to the flame, when we were underhand bespattred by Enemies to us both. Nor was there any drift in the Apology, but to settle a Distemper, raised without either cause or reason.  
A Presbyterian I can never think him, because they being men of depth and prudence, know that the effects of their crying against Papists in 1640. are too fresh in memory; nor can it be an advantage for them to harass men's Consciences, while their own are within reach of Law.  
I can also as little fancy that an Independent, or any real member of that many-headed and uncompacted Body, could soberly by writing wish a Persecution for Religion, being themselves obnoxious upon all accounts; and if severity should universally fall, they cannot imagine but that men of Birth, men of Breeding, men of Loyalty, must needs at all times find more friends than they. Who he is, God knows, a man of Principles (as I said) I am sure he is not, nor do I doubt but his officiousness will at last find its reward: and since he has called me Turk, and worse, as you shall see by and by, I suppose he will not take it amiss, if I speak my thoughts, viz. that though he carps in a Minister's Dialect, yet doubtless he is a Jew of the Duke's Place.  
Reader, When I received this Answer, both by my Letters and Friends near me, I was persuaded not to reply, because it had no force in itself, nor had any applause at London. I could not upon this information but assent; but now lately I have been awaked by a new occasion. I had some days ago sent me a Pamphlet, called▪ A Discourse of the Religion of England; a simpler thing was never yet writ, I am sure; and take this for a proof, for he says among many hundred of his silly things, that Holland, Scotland and Geneva brought in the Reformed Religion without Rebellion. He has been well whipped by a Protestant, but deserves much more. For Scroop was excepted out of the Act of Oblivion, and hanged, for excusing to Sir Richard Brown after mercy, instead of being contrite for his crime: yet this man that owns himself a Presbyterian (which I believe as much as that my Minister was a Cavalier) says, The 
a c. 20. p. 40.  Non-conformists were only eager Assertors of Legal Liberties. Seven Chapters of his Treatise are against Papists, and all taken out of the Answerer of the Apology: therefore since I find it hath weight in the opinion of one, lest more weak Brethren should fall, I thought fit to take some pains thus to remove the cause.  
I was forced to go the insipid way of Section by Section, well knowing that some people not finding the Solution to follow the Objection, would sooner haesitate and doubt Insipid; I call this Method, because there is no art or contrivance in it; nor is it possible but the best Reply in the World must be then frigidly stiff, when the Adversary in the Paragraph has no Spirit in him. I have not Printed the Answer verbatim, for that would be too tedious, but have so contracted it▪ that I challenge the Author himself to find any thing left out, that might have added force to the Argument. The Books I use in Citations are all Protestant, except Davilah, impartial, as the reform confess: for though he is acknowledged to be a Creature and adorer of Katherine de Medici's, yet concerning her he speaks home, even in many private intrigues, which might have been well omitted. Him only I quote about the Hugonots Rebellion; but their actions are so villainously notorious, that any Author shall be-sufficient for that purpose.  
I must needs say, I have had no little trouble in this Composition, fearing the Bulk would be voluminous; for by Nature I hate superfluities and always strive to crowd my matter into the narrowest room imaginable. In this Work I had still the disgustful vexation, how to omit, and yet be still intelligible: For I dare affirm, had I writ all I could upon this Subject▪ and followed to the utmost the disingenuous digressions of the Answerer, I should have swelled to the bigness of any Folio extant. I have nevertheless past by nothing material; and hope this thin Octavo will be both useful and satisfactory to you, since it contains the whole accusation in practice, charged upon the English Catholics; I have urged nothing (as I said before) but what I prove out of the Record of a violent Protestant, or a natural deduction from it: and that you may upon occasion find each particular matter, here follow the Contents themselves in order.  

1. Whether Papists were necessitated farther than in Duty to fight for their Sovereign. Pref.  
2. Concerning stirs by Papists in the beginning of the Reformation. Pref.  
3. Concerning the Irish Rebellion Rep. 1.  
4. Mr. Du Molins' Canonical french integrity in his allegations agains Papist's, Rep. 3. He is endangered by his own bait. Rep. 35.  
5. Whether Papists die in England for their Conscience or for Treason? Rep. 4.  
6. About the Oath of Allegiance and dispensing with Vows. Rep. 5.  
7. Whether their General Councils, Decretals and Divines teach Papists Rebellion and deposing Kings? And in the Theory and Practice, whether Papists or Protestants have been most in fault. Rep. 6.  
8. Whither Papist's governed the civilised world? And of their Ignorance. Rep. 7.  
9 Whether Protestant Princes are more absolute than the Popish? Pref. and Rep. 9 10.  
10. About Q. Mary's Persecution, and whether she or the Reformed Government, spilt most Blood for Religion? Rep. 11.  
11. Whither Papist's caused the war in the three Kingdoms? Rep. 13.  
12. Whether Papists were connivers in the late Troubles. Rep. 15.  
13. Whether Papists twice converted England from Paganism? Rep. 16.  
14. Whether Popish or Protestant Governments are kinder to their dissenting Subjects? Rep. 17. Postscript.  
15. Concerning the French Massacre. Rep. 18. 19 20.  
16. The Popish misdemeanours in Q. Elizabeth's Reign, and their then Plea. Rep. 22.  
17. How Protestants have used their Popish Princes here in England. Rep. 22.  
18. About the Powder-Treason. Rep. 28.  
19 About Hubert the Frenchman, who was hanged for burning London. Rep. 35.  
20. Concerning the Catalogue of the Papists that died for their King, and of the Protestants also that died in that bed of Honour. Rep. 48.  
21. Of the Papist's that leave their Religion, & why? Rep. 48. Sect. 5.   
Many other things of note are here handled in several places.   

The Printer to the Reader.  
I Had directions to add Figures to the Apology (here before Printed entire) which might correspond to each Answer, to the end you might know what the Answerer strives to confute. But because this would be no little trouble to you, to turn and return in the reading of the Book, I have therefore reprinted the Apology, dividing it into several Sections corresponding both with the Answer and Reply. This will be, I am sure, of no little conveniency to you: and so farewell.   

THe Title which the Minister has prefixed to his Book, is The late Apology in behalf of the Papists reprinted, and answered in behalf of the Royalists. Now, I beseech you, Reader (having read the Apology through) what injury has any good man done him by it? But besides, how extravagant is that beginning? for to write against Papists in Vindication of the Royalists, is like the defending of King Charles, by the opposing of Charles Stuart. Did not the Protestants and Catholics make up one Body, viz. the Royal Party? I am sure, they that distinguish them at present, hated both formerly, and would willingly divide them now, in hopes to weaken the King, and put the whole Kingdom in new confusions. He therefore that thus impertinently begins with wicked intentions, can never without doubt end either well or wisely.  

SECT. I. APOLOGY.  
The Arms which Christians can use against Lawful Powers in their Severity, are only Prayers and Tears. Now since nothing can equal the infinity of those we have shed, but the Cause, viz. To see our dearest Friends forsake us; we hope it will not offend you, if (after we have a little wiped our eyes) we sigh out our Complaints to you.  

I. ANSWER.  
The minister directs his Answer to the Author of the Apology, and says thus to the foregoing words: That in the Conspiracy of Babington against Q. Elizabeth, such a Declaration was made about Prayers and Tears that the expression infinity of tears is in itself improper, and the sense more applicable to Q. Mary's days, the Irish Rebellion, or our own faboulous Purgatory. But we Jesuits, whether ranting, or whining, cannot speak like other men.   

REPLY I.  
Is not this great malice, to make a parity between them who considered Q. Elizabeth as an Usurper, and us that (in words and sufferings) acknowledge no Prince had ever a more unquestionable Title than ours? To this I need not say more, having in the latter end of the Preface showed, that time and accidents have quite altered the Scene, and doubtless our obedience to the Government is now apparently so great, that 'tis as probable the Heptarchy may be revived, or the Welsh rebel (which were high folly to imagine) as that disorders or tumults can be again occasioned by the Catholics.  
Concerning the Irish Rebellion, I never so much as once mentioned it in the Apology, believing there could not be found a man so inhuman, that would charge a thing upon us, which for 26 years together we were all acknowledged to be clear of, though the late Enemies of the Kingdom had made strict inquisition about it; and every body knows they wanted not will (had there been probability) to make us Partisans in all detestable and odious contrivances. 'Twas evident the English Catholics abhorred it, that several fought against the Rebels, that we all decried their proceedings; nor did I ever hear any of our Party in the least excuse the fact, though to my knowledge Protestant's have often done it.  
My Lord Macquire (who being a prime Actor, knew the whole Conspiracy) at his Execution at Tyborn was conjured as a dying man to declare if the English Papists had any knowledge or hand in the Design: 
a Vid. His last Speech etc. and Printed by Authority 1644.  He took it on his death, that not a man in England knew of it but one, and he was an Irishman, and a Protestant also.  
But who is ignorant (unless wilfully opinionated) that, that which produced this wickedness, was both a National animosity, and a particular hatred of the Conquered to the Conqueror? Nor would less have been done; had any English Catholic King been their Governor. Religion is no tie between Nations when great hatreds arise, or great advantages for freedom (as they term it) offer themselves, as we experimentally find by the Sicilian Vespers abroad, and at home by the total Massacre in one night of the, 
a Cib. B●it. p. 143.  Danes by the English. The Protestant Irishman you see also was so willing to have the English out of Ireland, that he never discovered the Plot, though he knew what was intended against his own Religion.  
For his Criticism about the word infinity, 'tis as ridiculous as his poor quibble about Purgatory; and for Queen Maries days, I shall by and by speak of them at large in a more 
b ●ep. ●●  proper place.    

SECT. 2. APOLOGY.  
We had spoken much sooner, had we not been silent through consternation to see you so inflamed (whom with reverence we Honour) and also to show our submissive patience, which used no slights or tricks to divert the debates of Parliament. For no body can imagine, where so many of the great Nobility and Gentry are concerned, but some thing might have been done; when as in all ages we see things of Public advantage by the managers dexterity nipped in the bud, even in the very Houses themselves. Far be it from Catholics to perplex Parliaments, who have been the Founders of their Privileges, and all Ancient Laws. Nay, Magna Charta itself had its rise from us; Which we do the less boast of, since it was not at first obtained in so submiss and humble a manner.  

ANSWER II.  
That men of the Popish Religion were the Founders of our good Laws and Privileges of Parliament, the Minister cannot allow: for those of our Ancestors that stood for the Nation were, he says, of his Religion, as much as ours; but those particularly ours, that sided with the Pope.   

REPLY. II.  
Judge whether this man be not mad than Fox; for Fox never thought any fit for Kalendar-Saints and Martyrs, but those that denied Popery; as 
a Fox Feb. 12.  Roger Only, ali● Bullingbroke, whom Fox hath Canonised though condemned (as Stow says) to di● for 
b Stow Hen. 6. p. 627. 628.  Necromancy. Sir 
c Fox jan. 7.  Roger Acton also hanged for 
d Stow H. 5. p. 561.  Rebellion; and many score of the like Gang. Now the Minister by his Argument will have Protestant all the Parliaments that made Magna Charta and ou● other Privileges, all people that acknowledged them, and all Officers that from time to time have executed these ancient Laws: Yet these transactions were in the darkest times of Popery; nor did the Waldenses, Albigenses, Wi●kliffians, Lollards, etc. look on the Government then as Protestant, as you may seè in Mr. Fox hi● voluminous Story. And since I have named this famous Author, who is called a sound new writer in the much celebrated Practice of piety, in the eight reason for the morality 
● Hey●. Geog. ●. 20.  of the Sabbath; Mr. Heylin also rank's him as the prime modern Ecclesiastical Writer. I say since I have named this once famous Mr Fox. I cannot but condole his misfortune, that instead of having his Book in Churches as formerly it was wont, 'tis now thought fit only to cramp sleepers, according to Mrs. Abigails Practice. And truly a like fate attends all the first Champions of Reformation; for in tract of time their Principles being found by their followers impossible to be maintained, new ones (sometimes opposite to the former) are therefore invented, which hereafter will also fail as the others did before them.    

SECT. III. APOLOGY.  
We sung our Nunc. Dimittis, when we saw our Master in his Throne, and you in your deserved Authority and Rule.  

ANSWER III.  
If we sang our Dimittis at the present King's return, he says some of us rejoiced, and sang an Exultemus at the beheading of the former.   

REPLY. III.  
Who would now think that a man could be so abominable as to lay such a thing to our charge without any proof at all? Reader, this Godly Minister has done it, and that he might show his utmost malice, he citys only in the Margin the Answerer of Philanax, as if we were undoubtedly found guilty of the fact. But because my Minister durst not for shame set dowd Du Moulins words, I will here present you with his Accusation verbatim; nor will Christ himself be innocent, if such evidence as this be sufficient.  

a Du Moulins v●ords in ansv. to Phil. p. 58.  When the business of the late bad times are once ripe for an History, and time the bringer forth of truth hath discovered the mysteries of Iniquity, and the depths of Satan which have wrought so much crime and mischief, it will be found that the late Rebellion was raised and fostered by the arts of the Court of Rome. That Jesuits professed themselves Independents, as not depending on the Church of England; and Fifth-Monarchy-men, that they might pull down the English Monarchy; and that in the Committees, for the King and Church, they had their Spies and their Agents. The Roman Priest and Confessor is known, who when he saw the fatal stroke given to our Holy King and Martyr, flourished with his Sword and said, Now the greatest Enemy▪ we have in the World is gone.  
Now, Reader, let me ask you when will the business of our times be ripe for History? or what discoveries can there be made against us, if in six and twenty years after the beginning of the War, if in twenty years after the end of it, and perpetration of that most accursed Murder, we have not only been owned as Loyal Subjects, but still embraced by the Protestant Cavaliers as true Partisans with them in all their glorious Sufferings? I am sure the Press was free both in the Rumps and Olivers Tyranny; and if it were possible to suppose those times had been unseasonable, why have not the grave Historians since the King's restauration made our late perfidiousness appear? I am sure Protestants 
a Bates▪ Elenc. mo●. p.  both Lay and Clergy, for their Treason in his Majesty's absence have been convicted since his return, when as no Papist could ever yet be suspected for the least defection from our Soveraing. Can this man think himself Canon of Canterbury) and dare say, that the Priest is known who flourished his Sword at the fatal stroke, when as no body knows him, no not he himsef? Doubtless he means some Huguenot Minister: for what Cavalier was ever in France, and knows not how those Saints adored Cromwell? hating from the beginning to the end both our King and his Party. Let the World judge of this Story concerning this nameless Priest, by him whom he names, viz. Mr. White whose Book of Obedience and Government he lays as a 
a Ansv. Phil. p. 61.  blot on all of our Religion; when as this Mr. White has not only been sharply used by the Catholics of England, but he and this very Book were openly condemned by the Pope himself; nor durst he since show his head in any Catholic Country. Thus may be seen the Conscience of this Monsieur who would charge us with a crime, which at the writing he knew was false; & from this son of Darkness has my Minister and others owned to have received their light; and what kind of light it is, pray be pleased farther to observe.  
He tells us, 
b Ansv. Phil. p. 59  That a year before the King's death a select Company of English Jesuits were sent from their whole Party to consult with the Faculty of Sorbon (who you must know Reader, are the greatest Catholic Enemies the Society has in France) whether they might lawfully make away the King. The Doctors answered affirmavely to the Question, being then stated in writing; but afterwards when the Pope saw that the King's Murder was decried by every body, he commanded tha Jesuits to burn all the Papers about the Question; but one of them was showed by a Papist to a Protestant. Yet for all this secrecy commanded by the Pope, Du Moulin tells us (p. 58.) that at Rouen many Jesuited persons told a Protestant openly on the news of the King's death, That they having often admonished the King from time to time to remember his promise at Marriage of becoming a Papist, were forced to take these courses for his destruction.  
After this History, he says (p. 61.) That the Friars at Dunkirk) and by the way, there was never in that Town a House of English, Scotch, or Irish Friars) told a Protestant Gentleman, that had a mind to pump them, That the Jesuits would fain engross the Honour of the King's death to themselves; but the truth was, they had laboured as effectually as the Jesuits to compass it. Then he tells, (pag. 60.) That thirty Jesuits near Diep met a stranger (a Protestant Gentleman) on the Road and told him that they were going into England to be Agitators in the Independent Army.  
Good Protestant Reader, I am quite tired with this senseless stuff; and if you think it false, consider what a jewel you have got from France; but if you can deem it true, let me entreat you hereafter never to fear Jesuit or Priest; for I am sure such prating fools can never do you harm. Besides, I wonder how it came to pass that all the Great Cavaliers caressed the Jesuits, and always employed them in much business during the King's exile; neither were they then, or the rest of the Popish Priests, less welcome to the Royalists of England, But pardon me, I beseech you Reader, if I use so many words about a matter that deserves so little; yet I cannot but confess▪ I am engaged to the French Divine for being so notoriously malicious and foolish: nor did I ever think that Sir Welter's discovery of the Plot in 1641. of blowing up the Thames to drown the City, could ever be paralleled; but here I now find it outdone.  
Have we not seen, Good Reader, that such ridiculous Stories as these have lately ruined the Kingdom? and can any man believe if they once come in fashion again, they will end with Papists? No doubtless, for both Church and Court will soon find the smart; as by experience we begin to feel.  
For my own part, I should never have taken notice of Sieur du Moulin or his Book; had not my Minister owned him, as I said, for his informer; and now I see he has imitated him also in his method; for my worthy Answerer calls me a Jesuit, and so the Dr. does Philanax, though I am confident he knows him to be a Layman, and a married man also. But now, Reader, it will not be amiss to tell you why this Mr. du Moulin is so angry with the Jesuits.  
You must know, that Petra Sancta (a famous Writer in the Society) 
a Calvinian us verber ● p. 4●.  taxes the Drs Father for juggling, viz. for being in France a Presbyterian, and in England Episcopal, and so complying for gain with those Ceremonies which his Calvinistical Brethren abominated as superstitious.  
This old du Moulin (his reverend father; as the Dr. calls him) writ a 
a Ansv. to Philanax, pag. 38.  Letter forsooth, as his son says, to the Rebels at Rochel, to exhort them to obey the King in breaking up their Assembly, which was then hatching the Rebellion that presently after broke out; and yet (though it has been licked and amended, I doubt not, by the Doctor) you may find, That a 
b Ib. p. 41.  ground of his persuasion was, because they were not strong enough to resist the King. and besides, the Reverend Divine in that persuasion to Loyalty, concludes, 
c Ib. p. 44.  Notwithstanding all he had said, they ought to look after their safety; fort'was unreasonable for them to separate their Assembly with the peril of their persons. Of the same Loyal judgement also I find the Dr. himself; for after all his railing against Jesuits for Sedition, he confesses the Term was expired of the grant of the strong Places to the Hugonots; Nevertheless, he says, they seem to 
d Ib. p. 37.  be justified for keeping those Towns, by the reason of the first Grant, which was to preserve them from their bitter Enemies.  
This was the Doctrine, you see, of this worthy Divine, who also vindicated the actions of the Reformed in Geneva, Holland, Germany, etc. and therefore I wonder not at his aspersing us for our service to our King and Country. 'Tis not my business to run over all his Book in order, having one of his Disciples already to deal with; but this I must tell him and the rest of his Tribe, That since they steal one from the other, none of their Fopperies shall go unanswered: and this they may find in some part or other of the present treatise.    

SECT. V. APOLOGY.  
Nor could any thing have ever grieved us more, then to have our Loyalty called into Question by you, even at the instigation of our greatest Adversaries. If we must suffer, let it be by you alone; for that's a double death to men of Honour, to have their Enemies not only accusers, but for their insulting judges also.  

ANSWER IU.  
His Objection here is, Men of Honour have no cause to fear either single or double Deaths; and that Catholics were never put to death in England for Religion, but for Treason.   

REPLY IU.  
Is not this pretty, that no body died in England for Religion, but for Treason? and yet many hundred of Priests have been executed for no other crime, but being Priests. Nay, Laymen have been hanged for being converted, and others for letting a Priest say Mass in their houses; when as to hear Mass on Festivals every Catholic is in Conscience obliged, if he can. Besides, have not many Catholics also suffered for believing the Pope to be Head of the Church? By this Argument then, if the Parliament should make it Treason (as who knows but they may?) to hold Episcopal Ordination only valid, or that the King cannot give Orders; it might then be as well said, that they (that are executed in pursuance of that Law) died for Treason, and not for their Religion.  
But lest the Minister (that has the boldness in almost every Paragraph to deny apparently known things) might to deceive his Acquaintance still say, I have not proved what I assert: Not to trouble my Reader with many citations, take this one example out of 
a Q. E●. p. 1259.  John Stow, that downright & plain Historian. He tells us, That fourteen Papists were at a clap executed; six only for being made Priests beyond Sea, and remaining here; four Laymen only for being reconciled; and four more, only for abetting or relieving the others. Now if that be sufficient for the justice of the procedure, to say there are Laws to this purpose enacted, then most certain it is, that the Primitive Christians were all Traitors, being banished by the lawful Magistrate from several places where they taught, and knowing also many particular Injunctions against their Preaching and seducing the Emperor's Subjects, as the Ethnics were pleased to call it. Nay, the Great St. Alban our famous Proto-Martyr was executed (as may be seen in the Martyrology) for being (contrary to Dioclesian's Laws) converted to the Faith, and abetting or entertaining in his House the Priest Amphibalus, which Priest was his Spiritual Instructor, according to Mr. Cambden in his famous Treatise 
b p. 413.  of Britain.    

SECT. IV. APOLOGY.  
These are they that by beginning with us, Murdered their Prince, and wounded you: And shall the same method continue by your approbation? We are sure you mean well, though their Design be wicked. But let it never be recorded in Story, that you forgot your often Vows to us▪ in joining with them that have been the cause of so great calamity to the Nation.  

ANSWER V.  
He urges, that by saying the King's Murderers began with us Catholics, we take liberty of bestowing Characters on whom we please; so that no body must act against us, lest they be thought to continue the Method of the King's Murderers. For Vows, he says, we Catholics are more sure of those of Protestants to us, than they of ours to them, because they want a Pope to dispense with them.   

REPLY V.  
Pray, Reader, upon mature consideration tell me now, whether they were not the King's Murderers that pursued Papists in the beginning of the War? Their design afterward, I am sure plainly appeared; and pray God those were not of the same Tribe, who first promoted our late troubles. Let me ask also, whether you find not us at home and abroad as strict to our promises as any other you converse with.  
But since this Minister upbraids us with our dispensing with Vows, be pleased to consider who has been most busy, the Romish or Protestant Pope herein. The Papists have from the beninning refused the Oath of Allegiance as 'tis now worded, but the Reformed took it in all the degrees of preferment, viz. when graduated in the Universities, when admitted into Orders, when Justices of Peace, when Parlimament-men; and in short, when any Dignity either in Church or State is conferred. Yet for all the often repetition of it, half the Kingdom were in Rebellion against the King, even directly contrary to what they had sworn. Now on the other side, there was no Papist that declared not for the King, though all the Party (as I said) refused the Oath, and for this refusal severely suffered both in their Estates and Persons. Besides, if it were a Doctrine amongst us (as the Protestants state it) that the Pope can when he pleases absolve us from our Oaths, why should we then (do you think) refuse the taking of this? Doubtless a Dispensation (if it could be granted) might be procured at less charge than two thirds of our Estates, omitting all corporal punishments. Oaths by our Tenets are not in themselves unlawful, nor can it be out of want of zeal for our Prince that we refuse them; since 'tis plain, that we all, like one man, stood by him in his great affliction and misery.  
You must know, Reader, this Oath was framed by one Perkins an Apostate Jesuit, who knowing what we could take, and what not, purposely mingled certain truths with uncertain speculative points, to make us fall within the Law of refusal▪ 'twould be tedious to show all the real exceptions we have to it, nor do any of them truly relate to our obedience to the King; for as to the Allegiance, I would be bound to word an Oath, which no Papist shall scruple at, and yet it shall be more strong than this. But, Reader, to give you my opinion of Oaths (though nevertheless I am not for taking away that laudable Custom of swearing Subjects) I think them really useless, where without them (as in Allegiance) we are naturally bound: for honest men will be punctual in duty, though they never swore; when as the wicked can at no time be obliged, let the Bond be never so Sacred.    

SECT. 6. APOLOGY.  
Of all Calumnies against Catholics, we have admired at none so much, as that their Principles are said to be inconsistent with Government, and they themselves thought ever prone to Rebellion.  

ANSWER VI.  
On this short Paragraph he makes a wonderful long Discourse, saying, That 'tis a calumny of ours to call that a calumny, which is true: for first, our Counsels; secondly, our Decretals; thirdly, our Divines teach, that the Pope has Power to depose Kings, and to discharge Subjects of their Allegiance, which Doctrines are inconsistent with Government. But every Papist is bound to believe their Counsels, Decretals, and Divines: Ergo, we may well be thought prone to Rebellion.   

REPLY. 6.  
To answer to these things perspicuously, I shall treat of them singly.  
Object. 1. That our General Counsels decree this, he proves by the Lateran Council under Innocent the III. which expressly ordains, he says, That in case any Prince be a favourer of Heretics, after admonition given, the Pope shall discharge his Subjects from their Allegiance, and shall give away the Kingdom to some Catholic, that may root out these Heretics.  
I grant that the sense of the words is in the Council, and that in determinations of Faith Counsels are infallible. But as for other matters, we say not, that Counsels are infallible in every point, even in matter of Fact. Besides, Council's ordinations are to be taken according to the prudent meaning of the Legislators, and oftentimes bear another sense then the bare words taken as they lie, and weighed out of due circumstances seem to signify. Nor will this seem strange to an English University man, since they grant, that in some matters God is not pleased that the Scripture itself should in its obvious sense be taken as infallible, for no body will there say, that all the Philosophy in the Bible is unquestionable, or that the Mathematics of it is to a Tittle just. The Molten Sea is described to be 
a 1. K. 7. 23.  ten Cubits (in diameter) from brim to brim, and that it was round, and that a line of thirty cubits did compass it. Now who is it (having read less than the first six Books of Euclid) but can demonstrate that this is not altogether exact? The Blood is not now thought by their learned Physicians to be the 
b Levit. 17. 14.  life of a Creature but the Vehicle. Nor do their Astronomers believe that the Stars are less than the Sun or Moon, though in Genesis they are called the two 
c Gen. 1. 16.  great Lights. The solution to these Objections is easy, and in every Sophister's mouth, viz. that the Holy Penmen writ of such matters, either briefly (as that measure of a Circle is to this day ordinarily expressed) or else according to the Hypothesis or Opinion than assented to by the World. But where this Sacred Word speaks to us doctrinally, 'tis to be believed on pain of Damnation: so a Council when it determines of faith, we are to reverence those determinations as coming from the Holy Ghost.  
Nevertheless it's other Constitutions, being but human laws, are changeable, and oftentimes admit several exceptions; nor do they always bring with them such an inevitable obligation, that there is not possible way to avoid its bond. For Promulgation &c must precede. This plainly appears by the Council of Trent, to the doctrine whereof all Catholics whatsoever submit though the rest of its Decrees bind not in France, no in any place else, where they are yet unreceived.  
But the case now in controversy needs not all this: for I suppose the Minister will not deny, but that the Emperors of the East and West, the Kings of England, France, Hungary, Jerusalem, Cyprus, Arragon, etc. may agree together (if they please) to purge their Kingdoms of Heresy, and upon failure, that the Church shall give their Dominions to another that will perform the compact. These Princes, Reader, that I have named were 
a Mat. Paris p. 262. If there had been any Protistants in those days, I would not have cited this Author.  present (by their Ambassadors) at this Council and what was there done, was by their consent, the Albigensian Heresy beginning then to be somewhat numerous. Nor did those Monarches think themselves in a worse condition for this Ordination. Moreover we never heard that any Catholic King since ever did Protest, or exclaim against the Council; which doubtless they would have done, had they been in any dangerby it. On the contrary we know, that Mariana (as the Minister confesses) was condemned, for barely inclining to the opinion of thus deposing Kings; which judgement could not have passed against him, had this been by any Council adjudged an Article of Faith. 'Twere a mortal sin in me, and I should presently incur all Ecclesiastical censure, if I did deny Transubstantiation, by reason it is an Article of Faith, and so declared by this very Lateran Council: but as for the absolute power of deposing Kings, it is held by several as a mere opinion, and opposed by many as falls, nor will Divines say, they are the worse Catholics for it. Certanly it were not unlawful, if the Princes and States (that own themselves Christians) should now in an Assembly agree (by reason they saw Judaisme or Turcism increasing) that every one of them must do what he could to hinder this growth, and in case any was found favouring it, his Dominions should be given to another. This, I say, without doubt is lawful; and though it were not made to bind our Posterity, yet it might be hoped that the zeal of so sacred an Assembly would make Governors hereafter diligent to weed out all Infidelity.  
What therefore was here ordered, was to oblige the Kings, who by compact acknowledged the procedure; and 'twas also imagined, that succeeding Catholic Princes would be more careful to keep their people from error, when they should call to mind that this was agreed to in a Council where the East and West met, (
a Matt. Paris p. 262.  for the Patriarches of Constantinople and Jerusalem were present, Antioch and Alexandria sent deputies) and which consisted of 77. Primates, 412. Bishops, and above 800. Abbots and Priors; besides the Ambassadors of so many Monarches; all which put together, makes this to be the greatest Council that ever was. Much more could I say concerning this Council, and many other considerations (for brevity's sake) I am forced to pass by.  
But Pray, Reader, before I end, let me mind you of this, That the Popes never give away (as men call it) a Kingdom from a Prince simply Heretical, but from one that is an Apostate, and so revolted from the Church. For we see that Hen. 8. was condemned, yet nothing was done to his Son Edw. 6. And again, though Queen Elizabeth, (who went to Mass in Queen Mary's time, and also had actually owned the Pope, by keeping her Ambassador in the beginning at Rome) was deprived of Sovereignty by the Bull of Pius Quintus; yet no censure passed against King James, K. Charles the first, or this present Monarch: and the reason is, because they always professed themselves Protestant's, and never acknowledged his Holiness as their Bishop and Pastor. Therefore Protestant Magistrates have no reason to fear either Pope or Papists.  
The Answerer having urged this Council, to vilisie it the more, tells us, 'twas Innocent the III. who there presided, that deposed our K. John, and Otho IV.: and then runs extravaganly to a foreign thing, in hopes to make it more disgustful, viz. that this Council which made Rebellion a duty, made Transubstantiation an Article of Faith.  
Concerning King John, I have told you before, that Popes as private Doctors may err, nay it is not certain, that without a Council they are infallible even in their interpretations of faith; much more therefore they are liable to err in their actions. Neither do I canonize or approve whatsoever Popes have done in deposing Kings. And if some Popes have transgressed, it follows not that all have, no more then because some Princes have been Tyrants, their Predecessors and Successors must be so too. Differences between Kings and Popes, I consider as between Man and Wife▪ for in all Quarrels the right can be but on one side; yet it happens through humane imbecility, and revenge, that the most injured often commits some absurdity or other, by which the Peccant party may gain a very seeming advantage. No brave English King needed to have more feared Popes, than they needed to have feared their other gaping Neighbours. This Prince, Protestant Historians conclude to be the least deserving of all our Governors; for (passing by his 
a Martin Hen. 2. p. 3● Ric. 1. p.  youthful Rebellion, the 
b Heyl. p. 89. Dan. 110  Murdering of his Nephew, his 
c Baker.  Atheism, etc. which they record) 'tis he that lost our whole interest (either by Conquest or Matches) in 
d Heyl. pag. 97.  France, and discontenting all his People, never obliged any body that I heard of, unless the Mayor and Corporation of 
e He gave them a Sword & Cup which they keep still.  Lynne. This yet is no excuse to the Pope, but shows only the unhappiness of the Nation, that it had not a more generous Prince (for Sr. Rob: Cotton 
f Vid. his Hen. 3. pag. 1.  calls him a licentious sovereign) to defend our Rights and Privileges.  
Now for Transubstantiation, it is true that in this Council the word was first made Authoritatively use of, as in the Council of Nice, the word Trinity; but the sense and meaning of both Trinity and Transubstantiation was in the Scripture, and held from age to age: Nay, the word Transubstantiation itself was used by 
g Hovenden. p. 576. Blesensis Chaplain to Hen. 2. Ep. 140.  grave Authors in Writings before.  
Object. 2. Concerning the Decrees and Bulls of Popes, he says, that from Gregory VII, they made such a trade of deposing Kings, that no weak King could wear his Crown, but at the Pope's courtesy; and that Boniface VIII. declares in these words▪ We say, and define, and pronounce, that it is absolutely necessary to salvation for every creature to be subject to the Bishop of Rome.  
To this I answer, that in the next Century (or a little more) after K. John, there were more weak Kings in England then eiher before or since, viz. Hen. 3. Edw. 2. Ric. and yet the Popes did not offer to take away their Crowns, or ever stirred to perplex them, though their wicked Subjects gave the Pope opportunity enough. Nay, though Hen. 3. denied any acknowledgement upon the gift of King John, yet the Pope assisted him against the Rebellious Barons. And for the composition of Edward the Seconds troubles, his Holiness sent him two 
a Dan. Ed. ●. p. 175.  Cardinals, but the Rebels would not accept of their Mediation, as knowing them too much of the King's Party. Besides, I told you again and again, that the Pope's Decrees and Bulls are not always held infallible: and may be opposed, as they often have been by stiff and Religious Papists; nor will good Catholics scruple to do it, especially about Temporal affairs. And if Popes should speak in such a Dialect (as the Minister urges) they mean subjection in Spiritual matters.  
3. Object. Among the Divines that agree to the deposing of Kings, he mentions some Jesuits, as Bellarmine, Suarez, Valentia, Parsons or Creswel; Mariana also he names, though he confesses him condemned. Out of these he citys several places to this purpose viz. As Jehojada deposed Athaliah, so may Pope's deal with Kings.  
To this I say, Let the Jesuits answer for their own Doctrine, for I am sure they are of age, and able also; neither did they ever tell me otherwise, but that I might reject such and the like opinions, they being only the private fancies of some of their Order. It has never been my study to poor upon Schoolmen, nor is it worth my pains now to search Libraries, whether they have said so or no; which truly I do very much doubt of. For my part, I cannot think Jesuits such King-haters, because Kings would then hate them; when as on the contrary we see all Prince's caress them, and make them their Confessors. At this time the Jesuits are in this Office to the Emperor, the Queen of England, the King of France, the Queen Regent of Spain, the King of Poland, and as I take it, to the now King of Portugal; for they belonged thus to the late old King and Queen of that Kingdom: the Dukes of Bavary, Newburgh, and many other great Princes of Germany are also their Penitents; all which considered, I must look upon Jesuits in general to be faithfuller Subjects than Protestants imagine; for Kings though Papists are not always fools. But, suppose Jesuits were Villains; what is that to the Catholic Faith? must Cambridge be Babylon, and the English Religion false, because the Members of one College (suppose Emanuel) were thought knaves and hypocrites?  
The other Divines and Canonists whom the Minister urges, are Baronius, Bertrand; Lancelotus, Peron, Rossaeus, who say (according to his citations) things to the same purpose about deposing of Kings.  
All this put together, Reader, is the force of his Argument. The Objection about Counsels and Bulls, you see is nothing; about Divines I have already given you a touch, but now I will handle it a little fuller. You must know (the Soul of man being so sublime and towering) there is no profession in the world, but that the wits of it aim to resolve all difficulties that can be proposed in the Science. This makes Philosophers Metaphysicians, and Schoolmen run into those seeming odd subtleties, with which their writings are crammed. In the like manner Casuists (thinking it a disgrace not to be able to answer something to whatever can be proposed) treat in their Books about all Cases which their nimble fancies can start. Among many impertinent niceties and curious Questions, this of deposing Apostatising Princes comes to be handled; some perchance are for it others in may be against it. Now▪ because some have adjudged, That upon a notorious falling away, the Church may give to the sound the Dominions of the infected sheep, lest the whole flock might be tainted: immediately the Minister and other Protestants declare, that the dethroning of Kings is the Catholic Doctrine.  
I am sure this was not so absolutely agreed to by the English Protestant's themselves (at least in discourse) that there could be none found among them, who have favoured the opinion which we are said to hold: how many wellmeaning men fought against Charles the I, only because they falsely thought him a Papist? and I myself have heard those of condition say, when the King was abroad, that should the Pope and his crew pervert him, they would oppose his return. There was no danger of this, because his Majesty (like his Father and Grandfather) has so great a veneration for Protestantism; but yet this that I urge was frequently spoke of and no body that reads this, but has heard such discourses often▪ What has been done about Religion in this our Country, I shall tell you 
a Vid. ●ep. 12.  hereafter; and at present I shall show you that we Papists are not the only Rebel-teachers, but that there are Reformists that profess this Divinity also.  

b Loc. Com. ● 57  Luther says, You complain that by our Gospel the World is become tumultous. I answer, God be thanked; these things I would have be, and woe me miserable, if they were not.  

a Epist. l 4. p. 866.  Zwinglius. If the Roman Empire, or what other Sovereignty soever, should oppress the sincere Religion, and we negligently suffer the same, we shall be charged with contempt no less than the oppressors themselves; whereof we have an example in 15. Jer. where the destruction of the people is Prophesied, because they suffered their K. Manasses, being ungodly, to be unpunished.  

b In Daniel. C. 6. v. 22.  Calvin. Earthly Princes do hereave themselves of Authority when they erect themselves against God: yea, they are unworthy to be accounted in the number of men, therefore we must rather spit in their faces then obey them,  
Passing by what 
c Vid also ●rimst. Hist▪ of▪ France.  Beza did in France (Davila often mentions.) He writ a Book of the Power of Magistrates, which Mr. Sutcliffe confesses, armed Subjects against their Prince.  

d Bancr▪ Dangerous Positions▪ p. 34.  Sundry Englishmen writ wholly of this Argument: That the Councillors, and rather than fail, the very people were bound to reform Religion whether the Queen would or no, though it were by putting her to death.  
I shall trouble you, Reader, with no more Citations (of which our Books are full) for I content myself with naming these of the greatest eminency: and certainly the opinions of these Doctors may be more justly charged upon Protestants in general, than the opinions of private Catholics upon us; because Luther, Zwinglius, Calvin and Beza were the first Reformers: and if the Spirit of God taught them so much truth; as they are said to preach, why should this be more questionable than the rest? Therefore the Pope being Pharaoh, and Popery Egypt (as Ministers daily affirm in their Pulpits) we may well say, These are thy Gods, O Israel, which brought thee out of the land of Egypt.  
These Apostles rested not in the Theory, but fell to the Practice also: for whereas the Popes since the first rise of the Reformation, never gave away (evenby word) but two Crowns, viz. England and France; the Reformed have actually deposed the absolute Princes of Scotland, Denmark, Swedeland and Geneva; have ravished also from their lawful Governors, the Low-countrieses, Transylvania, and many Towns, which are now called Free. And for Rebellion and Tumults, they have been eminent in Poland, Boheme, Hungary, France, Germany? and in short, in all places where this Gospel has been preached. This every Historian can tell you; nay, blind Mr. Heylin plainly saw it, therefore did all he could (when these Countries in his Geography were to be handled) to purge the Reformed from the Rebellion truly laid to their charge: but finding that washing a Blackmore was labour in vain, he was forced (with his Brother Sleidan) to fly for shelter to this abominable and prodigious Argument, 
a Heyl. p. 314.  viz. That Christ foretold, that Fathers should be against their sons, and brothers against brothers for his sake; and that we find not in any Story, the true Religion was induced, or corrupt about to be amended without War and Bloodshed.  
It is true, the lawful Protestant Church of England teaches no such Doctrine; but this I do not much wonder at, for why should men (the King being so absolute in Spirituals) run the risk to be undone for venting such notions, when as their Monarches have been so strict Professors of their Religion? The test of this would be, if the Prince and people were different, or like to be so in Faith and Worship. 〈◊〉 what the English have done herein wh●● this has happened, I will show you, 〈◊〉 said, 
a Vid. ●. 〈◊〉. 22.  by and by.  
For my part, I look upon the English to be the most wellmeaning and most Religious people in the World; and it is that▪ which makes them all so violent in what their Conscience tells them is true. This made Papists so earnest for their Religion, which had governed England so long in glory. This made Protestants fierce to root out what they thought Idolatry. This made Presbyterians desire to have Prelatic Superstition reform; and this made Independents and their brood cry down every thing, standing stiffly (as they imagined) for the Kingdom of jesus Christ. I say, this great sincerity and zeal, makes all our Countrymen so violent: which good intention, wicked people taking advantage of, have caused so many disturbances among us; nor can Sectaries ever be quiet, till they are convinced that some Church or other is infallible.  
Thus, Reader, have I answered to this strange Calumny against us, That our Principles are inconsistent with Govenment; by showing that deposing of Kings is no part of the Catholic Faith (which Catholic Princes do very well know) and also, that in Doctrine and Practice, the Reformed have been (wheresoever they came) far more faulty than we.    

SECT. VII. APOLOGY.  
My Lords and Gentlemen, Had this been a new Sect not known before, something perchance might have been doubted; but to lay this at their doors that have governed the civilised World, is the Miracle of Miracles to us.  

ANSWER VII.  
Here he says, that they that have read most, and have had the most experience, can best cure ●s of the wonder; and that K. james (who had reason to know us) said in the Parliament, That there were some that might be honest of the Party, being ignorantly seduced; but they that truly knew our Doctrines, could never be good Subjects. Then he asks when it was that we governed the civilised World? For he says, the Eastern, and Southern Churches never were under our Government, nor the Western neither, but when ignorant and barbarous.   

REPLY VII.  
Now I plainly see the design of this Minister is (to the end his flock may believe every thing answered) to say something to each Paragragh, let it be never so frivolous. Who is it, Reader, that having read History is ignorant of the great power the Bishop of Rome had over the East, as the Greek Fathers tell us? for we read in Eusebius that Pope Victor (about anno 
a Euseb lib. 5. Ch. ●4.  200.) Excommunicated the Eastern Church for not keeping Easter the Roman way. and this Grimston also has in his account of Popes. Or who knows not of the Appeals from afric, when matters of moment arose, even in the most acknowledged Primitive times? But I ask your pardon for asserting this, because in the Primitive times, they say, the Popes themselves were Protestants. Yet though this were so, I wonder the Minister should be so forgetful of the Great Antichrist Boniface the III, who is baited by every Shoolboy. This arrant Pope lived above 
a Ann● 604.  1000 years' aago, and not only called himself Universal Bishop, but was owned so too by Phocas the Universal Emperor as all Protestants declare. Might not then a man modestly say, that Popery governed the civilised World, when it governed the whole World? But I▪ d of willingly forgive a man this, that has the confidence to say that we did not govern the Western World, till it grew ignorant and barbarous. It may be he means that those Parts have been so ever since Christ's time, otherwise (till this late Reformation) there was never any Government on this side Greece, that denied the Pope's Jurisdiction; and Greece itself owned it in the Council of Lateran, and in Hen. 3. time also, as Protestant 
b p. 130.  Sir Richard Baker testifies.  
Ever since Rome made haet self Mistress of all Arts and Sciences, the West took the name of the only civilised place: Therefore had he understood civility, he would not have made so simple a cavil; and I dare say, he is the first Protestant Writer (though they have been as bold as Hector's in their denials) that has affirmed the Church of Rome never governed the civilised World.  
But since this Minister mentions here Popish ignorance, I must desire the Reader, if he knows any of our Profession in the Country, to tell me, whether generally speaking, they are not esteemed more learned than their Neighbours of the same rank and degree. I am sure they that live at London, are thought by their Protestant Acquaintance as well bred, and as great scholars as any of their condition with whom they usually converse. Concerning our Priests, consult their Books, and tell me then, whether they have been out done or no: and if any English man would know how they are abroad, let them go but to his next Neighbours the French, and there in every Diocese, he shall find a Clergy not only learned to admiration, but so far outgoing the Hugonot-Ministers, that one would think they lived not in the same Clime or Region. Nay, what is yet more, there is neither private nor public Library in this very Island, but seven of ten of the choice Books in all Sciences were writ by Catholics.  
Is not this, Good Reader, strange ignorance, for Protestants to be thus deceived, and implicitly led on by their Pastors contrary to what they hear and see? This, I must say, is incredible blindness, and exceeds that of the silliest Papists, who if they are cozened, it must be in things beyond their capacity, or by distance far remote from them. But now in England nothing is more common, then to have wise Protestants run into this and the like fond fancies; and at last when they can say no more, they are fain to shift it off with this Fanatical evasion, That it is true, Papists are carnally, but not spiritually learned.    

SECT. V. APOLOGY.  
Did Richard the first, or Edward Longshanks suspect his Catholics that served in Palestine, and made our Country's Fame big in the Chronicles of all ages? or did they mistrust (in their dangerous absence) their Subjects at home because they were of this Profession? Could Edward the third imagine those to be Traitorous in their Doctrine, that had that care and duty for their Prince, as to make them (by Statute) guilty of death in the highest degree, that had the least thought of ill against the King? Be pleased that Henry the fifth be remembered also, who did those Wonders of which the whole World does still resound; and certainly all History will agree in this, that 'twas Oldcastle he feared, and not those that believed the Bishop of Rome to be Head of the Church.  

ANSWER VIII.  
To this he says, the Reigns of these Kings were in the dark times of corruption; yet that Richard I. bequeathed his Pride and Lechery to the Clergy and Monks. That Edward I. outlawed the Clergy, for obeying the Pope in not paying Taxes. That Edward III, and Hen. V. made good Laws against the Pope's usurpation: and Becket vexed Hen. TWO more▪ then Hen. V feared Oldcastle. Moreover, that all these Kings did not differ so much from Protestants, as the Papists now do: and to conclude, he asks, did not the Pope force K. john to do homage for England, wrestle with Edward the first for Scotland, and often lay claim to Ireland?   

REPLY. 8.  
Certainly, Reader, the Minister is besides himself, since he can say the English differed not so much from the Protestants then▪ as we do now. Has the man railed all this while against the Tyranny of Popes, and urged those times as the height of their Authority; and then comes to this evasion? I would fain know, if the Clergy and Religious were since ever more in power then in those days? was there ever more of Pilgrimages and all sorts of Devotion, which Protestants call Superstitious? were not Schoolmen than most in their splendour? And lastly, could any Publican Lollard, Wickliffian, or new Sect stir, but the whole Kingdom presently detested them? Who then will ever believe a word more he says, when he is so strangely impudent to no purpose? But these are the worthy tricks used to keep the poor people in ignorance; and just with as▪ much truth are the Fathers called defenders of the Protestant Religion: for the Fathers styled them always Heretics that ran out of the visible Church.  
For the Laws that have been made by any of our Kings if they made any against Ecclesiastical usurpations, God reward them; and to this all Catholics will say, Amen. Concerning K. John we have already spoke enough. And for the Pope's claim to Scotland, judge, Reader, whether any man can be fuller of falsity and malice then this Minister, my Adversary. For here he would have the World think (by his placing this Accusation after King John's business, and by calling it the Pope's wrestling with Edward I. for the Sovereignty of Scotland) there was some notorious injustice done by the Sea of Rome. In short, the business was only this, as you may find in Holinshed, the most violent English Historian against Papists that ever yet writ. The Scots having always an animosity against the English, and not knowing how to resist the Victorious Arms of Edward, who was again coming with a great Army against them, surrendered the Kingdom, (or so pretended) to Boniface. 8. He thereupon sent to the King to desist, because the Crown belonged to the Church. Edward immediately returned an Answer, and so did all the Barons of England, to manifest the King's right, and the invalidity of the new pretence. The Pope (says 
a Hol. p. 311.  Holinshed) when he deliberately pondered the King's Answer, with the Letter from the English Barons, waxed cold in the matter, and followed it no farther. Thus, Reader, you see how the case stood, and how Catholics are wronged by ill men; nor is there any difference between a false aggravation, and a downright lie. In the same manner are we used in this Accusation of Ireland; for the Pope never meddled with Ireland but since the Reformation, and so invaded it in the time of Queen Elizabeth, of which you shall see farther in the 
a Vid. Rep. 22  Section of Popish misdemeanours in her Reign.  
The parity between S. Th. Becket and Oldcastle is doubtless very odd; the last being a Rebel (with Complices in arms) against 
b Stow. p. 561.  Henry the fifth: the other disputing only about Privileges, which he said were granted to Priests. Just as if our Peers should stand upon the freedom of their Persons, were there a design to have them imprisoned as other Subjects, or tried by a common Jury. Besides, all Princes of Christendom then, owned Becket for a Saint; when as no body (unless such a man as Fox) thought Oldcastle deserved any thing but the Gallows.    

SECT. IX. APOLOGY.  
We will no longer trouble you with putting you in mind of any more of our mighty Kings, who have been feared abroad, and as safe at home as any since the Reformation of Religion. We shall only add this, that if Popery be the enslaving of Princes, France still believes itself as absolute as Denmarck or Sweden.  

ANSWER IX.  
He says, the King of France will believe what he pleases. For his Majesty well knows the Pope gave away France formerly, fomented War against Hen. 4. and would do the same against him, were it not for his Power and Religion.   

REPLY IX.  
I showed you before in the sixth Reply, that though the Reformed have actually taken away from their lawful Governors so many Dominions, yet the Pope never gave away but England and France which nevertheless are still under their proper Sovereigns. Consider then, whether (since the light of the Gospel appeared) the Protestant or Popish manner of dealing has been most destructive to Princes: and judge if this be an Answer to my demand, which was, Whether France acknowledging the Pope, be not as absolute as Sweden or Denmark that are Protestants? If so, it follows then, that Popery does not enslave a King. We are beholden to the Minister, for confessing the King of France is of the same Religion with the Pope: for I have heard some in England say, he was a Protestant. Thanks be to God, there is no danger of a breach between Rome and France in matters of Faith; for (as the very Gazettes told us An. 1664) when the French Army was in Italy, The King (having owned the condemnation of Jansenius) even then sent to the Pope to prosecute the Jansenists in France. Henry the Eighth will be a warning to his Neighbours for revolting hereafter from the Church; for instead of a little Ecclesiastical dependence on the Sea of Rome, he has embroiled England in perpetual confusion about Religion; millions of Sects daily dividing and subdividing, each of which pretend they are in the right, and each quote Scripture for their Opinions.  
And by the way, Reader, be pleased to remember, that had not this King of ours destroyed Religious Houses, all the truly devout Sectaries at present would have voluntarily been cloistered there, who now distract both the Kingdom & themselves; for having no quiet place to vent that zeal which boils within, they become a prey to a few wicked men, that blow up their wellmeaning Piety into disorders and sedition. Nay, many of the discontented Factious▪ themselves, who now lie open to the sway and hurry of their own passions, would have been glad of such a retreat, honourable to all, even from the Monarch to the Peasant. Therefore I see now why 
a Sp. pag. 28.  Speed a Protestant (when he made an end of his Catalogue of the destroyed Abbeys) spoke in this manner: We have laid to your view a great part of King Henry's ill, the waste of so much of God's revenue, however abused, But Cambden is yet more tart, for he 
b Cam. Brit p. ●63. A.  says That many Religious places, Monuments of our Forefathers Piety and Devotion, to the honour of God, and Propagation of Christian faith, etc. were in a moment profaned, 
c Cam. Brit. ●63. D.  and the Riches dispersed▪ which had been consecrated to God since the English Nation first professed Christianity.    

SECT. X. APOLOGY.  
Nor will ever the House of Austria abjure the Pope, to secure themselves of the fidelity of their Subjects.  

ANSWER X.  
To this he says, the Austrian Family being so linked to the Pope (by possessing Naples, Sicily, and Navarre by his Gift) and their Subjects also being Papists, it were a mad way to secure themselves by changing Religion. But what is that, says he, to England, where since the extrusion of that trash (we call the Catholic Faith) the King and people are no more Papists; and having been often troubled by us, have reason by experience to fear our designs?   

REPLY. V 10.  
To this I reply, That the Spaniard being now in actual possession, can as well defend these places (were he a Protestant) as Milan, Flanders, etc. which are not the Pope's gift; or as well as other Reformed Princes have done their Countries. And for the Subjects being Papists, that is nothing, For all subjects before Luther's time were Papists also. The Minister therefore grants me here all that from the first I desired. For if our former Kings were considerable abroad, and as safe at home, as since the change of Religion: If the King of France be as absolute as Denmarck or Sweden; and if the House of Austria cannot better secure the fidelity of their Subjects by becoming Protestants, then by continuing Papists: I say, it must necessarily follow, That Kings and Kingdoms by being Papists are not less absolute than if Reformed: and by the same Consequence, their Subjects not one whit faithfuller to their Lords by being Protestants, then if they were Papists. Tell me then, where is the Temporal advantage of Reformation? and whether our Answerer has not bald long in vain; since he now by this grants me, that Kings may be absolute, and Subjects faithful under Popery: and yet lately he affirmed, That Popery is inconsistent with Government, by reason of Prince's dependence on the Pope in Ecclesiastical matters; and that all Papists are prone to Rebellion, by the Determination of our Counsels, Bulls and Divines.  
But the Minister says, What is all this to England, where Prince and people are Protestants? I answer, 'tis thus much to England, That now it is plain, 'tis an error that Popery is inconsistent with Government; and it also shows that Princes get no power (in the long-run) by reforming, but on the contrary, perpetual disorders follow. How dangerous we have been to our Protestant Princes, shall be discussed in the Reflection on the Popish 
a Rep. 2●. & Rep. 28  misdemeanours in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James: But how faithful and serviceable we were to King Charles the First and Second, all Europe has sufficiently declared in our behalves.    

SECT. XI. APOLOGY.  
We shall always acknowledge to the whole World, that there have been as many brave English in this last Century, as in any other place whatsoever. Yet since the exclusion of the Catholic Faith, there has been that committed by those, who would be fain called Protestants, that the wickedest Papist at no time dreamt of.  

ANSWER XI.  
Here he asks what may that be? for four or five of our Kings of our own Religion have been murdered by Papists: that lately Hen. 4. of France was killed by Ravillac; and. Hen. 3. by Friar Clement. And besides this, we have killed by whole Townships in England, Ireland, France, and Piedmont.   

REPLY 11.  
What a Volume might there be here writ, if every matter mentioned were to be fully discussed? But these are the artifices of the Brethren, that when they know not what to say, run to another thing, in hopes to puzzle an ordinary Reader, who cannot imagine (hearing so great a buzz) but that there must be something at least of real.  
My assertion in the Apology was, That our former English Papists never did such villainies as have been committed since the Reformation. To this he answers nothing, but impertinently runs to the private Murders of some of our Kings. Is this proportionable, Good Reader? Who knows not that the Murderers of Ed. 2. Ric. 2. and Hen. 6. were so conscious of their wickedness, that all was done in the dark; nor would they ever own otherwise then that they died without violence. For 'twas given out that the death of the first of these Princes came by extreme 
a Dan. Ed. 3. p. 183.  Grief. That the other 
b Buck Ric. 3. p 150.  Starved himself, and that the last died of a Natural 
c Buck. p 81.  sickness But the execution of the Queen of Scots was barefaced in the sight of the World, and which was more, under the cloak of Law. My Lord of Leicester was sensible of the dishonour that would accrue to the Nation, and therefore sent Walsinhham 
d An. 1585. Cam. p. 41●.  a godly Divine to satisfy his conscience, that it was lawful to poison her; but the Minister could no more convince his penitent, than the Saints could Harrison about the clandestine Murder of the Grandchild. And doubtless the whole intrigue against. Q. Marry gave precedent and boldness to our execrable Parricides, openly to do their detestable villainy in a formal method and manner.  
This procedure against the Queen, contrary, as 'twas imagined, to the Law of Nations (she being both a Guest and an absolute Princess) drew an universal odium upon the Kingdom, 
a Hist. Mem. 2 Eliz. p. 21.  for the Reproach was entailed on the whole nation by the apparition of a mimical and Counterfeit justice, as Osborne calls it: nor did any Englishman, either Papist or Protestant ever miss to be upbraided with it abroad; till the greatness of the abomination against King Charles made them leave off a little speaking of the first, to remember us more piquantly of the last.  
Is it to excuse the two unheard of 〈◊〉 that he tell; me of four or five Kings since the Conquest made away by Papists? It may be it is that I should again retort, that (since Hen. 8. Reign) there were but ᵇ 
Ed. 6. Eliz. & jam. & Char. ●.  four Protestestant Monarches, and three of them were said to come to violent deaths. But what is Ravillac's murder of Hen. 4. to us in England, more than to Saxony, the poisoning of Edw. 6. by the Lord Robert Dudley, for so 
a P. 444 vid. also Buck. R 3. p. 123.  Sir Richard Baker conceives he hid. I know Clement the Friar destroyed Hen 3. so did Judas his Master; and yet neither the Disciples, nor Christian Religion were ever thought the worse for it.  
For the Murder of the Protestants in Ireland I showed you in the 
b Rep. 1  beginning, how we detested it. Concerning the Blood spilt in France, I shall speak at large in the Paragraph about that 
c Rep. 18  Massacre. But I wonder the Piemonthusiness should be unged by royalist; for I remember when Cronwel made a Collection for them in pretence, but for himself in reality, the Cavaliers ever styled them Rebels, and said, the Duke of Savoy was necessitated for his quiet to subdue them thus by Arms. Yet for all their hard usage, I wish we had as much freedom as they.  
Now for Queen Maries Reign, which this man so often calls the Bloody days, I will here speak a little, eternally to stop his mouth hereafter. First, 
d Bish. Goodwin, Baker, Speed, etc.  Reformed Historians agree, that the Queen herself was a marveilous good woman, therefore it was not she, but her Bishops that were cruel. Again, every Englishman knows, that no man can be put to death amongst us without Law; therefore they were not the Bishops, but the Laws that were cruel: which Laws still continue, and have been made use of since the Reformation by Q. Elez. & K. ●ames to burn Heretics.  
Yet for all these Laws there died of Protestants in the whole, but 
a Baker Q. M. p. 467.  277. as Baker and 
b Speed, Q. M. p. 8●2.  other Protestant Writers record. Besides, were these 277. now alive, 200. at least, in stead of pity, would be thrown into prison, and there rot for Non-conformists: but all things were called Saints in the dawning of the light even so much as Collins and his dog for Fox in his Act's, and Monuments says that Collins being mad, and seeing a Priest hold up the Host to the people, took a dog and held it up, as the Priest did the Host, for which he and the dog were 
c Anno 15●8.  burnt. Yet though this Collins be owned by Fox to be mad, never the less he places him as a Martyr on the 10. of Octob. as may be seen in his Calendar.  
In the next place, let me know whether a man may be executed for this Tenets in Religion, or no? If it be lawful, why might not Papists put to death men (who they thought deserved it) as well as Protestants? If no man ought to suffer for his Conscience, why did 
a Stow in the several Regin● of these two Princes  Edward 6. and Q. Eliz. condemn so many Heretics in their time? all which were executed, but some few that recanted▪ and so saved their lives. Or why did K. James put to death 
b Baker ●. 1. p. 611.  Legat and Wightman, but because he religiously thought it was unfit they should longer live to blaspheme?  
Over and above these (that died for a Religion of their own making) I saw a Roll at Douai, wherein to the year 1632. there suffered out of that one House 105. Priests; since which there died many out of the same College. Add to these many out of the Portugal, Spanish, and Roman Seminaries, many of other Orders, and many Laymen also, who have been executed for owning the Pope in Spirituals, or for having a Priest say Mass in their Houses according to the obligation of their Consciences. If these were then all numbered, I am sure, there suffered many more Catholics (omitting the innumerable Confiscations) by the Protestant Government, than ever there did Protestants by the Catholic. Nay, if together with Catholics I should reckon all sorts of people that died for their Conscience though enemies to Popery (which may be found in Fox, Stow and others in the Reigns of Hen. 8. Ed. 6. and Queen Elizabeth) it is evident, there has been more Blood spilt on a Religious account under our Princes that disowned the Pope, then by the Papists from St. Augustins' Conversion to Luther's time. judge then, if Catholics be so bloody as they are reported and thought.    

SECT. XII. APOLOGY.  
'Twas never heard of before, that an absolute Queen was condemned by Subjects, and those styled her Peers; or that a King was publicly tried and executed by his own people and servants.  

ANSWER XII.  
Here he says, That the Q. of Scots was beheaded under Elizabeth by the same colour of right that Wallis suffered under Edw. 1. (whom I call, he says, a brave Prince) namely that of Sovereignty, which our Princes challenged over Scotland: but that King James and King Charles never imputed this to Q. Elizabeth's Religion.  
Concerning King Charles' Murder, he says, that I would take it ill, a Turk should charge the Ministers faults and his Parties upon me; but I do worse than a Turk, in charging these men's faults upon the Protestants: for the Murderers were neither then, nor since of the Ministers Communion. He says, King Charles' declared, he died for the Protestant Religion and Laws of the Land: that also in his Letter to the Prince, he says, none of the Rebels were Professors or Practisers of the Church of England, which gives no such Rules.   

REPLY XII.  
Nay, now I have quite given over my Minister; for though he had no regard of himself me thinks he might have had more respect for our King, then to parallel his Grandmother with Wallis. You must know Reader that Edward the First by his valour conquered Scotland, and made all the Nobles swear Fealty to him. About Ann. 1300. (when all things were thus at quiet) up starts Wallis 
a Dan. Ed. 1. p. 166.  a poor private Gentlemen, who though he had distressed the English a while, yet never so much as once pretended to the Crown, either by Sword, or Birth. Afterwards he was taken by our King, and 
b Dan. p. 168.  executed for his Insurrections. Is this man then a fit parallel with Mary Stuart, owned not only as Queen of Scots abroad, but by Queen Elizabeth herself also, who often sent and received Ambassadors from her, with the same state, as was used to the King of France, or any other Potentate? What King james and King Charles thought of the action, I know not; but I wish it had never been done.  
Concerning the other part of his Answer: First, I did never charge the King's Murder on any body, but those that were the Authors of it; he knows best whether he was one of them or no: this I am sure of, he can falsify, and (to use Harrisons words) blacken as well as the best of them, as you may see all a long, and especially in the next Section.  
Secondly, I do verily believe that King Charles died a sincere Protestant. And lastly, I am so far from laying any crime upon the Cavalier Protestants, that I think them as brave and as worthy Gentlemen, as any Nation bears. But this I must say, that the English Church (though of an honest intention) is built upon such Principles, that as long as it lasts, it will hatch a dissenting brood: and these graceless Children, upon every advantage will be ready to Rebel. This is then the benefit entailed by Hen. 8. Reformation; which has (as 
a Back p 390.  Baker confesses) so shaken the Church that it has stood indistraction ever since.    

SECT. XIII. APOLOGY.  
My Lords and Gentlemen,  
We know who were the Authors of this last abomination, and how generously you strove against the raging torrent; nor have we any other ends to remember you of it, but to show that all Religions may have a corrupted spawn; and that God hath been pleased to permit such a Rebellion, which our Progenitors never saw, to convince you perchance (whom for ever may he prosper) that Popery is not the only source of Treason.  

ANSWER XIII.  
Here he says, since we do know who were the Authors of the Abomination; he desires us to be plain, for he thinks I have spoke more truth than every man is aware. Cardinal Richelieu, he says, began the Rebellion in Scotland: than it broke out in Ireland, blest with his Holiness Letters and Nuntio. Lastly, England we unsettled, by giving occasion of jealousies, which the fanatics made use of for their purposes. Besides all this, he says, the Murder of the King also was agreed on in the Counsels of our Clergy and therefore in vain could the Royalists resist the raging Torrent.   

REPLY XIII.  
Lord, what blasphemies are here! and what a heap of unsorted falsities are put together, without any probability or proof! Because Richelieu a great Minister of State (who intrigued in every Nation▪) is supposed to have dealt with the Presbyterians of Scotland, the Papists of England were the cause of the Rebellion. This is rare Logic, especially every body knowing that fire and water agreed better than those Saints and we. I wonder the Papists were not guilty of the dangerous commotion anno 1666 in that Kingdom. But this is so ridiculous, that I should be more abominable than he, if I made more words of it; Nor does that great Anti-Papist H. L. in his 
a P. ●●6  Reign of Ch. 1. scruple to write, that the Liturgy (or Common Prayer) was the Original of the Scotch troubles.  
In the next place if the flame break out in Ireland, (which Heath a Protestant historian 
b Heath pag. 36.  says can be no where more imputable then to the Parliament's unwarantable proceedure against my Lord Strafford) we in England are again the cause of it; so that if foreign Catholics, or foreign Protestants Rebel, still we must be the Authors, that never had any correspondence with either of these Nations, nor have to this day, as all the World sees. Well then may this man falsely charge the Pope who is remote, when he dares say thus of us who can so easily contradict his calumnies.  
Lastly, for England, he urges we were the occasion of jealousies, and they made the War. O ridiculous impudence! If the majority of both Houses conspire against the King, suggest in open Debates fears of their own hatching, and at the same time with all violence persecute Papists, yet we are to be blamed, and causers of the Commotions. Certainly, this is like him that cursed the Lord Chancellor, because his horse stumbled. I am sure many grave men of your Coat (Mr. Parson) ingenuously confessed, that it was the Translation of the Bible, or the too frequent reading of it by the ignorant (which is a consequent of the Translation) that caused our disorders.  
Consider now, Reader, this strange man: for if his malice had not exceeded all bounds, he would have told you, That the Non-conformists took root assoon as the Reformation: That Queen Elizabeth's prudence kept them a little down: That in King James his Reign they grew much stronger; and that great Statesmen have often blamed that wise Prince, because (to keep things quiet in his Reign) he occasioned the Tide to rush in with such irresistible force in our late unhappy times. Thus was this storm by knowing Pilots foreseen long ago.  
But would not a man now think this Minister had abused us sufficiently? No, he must yet go farther, even The King's death was agreed to in the Counsels of our Clergy. Doubtelss he cannot mean our Priests by the word, for what did their agreeing signify more, then if the Mayor of Quinborough and his Brethren agreed, that the Janissaries should strangle the Grand Signior? Had our Priests any power in England? Were they not forced to skulk always in holes, and hanged as often as taken? I am sure Jesuits, Seculars, and Friars were executed, no Order escaping, all being fish that came to net. But now I remember myself, Mr. Parson pretends to be skilled in Rhetoric, and perchance he uses a Trope of his own making; that is, That because two Negatives make an affirmative, or a thing contrary to themselves; therefore his four falsities in this one Section, shall dubb an irrefragable truth opposite to each single assertion. The Minister's meaning than it seems is this, That in stead of our being false to the State, We have been most entirely faithful to our King and Country.  
Good Reader, I must ask you pardon, for saying any thing against these vain and groundless cavils; seeing the whole World knows, that never were men more earnestly Loyal than we. Beware therefore of this man, for it was he, or some of the like Principles, that (out of malice against the late King) wickedly▪ divulged, That his Majesty had underhand caused the Irish Rebellion: that he had a mind to bring in Popery, and to enslave the Nation, had sent for an Outlandish Guard. Thus cried the English Rebels against their glorious Prince; and thus now invents this Minister Stories, to mischief, if he can, his innocent fellow-Subjects and Countrymen. And who can be guiltless, if assertions without any shadow of proof shall be received against him?    

SECT. XIV. APOLOGY.  
Little did we think (when your Prayers and ours were offered up to beg a blessing on the King's Affairs (ever to see that day, in which Carlos, Gifford, Whitgrave, and the Pendrels should be punished by your desires for that Religion, which obliged them to save their forlorn Prince; and a stigmatised man for his offences against King and Church, chief promoter of it. Nay, less did we imagine, that by your Votes Hudlestone might be hanged, who again secured our Sovereign; and others free in their fat possessions, that sat as Juddes, and sealed the Execution of that Great Prince of happy Memory.  

ANSWER XIV.  
He says, That many of my Church were not of my Party; and that if some of them did the King eminent service in the Critical day of danger, so did the Protestants too: therefore it is not to be ascribed to our Religion. Nor is it reasonable to requite particular men, by having those Laws abandoned, which secure us against as great a danger. 'Tis barbarity for any Christian (but those of our Sect) to question his life that exposed it for his Prince, or to do this in any age, except Queen mary's; for then Sir Nich. Throgmorton was so dealt with: But the Minister detests such times and such examples; and he knows the King will reward deserving persons without trespassing on his Laws. Lastly, he desires me to be favourable to the stigmatised man (whom I do not hate, he knows, for his offences) because the King whom he formerly displeased bears with him: for he contributed much against the fanatics to his Majesty's restauration, and would not willingly live to see the Pope turn him out again.   

REPLY XIV.  
What is the meaning of this distinction, That many of my Church were not of my Party? Have we not been all of the same Party, or can there he named a Papist that was not for the King, even in te worst of times? But, Good Mr. Parson, have you all this while cut our throats, and do you now come with your insignificant flatteries, that there were some eminent among us for Loyalty? I fear not the worst you can say, and for the best I scorn it. Did I ever say otherwise, then that the Protestants were to be honoured for their wonderful service to the King? Was not the Apology directed to them? and have I not always declared, that his Majesty owes as much to them, as ever Prince can owe to Subjects? Certainly, 'tis no lessening of their worth, because we did our endeavours, and have been fellow-sufferers with them in that Glorious Quarrel. I never pressed in the Apology to have any particular body exempted: We only say there, Little did we once think that the necessity of affairs would occasion the Royal Party to advise the punishment of us all, and in the crowd those worthy Preservers of the King at Worcester. Yet, Sir (with your permission) it were not so unreasonable neither, as you would have it, for the service of some few to suspend the Laws against a Party. You have read, I know, the Scripture, and therefore may remember Mordecay's case, who by saving the King's life, not only preserved himself and his Nation from Ruin, but obtained also honour and freedom for them all. But what do you drive at by Throgmortons' usage? Will you never leave perverting History, or at best betraying your own ignorance? First, you must know, Reader, that Throgmorton by none of our Historians is mentioned to have done any service for Queen Mary; Yet 
a Reign Q. M. p. 1104.  Hollins head has his trial at large (which John Lilburn afterwards copied out to the life) where no evasion is omitted; and certainly it had been then a fit time to urge merits, had he had any.  
But suppose he was as eminent and faithful as Bedin field, Jerningham, etc. Must that excuse a man from being fairly tried for Treason? This Sir Nicholas Throgmorton (you must know) with others, was accused as a 
a Speed, Q. M. p. 847. Stow. Q. M. 1055.  Conspirator with Wyatt, for which he had a Trial and was acquitted by his Jury. Why, distempered Sir, 'tis so far from our business, that we do earnestly desire in the Apology (upon the least offence against the State) the Transgressor may die without mercy; and this I'll be bound Col. Carlos and the rest of those brave men shall willingly subscribe. But will you, worthy Countryman (that know his Majesty's thoughts so well) engage that none of the factious shall murmur at him for rewarding those that have done well?  
Now for the stigmatised, I find, Mr. Parson, you pretend to be very well acquainted with their actions: If they have done any thing (which God knows is little, and not to the hundreth part of their transgression) let them thank God for the grace he has given them to do the King at length service: but I am sure if they really meant well, they would never promote the harassing of a faithful Party, till they found them machinating against their Prince. I have no particular spleen to any man, yet cannot look on those men, as either of wit or honesty, who needlessly disoblige, and who strive with violence to have Christians persecuted for Religion; when as they themselves are the first that rail against all mankind, if their own Consciences be touched, though it be by the established Laws of the Nation.    

SECT. XV. APOLOGY.  
We confess, we are unfortunate, and you just Judges, whom with our lives we will ever maintain to be so; nor are we ignorant the necessity of affairs made the King and you do things, which formerly you could not so much as fancy: yet give us leave to say we are still Loyal; nay, to desire you to believe so, and to remember how synonymous (under the late Rebellion) was the word Papist and Cavalier; for there was no Papist that was not deemed a Cavalier, nor no Cavalier that was not counted a Papist, or at least thought to Popishly affected.  

ANSWER XV.  
He will pass over our fawning on the Parliament, and commending ourselves, and believes us, as we did the Sectaries that called the Cavaliers Papists. He wonders why these Royalists should be termed Popishly affected▪ but if the Papists were judged Cavaliers, they afterwards were ashamed of it. In Ireland whole Armies were up against the King. In England some came in voluntarily to serve him, but more were hunted into Garrisons; it being well known we should bring his Majesty more hatred than service. The greatest part of us that fought for him when his fortunes stood, fell off when he declined. Then he asks us, where we were from that time forward, in all those weak efforts of 
a 1647. 1656. 1659.  gasping Loyalty? We were flattering, he says, and giving sugared words to the Rebels, as now we do to the Royalists: for we addressed our Petitions, To the Supreme Authority of the Nation, the Commonwealth of England: that we had generally taken, and punctually kept the engagement: We promised if we might enjoy our Religion, we would be most faithful and useful Subjects of England. We proved it in these words: 
b First Moderator.  The Papists of England would be bound by their interest to live peacefully and thankfully in the exercise of their Conscience; and becoming gainers by such compassions, they could not so easily be disinherited, as the Prelatic Party that were loser's. Moreover (the Minister on his own word, says) we farther proved all this by real testimonies, which not to shame us toe much, he will pass by in silence. Now if after all this we were deemed Cavaliers, we were much wronged.   

REPLY 15.  
Good, Mr. Parson, speak truth, and you will shame no body but yourself: have you bespattered us all this while with falsities; and will you now do it farther by your Pedantic Rhetoric? Pray, Reader, to speak moderately, is not this man the archest wrangler that ever was? for if he dares disown a thing which all men know, how will he then cavil, do you think, at what is known but only to the Wise? was ever any thing so evident, as that the Rebels deemed all Papists Cavaliers, and all Cavaliers Papists? I do not infer that therefore all Cavaliers were Papists, only, I say, they were generally so called; nor is any body ignorant, that the reason was, to make them more hated by the people, as this Minister by his false glosses would at this instant serve us.  
Concerning our frankness to serve the King, it is so fully treated in the Preface, that no truth was ever more plainly made manifest. But what made this mad man ask where we were in all those weak efforts of gaspink Loyalty? Were not we where the rest of the Royal party were? Some of us were in London, some with the King, some about dispatches, some in the Tower, some sold to the Islands; and in fine, was there any Plot but the Catholics were as numerous in it proportionably as any other Subjects? Was ever man so impudent as to deny this? Yes, the Minister does it, and farther says, we were flattering the Rebels which Addresses, and owning them the Supreme Power of the Nation. Reader, lest this should be a stumbling-block to the weak, I will give you some account of the matter.  
After the Rebels had trampled down Monarchy, and enslaved the whole Nation by force; it happened that a Lay-Gentleman (with whom I have no manner of acquaintance, but have heard him ever esteemed of much wit and integrity) seeing the then ruling Grandees pretend by their Principles to be against all Persecution for Conscience; thought it would not disoblige the Catholics or any body else, if he stickled a little for a private Toleration. The Protestant Cavaliers had many daily Congregations at London, which, the constancy and courage of Dr. Wild, Dr. Gunning, Dr. Thriscross, etc. (with some sweet words also) forced the Rebels to a kind of connivance at; but the Papists could not follow the same Method: For whereas the Protestant Ministers (if the Government had on a sudden fell to severity) knew they should be but carried to the White Hart, or at most imprisoned for a day or two; a Popish Priest was sure to be hanged, and all his Auditory fineable also by the known Laws of the Land. This Gentleman therefore, to try the pulse of the Rebels, that juggled in all their Professions, writ two Books, called the First and Second Moderators: the thing in itself could not be discommended; but for the wording, he (I mean the Author) is to answer for it. The Books I have not by me, but you may be sure the Minister has quoted the worst things in them; and I question not a little whether all be true he mentions, having already found him false, as you see in many particulars.  
I need not vindicate the Gentleman, for he can do it himself to the purpose: My business at present only is to admire the folly of my Adversary, who hand over head lays as a crime, the indiscretion (which is the most that can be said of it) of a private man to all his Party. Would not this Logic then make the whole Church of England guilty of Fanatic Principles, because Dr. Taylor writ for liberty of Prophecy? And if our Gentleman may be thought to have showed his Papers to some Catholics before they were published, 'tis every jot as probable, the Dr. made Protestants acquainted with his Book before it was sent to the Press. It is very severe doubtless, if the inconsiderateness of one, should not only be fathered on us all, but urged against us, equal to the Treason of the late Transgressor's. No people on Earth can be safe at this rate: nay, all the Protestant Cavaliers themselves (those great patterns of Loyalty) would be involved, if such consequences were allowed. Every body knows, that some Great men got out of Decimation by favour, and that many Gentlemen (it may be out of prudence, knowing the end of Plots) refused to receive Letters, much less Commissions from the King. How many Soldiers also were there that served Cromwell at Jamaica and other Places: neither failed there a compliance in Poets too, as in Cow and Cleveland themselves: and for Lawyers there was no want of them in Westminster-Hall, wsensoever a Cavalier had need. The Ministry also of the Nation had some among them that were not able to resist Temptation; for there were not a few that took the Covenant; and Dr. Martin in his printed Letters taxes a great One for complying with the Presbyterians abroad. But why does my Minister lay the taking of the Engagement as a crime against us, seeing it was generally taken through the whole Kingdom, no body being capable of Law that had not done it? Nor did any body fail of calling the Parliament the Supreme Authority of the Nation, if they had Lawsuits Petitions or any thing else of that Nature. Is this a blemish to the Cavaliers in general? No, 'tis so far from it, that even the most of these I mention, when occasion served, were ever forward in the Kings concerns. But all things perchance are lawful to all men, so they be not Catholics.    

SECT. XVI. APOLOGY.  
We know, though we differ something in Religion, the truth of which, let the last day judge, yet none can agree with your inclination, or are fitter for your converse than we; for as we have as much birth among us as England can boast of, so our breeding leans your way both in Court and Camp. And therefore had not our late Sufferings united us in that firm tie, yet our like humours must needs have joined our hearts. If we err, pity our condition, and remember what your great Ancestors were; and make some difference between us that have twice converted England from Paganism, and those other Sects that can challenge nothing but intrusion for their imposed Authority.  

ANSWER XVI.  
He says, he aggrees with me in all that is truly Catholic, and differs only in what we have innovated: he respects our breeding, but suspects whatever leans to foreign jurisdiction. 'Tis a flame that we have twice converted England; and that sure we mean it has been twice converted by persons sent from Rome; which we will never persuade any one to believe, that has tasted Church-History, without our Fathers chewing it for him. But supposing this true, he asks whether we wouldt infer, that because they received good from the Primitive Christians of that place, they must lay themselves open to receive any ill, that my happen to them from their dangerous Successors.   

REPLY XVI.  
Concerning his saying, that he agrees with me in all that is truly Catholic, I kiss his hands, for so said Jacob Behmen, and so I dare say will Mr. Woodcock, this being the old Song of all Heretics. I have proved before, that foreign Jurisdiction in Spirituals may well agree in all Governments; and no Kingdoms have been more happy at home, or glorious abroad, then when the Pope was their Spiritual Pastor.  
But methinks my Gentleman might have acknowledged tha the last Conversion at least was Popish, it being performed Ann. 596. in the time of Pope Gregory, whom 
a Act Mon. p. 107.  Fox calls the basest of all his Predecessors; and it was done also by Austin a 
b Speed, p. 347.  Monk, which very name is enough to tell a Protestant, the Missioner was Popishly persuaded. Moreover, this Austin survived his Master Gregory, and consequently was according to Fox (who dreams that he lived in England 16. years) not only obedient to Boniface the 3. (the Great Antichrist) but made his Companion Laurence his 
a Stow. p. 67.  Successor, who had the like veneration for Popes, though they then styled themselves Universal Bishops as all Protestants affirm; nor did ever Canterbury deny the Roman Sea, till Cranmer in the time of Hen. 8.  
If any man yet shall not think Austin Papist enough, let him read St. Bedes History, or rather some Protestants about it, among which let J. Bale an Apostate 
b Dese. Brit. fol 35.  Friar be one, who will tell you, That Austin was sent to convert the Saxons to a Popish Faith, and that he taught false Doctrine, and minded more the getting oblations for Masses, than the Preaching of the Gospel. Yet 
c Act. Mon. p. 105.  Fox, though he call St. Austin Pharisaical, says, nevertheless, that those Missioners did Miracles before King Ethelbert.  
For the Conversion under King Lucius, all Reformed Historians confess that Pope Eleutherius sent Damianus and Fugatius (two Ministers forsooth as 
d Heyl. p. 469.  Heylin calls them) who preached Christ to the Britain's. No man can doubt then, if these were sent from Rome, but that they taught the Faith of Rome. Now when Austin (whom you see the Protestants already confess Popish) came to convert the Saxons, he had conference with Dinoth the Abbot, and several of the Monks at Bangor, who still preserved Christian Religion among the British. In all their Dispute we find no debate but about the Customs of the Church; nor did Austin demand of them any more, than the 
a Stow. p. 66.  alteration in keeping of Easter, and some Ceremonies in Baptism: but had there been any difference in Faith, and doctrine (as Speed 
b Sp. p. 348.  says positwely there was none) Historians would not have failed to remember that, seeing they take notice of things of l●ss moment: and besides, every body knows how scrupulous the Church was in Doctrine, having condemned the Arrians, Eutychians, Nestorians and the like, for some things which to ordinary and humane capacities seemed but mere niceties.  
This then proves plainly that Austin the Popish Monk (who also according to 
b Pag. 195. K. john.  Holinshed infected us with the poison of Romish Errors.) preached no other Doctrine then what the British had received afore: but the the British, according to Fox and others of our Protestant Authors, were the uncorrupt preservers of God's word, having received from their King Lucius, who lived about 180. years after Christ. Let any man therefore judge, who are most Primative, & whether he that has the face to deny that Papists twice converted England, would not also deny our Saviour, were it as much for his advantage as we see this to be.    

SECT. XVII. APOLOGY.  
But it is generally said, That Papists cannot live without persecuting all other Religions within their reach.  
We confess, where the name of Protestant is unknown, the Catholic Magistrates (believing it erroneous) do use all endeavours to keep▪ it out. Yet in those Countries where Liberty is given, they have far more Privileges than we under any Reformed Government whatsoever. To be short, we will only instance France for all, where they have public Churches, where they can make what Proselytes they please, and where it is not against Law to be in any charge or Employment. Now Holland, which permits every thing, gives us 'tis true our Lives and Estates, but takes away all Trust and Rule, and leaves us also in danger of the Scout, whensoever he pleases to molest our Meetings.  

ANSWER XVII.  
He says, That what is generally said of Popish persecutions, is also generally believed; and that I answer deceitfully, in mentioning those Country's only where the name of Protestant is unknown, and no liberty given them; but omit those where it is known, and no liberty given; as in Flanders now, and in England when it was Catholic. I instance, he says, in France, because I could find no other place; but I should have considered how the Edicts of the Protestants liberty were obtained, and how they are observed. But if the Edicts were observed, he says it is no argument, that because a Liberty not against the Law is allowed them, it should be granted us against the Law. The Papists in Holland, he says, lent the chief help to fling of the Spanish yoke, and therefore deserve more than we, who would have brought it on our Country again.   

REPLY XVII.  
I could not imagine the Minister would have discovered so great a Truth: for now, Reader, you see that he confesses that whatsoever is said of Papists is generally believed. How are Papists traduced! What Stories are told of Popes! How many things of the whole body of Papists! and all taken for Gospel, as the adversary himself acknowledges. Thus people are possessed with a horror of Qu. Mary's days, as if all were really true; and yet, as I have treated before, there has been more blood Judicially spilt about Religion by those that have excluded the Pope, then has been by Papists from the Conversion of the Nation to its fall. What does the Minister mean by Protestants known, and no liberty given? Italy and Spain know Protestants; nay, the Turk himself knows them, and is obliged to the disturbances made by Luther and his fellows in Germany. For were the Government of that Country united, an not so rend into factions with diversities of Religions (as 
a Sir Ed. S. p. 170  Sir Edwin Sandys observes) breeding endless jealousies, heart-burnings and hatred, it needed no other help to affront the Great Turk, and to repulse all his forces, to the security of Christendom. This therefore was one of the advantages which the Reformation brought.  
Certainly I spoke plain enough, and that without deceit, viz. Where the name of Protestant is unknown, (that is, where it has not been yet planted) the Catholic Magistrates take care to keep it out: But where their number or rebellion has moved their natural Prince to grant them terms, in those places I say they live with more liberty than Catholics under any Protestant Government. Flanders, was never compelled to let the Reformed have extraordinary privileges; Nevertheless there are many Protestants in that Province, and particularly in the Wallon Countries: nor have they their Ministers hanged, though these places are under the obedience of the most Catholic King. What reason has the Minister to say I could▪ name no other Country But France, where Protestants have open Churches? has he forgot Poland, even Crakaw itself, where their Orthodox Socinian Cathechism was made? Let him also think on Hungary, both which are Popish Kingdoms, under Popish Kings. Nay, in Piedmont itself they have open Churches; yet a man may legally be hanged in England, if he have but a private Chapel. Besides this, Reader, there is much difference between Papists and Protestants, because all Countries were possessed by us, and the Reformed had no pretence to Government, (except in England, and in a small Province or two in Germany) but what they got by Rebellion. Therefore, as a man that is turned out of his house by a stranger, may expect more than the stranger being dispossessed can do from the right o●ner: so Papists may justly expect more liberty from Protestants, than they can upon any pretence from Papists; yet Protestants live to this day freer in Catholic Kingdoms, than we do under them: For Protestants may have employment in Poppish Countries, but Papists are debarred from Offices in all Countries, I except none, that are of the Reformed Faith.  
I know not what the Minister would be at, that the Low-Country Papists were the chief cause why the Spanish yoke was thrown off. 'Tis true, there were many factious Catholics there at that time stirred up by the insinuation of the Reformed, as Saints inflame honest men now adays. Yet for all this not only the first insurrections & tumults were (according to 
a Stap. trans. l. 3. p. 61.  Strada) acted by the Calvinists at Tournay, Lisle, and Valencien; but also in the year 1581. (as the 
b Eur. Mod. Spec. p. 85.  Protestant Author of Europae Modernae Speculum will tell you) by a public Instrument they declared their King Philip to have rightfully fallen from the Dominion of those Provinces, then united under the profession of the Reformed Religion: neither would they ever afterwards suffer the Papists to have any share in the Government, for fear they should bring all things back again to their true Lord an Master. But now suppose, Reader, I had not proved the Dutch villainy by the testimony of a Writer of the Protestant Religion, I hope 'tis no excuse to their Rebellion, though some Papists did by accident facilitate their work: For if so, than the Murder of Charles the First by the Independents, and their erecting a Government without King or Lords, were not Rebellion, because the whole body of the Presbyterians began the play; which afterwards (but 'twas too late) they seemed to detest, and openly to exclaim against.  
How the Edicts of France were obtained, you shall hear in this next Section.    

SECT. XVIII. APOLOGY.  
Because we have named France, the Massacre will perchance be urged against us. But the World must know that was a Cabinet-Plot, condemned as wicked by Catholic Writhers there, and of other Countries also. Besides, it cannot be thought they were murdered for being Protestants, since 'twas their powerful Rebellion (let their Faith have been what it would) that drew them in to that ill-machinated destruction.  

ANSWER XVIII.  
Here he says the French Massacre was so horrid a cruelty, that Thuanus tells us, That considering men, and having turned over the Annals of Nations, he could find no example for it in Antiquity; that it was cloaked with shows of Amity, and a Marriage between the Houses of Valois and Bourbon; to which the chief Protestants being invited, were after their jollity of mirth, in the dead of night butchered in their Houses, without distinction of Sex or Age, till the channels ran with blood, none escaping but the Bridegroom: and the Prince of Conde, who were afterwards the one poisoned, the other stabbed by men of our Religion. He proceeds, that this which I say was condemned by Catholic Writers, was also extolled as glorious by others of them; and that one may guests at my meaning, and that I am of their sentiment, since first I call it a Cabinet-Plot (a fine soft word for the Butchery of 30000. persons.) Secondly, in answer to them that call it murder, I seem to blame it as done by halves, in terming it an ill-machinated destruction. Lastly, in saying, that it was their Rebellion drew it on them, let their Faith have been what it would; when indeed it was their Faith, let their Obedience have been what it would: for the King never had better Subjects than those that were Massacred, no● worse Rebels than the Massacrers. Then he tells us, that the brave Coligni was the first killed, and his head was sent to Rome, and his Body dragged about Paris; and besides, he says, that the Duke of Guise's factious Authority (as I sweetly style it) was a black Rebellion; and to decide whether they were massacred for Protestant Religion or Rebellion, because both himself and I may be partial, he desires to take judges between us.  
To make it appear it was not for Rebellion they were massacred, he citys K. James, who says, I could never learn by any good and true intelligence, that in France those of the Religion took Arms against their King. In the first Civil War they stood only upon their Guard, etc.  
To prove that they were massacred for their Religion (since I will admit no judge but the Pope) he undertakes to show us that it was his judgement, from Thuanus, a Catholic Writer, who tells us, The Pope having an account of the Massacre, read the Letter in the Consistory, there decreed to go directly to St. Marks, and solemnly give thanks for so great a blessing conferred on the Roman Sea, and the Christian World: That soon after a Jubilee should be published throughout the whole Christian World; and these causes were expressed for at, viz. To give thanks to God for destroying in France the Enemies of the Truth and of the Church: That in the evening the Guns were fired at St. Angelo, Bonfires made, and all things performed usual in the greatest Victories of the Church: That some days after, there was a solemn Procession to St. Lovis, and an Inscription set over the Church-door by the Cardinal of Lorraine, to congratulate his Holiness and the College in the King's name, for the stupendious effects and incredible events of their Counsels given him, and of their assistance sent, and of their twelve years' wishes and prayers. Soon after, he says, the Pope sent Cardinal Ursini to congratulate the King, to commend and bless them that had to do in the Massacre, and to persuade the reception of the Council of Trent, by this Argument; That the memory of the late glorious action (to be magnified in all ages, as conducing to the Glory of God and Dignity of the Holy Roman Church) might be sealed by the approbation of the Holy Synod; for so it would be manifest, that the King consented to the destruction of so many, not of hatred or revenge, but ardent desire to propagate the Glory of God (which could not be expected while the Protestants stood) through all the Provinces of France. The Answerer than concludes this Paragrah with commending the Head of the Church for his judgement in cutting throats, & not mincing the matter like me (whom he is pleased to call an English limb of him) who durst not say what I desired, for fear of provoking the Protestants; nor what the thing deserved, for contradicting the Pope.   

REPLY XVIII.  
Can Thuanus, or any man else, look upon that action with more horror than I? Certainly no: yet, Reader, I must tell you, Thuanus is esteemed as maliciously partial a Writer as ever undertook the writing of a History. Nay, Heylin (that other Hannibal, that sworn enemy of Rome) says, That 
a Heyl. p. 71.  Thuanus savours more of the party, then of the Historian. Now for his professing to be a Catholic, it adds nothing to his Authority, because in every Religion there are those that write out of spleen and Faction. To a stranger abroad, Milton would go for a Protestant, because he calls himself so; yet in his Books the true matter of Fact is so perverted by his malice, that it becomes at last as false, as the rest of those damnable lies, with which his Papers are stuffed. But though Thuanus be thus reputed, yet this Minister will pervert the Devil himself to do us a mischief. He has told us that the Pope ordered a Jubilee through Christendom, to give God thanks for destroying in France the Enemies of the Church; by which he would have the Reader believe, that the Massacre was the cause of this Jubilee; when as 
a Th. p. 1065.  Thuanus tells us, That the Jubilee was to thank God for the Victory at Lepanto against the Turk, for the success of Spain against the Rebels in Belgium, and to beseech God for the election of a Catholic King in Poland; as well as for the business in France. But truly, I need not complain, for such Preachers of God's word may say any thing (so it discredit the Papists) let it be never so improbable in itself.  
For my part I can believe not, that the Pope and Consistory (who are by Protestants reputed dexterous and subtle) would make public Procession and Triumph for Murder in cold blood, which could bring them no farther good (for the advantages were already obtained) but might occasion much scandal, which, by reason it was the cause of Luther's revolt, was the more carefully to be avoided for the future. It may be they were not sorry in their hearts: For what men are so at the death of their Enemies? Yet we see often, that those which have a titillation the thing being done, would nevertheless lose rather their own lives, then give the least consent to the fact. Davila tells us in one place of his Fifth Book, That the King and Queen-Mother contrived the destruction of the Rebels; and communicated their design only to the Duke of Anjou, the Guises, and the Count of Rhetz, and this resolution to Massacre, we see there was, a pretty while before Pius V. died. In another place of this Book, I find this Pope died some three months before the execution. In another place of this Book I find that this Pope would never consent to the marriage of Margaret to the King of Navarre, by reason of his Religion; and yet in the time of this Marriage Ch. 9 had determined this Butchery: Therefore putting all this together, it was plain the Pope had no hand in the wicked contrivance. Gregory 13. who succeeded, and before whose Election this Massacre was designed, was at last brought to dispense with the Match, it being made appear to him how dangerous it might be in those Schismatical times, if the King should in anger solemnize the Marriage without leave; for so this 
a Dau. l. 5.  King had threatened the aforesaid Pius V. and daily gave more symptoms of his resolution in the Wedding, and anger for being contradicted in it at Rome.  
Reader, We have no other way to discover the errors of Historians, but by conjectures, after we have compared times and circumstances. The reasons that I have therefore last mentioned, assure me that the Pope had no hand in the design: yet suppose he had been of the Plot with the King, as 'tis plain he was not, I am sure that can be no excuse to the Hugonots for their former Rebellion, and unspeakable abominations, as you shall presently see. But let the Pope have what design he would, 'tis still evident (according to the Apology) that the King and Queen-Mother (who could only perform this Murder) were moved to this Massacre for Interest of State, and not Religion. For the King was not such a Bigot or Pious man, upon a Spiritual account to draw such a hazard, or at least a scandal on his own person: and for the Queen-Mother (that great intriguer) she valued Religion little; for sometimes she favoured Protestants, sometimes again persecuted them: Nay, when it was for her advantage, she gave great and suspicious signs that she would be of the Reformed Religion also, as may be seen in Davila in the second Book.  
My Minister will not perchance be yet satisfied that I call it a Cabinet-Plot, but says they died for their Religion, and that the King had not better Subjects than those that were massacred. Brave Coligni being the first that fell. Now, Reader, that you may see what kind of Subject our Minister is (and such a one I always doubted him) I will briefly show you how these Hugonots behaved themselves, among whom Coligni was a Principal, and who is honoured with the title of Brave, by this most Loyal Parson.  
In the time of Francis the First Calvin appeared, and dedicated his Institutions to him. The preaching, of this man pleased the changeable humour of many French; but the Sect was kept under by the King, and especially by his Son Hen. 2. who like wise Governors were unwilling to let an unheard-of Religion get root in their Country, well knowing that Rebellion would follow, as afterwards it happened to the purpose. Francis the 2. succeeded Hen. who was althogether governed by the House of Guise, by reason of the great power they had in the late King's Reign, and more especially now, because the Queen-Consort was the glorious Mary of Scotland, daughter to the Sister of this ambitious Duke. The House of Bourbon (being the first Princes of the Blood) were greatly troubled they had no interest in affairs, and tried all manner of ways to get into play. The Prince of Conde (a hotheaded man) seeing he could not ruin the Guises by ordinary means, calls all his partisans together (`among whom Coligni was the Chief) to lafoy Ferte an Apennage of his, and there he told them, they must take Arms to free themselves from the slavery they were in by the ruling Party. The fiery youth were all of the Prince's opinion, to begin the War without delay: But, Brave Coligni (as the Minister calls him) replied, That this were to ruin them all, seeing that though their pretences were fair, yet few of the Nation would follow them; and on the other side, all foreign Princes were in amity with France by the late agreement of the King's Father. If they had a mind, he said, to do their business home, the sole way were to pretend Religion, which in itself had an honourable appearance; and besides, the Calvinists in France were many, hating the Guises, and wanting only a Head; nor would the Princes of Germany or Q. Elizabeth fail to assist them on this score, which otherwise could not be done on any account.  
Thus the Brave man not only consented to Rebellion, but put them in a holy method effectually to perform it. All the Assembly applauded the Counsel of this Achitophel, and there-upon Andelot his Brother (a most turbulent man) and the Vicedame of Chartres (rich and debauch) were apponted to execute their determinations. The manner of the Plot was this: To get a great company of unarmed Hugonots to go to Court, and there clamour for Liberty of Conscience, and free Temples: these poor men (they imagined) should presently be ill treated by the Duke of Guise; whereupon the Protestant Soldiers (which for that purpose they were to provide) would immediately come to their assistance; and under pretence that the Hugonots were abused, they might fall on the Court, and wholly destroy their Enemies. Besides this, 'twas reported, that in the disorder the King and his three Brethren were to be made away, and God knows whether this last part were not as true as the first, seeing after the death of these Children, the House of Bourbon (Heads of the design) should succeed in the Throne.  
But now see how far the Conspiracy succeeded: The Provinces were divided to several of the most considerable in each division, who were to make ready their Levies against the 15. of March 1560. at Blois, a Town unfortified, where then the Court resided. Godfrey de la Bar (a Gentleman of Perigort, who had left his Country by reason of forgery in a Lawsuit and turned Calvinist) was made Commander in Chief; and according to their success, the Prince, Admiral, and the rest would order affairs. The King's Council, having at last notice of this, carries the King without noise to Amboise, the better to secure him on a sudden, with the present little force they had in readiness. On the day appointed the Conspirators come, and finding the King gone, follow him to Amboise, and assault the Castle; which being too strong to be presently theirs, they were by the Marshal of St. Andrew, and others wholly defeated and taken. Upon this traitorous attempt, the King summons an Assembly of the Nobles at Fountain-Bleau, where the brave Coligni grave the King a Paper, and said, That the Protestants (hearing by his Majesty's Edict, that every Subject might make known his Grievance in this Assembly) did present that Petition to him; & though it were not signed, yet when his Majesty pleased, it should be by 150000. hands. The Assembly, for all this arrogance, advised against a Toleration; but the Hugonots encouraged by these proceedings, rose in Arms in▪ several places, and filled the Court with complaints of their many insolences; and on the other side, the Prince with his Complices set upon Lions. After this the three Estates met at Orleans, where the Prince was condemned to be executed and in this disorder the King died.  
Charles the 9 was about eleven years old when he began his Reign; so that in his minority (the faction of the Protestants being so great) the Prince was acquitted, and liberty granted for public preaching. Then the Hugonots became so insolent, that they massacred many people in Paris, burned the Church of St. Medard, rifled Monasteries, and committed many such exorbitances. The Prince would have▪ seized on the King's Person at Fountain-Bleau, but the Duke of Guise got the King of Navarre (first Prince of the Blood, and prime Commander of State) to bring him and the Queen-Regent to Paris; which when the Prince of Conde understood, and saw himself defeated of his design, he told brave Coligni, that he had plunged himself so deep, that now he must drink or drown; and thereupon attacked Orleans and took it, using all the inhuman barbarities that can be thought of. After this (as Rebels are accustomed) a Manifesto is set out, That he took up Arms to free the King's Person from the slavery in which the Catholic Lords held him. This was directed to the Parliament; who again answered, That they wondered how it could be said, the King was prisoner, being in his own Capital City, of which Charles of Bourbon the Princes own Brother was Governor; where was present the King of Navarre Chief Administrator of the Kingdom, where the Parliament sat; and in fine; where all the great Officers of the Crown resided.  
But why do I go to the particulars of this notorious Rebellion? To be short, brave Coligni's own words (a little before his death) will sufficiently declare how great a Traitor he was; for just before the Marriage (like another Nabuchadnezzar in his pride) he said to some of his confidents, That neither Alexander nor Caesar could be compared to him, because Fortune was their friend, but that he dad lost four Battles, yet by his wit, he still became more formidable to his Enemies. If then this brave man, that began the Rebellion, as you have heard, that lost four Battles against his Prince, that seized on so many Towns, that dissuaded Peace so often when desired, and that did so many infamous actions all along, shall pass and not be thought a Rebel, than I will aver there was never Rebel since the Creation of the World. The things, Reader, which I have here laid down, you many find dispersed in the first five Books of Davila's History, who is an Author thought by Protestants so Authentic and so impartial (sparing no body of what Rank or Faction soever) that among Historians none hath a clearer fame.  
Having given you a short occount how these Potent Hugonots plagued these two Kings, be pleased now to tell me, whether it was not their powerful Rebellion (let their Religion have been what it would) that drew them into this ill-machinated destruction. And by the way, see how simple the cavil of this Minister is, who says, I call it ill-machinated, because it was done by halves. The action was wicked, and a Cabinet-Plot, or else there is no such thing in Nature: neither did it want condemning by several famous Catholics themselves; who would doubtless have been silent, had the Pope so publicly rejoiced at the news, as the Minister would fain have us believe.  
The King in Vindication of the cruelty laid to his charge, gives these Reasons to the World: That though every body saw how horribly the Rebels had used him, yet it was not his design to Massacre so many Hugonots, but only to cut off some Heads of the Party, who so highly fomented the Sedition: this made him cause Coligni to be shot, the chief Rebel of them all; but the bullet only breaking his arm, his Partisans grew to such a rage, that they threatened a present War, and destruction to him and his; therefore he was necessitated to what he did, viz. immediately to destroy those that had vowed his ruin. Now to demonstrate that is was not his intention, the King's friends farther said, That had he intended a general Massacre from the beginning, it had been folly to 
a The Admiral was shot four days before the Massacre Dau. lib. 5.  shoot the Admiral so many days before the total execution, because this would have alarmed the Party, and given occasion to many to get away as in truth not a few did, the day before the bloody night.  
Reader, I know not whether this Declaration of the King be true or not; but this I am sure, the action was unchristian, though there were never greater Rebels than these Hugonots: for they not only fought many Battles with their Prince, and fortified many of his Towns against him; but besides all this, brought foreign Forces into France, as Ruyters from Germany, and English from us▪ and because all things are lawful to the Saints, they delivered up Haure de Grace to Queen Elizabeth, by which we had a new footing in France, even we, the professed enemies of the Nation. Nay, they began first to 
a Dau. lib. 2.  Massacre Catholics in Paris; and also Coligni and Beza got Poltrot to murder the Duke of 
b Dau. lib. 3.  Guise, father to him that was Killed at Blois. This the Assassin openly confessed at his death, being after executed for the fact. By force then, and such tricks, tiring out their Kings, they got several Privileges and Edicts: but God send me and my Relations to live for ever in servitude, rather than to obtain liberty by such strange and dissalowable courses. And truly, I doubt not (since this Minister can justify these Agreements) but he would, if the Four Bills had passed at the Isle of Wight, vindicate the proceedinghs, and cite those Acts with as much confidence, as if they had been obtained without Force in time of Peace and quiet. Had King James lived in our days, and seen how the same pretences with those of the Hugonots, viz. Conscience, and the Liberty of the Subject, had like to have ruined his Family, I do believe they would have found small comfort from any Vindication of his. I do therefore openly affirm, that if any Englishman (who has considered the villainy of our times) does still justify Brave Coligni and his Hugonots, he has either been an apparent Rebel, or is so in his heart, and will show his Teeth upon the first advantage that shall be offered.    

SECT. 19 APOLOGY.  
May it not as well be said in the next Catholic Kings Reign, that the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal (Heads of the League) were killed for their Religion also? Now no body is ignorant, that 'twas their factious Authority, which made the jealous Prince design their deaths, though by unwarrantable means.  

ANSWER XIX.  
He says the Guises were not killed for their Religion, for they were killed by one of their own Religion, as much bend against Protestants as they. That Papists hated Hen. 3. only for sparing the Blood of Protestants, and not declaring his Protestant Heir uncapable of Succession. That for these causes the Guises by the Pope's consent (who calls them the Macchabees of the Church) entered into the Holy League, and called in the Spaniards and Savoyards to maintain War against him, and deprive him of his Kingdom and Life. Whereupon the jealous Prince, as I favourably call him, dealt with them, as they had done with the Protestants. But their case, he says, was so different from the Protestants, that he wonders I should mention it.  
Then he tells us, the Pope excommunicated the King for this action, and gave nine years' Indulgence to his Subjects to fight against him, foretelling, as a Pope might do without Astrology, that ere long he should come to a fearful end; and this he says happened: for the Subjects earned the Indulgence, and a Friar fulfilled the Prophecy. This action the Pope in a Speech called the work of God, and (for its wonderfulness) compared it with the Incarnation or Resurrection; preferring his courage before Eleazar's or judith's, and declaring the King (who professed he died in the Faith of the Roman Catholic Church) to have died in the sin against the Holy Ghost. Lastly, He asks, whether it may not be said, Papists cannot live without persecuting Protestant's, when a Popish King is stabbed and damned for not persecuting them enough.   

REPLY 19  
Here is a great deal of cry, and little wool; for I have often said, the Pope may have his frailties, as well as other men; and does not the Minister know he is a Temporal Prince also, and in that capacity may have intrigues with his Neighbours? What is this to our Religion, more than if the King of Spain should make use▪ of the Politics too far? Again, if the Pope as our Archbishop (all Country's being in his Province) should commit humane indiscretions, Why were we to be more blamed for it, than Durham, Chester and Carlisle ought to be for their Religion, because their Metropolitan Williams joined with the Rebels against King Charles of happy Memory?  
I never approved the procedure of the Guises in their League, and have always said they were most insolent Ministers of State to Hen. 3. but when the Duke and Cardinal were murdered at Blois by the King, their Successors learned of the Hugonots to run into a formal and open War. And truly, my inference, I conceive, was pertinent concerning the Massacre of the one, and murder of the other, though the Parson thinks it something strange. For in this Example the Outers and the Outees (the Hugonots and Guises) were killed by their Kings. Now since both Parties were prodigious in power, able to cope with the Prince; 'twould be as ridiculous to say, that (because the Hugonots were destroyed) they suffered for their Faith, as that the Heads of the League were killed for their Religion.  
Davila tells us, That the Pope only refused to absolve Henry the Third, saying, that he could not be contrite for killing a Cardinal, since he kept another still in prison. Nor does this famous Author say any thing of giving nine years' Indulgence to his Subjects that should fight against him; and yet if the Pope had done so, he must answer for his own actions to God Almighty, and not all the Members of the Catholic Church.  
But why does this poor Minister continually harp upon James Clement, whom the Devil had seduced for this work? The Minister would have called me worse than a Turk (as he has already done) if I should lay at his door the actions of Hugh Peter, who was as I think ordained, at least as bad as he were. Concerning the Pope's Speech, you must know, Reader, that it was a thing forged (as Tortus says) and never heard of but at Paris, some Grandees having hopes thereby to animate their Party, and others a design to defame the Sea of Rome: and if you consider it, you will find the Pope had no reason to rejoice at, but much to lament the death of this Prince. For Henry the Third was always a most firm son of the Church, and easily brought again to whatever could be desired. But when he was gone, an apparent Huguenot was to succeed, whom though for the present they might think they were able to deal with, yet necessarily at best there would be a perpetual distraction among them; and besides, wise men know, that accidents are common in such cases; and to be sure, the least success on Henry the Fourth's side, would have ruined the Pope's interest. To his Conclusion I have answered before sufficiently, viz. That Protestants live better under Papist Governments, than Papists do under theirs: therefore, I say again, who the Persecutors are, let the World judge.    

SECT. 20. APOLOGY.  
If it were for Doctrine that the Hugonots suffered in France, this haughty Monarch would soon destroy them now, having neither Force nor Towns to resist his Might and Puissance. They yet live free enough, being even Members of Parliament, and may convert the King's Brother too, if he thinks fit to be so. Thus you may see how well Protestants live in a Popish Country under a Popish King: Nor was Charlemaign more Catholic than this; for though he contends sometimes with the Pope, 'tis not of Faith, but about Gallicane Privileges, which perchance he may very lawfully do. judge then, Worthy Patriots, who are the best used, and consider our hardship here in England, where 'tis not only a Fine for hearing Mass, but death to the Master for having a Priest in his house; and so far we are from preferment, that by Law we cannot come within ten miles of London; all which we know your great Mercy will never permit you to exact.  

ANSWER XX.  
Here he denies the consequence, That if the Hugonots then suffered for Doctrine, this haughty Monarch would soon destroy them now: for he says, he may persecute and not destroy them, or destroy them, but not so soon. Nor is this Monarch, he says, as Catholic as Charlemaign; for if he were, he would be Patron of all Bishoprics in his Empire, make the Pope know the difference between a Prelate and an Emperor, and not chop Logic about Gallicane Privileges: he would also call a Council (as Charlemaign ded against Image-Worship) to separate errors from the Faith. This he says were a good way to destroy the Hugonots, by taking away the causes of strife; but any other way he cannot, without violation of his Laws. Then he says, we complain of hardships we feel not, and insult over the Hugonots, who would mend their condition with changing with us. Popish Peers, he says, sit in English Parliaments, as well as Protestants in French. That we have as free access to our King's Brother, as they to theirs: and, that he knows not what we would have, unless we would Catechise his Highness, as the Abbot did the Duke of Gloucester. He concludes, That we complain of those Laws we never knew executed, and which, I say, I know never will be. But the Laws, he says, were made to guard the lives of our Princes against our Traitorous practices.   

REPLY XX.  
I must here again, Reader, desire your judgement, whether this consequence in the Apology, be not as natural as can be: viz. If the Protestants suffered for Doctrine (when by reason of their strength it was dangerous to disturb them) then doubtless, this haughty Monarch (being as much a Papist in Faith as any of his Ancestors) would soon destroy them now, having neither Force nor Town to resist his might and puissance. Certainly, this is as impertinent a cavil, as his insisting upon Charlemagn, who was Emperor as well as King of France; and therefore had more Authority, then if he had been but a single Monarch. Besides, I wonder he should urge him as Quarrel with the Pope, being as great a friend as ever that Sea had. For he grave to it the Exarchate of Ravenna, the Marca Anconitana, and the Dukedom of Spoleto, which are the greatest part of the Church-Lands in Italy. All the power the ancient Caesar's had, I know not; if it were great, I wish they had never parted with it; but what they have granted, I think now as truly helongs to the Pope, as any Privileges that Towns or Royallty's can call theirs, by the Gracious concessions of our famous Princes.  
How shameless is this man, that can say, the Hugonots would mend their condition by changing with us! and yet he cannot deny they have all the advantages before mentioned. How prettily also (after his usual manner) doth he pervert my meaning, in saying, we have free access to his Highness; for my Argument runs thus: That the Hugonots may convert the King's Brother without any prejudice to them by Law; when as it is death to a Catholic to pervert (as they call it) the meanest of his Majesty's Subjects. But God send the King may never find more unfaithful Servants than such; nor the Duke those that shall wish him worse than the worthy Abbot, whom he is pleased to mention. He has a fling also at me, because the Catholic Peers sit in the House, which is quite besides the thing I urged. For I said, the Hugonots must needs think they live happily, enjoying not only their Religion in public, but also being capable of any manner of Employment, even to be chosen Members of the three Estates; nor is there any Parliament of France, but has many of their Religion in it. On the contrary, Catholics are born with an incapacity of Employment, like the Villains as it were in Ancient times, who had no propriety in the Kingdom. If some few Lords sit in their House, 'tis not any favour the Nobility bear to Popery, but because they have gravely considered, that it would be wonderful injustice to turn out a Party for difference in Religion, and permit other dissenters to continue. Now (seeing there are so many Opinions in the World) to turn out all, God knows upon whose Children the Lot may fall next: for the Church of England is no Manna, to relish in every palate; and some wise men also think, that a man may do very well, though he has little Disputes with this his holy Mother.  
Why does this Gentleman say, we never knew the Laws executed? I am sure, there have died by these Laws at least 300 Priests, besides Laymen: and how often we have been racked in prison, and how infinitely our Estates have suffered for our Consciences, no body, I think, is ignorant. But, I hope, the brave people of England will intercede for us to his Majesty, that since he (the Messiah & only expectation of the Nation) is come, we may not feel in his days, what we suffered under Cromwell, even by virtue of those Acts which have been formerly made. Nor could Osborn a Protestant (in his Memoires) choose but confess 
a Hist. Mem. Q. E. p. 17.  That against the poor Catholics nothing in relation to the generality remains upon due proof sufficient to justify the severity of the Laws daily enacted & put in execution against them.    

SECT. XXI. APOLOGY.  
It has been often urged, that our misdemeanours in Queen Elizabeth's and King James' time, were the cause of our punishment.  

ANSWER XXI.  
Your misdemeanours? we cry you mercy, if they were no more; but that comes next to be argued, whether they were misdemeanours or Treasons.   

REPLY. XXI.  
Reader, This is the subtlest Sophister that I ever met with; for (before this distinction) I never knew but that Treasons were misdemeanours, and therefore I think the word misdemeanour is not improper.    

SECT. XXII. APOLOGY.  
We earnestly wish that the Party had had more patience under that Princess: But pray consider (though we excuse not their faults) whether it was not a harder Question than that of Yorck and Lancaster (the cause of a War of such length and death of so many Princes) who had most right, Queen Elizabeth or Mary Stuart. For since the whole Kingdom had crowned and sworn Allegiance to Queen Mary, they owned her as the legitimate daughter to Henry, the Eighth; and therefore it was thought necessarily to follow by many, that if Mary was the true Child, Elizabeth was the Natural, which must needs give way to the thrice-noble Queen of Scots.  

ANSWER XXII.  
He says, that I wish the Catholics had had more patience under Q. Elizabeth; but he thinks they needed none: for in the first ten years of her Reign (though what the Papists had done in Queen Mary's time was fresh in memory) none of them suffered death till the Northern Rebellion, raised against her merely upon the account of her Religion: 'twas she than that was persecuted, and had occasion for patience, and therefore I should have wished them more Loyalty. But it appears I account Rebellion no fault, in saying, 'twas a hard Question, whether the right lay in Queen Elizabeth, or the Queen of Scots, because many thought Queen Elizabeth illegitimate. Here he asks, Who thought so? Or, when the Question arose? For, says he, First, Archbishop Heath a Papist, said in his Speech, no body could doubt the justness of her Title. Secondly, the Kings of France, Spain, and the Emperor offered Marriage to her, and thereby hoped to get the Crown. Thirdly, the Queen of Scots and King James acknowledged her, and claimed nothing but to be her Heirs and Successors. Then he tells, that Paul the Fourth was the First that questioned her Title, because the Kingdom being a Fee of the Papacy, she had audaciously assumed it without his leave; and secondly, because she was illegitimate. But his Successor Pius the Fourth would have owned her, if she would have owned him; which because she would not, the next Pope Pius V. issued out his Bulls and deposed her, not for Bastardy, but for being a Protestant, upon which the Northern-men and others of her Subjects rebelled, and were every foot plotting against her. 'Tis true, he says, the Queen of Scots Title was pretended; but he demands what would we have done if that Queen had not been Catholic, or Queen Elizabeth; not thought illegitimate? He proceeds, That Gregory the Thirteenth had occasion to consider this, having a Bastard of his own, and another of the Emperors to provide for: to the first of which he gave Ireland, and sent Stukely to win it for him; and to the other England, with leave to win it for himself. But what was this to the Q. of Scots? who (he says) might perhaps have been preferred to marry one of them, upon condition her son james might have nothing to do with the Succession. For when she was dead, and her right in King james, Sixtus V. not only took no notice of him, but cursed Queen Elizabeth again, and gave her Kingdom to Philip the Second of Spain. Pope Clement the Eighth seeing he could do no good upon Queen Elizabeth (to take care another Heretic should not succeed her) sent his Breves both to Clergy and Layity, forbidding them to admit any but a Catholic to the Succession, though never so near in blood; which was in plain words to exclude King James; so that the Popes never stuck at the hard question. And now he asks, What our Country men did or suffered for it? And answers himself, that they acted for the Papal interest, making use of the House of Scotland only for a cloak, while the Title was in Queen Mary; but when it was in King James, none of them stirred or suffered for it: yet they were not idle, but as busy as Bees in contriving to hasten Queen Elizabeth's death, and to put him by the Succession.  
To prove this, he urges the Spanish Invasion presently after his Mother's death, negotiated and defended by Papists: That the Jesuits procured Huntly to rebel in Scotland: That they persuaded the Earl of Derby to set up a Title to the Crown of England; which he revealing, was poisoned soon after, as Hesket had threatened him: That when their single shot failed, F. Parsons gave a broadside to the Royal House of Scotland, in a Book published under the name of Doleman, setting up divers Competitors; and to provide a sure Enemy, he found a Title for the Earl of Essex (to whom he dedicated the Book) being the most ambitious and popular man in the Nation. But the the Book, he says, prefers the Title of the Infanta before all others. Then he concludes from this his Discourse, in which, he says, nothing material can be denied, that it appears, That this hard Question was not between the Parties themselves, in one of whom, we confess, the right was. For the Pope easily resolved it, who denied both sides of the Question, assuming the right to himself, and as concerning the English Catholics, he says, they sided with the Pope against Queen Elizabeth and Queen of Scots also: and lastly, that their misdemeanours were inexcusable Treasons, if any Treasons befriended by such an Apologist can be inexcusable.   

REPLY 22.  
'Tis strange to me, that I must be denied the liberty, which all people else have. No man is forbid to declare their pretensions, when he speaks of the commotions of a Party: yet here I am accused, to think Rebellion no crime, and to excuse their faults, because I tell you what Papists in those days said for themselves. The Minister can call himself a Loyal Subject, and yet defend the Hugonots, who were the most notorious and insolent Rebels that any History can show; nor had they any other pretence for the 
a Dau. lib. 2.  Massacres and continual ravages committed by them, but Mr. Calvin and Mr. Beza's telling them, God said thus and thus: and therefore, unless their respective Kings would suffer them to destroy a Religion in quiet possession since the Reign of Clovis, they would bring Armies into the field, and fortify Towns against their Liege-Lords, as every body knows they did, till subdued in the time of Lewis the XIII. I think, good Mr. Parson, I am as well known in England as yourself; and am sure can find more Protestants of Quality that shall engage for my Loyalty, them you can people of any sort. 'Tis not this Minister, Reader, only, but others have called my narration of the matter of fact, a questioning of Queen Elizabeth's Title: judge you by my words in the Apology, whether it be so or no; nor could I omit in honour the Plea of the foregoing age, their misdemeanours being every day thrown in my dish.  
But suppose I had questioned her Title, there is no Treasonable intention in it I am sure, because the Title of our King has no dependence upon that Princess: nor was she the first of our Monarches against whose right Posterity has argued. No body is blamed for saying King Stephen was an usurper, or that Edward the Fourths Title was better than that of the three preceding Henry's. What is't then, I beseech you (were the fact proved against me) I have committed, that Protestant Authors have not done and worse? Sr. Walter Rawley in his Preface of the History of the world has not only something to say against almost all the Kings of England, but Buck in his Ric. 3 has bastardized Hen. 7 and all his offspring, and thereby invalidates their title to the Crown either as 
a Buck. p. 12  Yorkists or 
b Buck. p. 44.  Lancastrians; Nor does 
c Sp II. 4. p. 6●3.  Speed refrain from questioning the right of most of our Princes from the Conquest till Henry the fowrth's Reign. Yet none of these have been branded with the Character of ill Subjects. 'Tis he that is to be accounted wicked, who sedititiously descants on Titles, to breed Commotions and Disorders.  
The Minister says, I defend the calumny of those Catholics, in saying, 'Twas a very hard question, whether the right to the Crown lay in Queen Elizabeth, or in the Queen of Scots. Reader, that which I said was, That this was a harder Question, than the Dispute of York and Lancaster, which cost so much Blood and Treasure: and because I would know your opinion, I will state these two Questions to you.  
York had the interest of a third brother by Marriage; Lancaster that of a fourth Brother; and these two dispute about the Crown of England which women are capable of.  
The second Question is this: Henry the eighth married his brother's wife, who was said to be a Virgin; for Prince Arthur was but fifteen and a little more when he died. By this Princess K. Hen. had our Q. Mary, and after he had lived with her 20 years, he fell in love with a handsome young Lady, whereupon he had in short time a scruple of Conscience that it was unlawful to live longer with his old wife, because she had been-married to his brother. His Conscience being still tender, he caused the Scriptures to be searched, and found not only there the Marriage to be void, but that the Pope himself had no power in England; and besides, that rich Abbeys were also contrary to the word of God. Being thus truly informed, he threw away Wife, Pope and Monks, and married the other, by whom he had Queen Elizabeth, while his first Wife lived. 'Twas thought by many curious wits, that there could be but one of the daughter's legitimate, because both Mothers were contemporaries, and that to Christians the Scripture permits but one wife at a time. After the death of this King and his Son, 'twas put to the Kingdom to decide, which of these children were lawfully begotten: both Lords and Commons acknowledged Mary for their Queen, which was as much to say she was born in true Wedlock. Nor did Luther himself fail to disapprove of Queen Elizabeth's 
a Hist Mem. Q. Eliz. p. 5.  birth.  
I doubt not, but the people were informed of the cause of the King's scruple, as also that this brother Arthur had never known his wife. Nay, before K. Henry married Queen Katherine, she protested she was a Virgin and offered to be tried by 
b L. Herb p. 7.  Matrons. The Bishop of Ely also 
c L. Herb p. 244.  deposed, That the Queen (whom all, even the King himself esteemed for a Saint) had often in confession told him, she never carnally knew the Prince. Nor in the whole examination was there any colourable pretence produced, but the common vanity of all boys to be thought men before their time: For 'twas affirmed, Arthur should say the next morning after Marriage, that he had been in Spain that night. Besides this there were those, I believe, that told the People, that though St. John forbade Herod to take his brother Philip's wife, because his said Brother was then alive, (for Josephus 
d Ios. ● 472.  says, Herodias parted from her husband Philip in his life time, and in contempt of the laws married Herod) yet he never prohibited by those words a Christian to marry his sister in-law if her Husband were dead.  
The Case being thus fancied by the Papists (in the time of Queen Elizabeth) they argued, that if Mary was the true Child, than the other was the Natural: but Mary was owned Legitimate: And my Lord Bacon 
a H. 7. p. 206.  says the ligitimation of Queen Mary and Elizabeth were incompatible. Ergo the Kingdom not being Elective, Marry Stuart (the next Legal Heir) must necessarily succeed her. Yet suppose these Papists were wrong in their conclusion, I am sure nevertheless, I am still in the right, viz. That it is a harder Question to resolve, whether the Marriage be Null, if a woman marries two Brothers, then whether a third or fourth brother has the better Title to the Crown; for that was the contest betwixt York and Lancaster.  
But the Minister urges, if the Papists thought Queen Elizabeth an Usurper, why did not they stir sooner? for there was no Rebellion, he says, in ten years: and when after ten it broke out in the North, there was not the least mention made of the Q. of Scots, or her Title.  
I wish the Catholics had not only sat still ten years, but forty five years also; yet to show you that this Minister will be wrong in every thing, I shall give you a most succinct account of this business. Queen Marry of England in, the latter part of her Reign was in 
a Godw Q. M. p. 336.  open war with France, and the Qu. of Scots was then 
b Godw Q. M. p. 336.  Wife to the Dauphin. This Hostility, and the private designs of Spain, hindered all intrigues of the Queen of Scots friends to secure the Succession. Things being in this condition, our Queen dies; nor did the Dauphin make any present claim; which together with the natural coolness of Englishmen to all strangers, especially the French, moved Archbishop Heath to what he did. About some six months after this, the Dauphin taketh upon him the Title and Arms of 
c Camb. 1559. p. 43. Printed 1615.  England; and immediately also by the death of his Father, the Crown of France fell to him, which gave him the name of Francis the Second. But by that time Q. Elizabeth was too well settled to be deposed without blows; and before things could be ordered for such an enterprise, the Hugonots lay so heavy on his shoulders, that he was necessitated to the 
d Cam. 1560. p. 53.  Treaty at Edinburgh, by which he was to relinquish his former pretences in relation to England: yet before these Articles were sealed, the King himself died, and so all things stood as they were before. The Q. of Scots being now a widow, returns with much ado to Scotland, which was all in a flame, by the seditious preaching of the new Reformists. Assoon as she arrived there, (Q. Elizabeth having often sent to her to ratify the Treaty with her Husband) she 
a C●●d. 1561. p. 67.  after consideration returned answer, That she was content to do so, upon condition she were by Parliament declared her Heir. This Proposition seemed not strange to her English well-willers, because our Histories could tell them, That Maud the Empress was necessitated to the like by King Stephen. But Queen Elizabeth would not hearken to those terms; whereupon presently Margaret Niece to Henry the Eighth, the Earl of Lenox her husband, Arthur Pool and his Brother, Grandchilds to George Duke of Clarence, Fortescue and others, were apprehended, for intending to 
b Cam. beginning 1562. p. 72.  set up the Queen of Scots interest. The fact they confessed; but (as all malefactors find something to extenuate their crimet) hey pitched upon the weakest excuse that ever was heard of; viz That they intended not to depose Queen Elizabeth, but to be beforehand in Arms, because Conjurers had told them she would die that year. After this, the vigilancy of Q. Elizab. was such, and the disasters of Scotland so great, that the Catholics were forced to sit quiet for a while. Instead of Peace with the Rebels, the Queen of Scots was necessitated to seek for shelter in 
a Cam. 1568. p. 135.  England, where (had she been used as the Honour of the Nation required) she would have concluded an inviolable agreement between the Queen, and those Catholics that stood for her Title. But when this Royal Guest had once trusted herself among her Enemies, she was both denied access to the Court, and also refused the liberty of retiring into another Kingdom.  
This inhumanity was quickly noised about the World; whereupon Pius V. sent 
b Cam. 1568. p. 146.  Ridulph a Florentine to consult with the Catholics about the Interest of their Queen. All Arguments were used which could possibly be thought of, to persuade her Enemies to let her go: and when no fair means would do, 
c Cam. 1569. p. 164.  the Rising in the North happened.  
'Tis true, the Declaration of those great Lords that were up, mentioned no other motive but Religion; because this could not shock either the Queen or People so much, as the name of the Queen of Scots would have done; for that implied ipso facto the altering both of Religion and Government also. Who is ignorant that that Great man our General (whose memory all ages shall for ever honour) concealed at first what he had long determined? well knowing, that the once naming of the King would ruin that design, which his wit so well laid, and his conduct so happily executed. Besides this, Reader, you must know, before this Rebellion broke out, Leonard Dacres, second Son to the Lord Dacres of Gylsland, undertook the delivery of the Queen, being then in Darbyshire in my Lord Shrewsburie's custody. Of this design my 
a Cam. 1●69. p. 160  Lord Northumberland was complotter; therefore 'twas plain, he being Chief in the Northern Insurrection, intended her Title, though there was nothing of it in his Declaration. Consider therefore how notoriously false this Minister is, there having been Claims, Plots, and endeavours by the greatest of the Land before the rising in the North; and when it happened, that also was on the Queen of Scots account.  
'Twere tedious, Reader, to tell you how many attempts followed this Insurrection; for there scarce passed a day, till the death of the Queen of Scots, but something was contrived to prevent the machinations of her unkind Kinswoman. By all this you may see, that while Queen Elizabeth used her distressed Guest with any kindness, the piety of that Princess (which moved her rather to be contented with the Succession, than put England in a perpetual broil) caused her to command the English Catholics to lie still; whom (according to the Ministers own confession) the prohibition of their Religion forten years had not exasperated to Commotions. But assoon as their Queen was imprisoned without hopes of liberty, and they left to the dictates of their own Loyal inclinations, they never ceased either at home or abroad to solicit the destruction of their Enemies. Consider also, I beseech you, the carriage of the Popes, who used all fatherly and gentle means imaginable, because they saw the Queen of Scots, whose right they deemed it was, of herself inclining (like another Maud) to expect, till the death of her Cousin should put an end to all pretences. These Popes were sufficiently urged by the Duke of Guise and others; yet upon the former considerations (being desirous of peace) they never had practices against Queen Elizabeth, till Mary Stuart was in prison; nor ever published the Excomcommunication, till the Queen absolutely refused her liberty, even after the intercession of 
a Cib. ●●●0. p. 177.  the French and Spanish Ambassadors.  
But the Minister says, the Pope's owned Queen Elizabeth's Title, and therefore Papists ought not to have disputed it. 'Tis true he says so, and yet confesses, that Paul the IV. (who governed the Church when she came first to the Crown) would not acknowledge her Legitimate. But how comes the Gentleman to say, that the other cause of his Holiness' not acknowledging her, was, because she audaciously assumed the Crown without his leave? Does he find any such record in our Histories? Did Queen Mary ask his consent? Did any Pope send in this manner to Edward the Sixth? Or lastly, which of all our Kings used to entreat his favour to be Crowned? Reader, this is a pretty capricchio of the Parson, as it had been unusual if the Pope had made such a claim. Pius the Fourth succeeding the said Paul (for the reasons aforesaid) showed as much prudence and good nature as ever man did, in hope to compose things without effusion of blood: and certainly after his death as much had been spilt, as ever was in any Reign, had not Queen Elizabeth been the wisest woman that ever swayed Sceptre. Pius V. followed the method of his Predecessors, and would have continued it, had not the barbarous usage of the Queen of Scots provoked him to an Excommunication, and all hostile endeavours. His Bull, I know, speaks not of Bastardy in plain terms; yet with our Ministers good leave, the Pope in that very Bull calls our late Queen Mary 
a Vi●● Bull. Camb. 1570. p. 180.  Legitimate; which saying was as much against Q. Elizabeth, as if he had spoken in a bolder phrase. For as I urged before, my Lord Bacon 
b H. 7. p. 206.  says, That the Legitimations of Q. Mary and Queen Elizabeth were incompatible.  
In this manner the Popes acknowledged her: and for the Marriages which were offered her (& to very much purpose forsooth urged by the Minister) from foreign Monarches, it proves no more right, than that Mrs. Cleypole had been truly our Queen, if France, Spain, or the Emperor had made love to her; and I believe no body doubts, but Suitors would have flocked, had she been unmarried, and sole Heir to her Father.  
Though Gregory XIII. sent to invade Ireland, and Sixtus V. gave England to the Spaniards, yet I do not see, that this can touch us Catholics in the least, though the Minister thinks it a mighty Argument. For if the French King may invade St. Christopher's, or any part of our Dominions, without drawing the Name of Villain on him or his people: Why may not the Pope (being a Temporal Prince) send forces to subdue what Country he pleases? The Bishop of Munster, for his smart endeavours against the Hollanders, was never blamed, but on the contrary commended by us; and certainly the Pope is as absolute, and as good a man as he. Kings, you see, may fall upon their Neighbour's themselves, and without breach of Morality, incite others to do the like; and while Popes are free Princes, they cannot be reproached for using that liberty, without great partiality and malice. This Minister foolishly handles all things, and you may see his intent is only to make a noise: for 'tis no advantage (in our present Dispute) to him to show, what Kingdoms Popes overrun, or give away.  
That which he ought to prove was, That it is Article of Faith amongst us, to assist the Pope in every such invasion, or Gift. That this is not so you may plainly see; for one fifth of the Turks Army are of his Christian Subjects, and yet none of them are ever blamed as heretics for defending the grand Signors Territories. In the next place, when was it heard that any English Catholic was feign to do penance like an accursed person for assisting the Queen against the Spanish Invasion? for there was no● Papist then in England for the 
a Hist. Mem. Q. Eliz. p. 28.  Spaniard. Or who in Ireland in her Reign, thought himself given to the Devil, for fight against San Joseph, who came for the Kingdom upon his Holiness account? For the 
b Sanders. K. C. p. 68  Bishop of Armath confesses, The English Papists in Ireland were faithful in all the invasions by Spain or Pope. Now whether Pope or Spaniard intended after Conquest to restore the Kingdom to the Queen of Scots or her Heirs, I know not; but this I am sure of, that 'twas as probable, as that the Hollanders (who were assisted by the Arms of some Cavaliers, and the good wishes of us all) would have given King Charles the Second possession of England, had they got it from the Rump.  
If Clement the Eighth earnestly strove that Queen Elizabeth's Successors should be Catholics, I suppose no body can blame him for it; but I would fain have it showed me, that King James' admission to the Crown (a Protestant from his Childhood) was opposed by the Catholics of this Kingdom. If they stickled not after his Mother's death for him as they did for her, this answer is sufficient, That he was not used like her, nor did he (for fear of prejudicing his future admittance) ever desire any body to stir in his behalf.  
I suppose, Reader, you wonder why I should challenge any man to show me how the English Catholics opposed King James his Succession, when as this Minister tells us out of Cambden, That the Papists negotiated the Spanish Invasion; That afterwards they persuaded the Earl of Derby to pretend to the Crown; That Doleman alias Parsons writ in the behalf of the Infanta's Title; and to conclude his Accusation, the declares, That the Catholics of Scotland (Huntly and others) raised a powerful Rebellion against this Prince.  
First, Concerning the Invasion, the Minister says more than the Author himself whom he quotes; 
a Cambd. 1588. p. 476.  for Cambden only says, that some English Fugitives did promote it; and who knows not that Fugitives in all ages, and in all Religions, machinate against those whom they call their Oppressors? and on the other side, who is ignorant, that many Papists, more considerable far than a few fugitive Priests (for most of the chiefest were so) assisted the Kingdom in that War, and in all its other contests abroad?  
Secondly, If some of these Fugitives did persuade my Lord of Derby, it was, I say again, done like Fugitives, nor had they ever the consent of the Catholics for it. It was certainly a very ridiculous Plot in them to make a Protestant Nobleman (that had so poor a Title) their Sovereign; and if it were really designed, It must, I am sure, have been performed by the Protestants themselves; for the Papists had no power, not being able so much as to set up the Qu. of Scots, who had so plausible a right, though they wanted not the assistance of the Pope, Spaniard and all the Guisard Faction. And by the way this Earl was not poisoned (as the Minister would have it) for Stow has a Diary and the Particulars of his sickness and says 
a St. 2. Eliz. p. 1275.  The causes of all his diseases were thought by Physicians, partly a surfeit, and partly distempering himself with vehement excercise 4. days together in Easter week.  
Thirdly, For Dolemans' Book, who writ it, God knows, Parsons denied it at his death; and I believe he was not the Author, because in some of his works he speaks so much to the advantage of 
a Epist. to his Convers. of England.  K. James. Moreover, he was a man of far more wit then to write so foolish a thing: for was not that man strangely simple, that would dedicate his Book to my L. of Essex (as the Minister would have it, to prick forward an ambitious man) and yet the whole matter of the Treatise is to prefer the Infanta's Title before all persons whatsoever. But Reader, if this kind of arguing be lawful, that the errors of some unknown men, must be laid to a whole Party, how miserable would the Protestants themselves be, when we come to try them by the same Touchstone! I will not stoop to so mean and insignificant a Topick, but tell you what Protestants still alive can testify, viz That in the latter end of the Queens Reing, My Lord of hertford's Title was often cried up to Tumult in the streets: Nor had that a slight impression (he being esteemed next to the Stuarts in blood) on many a wellmeaning man, because the English have a reluctancy at first to the thoughts of a stranger. Nay some 
b Hist. Mem. p. 105.  Members of Parliament (after his admission said openly in the House, Th●t no people endued with Natural desire of Preservation would admit a Prince of a beggarly Nation to Reign over them, how just soever his claim were, for fear of losing their propriety, as dear as life itself, and as vigorously to be defended. By this therefore, Reader, may be seen the rancour of the Reformed against the Kings coming in, since they durst say such things even after his reception: and had not the last Earl of Pembroke wisely pocketed up Ramsey's switching at Newmarket (when the people cried, Let us breakfast with the Scots here, and dine with the rest at London) 'twas feared that day would have been as fatal to the King as the fifth of November might have proved. Papists therefore it seems were not his only Enemies.  
Concerning Huntly's Rebellion, I am sure the man is doubly mad in mentioning it, for first (according to 
a Ann. 1●89.  Cambden whom he citys) The rising was to help the Spaniards against Queen Elizabeth, who had put to death their Queen: nor was there ever a form insurrection so gently punished by a King; which argues they had no malice against him. Nay, his Majesty is pleased to say in his 
b Epist to the Read  Basilicon Doron, That the Puritans had put out many Libellous Invectives against all Christian Princes, and that no body answered them, but the Papists; by which he said the scandal was doubled; for they were the Reformed who calumniated, and the Catholics were the only Vindicators. Secondly, If the Rebellion (suppose it as bad as may be) of these Lords of another Country, of another age, must touch us the present Catholics of England, what a blow would this be to the Reformed Religion, should I repeat the Scots unparallelled actions against their Queen; The protecting of Bothwel (who would have destroyed King James) by the 
a Camb. 1581. & 1592.  English: And lastly, (omitting the continual slavery he was in) the downright Conspiracy of the 
b Sanders K I am. 1599 p. 225. and 342.  Gowries against his life!  
Having thus gone through the Paragraph, I must come to the nicest Question of all; and nice, I may call it, because it is conjectural only. The proposal by the Minister is this: Whether if the Queen of Scots had been a Protestant, we should have stickled for her? and if Queen Elizabeth had not been thought illegitimate, whether nevertheless we had not rebelled against her? To the first, I say, viz. We had sided with the Q. of Scots, had she been Protestant. To the second, No, That the Papists would not have opposed Queen Elizabeth, had they thought her legitimate: and of the Ministers own assertions, I will make this plainly appear. For if according to him, the Papists would have set up two Protestants (the Lords Derby and Essex) who in reality had no right, than I say, 'tis certain they would willingly have embraced the Title of the Stuarts, that carried so fair a show. To the second, I answer, That they would never have opposed Queen Elizabeth had she been thought Legitimate: For if (as the Minister urged in the beginning) they obeyed her whom they thought an Usurper for ten years, though she had utterly destroyed their Religion, 'tis then more than probable, had her Title been good in their opinion, they had submitted, let her Faith have been what it would. These doubts being thus resolved by the very Gentleman that proposed them (who cares not, if he can wound us for the present, into what contradictions at last he runs himself) I may, I hope [since he hath showed me the example) propose a Query also; and I shall thank him, if out of my Reply he gives the Solution.  
I will not urge my Question so far as to suppose the Queen of Scots had been a Protestant, but my demand shall be singly this, Whether the Reformed in those days would have quietly obeyed Queen Elizabeth, had she stood up for the Catholic Religion? Reader, because the Parson is not ready to give his determination, I will tell you my opinion, which is, that I think they would not, and doubtless this conjecture is not rash, when we consider what has been done here, and recorded by our Protestant Historians themselves. Have we not seen that (for the safety of Religion) Edward the Sixth gave away by the advice of his Council the Kingdom to Jane Grace? and what Bees could be so busy as Cranmer and Ridley, with many thousands more, to set up (against their lawful Queen Mary) that poor Lady, who had not right enough by blood, and much less if she depended wholly upon the Will, for that was void from the beginning, according to the known Laws of the Land? How many treasonable Books were written against this Queen after she came to the Crown, by Mr. Goodman and others, asserting, That she ought to be put to death as a Tyrant, Monster and cruel Beast? Will Thomas also conspired to murder her; and when he was to be hanged for his Treason, he said, he died for his 
a Stow. Q. M. p. 1056.  Country. By all which may be gathered (the Duke of Suffolk also with many more protestants being ready, and Wyatt actually in an open and dangerous rebellion,) how dangerous it was then in England for a Prince to be a Papist; though to that day there had never sat but one through Protestant upon the Throne, and he a Child about sixteen when he died.  
But now I must descend to a far more tragical example, even to the death of the so often mentioned Qu. of Scots, who lost her life barely upon the account of her Religion. 'Tis true Queen Elizabeth considered her own safety, but the fury of the Nobility and people, (without whose incitement she durst not have been beheaded) was purely for fear she might have survived Queen Elizabeth, and being then the undoubted Successor, might have changed Religion as the former Queen Mary had done before. If I should urge this barely upon my own word, I might be mistrusted; therefore what I say shall be out of Cambden, who was not only a Protestant, but the acknowledged true Annalist of those times. He will tell you, that after Babingtons' Conspiracy, in the consultation what should be done with the Royal Prisoner, some were for holding her in safe custody, but others (out of care of 
a Cam. 1586. p. 413.  Religion) would have her tried and exexecuted. In pursuance then of this advice, she was condemned, and the next Parliament the House petitioned for the execution of her Sentence. The first reason in their supplicate was, for the preservation of the true 
b Cam. 1586. p. 432,  Religion of Christ; and after they had told Queen Elizabeth also of her own danger, they harped again upon the former string, desiring her to remember Gods fearful judgements upon Saul and Ahab, for their sparing Benhadad and Agag, two wicked and profane Idolaters. In fine, when the fatal day came, though they were so very severe as to deny her (being a Guest, and a free Princess) what all Ambassadors have, viz. a Priest to assist her at her death, she was again recomforted, when she knew by the Earl of Kent, that she died for her Faith: for he told her, that her life would be the destruction of their 
c Cam. 1587. p. 455.  Religion.  
Reader, I must now here end, and cannot but ask this Question, If the Reformed have for defence of their Religion effected the death of their Queen, or at least undoubted Heir; and if they have set up Jane Grace, that had no title, because their lawful Prince was Catholic; who have been I would fain know in England more faulty in this case, they or we? Pray what advantage has this Minister got by loading us with crimes, of which we are innocent? And if, as he urges in the beginning, we obeyed Q. Elizabeth ten years without stir, it than shows that Papists can be obedient to a Prince of another Religion, though they doubt their right; whenas the former Protestants would do any thing rather than permit a Catholic to govern, let the Title be never so just. Judge now, Reader whether it be not superlative injustice to incense the World against us, as if our Religion taught nothing but blood, and theirs all gentleness imaginable. I must invoke both Angels and Men to consider our wrong, who are termed traitorous in our Principles, even to this day. We in our own persons have showed all the duty that men can fancy, and for our Ancestors you have seen what their Plea is; if it be bad, they have justly suffered; if other wise, let them then feel your anger, who would deceive you thus with lies; and remember that 'tis not possible a Religion which governed England with glory so many years, can teach a Doctrine destructive to Princes, or infuse Maxims that will breed commotions among the people.    

SECT. XXIII. APOLOGY.  
'Twas for the Royal House of Scotland that they suffered in those days, and 'tis for the same illustrious Family we are ready to hazard all on any occasion.  

ANSWER XXII.  
Sir, We have found you notoriously false in that which you affirm: Pray God you prove true in that which you promise.    

SECT. XXIV. APOLOGY.  
Nor can the consequence of the former procedure be but ill, if a Henry the Eighth (whom Sir Walter Raleigh and my Lord Cherbury, two famous Protestants, have so homely characterized) should after twenty years' co-habitation, turn away his wife, and this out of scruple of Conscience (as he said) when as History declares, that he never spared woman in his lust, nor man in his fury.  

ANSWER XXIV.  
This Character, he says, agrees better with some Heads of the Church, then with King Henry the Eighth, of whom better Historians (naming Thuanus) say better things: but if he were such a Monster, 'twas for want of a better Religion, for he was of ours, except in the point of Supremacy; and therefore I have no reason to flirt at him, except having undertaken to colour Treasons, I think 'tis something towards it to bespatter Kings. I use, he says, the same Art in the next Paragraph to excuse the Powder-Treason, calling it a misdemeanour, the fifth of November, a Conjuration, all soft words, but deal hardly with the great Minister of State, whom I make the Author of it, as if the State had conspired against the Traitors, not the Traitors against the State. Then he tells the old Story of the Gunpowder-Plot, and how discovered by my Lord Mounte●gles Letter, and also how the Jesuits Baldwin, Hammond. Tesmond and Gerrard were named by the Conspirators as privy with them.  
The Narration is in any Book that treats of King James, and well known by every body: therefore for brevity's sake, I have omitted it here.   

REP. to ANSW. XXIV.  
Reader, If the Character do agree better with many heads of our Church, then, I say, in God's name let it be given them. But I much admire how Thuanus comes to be esteemed a better historian in English affairs than Sir Walter Raleigh, or my Lord Cherbury, whom we poor Englishmen think very excellent. But why do I trouble you wi●● the extravagancies of this strange man, w●● when he finds (as he fancies) a present expedient, cares not though he be forced to deny it again in the next page. What I have said of Henry the Eighth, these two famous men have said it, and a 
a Vide Pref. to the Hist of the World.  thousand times worse, though they were Protestants, and the first of them the great admirer of his Mrs. the daughter of this very Prince. Nay (omitting the unexpressable foul Language of the Reformed at home and abroad, especially of Luther himself) the Bishop of 
b H. ●. p. 142.  Hereford (a Member of the Church of England) calls him, unsatiable glutted with one, and out of variety seeking to enjoy another. I shall speak no more to this, nor any thing separately to the next four Paragraphs, for they all concern the Powder-Treason. You shall see what he says to each of them, and then my Answer shall follow in one entire discourse.    

SECT. XXV. APOLOGY.  
Now for the fifth of November, with hands lifted up to Heaven, we abominate and detest.  

ANSWER XXV.  
Here he asks, Whether it be the Festival, 〈◊〉 the Treason we abominate and detest. If the 〈◊〉, he says, he will believe us without lifting 〈◊〉 our hands. If the Treason, he asks why we do not call it so; which while we cannot afford to do, lifting up our hands will never persuade 〈◊〉 we abominate and detest it.    

SECT. XXVI. APOLOGY.  
And from the bottom of our hearts, say, that may they fall into irrecoverable perdition, who propagate that faith by the blood of Kings, which is to be planted in truth and meekness only.  

ANSWER XXVI.  
He says, I should be cautious of throwing such Curses, for fear of hitting our Father the Pope; as the Philosopher told the son of a common-woman, that threw stones among a multitude.    

SECT. XXVII. APOLOGY.  
But let it not displease you (Men Brethren, and Fathers) if we ask whether Ulysses be no better known? or who has forgot the Plots of Cromwell, framed in his Closet, not only to destroy many faithful Cavaliers, but also to ●ut a lustre upon his Intelligence, as if nothing could be done without his knowledge? Even so did the then great Minister, who drew some few ambitious men into this conjuration, and then discovered it by a Miracle.  

ANSWER XXVII.  
Here he calls me Apostle and Poet, full of Gravity, and Fiction. Then he says, I would make the World believe they were drawn into this Plot by Cecil; yet am so wise as not to offer to prove it, but would steal it in by the example of Cromwell. Again, he says (admitting this for true) they were Traitors nevertheless in doing what they did, had there been no Cecil in the World: and therefore the excuse only implies, they had not wit to invent it, though they wanted not malice to execute it; for according to my illustration, as the Cavaliers whom Cromwell drew in, had their Loyalty abused, and were nevertheless faithful still; so the Powder-Traytors (whom Cecil drew in) had their disloyalty out witted, and were nevertheless Traitors still: For 'tis clear, by being drawn in, both parties were sufficiently disposed for it. What I lay upon Cecil, he says is a groundless and an impudent Fiction, which I am properly the author of for no body ever spoke it before but in raillery. He asks by what Tradition or Revelation I received it sixty years after the fact, when as neither K. James, nor Bellarmine, nor the Apologists of that age knew any thing of it. He desires to know who were Cecils setters, that would be hanged, that his art might not be suspected, for none were saved; and Garnet said, he would give all the World to clear his name and Conscience of the Treason. These are strong presumptions for the Negative of Cecils having no hand in the Plot: but he says, there is only my bare word for the affirmative; which if it be enough, ●ere is a never-failing Topick to write Apologies for any Villainy, viz. that the then great Ministers of State drew them in. In Queen Elizabeth's days we had a higher game to fly at, to wit, her Title to the Crown; but durst not make so bold with King James, otherwise we had not stooped to a Minister of State. He says farther, that I strive to diminish the Plot, by calling the Plotters Desperadoes, who could not be called so by reason of Poverty, because their Estates were great; nor by reason of discontents; for there was not a man, as King James said, that could pretend a cause of grief. If the cause was, because they had not all they desired, it is so far from excusing them, that it gives occasion to suspect me. I ought, he says, to call the Discovery a Miracle, because King james named it so, and especially since Bellarmine acknowledged it so: but 'tis no wonder, that I, who will not call the Plot, Treason, will not allow the Discovery to be a Miracle.    

SECT. XXVIII. APOLOGY.  
This will easily appear, viz. how little the Catholic Party understood the design, seeing there were not a score of guitlty found, though all imaginable industry was used by the Commons, Lords, and Privy-Councel too.  

ANSWER XXVIII.  
He says, few understood the very design, for 'twas not safe to tell it many; but Papists generally knew there was a design, and prayed for the success of it. Though but a score were in the Plot, yet fourscore appeared in Rebellion; nor is it probable so small a number could think to do much by surprising Princess Elizabeth, unless they expected other assistance. But Treason, he says, is hated by all, when unsuccessful.   

REPLY to ANSW. XXVIII.  
'Twas never in my heart (and so will all that know me testify) to think that the Conspirators in this Treason were not Traitors in the highest degree, or that any punishment could equal the blackness of their offence. In the Apology I am sure there are no words that can be racked to this; for my intent there was only to show in short that the Catholic body was innocent, knowing nothing of the entreprize: That the Plot (for which these were executed) was made, or at least fomented by the Policy of a great Statesman. And lastly, though the design had been suggested by Papists alone, and unanimously approved by all, yet we that live now are guilty of no sin, and therefore 'twere severe to be punished for it.  
That the Catholic Body had no hand in the Treason, most plainly appears by the quality of the Actors, and by the number of them. I know there were four or five Gentlemen of Ancient blood engaged; but I look upon that as no wonder: for out of the first twenty Catholics accidentally met I'll lay a considerable wager to find as great Families as any were there, unless that of the Percies: yet this Percy was a man of no fortune, nor am I certain (though I well know my Lord Northumberlands Relations) whether really he was a kinsman, or only for names sake called his Cozen.  
A Plot is looked upon as general, when a good number of the Chief of a Party are intrigued in the design. The Catholic Noblemen were then not only as considerable as any, but also the considerablest of the Nation: for at that time there being no Duke, but the late King, the first Marquis, the first Earl, the first Viscount, and the first Baron were of our Profession; and I believe 'twill be granted, that the Lords Winchester, Arundel, Mentacute, and Abergavenny, (and so proportionably the rest of the Papal Nobility) had Estates able to be Partisans, if they thought fit, in any conjuration. Now none of these Noblemen, nay, not one of all the Peers, nor any more of the Gentry then the Traitors, whom I will by and by mention, had a hand in the design: therefore to call this, as the Minister and others do, an universal Popish Plot, is in itself a contradiction, or at least a riddle beyond my capacity to unfold.  
For the number of these Gunpowder Traitors, they were but thirteen Laymen in all: whereof four, viz. Catesby, Percy, and the two wright's were killed in the apprehending. 
a Back. p. 593.  Tresham died in the Tower. And eight suffered, as Faun, Keys, Ba●e●, Grant, Rookwood, the two Winters, and Digby; and 't is evident there were no more of the Conspiracy, seeing that in all their examinations no Gentleman was discovered; which could not happ● out of design to save their friends, because several secret particulars they 
a Vid. their printed Confessions.  revealed; and Baldwin, Hammond, Tesmond, and Gerard, being Jesuits, were (as the Minister says) found Actors in the Plot. If then the Malefactors did accuse their Confessors, (as our Adversaries calls them) certainly they would never have spared others, had there been any more guilty.  
Besides this of their accusing nobody, the Commons, Lords, and Privy Council were so vigilant, that they left no stone unturned to find the depth of the Plot: and to show how nice they were in all manner of suspicions, the Lords 
b Baker. p. 595.  Sturton and Mordant, two Catholics, were fined, only because absent from the House that day; by which 'tis plain they were so far from finding positive proof, that there was not the least glimpse of any thing, otherwise they would never have descended to so slight a possibility; for there is not a day wherein the Parliament sits, but there may be found more Catholics out of the House, than were then. Nay, the circumspection was so great, that my 
a Baker. p 565.  Lord Northumberland a protestant was imprisoned for many years, as thought perchance to know somewhat, because being Captain, he had admitted Percy into the Band of Pensioners. Thus, Reader, you see how impossible it is, that the Catholic Party were involved here in; and for the fourscore that appeared with them in Rebellion, they were only Servants and Horse-boys, who (as 
b K I am p. 37●.  Sanderson says) were watched hourly, for fear of quitting their Masters: and this also 
c King. I. p. 920  Speed confirms, affirming, that these were ever ready to steal from the Conspirators; and that more care was in keeping them, then trust reposed either in their faith or defence. Nor can any thing make this truth more evident, then that none but the thirteen aforefaid suffered either for the Plot or rising.  
Concerning the Plot itself, Reader, those that set it a working were the discoveres of it: for you must know it was a piece of wit in Queen Elizabeth's days, to draw men into such devices; nor were any more excellent in the Art then Burleigh and Walsingham, to the first of whom, this Cecil mentioned by the Minister, was son, and successor to the other in the very Secretariship. Making and fomenting Plots was then, I say, in fashion; for when Gifford discovered to Walsingham that Babington had a desing in the behalf of the Q. of Scots, the Secretary writ to Sir A. Pawlet her keeper, to let some of his Servants be 
d Cam. 1586. p. 408.  corrupted; and thereupon the Brewer was considered as the fittest man; by which means the Queen receiving and sending Letters, Walsingham had the perusal of them: and thus when many were drawn in (as most loose people may, if Statesmen lay gins) they were all at last taken and hanged. The same trap caught the Queen also; for they first kept her in prison to make her earnest for liberty; then opened her, as you see, a way for correspondency at home & abroad to procure her freedom; and because of this she was condemned to die, there being a Law a year before on purpose prepared against her, on hopes of such and the like 
b Camb 1586. p. 419. so the Queen 〈◊〉.  Conspirations. But this Statute had been too weak, as Lawyers well know, to put a free Princess to death, had she not been a Papist, and not otherwise to be hindered from the Crown after the decease of Queen Elizabeth. Such a trick as this for our destruction was again invented by the Statesman, who bore as every body kn●w a particular hatred to all of our Profession; and this increased to see the new King not only to receive into his Council Henry Earl of 
a Wil King ●. pag. 3.  Northampton, a● eminent Catholic, but also to hear his Majesty speak to the two Houses a little against Persecution of 
b Wil King ●. p. 19  Papists, when as there had been nothing within those Walls but invectives against them for above forty years together.  
What could now destroy our hopes with this gracious Prince, but a seeming Plot against his Life and Line? Nor was it any hard thing for a Secretary to know turbulent and ambitious spirits, who perchance had had designs in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. 'Tis not possible to discover the whole transaction of a great Minister that died in prosperity: but 'tis argument enough to assert this, that if a Person (a famed Professor in 
c Mem. K. I. p. 37. and ●8.  tricks, hating and envying us, as I said before) contrived a most material part, he contrived also the rest: and certainly (with some few considerations upon it) this miraculous Letter which discovered the Gunpowder-Plot, will discover our Statesman to be the Author of it. The 
d Baker K. I. p. ●93.  Letter is thus.  
My Lords.  
Out of the love I bear some of your friends, I have a care of your preservation, therefore I could wish you (as you tender your life) to forbear the attendance at this Parliament, for God and man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this time. Think not slightly of this advertisement; for though there be no appearance of any stir, yet I say, they shall receive a terrible blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who hurt them. This Counsel 〈◊〉 not to be contemned, because it may do you good, and can do you no harm: for the danger is past as soon as you have burnt the Letter, and I hope you will make good use of it.  
Reader, I doubt not, but you have often heard in the Pulpit, as well as from the Minister's relation, how the Papists placed 36. barrels of Powder under the Parliament-House, and that Faux with his darklanthorn was to set them on fire, and so at one clap blow up King, Lords and all. This you know was discovered by the Letter aforesaid, sent to my Lord Monteagle, and by it t●e whole design was found out the night 
a The search was made the Night before the session▪ ●●●. 879.  before the Parliament sat; for great Adventures do always come to light just as they are to be executed. Now, Reader, let me entreat you seriously to consider, and tell me whether it could be a Popish Plotter that writ this Letter. For is it possible that any man's hold be so distracted (after they had brought their Plot to that perfection, had so solemnly sworn, even 
a Speed p. 917,  by the Trinity and Sacrament, never to disclose it directly or indirectly, by word or Circumstance, and resolved also to blow up all the Catholic Lords and the rest of their friends in both houses) I say all this Considered, is it possible that a man should be so distracted as to write a Letter, that had more in it of disclosing some Plot, than the bare saving of a friend. 'Twas reported that Percy writ it; but no body ever found there were such superlative endearments between those two, or between any other of the Conspirators and Monteagle, as that they could stumble at this Nobleman's destruction, and yet dispense with killing so many of their own Religion, and Relations; for 
b Speed p. 916.  Speed says, Father, Brother, Friend, Ally, Papist, etc. were to have been blown up by these Traitors. But suppose that little intimacies between my Lord and Percy (
c Wil K. I. p. 31  as Wilson says these were) had produced so mighty a concern for his life, whereas my Lord Northumberland (Percies Patron and only support) was to be sacrificed without pity; I say, suppose this, what need was there to write, That God and man would punish the Parliament, and this by a blow, and that they should not know who hurt them, and a hundred suspicious things to no purpose? If it were out of a desire (being an extraordinary friend) to keep this Nobleman from the House that day, the Epistle-sender should have written in his own name and Character. That out of love to his preservation, he desired him to forbear the Parliament that day, because some were resolved to kill him: that as yet being under Oath, he could not tell him the particulars, but that shortly his promise would be void, and then he should know all things from him by word of mouth. Such a Letter as this would have certainly kept my Lord at home, when as the other must confound him and every body else, coming from an unknown person: nor could any thing in the world (in the opinion of any fool) more naturally have endangered a discovery then such needless circumstances, and notice also given so long before the execution. For, Reader, you must know, that the Letter was sent to Mounteagle 
a Sand. King I. p. 323.  ten days before the fifth of November; which no real Plotter would have done, since my Lord might have beme better keep't at home, by advising him the night before. Nay, this long warning was so far from an appearance of advantage, that on the contrary it was quite opposite to all▪ the designs of a Conspirator; for 'twas certain, either it would make my Lord carelessly contemn the admonition, since it came from an idle fellow in the street; or else if he were apprehensive, he would necessarily show it to friends, by which (as I said) there might be no little hazard to have all found out. Now on the other side, this interval was benecifial to a Machivilian, because he knew 'twould not only be more grateful to the Privy-Councel to have time to consider on difficulties, but also foresaw, if the King and Lords (through surprise or otherwise) should not hit on the Plot, he must be forced to start hints (the execution being so near at hand) which might easily have made him suspected for contriver; and how ungrateful sulch a wickedness would have been to an upright Prince, he himself could not but well imagine.  
Thus, Reader, you see the intention of the Letter was to have the thing discovered, and thus could he ruin his Enemies, and make his own vigilance appear; for without such and the like remembrances, the wit of great Ministers is soon forgotten both by their Prince and People. Nor did Cecil miss of another reward also, for (as 
a K. I. p. 32●.  Sanderson says) he was made Earl for his service in this business.  
That which I assert here, does not lessen the quickness of the King's judgement; for his insight as much appears, whether the Letter were writ by a Statesman or a Conspirator. Neither does this strike at the Festival enacted, because the Parliament finding by the prisoners taken there was such a Plot, could not but thank God, that their traitorous intention was discovered. And truly, if a score of wicked Christians had conspired against Nero himself, I would not gain say the remembrance of the delivery, in what Country soever it were observed. All that I here show is, that the Catholic Party had no hand in the Treason, there being but thirteen Laymen in all, as you see plainly proved; and these very thirteen were doubtless drawn in by their mortal Enemy; for the Letter came by his contrivance, being (as Osborn ᵇ 
● Mem. K. l. p. 36.  confesses) a neat devise of the Treasurer's, nor was he ignorant from time to time of all their actions.  
He that lived in our times has seen the Reign-of Queen Elizabeth reacted. For in those twelve years, from 1646. to 1658. you may remembrer the established Religion of the Nation altered; an absolute Sovereign executed with formalities and pretences of Law, The French fond of our amity; the Spaniard beaten; and lastly, the zealous youth drawn into Plots with all ease imaginable. His Majesty had those about him that had learned this Art in their old Mistress' Service; and this the all-knowing King at last found out; for 'twas impossible that ever he would have been favourable to the Catholics again, had he not in length of time, been assured t'had they were innocent of all machinations against him. Reader, he was a constant Protestant, and yet so 
a Wil K. I. in several places. p. 196. etc.  kind to us the last half of his Reign (of which Wilson complains) that neither the Spanish Match, nor any other worldly hopes could have obtained this, had he not been convinced we never had a design of destroying him and His. Nay, the King in his own Declaration about it, says, That the generality of his Catholic Subjects did abhor such a detestable Conspiracy, no less than himself.  
Having thus replied to his Answer in the four last Paragraphs, there rests now a little to be said to some short jerks of his, which he loocks upon as witty and home.  
First, he is troubled that I call the Powder-Treason, Misdemeanour, Fifth of November, Conjuration, all of them being soft words. To this I say, I am very sorry I have offended him, and in my next Apology (if that will content him) I'll speak in the longest sentence of the Common Prayer about the matter: but my past error grew from this, because significant brevity is aimed at by most; and therefore when we speak of, or to the King, we say Sir, or your Majesty, and not at every word, Charles the Second by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France & Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. so in handling this affair I use those short words that express the whole matter to the full; for I think Treason is a Misdemeanour; when more than one are in it, 'tis a Conjuration; and the Fifth of November, is the common phrase of the Kingdom.  
2. ly He says, that K James' Male-Line were to have been all destroyed. Now 
a K. I. p. 59●. Speed says the same p. 918.  Baker says, That the late King then D. of York was only to have been suprized by Percy. But the matter is not material; and I cite these Protestant Authors, only to show that the malice of the Minister will make him err in every thing.  
Thirdly, He thinks that my comparing of Cromwel's drawing in the Cavaliers with this of Cecils, is very odd, and unequal: For the Cavaliers, he says, were cheated into a lawful Action, but the Powder-Traytors were out-witted into Treason. To this, I say, that my comparison was never intended (as you may see if you look into the Apology) to make an equality of Justice or Honour in their sufferings; but to remember you how easy it is for Trapanners to draw people into Plots, and from thence to the Gallows.  
Fourthly, Concerning his desire to know who was Cecils setter to decoy in the rest; I answer, I cannot tell: Nor should we ever have known who was Cromwel's Instrument, had not Sir S. Morland most Loyally discovered him. There were three or four the Minister names discovered by the Conspirators, who knew of the Plot, and afterwards died obscurely abroad. Even so died Gifford the Priest (Walsingham's— setter) never visibly rewarded, who corrupted the Brewer, and so drew the Queen of Scots into the trap that ruined her, as has been already mentioned.  
Fifthly, Because he is angry with the word Desperadoes, I have altered it in this Edition, and put in lieu Ambitious men. I am sure the word in itself is proper enough, for most were poor; and King James in his Proclamation against Percy 
a Vid. Procl. Non. 7.  calls them men for the most part of desperate estates. But had they been never so rich, or in esteem, it would well have fitted with them also; for my Lord of Essex and Marshal Byron were really Desperadoes, and yet wanted nothing, had they known their own happiness.  
Lastly, He says, few knew the manner, but most knew there was a design on foot, and prayed for the success of it. Suppose, Reader, this were true, that a design was recommended to the prayers of the Catholics, what were they guilty of by it? for at that time the Chief of them were soliciting at Court to get some little ease after their long misery; and therefore the rest might well think their prayers were fit to be desired. But all this is a fiction.  
Thus, Reader, I have now left nothing unanswered that he has urged: and thus you see the Reasons I have to believe the Plot itself a Trick; and besides, 'tis plain the Body of the Catholics had no hand, or inclination to the thing, which the wi●e K. James at last (as I said) well knew, & therefore was graciously pleased to let the beams of his mercy shine again upon them.    

SECT. XXIX. APOLOGY.  
But suppose (my Lords and Gentlemen, which never can be granted) that all the Papists of that age were consenting; Will you be so severe then to still punish the Children for their Father's faults? Nay, such Children that so unanimously joined with you in that glorious Quarrel, wherein you and we underwent such sufferings, that needs we must have all sunk, had not our mutual love assisted.  

ANSWER XXIX.  
He says, suppose falsely, to avoid truth; for who says all Papists then were consenting, or who can deny there be some in this age of the same Principles with those Traitors? and though we be not punished for our Predecessors actions, yet we ought to be restrained, that we may not do like them. Though I would, he says, shuffle men of these Principles (by the word unanimously) among those that served the King, yet those good Servants are not so many, but the others may be easily distinguished. Concerning those that only suffered with the Royalists, the Minister thanks them for their love, but not for their assistance; for the Protestant Cavaliers could not sink lower, but some of us floated like cork, and others swum upon the bladders of dispensation; and therefore as they received no help from our swimming, so they apprehend no assurance of us by our sufferings.   

REP. to ANSW. XXIX.  
Pray, Reader, what is in this Answer that confutes the Apology? for what man of our Party did not faithfully serve the King to his power? and who of us in his Majesty's absence had not estimation among the rest of the Cavaliers, according to his rank and quality? was there any Party in England more depressed than we? Were not Priests of all Orders hanged? were not others imprisoned during life? Had not we three times more Estates sold then any people else? and were not the Laws put in force, so that to those that had something, two parts of it were also swept away? Cromwell by is Maxims kept us poor, because we should not be service able to the King; and now our Gracious Monarch being returned, this Godly Minister thinks fit to advise our restraint, as he calls it (which in plain English is to desire we should beused as that Tyrant used us) for fear we should do like our predecessors, i. e. assist his Majesty; for I am sure all of them did so, and many confirmed that duty with their Blood. Can therefore be on Earth greater wickedness than this, not only to be forgetful in prosperity, but thus with calumny to asperse those, who were faithful fellow-sufferers with the Royal Party in the height of all their misfortunes? Reader, the hopes of this pitiless man is, that rigour and despair may stagger us in our Loyalty: but herein I defy him: for nothing can move them to contend, whom conscience and Love have obliged to be obedient.    

SECT. XXX. APOLOGY.  
What have we done, that we should now deserve your Anger? Has the Indiscretion of some few incensed you? 'Tis true, that is the thing Objected.  

ANSWER XXX.  
Sir, our anger is only a necessary care, that what you call your indiscretions, may not grow up to be such, as you lately called your misdemeanours.    

SECT. XXXI. APOLOGY.  
Do not you know an Enemy may easily mistake a Mass-Bell, for that which calls to Dinner?  

ANSWER XXXI.  
We know he may upon a Fastday, for than you use to ring your Vesper-Bell before Dinner. And how can a simple Heretic tell, whether it call you to pray, or to eat Fish? But we do not know, that ever any of you was brought into trouble about that Question.    

SECT. XXXII. APOLOGY.  
Or a Sequestrator be glad to be affronted being Constable? when 'twas the hatred to his person, and not present Office, which perchance egged a rash man to folly.  

ANSWER XXXII.  
Possibly he may be glad of it. For 'twas the Jesuitical distinction between Person and Office, that first helped him to be a Sequestrator; and now he sees the distinction come in play, he may hope to have his place again.   

REPLY to ANS. XXXII.  
Reader, you see he will divide a Paragraph, and answer to each division (as he hath done in these three last) though it be gibberish, and nothing to purpose. The ringing of a Mass-Bell in Lancashire, the affronting a Constable, and some other such things, were Accusations brought to London against us. But how impudent is the Minister, to say, we were never in trouble, as he knows, for this? when as every body knows what a do there has been ever since these complaints were alleged by the known Enemies of the Kingdom.    

SECT. XXXIII. APOLOGY.  
We dare with submission say, let a public Invitation be put up against any Party what soever; nay, against the Reverend Bishops themselves, and some malicious informer or other will allege that, which may be far better to conceal. Yet all mankind by a Manifesto on the House-door are encouraged to accuse us. Nor are they upon Oath, though your Enemies and ours take all for granted and true.  

ANSWER XXXIII.  
He says, here's an ambush for Bishops to have them esteemed Popish, because I reverence them; and obnoxious in such matters, as I say, it may be better far to conceal. But he knows my kindness, and defies my malice. They are Donna Olympia's Bishops need concealment; but the Bishops of England are of another make and hold not their credit at any one's courtesy. He farther says, what could the Parliament do less, then invite the People to bring in their grievances to the place of Redress? and 'twas great hardship, he says, that the House of Commons did not give Oaths to the Accusers, which no House of Commons ever did upon any occasion.   

REPLY. XXIII.  
If my respects to the Prelates of England have offended this Minister, I am sorry for it. We and the whole World know how zealous they are for Monarchy, and therefore I wish they had no greater Enemies than Papists: But if there be an ambush laid for them, Judge, Reader, whether we or the Cobbler of Gloucester have done it. 'Tis an usual phrase among Catholics when they show the wickedness of Liars, to say they are so abominable that they will not stick to calumniate the Church itself; therefore I think kind expressions ought to have had a better requital. For Donna Olympia's Bishops, I suppose those of our Kingdom take themselves to be of the same make; for hers received their Orders from Rome, and from the same Fountain, as I have read, the Church of England pretends to derive all Ordination whatsoever. The Minister needed not to have told me, that the Commons cannot administer Oaths, for I know the Orders of that House better than his Worship. I was not troubled that no Oath was given; but seeing that no Oath could be given, 'twas heard me thought, that the whole Town should take all things as unquestionable truths, though the Accusers were (as I said) professed enemies to us, and lately to the very Kingdom also. But now, I thank God, men understand themselves much better: for Lies can never long endure.    

SECT. XXXIV. APOLOGY.  
It cannot be imagined, where there's so many men of heat and youth (overjoyed with the happy Restauration of their Prince, and remembering the Insolences of the former Grandees) that they should all, at all times prudently carry themselves; for this would be to be more than men: And truly we esteem it as a particular blessing, that God has not suffered many, through vanity or frailty to fall into greater faults, then are yet as we understand laid to our charge.  

ANSWER XXIV.  
He says, If a Jesuit keep the reckoning▪ the King will ever be in our debt: for our old Treasons were upon the account of his Family, and our late insolences upon the score of his Restauration. Then he asks, whether I would seriously persuade men, that at six years' distance we were still transported with that blessing. There were, he says, fresher causes of jollity suspected by many who saw our joy, while the fire raged in London, and two potent Enemies hovered on our Coasts.   

REPLY to ANSW. XXXIV.  
Many Accusations, Reader, were of two or three yaers standing and more, and no one thing amounted to a real Public nuissance: let a man then consider this soberly, and he will find it no little wonder, that so many Catholics of all Ranks, Sexes, Ages, and humours should for above six years together never so far indulge to their Passions, as to commit a fault fit to trouble Parliament with, though from all Countries the violentest of their Enemies came to offer up their complaints against them. For my part I do greatly admire at it, and must acknowledge a particular Providence assisting; nor can I but thank the Publisher of the Accusations, who maliciously intending us harm, has done us all the right imaginable.    

SECT. XXV. APOLOGY.  
Can we choose but be dismayed (when all things fail) that extravagant Crimes are fathered on us? It is we that must be the Authors, some say, of firing the City, even we that have lost so vastly by it. Yet truly in this our ingenuity is great, since we think it no Plot, though our Enemy, an Huguenot Protestant acknowledged the fact, and was justly executed for his vain Confession. Again, if a Merchant of the Church of England buy Knives for the business of his Trade, this also presently is a Popish contrivance to destroy the well-affected.  

ANSWER XXXV.  
He says, Though we lost vastly by he fire of London, yet we may still be suspected by any body that considers Garnets' determinations▪ viz. that the innocent & guilty may be destroyed, so it be to a farther good. The loss it seems (he says) goes not to my heart, when I can be so pleasant to call Hubert my enemy, and a Huguenot Protestant, 'tis true after that Hubert had been at confession with Father Harvey, he said he was a Protestant; but (it being beyond his instructions) he denied he was a Huguenot, which he might well do, because he said▪ he thought confession to a Priest necessary to salvation, and also repeated an Ave Mary which he said, was his usual Prayer. 'Tis evident therefore that he was no Huguenot, nor Protestant▪ nor enemy to Papists upon the account of Religion.   

REPLY to ANSW. XXXV.  
Concerning this Hubert a Frenchman that pretended to burn the City, you must know, He was son to a Protestant, a Protestant himself in France, had been of the French Church in England; to the Committee, and to the Judge at the Bar, he professed than he was a Protestant, and died so at the Gallows. Certainly it was no Argument he was no Protestant, because he (as the Minister says) esteemed of Confession; for I know many Protestants that have used it, some Divines have writ in behalf of it, and I remember Dr. Will was mightily for it, whem he governed his flock in Fleerstreet. An Ave Mary is Scripture, and whosoever reads the Salatation of the Angel and St. Elizab. does at that time actually say one, Besides, if no body is a Protestant that holds peculiar opinions, than I must conclude there are very few Protestants in the World: for Protestants in Religion agree only in Negatives, that is, they generally deny the Pope, Purgatory, etc. but when they come to Positives, they jar, and then divide, and subdivide (as we by experience see) into a million of Sects and Factions.  
Reader, before I go farther, I must tell you who this Harvey is: by Nation he is a Low-Countryman, but admitted among the English Jesuits, as many Aliens are. He is an ancient; quiet, and pious man; 'tis lately I knew him, but found him to be of a very Angelical conversation. Many Priests being from time to time imprisoned, brought him acquainted with Newgate, where sometimes he assisted those that went to die. This I call high charity in any man of any Sect, to take pains to make another of that Religion, which his Conscience tells him is most agreeable to God. Nor is there any humane interest or Policy in thus assisting Malefactors, for they are poor of themselves, and sure to die the next execution-day. By this occasion Mr. Harvey met with the French Huguenot [the pretended firer of London) with whom he had discourse about Religion; and after he had instructed him in the Catholic Doctrine, he went to administer the Communion to the Company; and then demanding of them, whether they received according to the Roman Catholic faith, Hubert said, He had nothing to do with Roman, and therefore the Sacrament was refused him; nor did Mr. Harvey ever see him after. This is the truth of the Story. But, pray, what is the Frenchman to us, had he been Papist? though (as it happened) he lived and died otherwise. For my part, I believe there are few Frenchmen now in London, but would be glad to see it afire again, either for an opportunity to steal, or for the advantage of their Prince, were he at War with us; the like would the English wish at Paris, I dare say.  
Consider therefore, Reader▪ I beseech you, my Answerer; and though 'tis at no time my humour to give foul language, yet I must say, I challenge all England to find out one that shall excel him in ill. He has accused us for the Murder of King Charles; the cause of the English, Irish, and Scotish War; the triumphing at ourmis fortunes at Sea; the rejoicing for the Enemies being upon our Coast; and then lastly the burning of London itself: yet all this urged without any manner of proof, no not so much as the least probability.  
Is one detraction against one only man a sin, and punishable at the Judgment-seat of God hereafter; and shall so various aspersions against so many of the best account in England pass for a toy? I am sure, it is my belief, to think they shall die eternally (if they repent not) who defamed and did wrong even to those that crucified Christ. If then a woe be pronounced against such, what will become of them that asperse his Members? and therefore if this Minister be a Christian be must know that without satisfaction there is no forgiveness. Nay, the effects of his crimes have risen to this, to encourage other men to do the like; for not long after, there was published (as I just now mentioned) a libel called the Committee of Parliaments enquiry about the firing the City; and at last the wickedness of the Author laid it at the doors of the King, Duke, General, L. Craven, Chief Justice, and others of the chiefest account in the Nation.  
All that he said against Papists, was in truth to justify them; for no better Accusation could be found, than that several Frenchmen were busy about the fire: that a supposed Jesuit with a Bishop-sattin Suit (over which was a frock) came and firied a House (the fire itself being, as the Libeler confesses, within six doors of it) and when he was apprehended, he spoke Latin without any necessity. Then he tells, that one Carpenter (who is an Apostate Priest) spoke for the Pope; & that one or tws poor women were solicited to be Papists, and told, Now was the time, for if they neglected this opportunity they should not be regarded hereafter. Nay, when nothing could be found against Papists, the Author citys Verses (only found as he confesses in Westminster-Hal) to threaten Protestants into Popery. And another Paper (writ by a Papist, as he says, newly turned Protestant, and found in a Pew by a Templar) in which he desired all Protestants to pursue Papists, for they had a design to cut their throats. This is the effect of the Pamphlet, which I would have every body read, for nothing can be a greater Vindication to us, than such inconsiderable and senseless Lies.  
And truly, when I consider these with the Stories against Papists in the Answer to Philanax, and how both are exactly made in the same mode and figure, I should not doubt but that Sieur du Moulin was the Author, were not the Libel so severe against his Countrymen the French. And pray Reader, consider here the Justice of God, who is a God of retaliation always: for as the Dr. strove to incite the people by his malicious falsities, which have not the least probability of truth, and which would involve all the Loyal Catholics of England with one or two guilty men, if there had been any such; so now there are spread such a number of Lies about our danger from the French, that people are ready to stone all they meet; and should the rabble run into a sudden fury (as God knows but they may) Mr. du Moulin and his Family may perchance also go sharers with his Countrymen; for his being a free Denizon would be thought a weak Argument by the outrageous and overheated multitude.  
Concerning the Fire itself, Reader, I could never, as I said, think it a design, notwithstanding a Protestant Huguenot confessed the fact; and my reason was, because no body in his Senses would be so foolish with deliberation to venture his life, when 'twas not only odds he should be found out, but the fire would be stopped before it came to the third house. How often have we seen it in the narrow places of London? how often in the ill-building of Kings-street? how often in the Paper-houses of Charing Cross, the Strand? etc. and yet for all this (whether it happened by night or by day) it was quenched without any remarkable spoil. Besides, 'tis impossible, if either Protestants, Papists, Presbyterians, or fanatics had effected so great a work but we should have seen some prosecution of their design, as either to be in Arms, or inviting in our forreing Enemies, or at leastwise raising tumults in the hurry. But on the contrary, there has not been since any preparation for a rising in England; nay, which is more, for all that thirteen thousand Families were to seek new habitations, and all the rest of the Town disordered, yet there was not the least riot, though the accident itself might have occasioned a sedition, without being animated by Conspirators. In short, after a strict enquiry by the Parliament of England (that Supreme Court) of the occasion of this dismal fire, 'twas concluded to be the hand of God alone: and therefore I shall never think otherwise of it, though Hubert the Huguenot acknowledged himself the Author, and 
a Vid▪ Trigg's Almanac foe 1666. and repeated in that of 1668.  Trig a Protestant brag's that he foretold it in his Almanac printed almost a whole year before.  
Now because the Minister hath mentioned Garnet, I shall desire you, Reader, to peruse his 
b How. p. 882.  last words and confession, as you shall find them in How, who continued Stow's History. He acknowledged his foul offence in concealing the Treason; was sorry for it, ask God forgiveness for the same, beseeching a blessing for the King and his Issue; and then exhorted all Catholics never to attempt Rebellion, Treason or violent practices against his Majesty, for all such courses were utterly against the Catholic Faith. If then, Reader, a Jesuit known to be learned, and therefore not ignorant of the Doctrine of our Religion; if also a Jesuit on the point of death, and so necessitated to speak truth, hath publicly owned (as a Protestant records) that Rebellion is incompatible with Catholic Doctrine; to affirm this still to be our Principle, is certainly a very high injustice: and if the practice of some few shall yet be urged against me as a Proof, than I must affirm, that the Church of England teaches Theft, because so many of their Members are monthly hanged for it at Tyborn.  
Reader, from hence to the end I shall still continue my first method of setting down the Ministers Answer to every Section of the Apology; but I shall seldom Reply, because the poorness of the matter carries a confutation in itself, and therefore it would be a needless trouble both to you and me, if I should say something to each Paragraph.    

SECT. XXXVI. APOLOGY.  
We must a little complain, finding it by experience, that by reason you discountenance us, the people rage: and again, because they rage, we are the more forsaken by you. Assured we are, that our Conversation is affable, and our Houses so many hospitable receipts to our Neighbours. Our acquaintance therefore we fear at no time, but it is the stranger we dread (that taking all on hear-say) zealously▪ wounds, and then examines the business when 'tis too late, or is perchance confirmed by another, that knows no more of us than he himself. 'Tis to you we must make our applications, beseeching you (as subjects tender of our King) to intercede for us in the execution, and weight the Dilemma, which doubtless he is in, either to deny so good a Parliament their request, or else run counter to his Royal inclinations, when he punishes the weak and harmless.  

ANSWER XXXVI.  
He says, he desires only to be safe; and against our dangerous Principles, neither our affability nor hospitality can defend them: for the Irish never treated Protestants better than the year a fore they cut their Throats. The best means of security is the execution of the Laws, by which those (that renounce their disloyal Principles) will be distinguished, and the disloyal and seditious only kept weak.   

REPLY XXXVI.  
I have sufficiently treated the Irish Rebellion in the first Reply; neither have I been wanting to show you, that a Protestant Author, viz. 
a Vid. Rep. 13.  Heath, lays the cause of it on the English Long-Parliament, which occasioned so many mischiefs, & by their wicked beginnings against that good Prince encouraged the designs of the rest of his seditious subjects: Nor had the Scots themselves been then wanting (by their actual levying war against their King, & corresponding with his foreign Enemies) to prick forward (seeing they were successful) all those who studied commotions & disorders. Judge then whither they were the Papists of England, or the Reformed in both Kingdoms of Great Britain that farthered the Irish Rebellion. But now that the Irish never treated Protestants better than the year before they curt their throats, is a foolish invention of this shameless Minister, & nonsense in itself; Nor was it practicable, unless the English had (like the Israelites in Egypt) been sojournours at will, & had nothing to do with the Government. For would it not be a mad expression to say that the Hugonots of France better treated this year the Papists there, than they had done before; or that the Roundheads treated the Cavaliers more kindly than they had done since the King's Restauration. But this is un Coup d'esprit, a piece of wit of the Worthy Minister, & truly so great a one that I admire it, & should do it much more, were it not so common.    

SECT. XXXVII. APOLOGY.  
Why may not we, Noble Countrymen, hope for favour from you, as well as the French Protestants find from theirs? A greater duty than ours none could express, we are sure. Or why should the United Provinces, and other Magistrates (that are harsh both in mind and manners) refrain from violence against our Religion, and your tender breasts seem not to harbour the least compassion or pity? These neighbouring people sequester none for their Faith, but for transgression against the State; Nor is the whole party involved in the crime of a few, but every man suffers for his own and proper fault. Do you then the like, and he that offends let him die without mercy. And think always (we beseech you) of Cromwel's injustice, who for the actions of some against his pretended Laws, drew thousands into Decimation (even ignorant of the thing) after they had vastlie paid for their security and quiet.  

ANSWER XXXVII.  
He says, he has answered our instances of French Protestants, and Dutch Papists. When we governed the civilised World, he says, we hanged and burnt men for no cause but Faith; which proves Protestant Barbarity, better than Popish civility: yet these were little for their credit, unless they could say, that none of us suffered but by the known and necessary Laws of the Kingdom. 'Tis necessary to maintain the King's Authority, and Peace of the Nation; and if we call Religion any thing contrary to these, whether ought they to alter their Laws, or we our Religion? He says, as Inquisitors bedress one with Pictures of Devils, that is to be burnt for an Heretic, so I put Cromwell on any thing I would render odious, but they are weak, that see not the difference between Cromwel's Edicts, that ruined men for Loyalty, and Laws that restrained them from Treason and Rebellion.   

REPLY. XXXVII.  
How childishly ridiculous is this Minister's Allegation, That none of us suffered but by known Laws? What does he mean? Did we ever (when we governed England) put any to death but by the known Laws established many hundred years before the Malefactors were born, and which are still on foot, and used to this day by Protestants against Heretics? But fully to reply to this Answer, I cannot better do it, then by beseeching you to read over this short Section of the Apology again, and then tell me, whether any request can be more reasonable and Christian; or whether this way of involving the whole in the crimes of a few, be not exactly the Procedure of Cromwell.    

SECT. XXXVIII. APOLOGY.  
We have no study but the Glory of our Soveraingn, and just liberty of the Subjects.  

ANSWER XXXVIII.  
Sir, If we may judge by your works, there is nothing less studied in your College.    

SECT. XXXVIIII. APOLOGY.  
Nor was it a mean argument of our duty, when every Catholic Lord gave his voice for the Restauration of Bishops; by which we could pretend no other advantage, but that 26. Votes (subsisting wholly by the Crown) were added to the defence of Kingship, and consequently a check to Anarchy and confusion.  

ANSWER XXXVIIII.  
This is no argument of your Duty, for sure you are it no Lord. Nor is it likely, that these Lords followed your direction in the doing of this Duty.   

REPLY to ANS. XXXIX.  
Good Mr. Parson, 'tis more than you know but that I am a Lord; yet whether I am or no, the Catholic Lords and I are of the same Loyal Principles, and what they did, any other Catholic would have done had he been Member of their House.    

SECT. XL. APOLOGY.  
'Tis morally impossible but that we who approve of Monarchy in the Church, must ever be fond of it in the State also.  

ANSWER XL.  
If you mean this of Papists in general, that which you mean morally impossible, is experimentally true. For in Venice, Genoa, Lucca, and other Popish Cantons of Switzerland, they very well approve of Monarchy in the Church, yet they are not fond of it in State also. But if you mean this of the Jesuitical Party, than it may be true, in this sense, that you would have the Pope to be sole Monarch, both in Spirituals and Temporals.   

REP. to ANSW. XL.  
I think I have been as lately at Lucca, Genoa, and Venice, and know the places as well as the Minister. 'Twas not therefore my meaning, that there were no Popish States, but that generally Popery tends to Monarchy; and on the contrary, Calvinism (from which the Church of England differs only in Bishops) leans altogether to a Democratical Government. Heretofore (in the Civil Wars of our Country) there was never the least mention of a Commonwealth; but still the Rebels would have a King, and rather than fail, one of another Kingdom. I beseech God, that the present Principles have no other tendency but to Monarchy; for, Reader, you must know that Principles may blindly lead men to a thing, which not only their judgements, but their inclinations loath: as for example, the Reformed both in judgement and inclination desire unity; but their Principles in spite of all endeavours will draw them (as we see by a hundred years' experience) into perpetual confusion and discord.    

SECT. XXXXI. APOLOGY.  
Yet this is a misfortune we now plainly feel, that the longer the late transgressors live, the more forgotten are their crimes whilst distance in time calls the faults of our Fathers to remembrance, and buries our own allegiance in eternal Oblivion and forgetfulness.  

ANSWER XXXXI.  
We can now allow you to complain, and commend yourselves without measure; having proved already, that you do it without cause.    

SECT. XXXXII. APOLOGY.  
My Lords and Gentlemen, Consider we beseech you, the sad condition of the Irish Soldiers now in England, the worst of which Nation could be but intentionallie so wicked, as the acted villainy of many English, whom your admired Clemency pardoned. Remember how they left the Spanish service when they heard their King was in France; and kow they forsook the employment of that unnatural Prince, after he had committed that never to be forgotten act of banishing his distressed Kinsman out of his Dominions. These poor men left all again to bring their Monarch to his home, and shall they then be forgotten by You? Or shall my Lord Douglas and his brave Scots be left to their shifts, who scorned to receive Wages of those that have declared War against England?  

ANSWER XXXXII.  
He says, That to swell our Bill of Merits, I take in the Irish and Scotish Soldiers, as if they were a part of English Catholics, and as if I were the first that thought of them. God forbid, he says, they should not be considered; and he is neither good Christian, no, nor good Subject, that would not contribute his proportion to it. But, he says, I have a drift in mentioning the Irish, for I mingle them with the worst of that Nation, namely, with those infamous Butchers, that cut the throats of at least an hundred thousand Protestants. It was so black an action, that I knew not how to mention it, in its proper place, viz. after the French massacre, because I had not wherewith to colour it; but being still conscious it was a blot on our cause, I thought fit to place it here, that these brave men might mend the hue of the action. He says further, I deal as ill with the English Royalists, by affirming they pardoned many English, whose acted villainies were so wicked, that the worst of the Irish could be but intentionally so wicked.   

REPLY to ANSW. XXXXII.  
Pray, Reader, consider the wicked folly of this man, for here he denies us a part in the good actions of the Irish; and yet all along he has laid their ill actions at our door; nay, in this very Paragraph he twits us with it, when he says, I was conscious it was a blot on our cause: but I will pass by this as usual, and go on.  
Truly, Reader, the case of the Irish in Arms, touched me as near as my own concerns; and pray see the strange Hypocrisy also of this Minister, that says God forbid these poor Soldiers should not be considered, and that he is neither good Christian, nor Subject, that would not contribute to it; and yet in the same exhortation, endeavours all he can to have the Laws executed, which must needs force these forlorn men either to beg or steal. By this we may find what his contribution is, and therefore God deliver all honest men from such a merciless creature: and was ever man so abominable (knowing many of the King's Judges were pardoned) to reproach my assertion, that the worst of this Nation be but intentionally so wicked as the acted villainy of many English, whom the clemency of the Parliament pardoned? Is not this in plain terms, to say, that the business of Ireland was greater than the Rebellion of England, and horrid Murder of our Gracious King, which has drawn an eternal disgrace upon the whole Nation in general? If this man, who uses the word US at every turn, (ranking himself thereby among the Royalists) be a royalist, then I'll hereafter say, that Bradshaw was one also.    

SECT. XXXXIII. APOLOGY.  
How commonly is it said, That the Oath of renouncing their Religion is intended for these? which will needs bring this loss to the King, and you, that either you will force all of our Faith to lay down their Arms (though by experience, of great integrity and worth) or else, if some few you retain, they are such whom Necessity has made to swear against Conscience, and therefore will certainly betray you, when a greater advantage shall be offered. By this test then, you can have none but whom with caution you ought to shun, and thus must you drive away those that truly would serve you; for had they the least thought of being false, they would gladly take the advantage of gain and pay, to deceive you.  

ANSWER XLIII.  
He asks me, who are said to intend this Oath, if it be those that have no Authority, 'tis frivolous; if such as have Authority, 'tis false; and he farther says, that he verily believes, 'twas never said, thought, nor wished by any one that loved either the King or Peace of the Nation.   

REP. to ANS. XLIII.  
The Minister is here just as he uses to be; for many were upon this account disbanded before he put out his Answer; and since, all the rest of the Catholics have been cashiered, as 'twas expected by every body when he writ.    

SECT. XLIV. APOLOGY.  
We know your wisdom and generosity, and therefore cannot imagine such a thing. Nor do we doubt when you show favour to these, but you will use mercy to us, who are both fellow-Subjects, and your own flesh and blood also. If you forsake us, we must say, the world decays, and its final transmutation must needs quickly follow.  

ANSWER XLIV.  
Here you imagine for the Soldiers and imagine for yourself: and as if you really thought yourself in danger, you beg for mercy of the Royalists, in such words as your Predecessor the first Moderator used to the Rebels. Only for the last strain, we do not know that any one hit upon it before; nor do believe, that any one will ever use it again.    

SECT. XLV. APOLOGY.  
Little do you think the insolences we shall suffer by Committee-men, etc. whom chance and lot has put into petty power. Nor will it choose but grieve you, to see them abused (whom formerly you loved) even by the Common Enemy of us both.  

ANSWER XLV.  
It seems Committee-men are entrusted with his Majesty's Authority; or none must use it against Papists, for fear of being accounted Committee-men. It is time to have done, when we are come to the dregs of your Rhetoric.    

SECT. XLVI. APOLOGY.  
When they punish, how will they triumph and say, Take this (poor Romanists) for your love to Kingship; and again this, For your long doting on the Royal Party; all which you shall receive from us, Commissioned by your dearest friends, and under this Cloak we will glady vent our private spleen and malice.  

ANSWER XXXXVI.  
Sir, though you set yourself to speak Tragically, this does rather seem a piece of Drollery. But you have your design either way; for no man can read it, but he must either laugh, or shake his Head.    

SECT. XXXXVII. APOLOGY.  
We know, My Lords and Gentlemen, that from your hearts you do deplore our condition; yet permit us to tell you, your bravery must extend thus far, as not to sit still with pity only, but each is to labour for the distressed, as far as in reality his ability will reach: some must beseech our Gracious Sovereign for us, others must again undeceive the Good, though deluded Multitude. Therefore all are to remember who are the prime raisers of the Storm, and how through our sides they would wound both the KING and You; for though their hatred to ourselves is great, yet the enmity out of all measure increases, because we have been yours (and so shall continue) even in the fiery day of trial.  
Protect us we entreat you then upon all your former Promises; or if that be not sufficient, for the sakes of those that lost their Estates with you; many of which are now fallen asleep. But if this be still to weak, we must conjure you by the sight of this Bloody Catalogue, which contains the Names of your murdered Friends and Relations, who in the heat of Battle, perchance saved many of your Lives, even with the joyful loss of their own.  

ANSWER XLVII.  
In answer to this last, he has nothing to say, but that the Rebels harrassed the Papists, to make the King odious, and enrich themselves. That we were necessitated to what we did either for Subsistance or Protection, but the Protestants had no such necessity. Concerning the Estates we lost; the sum of his answer is, That after the Rebels had devoured ours, they fell upon the Protestants with more colour, and nevertheless appetite.   

REPLY to ANSW. XLVII.  
For our necessity (other than our Duty) to engage for his Majesty, I have answered it at large in the Preface. For the loss of our Estates, I say here is an excellent encouragement for Subjects, according to this man's Doctrine. But I see by the whole manner of his writing, that he is some inconsiderable man, whose name would be as little known if prefixed, as it is now being concealed; and therefore there is no wonder if what he writ be inconsiderable also.  
Concerning the Catalogue of those brave Catholics that laid their lives down for their King, the Minister saith thus.    


ANSWER XLVIII.  
That he can reckon a far greater number of Protestants than I can pretend to do Papists. Secondly, that I have omitted many in my List, which he could name; but this he thinks was out of design, that I might more excusably reckon some names, which I ought to have omitted, viz. My Lord of Carnarvan, who he says in his extremities refused a Priest, and ordered the Chaplain of his Regiment to pray with him.   

REPLY to ANSW. XLVIII.  
For my Lord Carnarvan, Reader, you must know, he was a Ward taken by my Lord Pembroke from his Catholic Mother, and then married to his Daughter. In the Army my Lord never marched without a Priest; when he was wounded to death, he sent for his Brother in law the Lord Herbert, late M. of Worster, and desired him to go tell the King, That he could do no more than die in his Quarrel; and if he would grant him but this request, he would think his Majesty sufficiently recompensed him for his life. His petition was, That his Mother might have the breeding up of his Son; and the end of this he said was, That the Child might be educated in the Catholic Religion. After this he received all the rites of the Roman Church, and died in the arms of a Priest now alive, that belonged to many of my Lords Relations. Concerning my Catalogue in general, you must know, Reader, I have been often chid at London for omitting so many considerable Catholics; but this I could not help, for the Catalogue was collected by Mr. Blunt (as I take it) who is to be much commended for his pains. When I printed the Apology, I was in such haste that I had not time to examine it nicely among my friends: I am now, Reader, also a great way from London, and therefore am forced to print it again without amendments; all that I can do at present is, to desire a leaf or two of white paper be added, in which we may write down (as we shall from time to time be informed) the names of those Heroic men, that died in defence of their King and Country.  
I wonder very much that this Minister is not ashamed to urge such a foolish thing, viz. That more Protestants died in this War then of our Religion. This no body doubts of, and may well be, seeing we are not the hundredth part of the Nation, and yet by my imperfect List it appears, that there were killed 190. Catholics of Quality; when as (by the List called the Royal-Martyr, and printed by Thomas Newcomb 1660.) there died in the War but 212. Protestants, the rest there named being Papists, as you may see, if you compare their names with my Catalogue. Let the Word than judge, whether we ought not to have some compassion showed us, and not to be thus calumniated by every impertinent Scribbler.  
Reader, those that follow are the Ministers exhortations, which are so like the Pedantry of his pulpit, that they alone without the rest would have assured me of the Author's calling. That you may see what they are, I have divided them into eight several Advices or Desires, for so he is pleased to call them.  
First Sect. He desires us to be content with our condition, and not under value the Liberty we now enjoy, if it exceed what was granted our Fathers. To this I say, Reader, that we are contented with any favour; yet 'twould be no arrogance if we require more them our Fathers had, because it seems the Minister counts them all Traitors, when as we (as all the World knows) have shown the utmost duty that Subjects can do.  
Second Sect. Not to proclaim about the World for the paring of our nails that we are persecuted. To this I will give a larger Answer in the Postscript; and will only say here, that I defy any man, to show me in Christendom a Party that bears their misfortunes with more submission than we.  
Third Sect. To abhor them that wish disturbances or Invasions to settle Popery. To this I say, I think that nothing can make it more manifest that we do abhor such men, then to see that all catholics detested the French, even then when we were forsaken by our friends, and they (as most thought) upon the point of landing.  
Fourth Sect. To keep our Religion to ourselves, and not expect such harvests as we had in the late confusions. I say, Truly we are like to keep it to ourselves, for 'tis too severe to be embraced by Worldlings: and if care be not taken, the same times will come again; for I am sure, crying against Papists was then the former Prologue; and though the aim of wicked people be still the same, I hope the Epilogue will be far different.  
Fifth Sect. Not to abuse the weakness of dying persons, nor convert the condemned Prisoners with drink, or by hopes of an easier way of salvation. To this I answer, The Minister ought not to call the condition of dying persons weak, because he and his brethren have always found them strong; for I think no man ever heard that a Catholic was converted by them at his death; and all have been able to resist that in their Agony, to which worldly ends made some in their healths yield. But now, if Catholics have reconciled dying persons, it must be wholly attributed to the truth of their Doctrine, for then all hopes of life being taken away, men will hearken to that reason, which during health (through temporal advantages) they earnestly opposed: Nay, few of these, if they recover, start back, but on the contrary persevere. I say, these Conversions must needs proceed from the conviction of the Truth, and not from hopes of any easier way of salvation, because the Protestant way is far easier, and naturally more suitable to the inclinations of dying men; For an ordinary trust in the merits of Christ, and an ordinary contrition (usual to all people that are said not to die ill) will, according to the Reformed Hypothesis, carry a man presently to Heaven: when as this, in the opinion of any Catholics, and of the Agonising party himself, will bring him at farthest but to Purgatory. The entrance into Heaven is not so easy a passage with us; for it must be obtained with long Mortifications, conflicts, and labours, far greater than those of Hercules; or else in men of ill lives, by some unexpressible energy at the last gasp, like that of the Thief on the Cross. Vain therefore is the imagination of Protestants, for we have no other means to convert men, but, as I said, the force of truth on their Consciences, which truth in that state they can discern (as men fallen into misery, do oftentimes the vanities of the World) when as in strength of body (through humane designs) like the adder, they stop their ears, let the Charmer charm never so sweetly. Many advantages more (were it not time ho have done with the Minister) could I show, that the Protestants have naturally over Catholics, in converting of dying people, but they never converted one (as I heard of) yet he confesses many have been by us.  
Besides this, I beseech you, Reader, to look upon the lives of those that leave the Protestant Religion to come to us, and then show me any one of them, that lives worse than he did before. Some perchance there b● (and those almost as rare as black swans themselves) that mend not the depravity of their first manners, though none, as I said, fall to worse: but for the rest, they apparently cast off the old man, and show the wonderful fruits of Grace by their holy life and conversation. On the other side, good Protestant Reader, name me that man amongst you, who left the Catholic Church, and fell not immediately into all licentiousness and vice; call but to mind Gage, Cary, Rookwood, Carpenter, Macedo the late converted Portugeze, or any other whom you please, and see, if they had one unclean spirit in them when they were Papists, whether seven Devils, each worse than the former, afterward entered not into them.  
Truly, this is no wonder, because they, forsook their Religion for liberty, and followed the pattern of Luther their first Master and Teacher. For, he while he was a Monk punished his body with watching and fasting, as 
a Catal. Doct▪ p. 180.  S. Voyon a Protestant confesses. But afterwards he lived otherwise, as another 
b ●. Mot de Eccl. p. 221.  Protestant affirms: for he says, That when Protestant's would indulge their appetite, they would not be ashamed to use these words; Let us live Luther- like to day.  
Sixth Sect. Not to hinder the course of Justice on Criminals because they are Papists. To this I say, I understand not what he means; but if any Papist has solicited for another of his Religion which was to die, I think 'tis not unlawful: No man of any Religion being denied to use their endeavours to save their Friends and Relations, that fall by chance into these misfortunes. But herein we shall obey his advice, for (unless it be by some unphappy duels) the Catholics come seldom within the the reach of Criminal Laws.  
Seventh Sect. That Priests disguise not themselves like Hector's, and poison Clubs and Coffee houses with Fanatic discourses. To this I answer, that if Phanaticism be the discourse of a Priest, I doubt this Minister is one also; for never did Jacob Behmen, Stifler, or any of the Fraternity write more malicious, self contradicting things than he; or that have in them more inferences of confusion and disorder. In the next place, if Priests disguise themselves, I think 'tis not their faults; and if the Minister will get them liberty to wear their habit, I will be bound they shall never go more in Mascarade. Besides, being thus known by every body, we then shall plainly see, who they be that at Taverns and Meeting-places corrupt the Youth. And truly, Reader, I am very morally certain, that this Answerer is a haunter of them, for the old Proverb tells us who calls Whore first.  
Eighth Sect. That Priests and Jesuits fill not the World with Pamphlets, Philanaxes, Exhortations, Apologies, etc. which ser●● (●e says) only to ferment men's passions, and not to convince their Reasons. If we come into the fair field of Controversy, we shall not be declined; and the Minister thinks his party not indebted to us upon that account. Good Mr. Parson, you very well know that the Philanaxes, Exhortations, Apologies, etc. were writ by Lay-m●n, and therefore you might have spared this last advice, since 'twas as needless as the rest of your false and malicious writing.  
And by the way remember how you have perverted and falsely commented on a Loyal man's learned work, this very Exhortation which you mention. His words, Reader, are these: As for the Roman Pastors indirect power over Kings in ordine ad Spiritualia, by which the Sea Apostolical in some rare Cases hath (at the request of all Christians) proceeded to censure, and deprive Kings (a thing so much talked of, and so little understood by the Reformed Divines) I leave that Question to be decided by the two Supreme Powers when occasion shall be for it ' which may not happen to the end of the World: It being a very rare Case, in which it were not better that such matters were wholly left till the day of Judgement. Now the sum of this is, as the Minister says, that if the Pope should deprive our King, this Catholic would not meddle between them. When as his true meaning was, That this case between Popes and Kings will hap seldom, if ever; and should it happen, he will not as to the right (or, via juris) determine the nice pretensions of each party; yet this does not argue, but that he would side, as to action (or, via facti) with his Prince against any person whatsoever. And thus we daily see the French do, who swear they cannot tell whether the Law called Salic be forged; or whether in Justice the now Male-Line, or the English (because descended from the Heirs general) ought to have the Kingdom; but still they declare, they will fight for their present Monarch against all Mankind. This, I say, is the sense of the Author of the Exhortation, and this I dare engage he shall subscribe to.  
Now concerning Philanax, how poorly it is answered, I believe the Minister would be ashamed to confess: and yet (how poorly soever) he has made use of it; Nay of the most contemptible and groundless follies in the whole Book. I am sure, the man needed not to have challenged us into the fair field of Controversy, having there-in been more than Combatants, ever since the breaking out of Luther. Nor can there be any Argument of more generous bravery than this, That though our Priests in England have been hunted from hole to hole, their Papers often seized, some in the midst of their works hanged, no Library, no Press, and if to day well settled, perchance forced on the morrow to fly; yet for all these disavantages (which no Protestant feels) they never omitted to write things of use, or to answer all sorts of Books, that durst appear against our Religion or manners. Fear not therefore, good Minister, that either Clergy or Laity will be behindhand with you in this affair; and I think Dr. Pierce will tell you he found it to some purpose from both Nor shall you, Sir, whilst I live (be ready again, as soon as you please) want an humble Servant to show you your many wilful errors and mistakes.    

THE POSTSCRIPT.  
My Lords and Gentlemen:  
YOu have now had a short view of the malice of the Answerer, and of our condition; nor have I troubled you with points of Divinity, it being out of my Road, and more particulary belonging to them, who are called to be Guides, and make it their Profession to study Controversy. The search into History and Annals of Nations is the fit employment of men of Quality; for by it (having a view of all that is passed) we presently find what profits your Country, and how good men (by false representations) may pass for abominable, even in the thoughts of sober people. In this sort who have ever suffered more than we? for often the best of our fellow-Subjects (having drawn in with their first milk, an ill opinion of our manners) have continued in the same sentiment, till by long experience they plainly found the contrary.  
How opposite is Popery noised to the Grandeur of Kings! and yet we see, That 
a Vid. Pref.  Kings were never greater than then. What exclamations are there to this day against us for our stirs in the beginning of Reformation! though it is evident it proceeded not from precepts of Faith, but from a natural 
b Pref.  impulse to oppose Novelties. Nay, the efforts of our Ancestors for the Royal 
c Rep. 〈◊〉.  House of Scotland are laid to our charge as High-Treason; but the putting up of 
d Rep. 22.  jane Grace for the Protestant Interest was justice, even by the preaching of Dr. Ridley. And moreover, though but thirteen Papists were drawn into the 
e Rep. 2●.  powder Treason, by the dexterity of our Enemies, yet we all (even the Children of many of the great Catholics that were to have been destroyed by the Traitors) are still held guilty of this Original sin. After our proneness to Rebellion (in which how little we are faulty, and how 
f Rep. 6.  much others have been, let the World judge) there's no Principle possesses the imagination of Englishmen so fully, as that we delight in Blood, and that persecuting of men is a part of our Doctrine. What cries therefore have been against they days of Queen Mary, as if her cruelty were unparallelled! when as I have made it appear, that more Catholics have died by 
a Rep. 12.  Protestants, then of them by us; and that since the exclusion of the Pope, there has been a greater quantity of Blood judicially spilt amongst us, then from the Conversion of England to the Reign of Henry the Eighth. The Massacre of France is proved (you see) to have beme no 
b Rep▪ 1●.  effect of Religion, but an indirect endeavour to suppress Rebellion. Nor are we 
● Rep. 1.  in England (abominating the fact) more guilty of the Irish Cruelties, then is the Protestant Faith for what was done at Amboyna.  
For my own part, I not only detest Blood, but find all Catholics do; for if in many Countries (where the Prince and people, as I showed you before, are Catholics) the Protestants have not only open Churches, but also public employments, and in no place this is granted by the Reformed to Papists; then must it needs follow, that we are much kinder to you, than you to us, even in the matters of Religion. Besides this, Catholics are so tender, that the Inquisition itself is permitted in no Kingdom where Heresy is numerous: nor ought we to be blamed, if (in a Country wholly obedient to the Church) we strive to keep out all other Sects and opinions.  
This cannot be jniustice, because to all Mankind we grant the same liberty. Who is it, that morally blames the Moors of Africa (being of one Profession) for keeping out even the Gospel itself? Or who is it, that says the Swedes are inhuman, because none except Lutherans shall live among them? God alone is to judge hereafter of men's neglecting means. In England therefore, where all fell not from Popery, there is not the same just motive for punishment; and certainly it is severity in the highest degree, to prosecute us with fire and sword, as if we were an upstart people, that brought in a strange Religion, not finding it here before. Ethelbert the first English King that professed Christianity (and converted also by a Monk) never persecuted his Pagan Subjects, because their Religion was in possession: and yet no consideration is thought fit for Papists, though our most fundamental Laws have established this Faith; and the maintenance of it sworn unto (since the Conquest) by at least twenty of our Monarches.  
Catholics consider Sectaries, as Magistrates do Rebels: for where they are but very few, they may perchance all suffer according to the establishtt Laws of a Nation, but if they grow numerous, pity causes us now to punish nobody with death, but them prayers, them preaching, than Books etc. are the fittest Arms to destroy them. This makes us severe in Spain and Italy, and this merciful in France, Germany, etc. yet here in our Country, there are sanguinary Laws against Laymen, and our Priests have been handled with more severity than james Naylor, or any of his Disciples. What advantage will Persecution bring, but to make us glory that we suffer for Christ? nor has it ever yet lessened our number. No good therefore, I am sure, can come to Protestants by it much harm perchance may; since it will stir up Catholic Governors to use the like severity to dissenting Subjects, who otherwise might live in greater tranquillity and ease. 'Tis not we that proclaim our persecution (as this Minister taxes us) in foreign parts, but the Agents of Princes, who comment as they please on things, and fill Europe with noise, that the English of all people are most ungrateful, being earnest to have that done against their tried friends, which Cromwell was almost ashamed to do, though we were his professed and sworn Enemies.  
I shall never omit to render my thanks to Almighty God, that I know not one who staggers the least in duty for all this our reproach and suffering: Who is it that now loves the Dutch one whit the more? or who is it that contemns not a Frenchman whilst he is an Enemy to England? Nor did ever any Party in this Isle (That deemed itself oppressed by Laws) before fail of favouring those, that were in hostility with the Kingdom. The Presbyterians in Scotland were up actually in 
a 1666.  Arms when two the powerfullest Nations of Europe, assisted also with Denmark made the last War upon us. And for the Independants, all who were in pay in Holland, openly abjured their Country, and many of them headed by Doleman, did us the mischief at Chattam: for foreign Nations must never hope to foil the English, without the additional courage of English.  
Just contrary to this has been the procedure of Catholics; for not only the Scotish Papists with their Commander my Lord Douglas left France upon the breach, but valiantly also fought with the loss of many of their lives, when those Traitors (as I said at Chattham) assisted the Dutch last summer. I need not repeat how zealous the Popish Guards were in all these three years' Wars, every body being an eye-witness of it; and for the Papists abroad, I am sure they have been so earnest for the Honour of the Nation, that at Paris, Flanders, Rome, Liege, etc. they were still detecting the Dutch forgeries, and proclaiming our Victories to all People. Nay the Hollanders were ever so sensible of the fervour of the English Catholics in behalf of their Country, that when De Wit was soliciting for a Guard, he caused it to be published in the Gazzets of Amsterdam, that he was in danger of his life, for that two of our Jesuits had undertaken to kill him. Consider therefore (Loyal Sirs) our services: and though in themselves they are but Duties, yet Duties may sometimes merit a reward, at least for the inciting of others.  
Nothing assuredly can ever settle more our Country in peace, than the free liberty of Religion: and if the tenderness of the King's heart (as all the world knows him merciful) should move him to hear the cry of his late Enemies, and grant them the enjoyment of their Consciences; certainly no body could think it strange, if he gave the same freedom to us his friends, who never yet deserted him or his Father in their greatest misfortunes and sufferings. Nay, moreover, if there be still pity left amongst mankind, upon that score also (had Papists no other Plea) we might more justly pretend to Indulgence then any Nonconformist whatsoever For none of the Sects can in reality allege more, then that the Protestant manner of worship is nauseous, and of no edification to them: my Reason is, because we see ●t lest the Rich in all Countries go often to Church, and yet are owned still members by the Party. Now such a Conformity is diametrically opposite to the Conscience of a Catholic, and any such Communion is a deadly sin. We are not here to Dispute, whether Papists are not too scrupulous: for this Argument may be used against any one of a contrary Judgement. But supposing such and such things are the points of a Religion, and favour desired in the suspension of Laws; I say, Mercy is fitter for them, that according to the profession of their Faith, cannot comply without sinning, then for those that do it without such offence: and truly, I am not so disingenuous as to believe, that were this Conformity in their own Opinion a sin, that so many persons of all Orders amongst the Presbiterians and Independents would have gone to Church, or that their respective Congregations would have still received them as theirs.  
This favour I crave, I wish for all people as well as for myself: for I cannot be so partial as to think my Conscience ought not to be forced, and yet that my Neighbour may dispense with the scruples he finds in his. Punishment never lessens the Resolutions of Christians, but always heightens Zeal, and draws sometimes wellmeaning men into those Leagued Factions, which ease and favour would assuredly have prevented.  
What thoughts can men have when they find not themselves oppressed, but the public interest of their Country? It follows not also, that Toleration prejudices the established Religion of a Nation; for experimentally we see, the Calvinists of France never had fewer Proselytes than when they were securest from Massacres, and the like. Whilst the House of Valois was in being, which used the great rigour they speak of, their History declares how numerous they grew; but since those of Bourbon were Kings, who touched neither Life nor Estate (only took away Garrisons, the Nests of Rebellion) I never found they much vaunted in their Conversions and increase.  
My Lords and Gentlemen, Religion is God Almighties own Cause, and (for manifestation of the Elect) Heresies are permitted. 'Tis he only (and that at the last day also) that shall satisfactorily convince us all, who is in the right: Persecution therefore may easily disjoint a Kingdom, but can never destroy this Hydra when she is fully roused.  
But now afore I end, I must here declare, if any other ill men (such as this Minister and his Momentous friend who writ the Discourse of the Religion of England) hope by Persecution of Papists, to make us the less passionate for the Government when their Plots are ripe, they cousin themselves, and reckon without their Host: for the Travellers-Cloak (which is our tried Allegiance to lawful Power) can never be blown up by a Wind. And if Papists were so fleeting, as for affliction to renounce a duty, which they hold be the Command of God; why should they, do you think, suffer for Conscience, since by going to Church, or taking Oaths, they may, when they please, enjoy the ample Privileges of their Birthright? Take this therefore for a certain Maxim, That be who is faithful to God, can never be unfaithful to his Country: and I am sure in all kinds of disorders about Religion here at home, the Reformed in each of their respective Sects have been far more faulty than we; if we consider (as I said) what was done against Queme Mary, the usage of the Queme of scots, or the late unparallelled Rebellion: neither for these many years have the Papists been struck at, but that the Bishops and Church of England felt also the blow: and how much Episcopacy is advantageous to Monarchy, none can be now ignorant. Who therefore, My Lords and Gentlemen, will be so little pitied as you, if you should be twice deceived after the same method and manner?  
But to conclude, no Kingdom (I dare say) looses-so much as ours by their cry against Catholics: for 'tis very certainly true, were not this a Bar (and he who doubts it, will soon be convinced, let him step but beyond Sea) that the Spanish Provinces in the Netherlands (and for a small matter with their King's consent, as his case lately stood) would joyfully put themselves under the gentle yoke of our easy Government: nor are they in Normandy shy to say, that had not Papists been so harrassed with us, they would not have slipped so many late opportunities of returning to their Lawful Duke and Sovereign.   
FINIS.   

REader,  
I hope this Impression will be better them the last, which was very falsely printed; For the Printer not only Italicated where he should not, and omitted it where he should, but also left out some words, and changed others, as if there had been a private correspondency, between my Adversary and him; for so, I le assure you, I am informed. The only alteration, I make, is putting the Citations out of the Margin into the body of the treatise, for I found that it distracted, or at least much interupted the Reader in often running from one place to another, especially if what I quoted were long. I have also added to the list more Catholics of quality, that lost their lives for the King. The names I received from some Ladies of their Relations, who are now become Religious at Paris. I have placed them by themselves after all, to put the Readers in mind, that they forget not to insert also those whom hereafter they shall have notice of; and had I time to send to friends, I doubt not but the increase would be considerable.   

A CATALOGUE OF THOSE CATHOLICS THAT DIED AND SUFFERED FOR THEIR LOYALTY.  

THe Earl of Carnarvan, slain at Newbury first Battle.  
Lord Viscount Dunbar at Scarborough, and two of his sons much wounded.  


Knights.  
Sir John Smith, Banneret (who rescued the King's Standard from the Rebels at Edg●il) slain at Alresford in Hampshire.  
Sir John Cansfield, wounded at Neubury, of which he died a lingering death.  
Sir Hen. Gage (Governor of Oxford) slain at Collumbridge, 11. Jan. 1644.  
Sir J. Digby wounded at Taunton, and died at Bridgewater.  
Sir P. Brown wounded at Naseby, died at Nortbampton.  
Sir Nich. Fortescue, Knight of Malta, slain in Lancashire.  
Sir Troilus Turbervil, Captain-Lieut. of the King's Lifeguard, slain upon his Majesty's marching from Newark to Oxford.  
Sir J. Preston, wounded at Furnace, of which he died a lingering death.  
Sir Arthur Aston (Gouvernour of Red●ling) slain at Tredaugh in cold blood.  
Sir Thomas Tildesly, slain at Wiggan.  
Sir Henry Slingsby beheaded on Tower-hill.    


Colonels.  
Col. Th. Howard (son of the Lord William Howard) slain at Peirsbridge.  
Col. Tho. Howard (son of Sir Francis) at Atherton-Moor: The gaining which Battle was principally ascribed to his Valour.  
Col. Tho. Morgan of Weston in Warwicksh. slain at Newb. first battle: he raised a Regiment of Horse for the King at his own charge, and his Estate was given to Mr. Pyms son.  
Col. Cuthbert Conniers, at Malpass.  
Col. Tho. Dalton of Thurnham, mortally wounded at Newbury second battle, and died at Marlborough.  
Col. Francis Hungate, slain at Chester.  
Col. Poor (Governor of Berkley-Castle) near Lidney.  
Col. Will. Ewer (son to the late Lord Ewer) at Marston-Moor.  
Col. Ra. Pudsey, at Marston-Moor.  
Col. Cuthert Clifton, slain at Manchester.  
Col. Cassey Bental, at Stow in the Wolds.  
Col. Trollop, slain at Wiggan.  
Col. William Bains at Malpass.  
Col. William Walton, at Tredagh.  
Col. Rich. Manning, at Alresford.    


Lieut. Colonels.  
Lieut. Col. Thomas Markham of Allerton, slain near Gainsborough.  
L. Col. Lancelot Holtby, at Branceford.  
L. Col. Haggerston at Preston.  
L. Col. Pavier, at Linc.  
L. Col. Jordan Metham, at Pontefract.  
L. Col John Godfrey. at Tewksbury.  
L. Col. George Preston, at Bradford.  
L. Col. Will. Houghton, at Newbury.  
Lieut. Col. Phil. Howard, slain at Chester.  
L. Col. Middleton, at Hopton-Heath.  
L. Col. Michael Constable, there also.  
L. Col. Sayr, at Nasby.  
L. Col. Scot, at Alresford▪  
L. Col. Thomas Salvin, at Alresford  
L. Col. Richard Brown, at Alresford  
L. Col. Goodridge wounded at Alresford and died at Oxford.  
L. Col. Congrave, slain at Dean in Gloucest.    


Serjeant-Majors.  
Major Cusand, slain at the taking of Basin in cold blood.  
Major Rich. Harborn wounded at Malpass, died at Kendal.  
Major T. Vavasor, slain at Marston-Moor.  
Maior Panton, wounded at Cover, died at Highmeadow.  
Major Hudleston, slain at York.  
Maj. Thomas Ewer, at Newbury 1.  
Major Laurence Clifton, at Shelfordhouse.  
Maior Thomas Heskith, at Malpass.  
Maj. William Leak, at Newbury 1.  
Maj. Rively, wounded at Naseby, died prisoner at London.  
Maj. Richard Sherburn, at London.  
Maj. Holmby, at Henly.  
Major Rich. Norwood, slain before Taunton.    


Captains.  
Captain Marmaduke Constable, Standardbearer to L. Gen. Lindsey, slain at Edgehill.  
Capt. Wil Laborn, and Cap. Mat. Anderton, at Sheriff-hutton in Yorkshire.  
Capt. Joseph Constable, at Newbury.  
Captain Wiburn, slain at Basin in oold blood.  
Capt. Burgh, slain at Cover.  
Capt. Thurston Anderton, wounded at Newbury, died at Oxford.  
Cap. Haggarston (eldest son of Sir Thomas) in Lancashire.  
Cap. Anthony Rigby, at Bazing-house.  
Capt. Richard Bradford, at Bazing-house.  
Capt. Kenelm Digby (eldest son of Sir Kenelm Digby) raised a Troop of Horse at his own charge, and was slain at St. Neotes.  
Capt. Ratcliff Houghton, at Preston.  
Capt. Rob. Molineux of the Wood in Lancashire, slain at Newbury 1.  
Capt. Charl. Thimelby, at Worcester.  
Capt. Robert Townsend, at Edge-hill.  
Captain Matthew Ratcliff, near Henly.  
Capt. Richard Wolsole, at Newbury.  
Capt. Anthony Awed.  
Capt. Thomas Cole, at Newark.  
Capt. Partison, at Wiggan.  
Capt. Maximil. Nelson, at Marston-moor.  
Capt. Fran. Godfrey, slain at Sherburn.  
Capt. Tho. Meynel, at Pontefract.  
Capt. John Clifton, at Shelfordhouse.  
Captain Abraham Lance.  
Capt. Robert Lance, at Rowton in Chesh.  
Capt. Anth. Hammerton, near Manchester.  
Capt. Will. Symcots, Capt. Lieut. to the Lord Piercy, slain at Newberry 1.  
Capt. Tho Singleton, at Newberry 1.  
Captain Francis Errington of Denton in Northumberland, at Rotheran.  
Captain George Singleton, at Rotheran.  
Capt. Mich. Fitzakerly at Liverpool.  
Capt. Daniel Thorold, at Nasby.  
Capt. Franc. Clifton, at Newberry 1.  
Capt. John Lance, at Islip.  
Capt. George Cassey, at Hereford.  
Capt. Langdale, at Greekhovel in Wales.  
Capt. Carver, in Monmouthshire.  
Capt. John Lingen, Ledbury.  
Capt. Samways, at Newberry 2.  
Captain John Plumton, slain at York.  
Capt. Pet. Forcer, at York.  
Capt. Thomas Whittinghan, at Newberry.  
Capt. Winkley, at Leverpool.  
Capt. Thomas Anderton, at Leverpool.  
Capt. Rich. Walmsly, at Ormschurch.  
Capt. John Swinglehurst, and Capt. John Butler, at Marston-moor.  
Capt. George Holden, at Usk.  
Capt. Richard Latham, at Litchfield.  
Capt. Tho. Charnock, at Litchfield.  
Capt. Rob. Dent, at Newcastle.  
Capt. Thomas Heskith, and Capt. John Knipe, at Bindle.  
Capt. Thomas Eccleston▪ at Bindle.  
Capt. John Hothersal, Capt. Nic. Anderton, at Gre●noo-Cattle.  
Capt. Anthony Girlington, Lancaster.  
Capt. Francis Rou●, in Dean-Forrest.  
Capt. Randolph Wallinger, at Cover.  
Capt. Christoph. Wray, slain at Bradford.  
Capt. Wil Rookwood, at Alresford.  
Capt. Rob. Rookwood, at Oxford.  
Capt. Hoskins, slain at Lidney in cold blood.  
Capt. Phil. Darey, at Lidney  
Capt. Wil Jones, at Ragland.  
Capt. Henry Wells, wounded at Newberry 2. died in prison at London.  
Capt. Richardson, slain before Taunton.  
Captain Tho. Madden, slain in Woodstreet by the fanatics, Jan. 1660.    


Inferior Officers.  
Lieut. Will. Butler, slain at Newberry.  
Lieut. Rich. Osbalston, at Leeds.  
Lieut. George Hothersal, at Leverpool.  
Lieutenant William Girlington, at Leverpool.  
Lieutenant John Kulcheth, at Worral.  
Lieut. William Singleton, at Marston.  
Lieut. Peter Boardman, at Bradford.  
Lieutenant Short, slain near Gloucester.  
Lieut. Rich. Bradford, at Blechington.  
Lieutenant James Bradford, at Blechington.  
Lieut. Tho. Kinsman at Lincoln.  
Lieutenant John Birch, at ●irmicham.  
Lieutenant Staley, at Rushall-Hall.  
Cornet William Culchereth, at Newberry.  
Cor. Deinton, at Cardiff.  
Cor. Robert Lance, in Cheshire.  
Cor. Edward Walker, at Burton.  
Cor. Miles Lochard, at Gooderidge.    


Gentlemen-Volontairs.  
Mr. Edward Talbot (brother to the now Earl of Shrewsbury) slain at Marston-moor.  
Mr. Char. Townly, and Mr. Charles Sherburn, there also.  
Mr. Nicolas Timelby, at Bristol.  
Mr. Pool of Worral, at Bristol.  
Mr. John Tipper, at Ne●●am.  
Mr. Christopher Blount, at Edg●alston.  
Mr. Theodore Mouse, at Langpo●●.  
Mr. Gerard Salvin, at Langpo●●.  
Mr. Francis Darcy, at Langpo●●.  
Mr. Wiburn. at Basin.  
Mr. Robert Bowles. at Basin.  
Mr. Wil Stoner. at Basin.  
Mr. Price of Washingly in Northamptonsh. slain at Lincoln in cold blood.  
Mr. Cuthbert Ratcliff, slain at Newcastle.  
Mr. Thomas Latham, at Newarck.  
Mr. Andrew Giffard, at Hampton.  
Mr. ●ew is Blount, at Manchaster.  
Mr. Cary, and M Gennings, at Shelfordhouse.  
Mr. James Anderton, in Wales.  
Mr. Thomas Roper, at Gootheridge.  
Mr. Stephen Pudsey, in Hold●rness.  
Mr. Francis Pavier, at Marston.  
Mr. James Banton, at Cover.  
Tho. Pendrel, at Stow.  
Mr. Boniface Kemp, and Mr. ●●lde●ons Hesket, slain near York in cold blood.  
Mr. Mich. Wharton, at Scarborough.  
Mr. Errington, at Chester.  
Tho. West by Doctor of Physic, at Preston.  
Mr. Peter Davis, at D●nbigh.  
Mr. Edward Davis, at Chester.  
Mr. Bret, at Chester.  
Mr. Roger Wood, at Chester.  
Mr. Henry Lawson, at Melton.  
Mr. Tho. Craithorn the elder, at Uphaven.  
Mr. Henry Johnson, at Uphaven.  
Three so●● of Mr. Kitby of Rancliff.  
John Witham. at Preston  
Wil S●lby. at Preston     John 15. 13. 
Greater love than this no. man hath, than that one lay down his life for his friend.  
Major General Will. Web. so wounded at Newberry by Case-shot, that he lives a dying life.  

The Names of such Catholics, whose Estates (both Real and Personal) were sold, in persuance of an Act made by the Rump, july 16. 1651. for their pretended Delinquency: that is, for adhering to their King.  

Joh. Lord Marquis of Winchester, who so valiantly defended Basing-house.  
Henry Lord Marquess of Worcester, who has been at least 300000. l. loser by the War.  
Francis Lord Cottington.  
Lord John Somerset.  
Marmaduke L. Langdale, and his son.  
Sir John Winter, who so stoutly defended Lidney-house  
Sir Thomas Tildesly himself slain, and his Estate sold.  
Sir Hen. Slingsby, beheaded at Tower-hill, and his Estate sold.  
Sir Piercy Herbert, now Lord Powys.  
Sir Francis Howard.  
Sir Henry Bedingfield.  
Sir Arthur Aston, Governor of Reading▪  
Sir Tho. Haggerston.  
Rog. Bodenham, Esq;.  
Charles Townly, Esq;.  
Row land Eyre, Esq;.  
Peter Pudsey, Esq;.  
John Giffard, Esq;.    

Other Catholics, whose Estates were sold by an Additional Rump-Act, made Aug. 4. 1652.  

HEnry Lord Viscount Dunbar and his some▪  
Sir Wil Vavasor.  
Sir Edw. Ratcliff.  
Thomas Clifton, Esq;.  
Peter Gifford of ●hillington, Esq;.  
Walter Fowler of St. Thomas Esq;.  
Thomas Brook of Madely, Esq;.  
Francis Biddulph of Biddulph, Esq;.  
William Middleton of Stocton, Esq;.  
Nicholas Errington, Esq;.  
Lance Errington Esq;.  
Henry Errington, Esq;.  
John Jones of Dingestow, Esq;.  
John Weston, Esq;.  
Phil. Hungate, Esq;.  
Rob. Dolman, Gent.  
Rich. Masley, Gent.  
Geo. Smith, Gent.  
Ralph Pudsey, Gent.    

More Catholics, whose Estates were sold by another Rump-Act, made Novemb. 18. 1652.  

HEnry Lord Arundel of Wardor, who raised a Regiment of Horse for the King, and whose Castle of Wardor was so gallantly defended against Edward Hungerford.  
Henry Lord Marley and Monteagle.  
William Lord Ewer.  
William Lord Powis, who kept long his castle of Powis against the enemy, and afterwards taken in it; and thereupon was kept a great while prisoner at Stafford, and died in durance at London.  
Lord Charles' Somerset.  
Sir Walter Blount, long a prisoner in the Tower.  
Sir Edw. Widdrington, who raised a Regiment of Horse.  
Sir Richard Tichburn.  
Sir Charles Blount (slain also by one of his own Captains▪)  
Sir J. Clavering died a prisoner at Lond.  
Sir john Cansfield.  
Sir john Timelby of Ernam.  
Sir Philip Constable.  
Sir Edward Plumpton.  
Sir Nicholas Thornton, who raised a Troop of Horse at his own charge.  
Hugh Anderton of Exton, Esq;.  
Thomas Langtree of Langtree, Esq;.  
Will. Hoghton, Esq;.  
William Hesketh, Esq;.  
William Latham, Esq;.  
Tho. Singleton, Esq;.  
john Westby, Esq;.  
Sir Edward Charlton.  
William Sheldon of Beely, Esq;.  
William Gage of Bently, Esq;.  
Tho. Clavering, Esq;.  
john Plumpton, Esq;.  
Marm. Holby, Esq;.  
Hen. Englefield, Esq;.  
Robert Wigmore, Esq;.  
Rob. Cramblington, Esq;.  
Will. Sherburn, Esq;.  
john Constable, Esq;.  
Richard Latham, Esq;.  
William Bawd, Esq;.  
james Anderton of Birchley, Esq;.  
Thomas Singleton, Esq;.  
john Talbot Esq;.  
Nich. Fitzakerly, Esq;.  
john Piercy, Esq;.  
Thomas Acton of Burton, Esq;  
Tho. Gillibrand, Esq;.  
Tho. Grimshaw, Esq;.  
Ralph Rishton, and Wil Floyer. Gentl.  
Richard Chorley of Chorley.  
james Anderton of Cleyton, Esq;.  
Will▪ Anderton of Anderton, Esq; With many others.  
Mr. Edmund Church of Essex, was one of the first whose personal Estate was plundered, and his real sequestered, which so continued (without any allowance to his wife and children) from 1642. till 1649. when he died prisoner.  
Mr. john Barlow of Pembrookshire, his whole Estate (being at least 1500. l. per an.) was given to Col Horton, and Cap. Nicolas, without any allowance of any fifths, or other sustenance for his wife and many children.    

Here follow the new added names of those, that were slain in his majesty's service.  

Sr. Timothy Tetherston killed at Chester.  
Cap. Thomas Paston slain at York.  
Cap. Henry Butler slain at Brinle.  
Mr. Richard Seborne slain at Ragland.  
Mr. William Alsley slain at Wiggan.    
FINIS.  
Printed with permission an. 1668.