CABALA: SIVE SCRINIA SACRA. MYSTERIES OF State & Government: IN LETTERS Of illustrious Persons, and great Agents; in the Reigns of Henry the Eighth, Queen Elizabeth, K: James, and the late King Charles. IN TWO PARTS. In which the Secrets of Empire, and Public manage of Affairs are contained. With many remarkable Passages no where else Published. LONDON, Printed for G. Bedel, and T. Collins, and are to be sold at their Shop at the Middle-Temple-gate in Fleetstreet, 1654. two figures with a shield between them above an emblem MUNIPICENTIA REGIA 1715 GEORGIV 5 D.G. MAG. BR. PR. ET HI●. REX P.D. J.P. Sc. Cabala, Mysteries of State, IN LETTERS of the great MINISTERS of K. James and K. Charles. WHEREIN Much of the public Manage of Affaires is related. Faithfully Collected by a Noble Hand. LONDON, Printed for M. M. G. Bedell, and T. Collins, and are to be sold at their Shop at the Middle-Temple Gate in Fleetstreet, 1654. The Preface to the Reader. HEre is published a Piece, not to be matched in Antiquity; a Collection, not so much of Letters, as of the mysteries of Government, the wisdom, and manage of Public businesses in the late Reigns, where the great Ministers of State are presented naked, their Consultations, Designs, Policies, the things done by them, are exposed to every man's eye, as they were brought forth by themselves. The most famous of all Modern Historians glories in the helps and advantages he had above all men else to write; He came (so he tells us) prepared and furnished from the Cabinets of Princes, Strada. he had seriously perused, and sifted their Letters and Orders; the Letters of the Illustrious Persons employed by them, the private Commands, Dispatches, and Instructions of Embassies; Debates, and Resolutions of Counsels, without which all History must be lame and imperfect. This was the way to make the causes of actions as visible as their effects, and without which all Diligence and Faithfulness else will do little. Much of the History of the last years of King James, and beginnings of King Charles may be here read. Here the height of the mighty Favourite the Duke of Buckingham may be taken; The Arts and Subtleties of Spain, of the Conde Gondomar, and the English-Spanish Party are discovered; the Journey into Spain, breach of the Spanish, overtures for the French Match, for the renewing Leagues with the enemies of the Spanish Pride and Universality; the carriage of the Imperialists, French, Netherlanders, and other Concurrents of those Reigns, are exactly Related: with the Practices of our home Roman Catholics, and growth of those who were here called Puritan then; the Secrets of the Court and State; without any false gloss to writhe, or straighten, to deprave or extenuate, with more truth and sincerity, than all the Annals can show; where Passion and Interest sway oftentimes too much, and the cleanest hand makes blots and stains, carried away with Love or Hatred, to the side or man. Here are no snares set to catch or inveigle any man's judgement, all things are left clearly to their own worth and Reputation. A TABLE OF THE LETTERS Contained In this Collection. EArl of Somerset to King James, Page 1. Lord Chancellor Bacon to the King, 31. July, 1617. p. 8 Lord Chancellor Bacon to the King, 2. Januar. 1618. 5 Lord Chancellor Bacon to the Lords, 5 Lord Chancellor Bacon to the marquis of Buckingham, 25 March, 1620. p. 10 Lord Chancellor Bacon to the King, the 25. of March, 1620. p. 10 Lord Chancellor Bacon to the Duke, 122 Magdibeg to the King, 11 A Letter by King James to the Lord Keeper, Bishops of London, Winton, Rochester, St. david's, and Exeter, Sir Henry Hubbard, and others, 30. Octob. 1621. 12 The Archbishop of York to King James. 13 A Letter from Spain concerning the Prince's arrival there, 30. Septemb. 1623. Madrid. 17 The Earl of Bristol to the Prince touching the Proxies, Madrid. 24 The Earl of Bristol to Secretary Cottington, April the 15th. 1623. 28. The Earl of Bristol to the Bishop of Lincoln, August the 20. 1623. p. 20. The Earl of Bristol to the Bishop of Lincoln, 24. Septemb. 1623. Madrid. 22 The Earl of Bristol to the Prince, September 24. 1623. Madrid page 26. The Earl of Bristol to the Duke, the 6. of December, 1623. Madrid, 28 The Earl of Bristol to King James, the 27. of July, 1624. London. 30 King Charles to the Earl of Bristol, Jan. 21. 1625. 17 The Earl of Bristol to the Lord Conway the 4. of March, 1625. Sherborn. 19 The Lord Conway to the Earl of Bristol, March 21. 1625. 19 Sir Walter Aston to the Duke. 30 Sir Walter Aston to the Duke, 15. Novemb. 1623. 34 The Duke of Buckingham to Sir Walter Aston. 34 The Duke of Buckingham to Sir Walter Aston. 36 Sir Walter Aston to the Duke of Buckingham, December 22. 1623. 37 A Memorial pressing for the Palatinate, etc. given to the King of Spain by Sir Walter Aston, 19 Jan. 1623. 38 Sir Walter Aston to the Duke, 22. Jan. 1623. 40 Sir Walter Aston to Secretary Conway, the 22. of January, 1623. 40 Sir Walter Aston to the Lord Conway. 44 Sir Walter Aston to the Lord Conway, 5. June, 1624. 46 Sir Walter Aston to the Lord Conway, 17. July, 1624. 58 Sir Walter Aston to the Duke, 20. of Octob. 1624. 52 Sir Walter Aston to the Duke, the 10. of December, 1624. 165 Sir Walter Aston to the Duke, 10. of Decemb. 1625. 53 Dr. Williams to the Duke, 54 Williams Lord Keeper to the Duke, 27. July, 1621. 55 The Earl of Southhamptons Letter to the Bishop of Lincoln, 57 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 22. July, 1621. 61 The Lord Keeper his answer to the Earl of southampton, 2. August, 1621. 58 The Lord Keeper to the Duke concerning the same Earl of southampton, 2. Aug. 1621. 59 The Lord Keeper to the Duke concerning the Lord of St. Alban, Octob. 27. 1621. 60 The Lord Keeper to the Duke concerning the Earl Marshal's place, 1. September, 1621. 62 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 16. Decemb. 1621. 65 The Lord Keeper to the Duke about Mr. Thomas Murrayes Dispensation, etc. 23. Febr. 1621. 66 The Lord Keeper to the Duke about the Liberties of Westminster, the 6. May, 1621. 68 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, Aug. 23. 1622. 69 The Lord Keeper to the Duke about the Lord Treasurer, September 9 1622. 70 The Lord Keeper to the Duke of Buckingham, the 14. of October, 1621. 82 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 8. Aug. 1623. 83 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, the 21. of September, 1622. 93 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 12. Octob. 1622. 75 The Lord Keeper to the Duke. 78 The Lord Keeper to the Duke. 84 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 6. Jan. 1623. 86 Mr. John Packer to the Lord Keeper, the 21 of January, 1623. 86 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 2. Febr. 1623. 88 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 24. May, 1624. 93 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 22. Aug. 1624. 95 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 11. Octob. 1624. 95 The Lord Keeper to the Duke concerning the Countess of southampton, 17. Novemb. 1624. 96 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 24. Decemb. 1624. 99 The Lord Keeper to the Duke concerning Dr. Scot, the 4. of Jan. 1624. 100 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 2. March, 1624. 101 The Lord Keeper to the Duke about Sir Robert Howard, 11. March, 1624. 103 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 13. March, 1624. 104 The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 22. March, 1624. 106 The Bishop of Lincoln to the Duke, the 7. of January, 1625. 107 The Bishop of Lincoln to his Majesty, 108 The Lord Keeper to the Viscount Annan, the 17. of September, 1622. 109 The Bishop of St. David's to the Duke, the 18. of November, 1624. 113 The Bishop of St. David's to the Duke. 114 The Bishop of Chichester to the Duke. 114 The Bishops of Rochester, Oxford, and St. David's to the Duke, concerning Mr. Montague. 2. Aug. 1625. 116 Dr. Field Bishop of Landaffe to the Duke, 118 Bishop of Landaffe to the Duke. 119 Dr. Corbet to the Duke. 121 Earls of Worcester, Arundel and Surrey, and Montgomery to the King, 121 The Earl of Suffolk to his Majesty, 122 The Earl of Suffolk to the Duke. 123 The Earl of Suffolk to his Majesty. 124 The Lady Elizabeth Howard to the King, 126 The Lady Elizabeth Norris to the Duke. ibid. Sir Edward Cecyl to the Duke. 128 Sir Edward Cecyl to the Duke. 129 Sir Edward Cecyl to the Lord Conway Secretary, 2. of June, 1625. 130 Sir Edward Cecyl to the Duke, 3. June, 1625. 132 Sir Edward Cecyl to the Duke, 19 July, 1625. 134 The Lord Wimbledon to the Duke, 28. April, 1626. 135 The Lord Wimbledon to the Duke. 137 Sir John Ogle to the Duke, 3. June, 1625. 138 Sir Robert Mansel to the Duke, 9 June, 1621. 140 Sir Robert Mansel to the Duke, 10. July, 1621. 143 Sir John Pennington to the Duke, 27. July, 1625. 144 Captain Pennington to the Duke, 150 Mr. Trumbal to the Secretary, 31. March, 1619. 151 Mr. Trumbal to the Secretary, 23. Octob. 1619. 156 Sir Thomas Roe to the marquis of Buckingham Lord Admiral, 17. Decemb. 1621. 158 L. R. H. to the Duke of Buckingham: 159 Sir George Carie to the marquis of Buckingham, the 8. of Decem. 1619. 162 To King James, ab ignoto. 163 Archbishop Abbot to Secretary Nanton, 12. of September, 1619. 169 The Lord Brook to the Duke, 11. Novemb. 1623. 170 Dr. Belcanquel to Secretary Nanton, 26. March. 173 Sir William Beecher to his Majesty, 4. Febr. 176 To King James ab ignoto. 178 Sir Isaac Wake to the Secretary, the 27. of September, 1619. 180 Sir Isaac Wake to the Secretary, the 5th. of October, 1619. 184 Sir Isaac Wake to the Duke, 13. Febr. 1621. 188 Sir Isaac Wake's Proposition for the King of Denmark. 190 Sir Henry Wotton to the Duke, 25. Jan. 1619. 192 Sir Henry Wotton to the Duke, 29. July, 1622. 193 Sir Henry Wotton to the Duke, the 2d. of December, 1622. 194 Sir Henry Wotton to the Duke. 196 Sir Henry Wotton to the Duke. 197 Sir Richard Weston to the Duke, 26. June, 1622. 200 Sir Richard Weston to the Duke. Brussels 3. of September, 1622. 201 Sir Richard Weston to the Duke. 17. July, 1623. 202 Sir Richard Weston to the Duke, 20 May, 1624. 203 Sir Richard Weston to the Duke. Chelsey, the 23 of July, 1624. 204 Sir Richard Weston to the Duke. Chelsey, 12. of August. 1624. 206 Sir Francis Cottington to the Duke. Madrid, 1. October, 1616. 206 Viscount Rochfort to the Duke of Buckingham, 209 King James to Pope Gregory the 15. the 10. of September, 1622. 211 Pope Gregory the 15. to the Prince of Wales. Rome, 20. of April, 1623. 212 The Prince of Wales his Reply to the Pope's Letter. 214 The Pope to the Duke of Buckingham. Rome, the 19 of May, 1623. 216 To King James ab ignoto. 217 To King James ab ignoto. 222 Mr. Ch. Th. to the Duke. 228 To Count Gondomar. 233 Conde de Gondomar to the Duke. 13. Febr. 1625. 237 Padre Maestre at Rome to the Spanish Ambassador in England. 12. June, 1621. 238 Don Carlos to the Lord Conway. 3. Septem. 239 marquis Ynoiosa to the Lord Conway, 5. of September, 1623. 242 Collections of Passages and Discourses betwixt the Spanish Ambassadors and Sir Arthur Chichester, 18 Jan. 1623. 244 Sir Arthur Chichester to the Duke, 25. Jan. 1623. 243 Passages betwixt the Lord Nithisdale and the Spanish Ambassadors, 22. May, 1624. 247 The Lord Nithisdale to the Duke. 22 June, 1624. 249 Sir Toby Matthew to the King of Spain. 251 Sir Toby Matthew to the Duchess of Buckingham. From Bulloign, 9 June, 1625. 253 Dr. Sharp to King James. 255 Dr. Sharp to the Duke of Buckingham. 257 The Lord Cromwell to the Duke, 8. Sept. 1625. 262 Sir Robert Philip's to the Duke of Buckingham, 21. of Aug. 1624. 264 The Earl of Middlesex to the Duke. 266 The Earl of Middlesex to his Majesty, the 26. April, 1624. 267 The Earl of Carlisle to his Majesty, 14. Febr. 1623. 269 The Lord Kensington to the Duke. 273 The Lord Kensington to the Prince, the 26. of February, 1624. 276 The Lord Kensington to the Duke. 274 The Lord Kensington to the Prince, 26 Febr. 1624. 276 The Lord Kensington to the Duke. 278 The Lord Kensington to the Prince. 280 The Lord Kensington to the Duke, 4. March, 1924. 282 The Lord Kensington to the Secretary Lord Conway, 284 The Lord Kensington to the Duke. 288 The Lord Kensington to the Duke. 291 The Lord Kensington Earl of Holland to the Duke. 292 The Earl of Holland to his Majesty. Paris, 13 March, 1625. 294 The Earl of Holland to the Duke. 296 Mr. Lorkin to the Duke, 30. August, 1625. 299 Mr. Lorkin to the Duke, 17 Sept. 1625. 301 The Lord Herbert to his Majesty. From Merton Castle, 13 Octob. 1623. 304 Mr. Edward Clerk to the Duke. Madrid, 6. Sept. 1623. 306 Mr. Edward Clerk to the Duke. Madrid, the 1. of October. 1623. 307 Sir Anthony Ashley to the Duke, 12 May. 1621. 307 Sir Walter Raleigh to the Duke, 12. Aug. 308 Sir Henry Yeluerton to the Duke, the 15. of March, 1623. 310 Sir John Eliot to the Duke, 8. Novemb. 1623. 311 The Earl of Oxford to the Duke. 311 The Lady Purbeck to the Duke. 313 Dr. Donne to the marquis of Buckingham, 13. September, 1621. 314 Dr. Donne to the Duke. 315 Sir John Hipsley to the Duke. London, the 1. of September, 1623. 316 Sir Dudley Carleton to the marquis of Buckingham. Hague, 24. Febr. 1616. 317 Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke of Buckingham. Hague, 10. June, 1620. 322 Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. Hague, 31. of January, 1622. 325 Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. Hague 23. of August, 1622. 327 Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. Hague, 9 of December, 1623. 334 Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. Hague, 13. Decemb. 1623. 334 Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. Hague, 18 of December, 1623. 337 Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. Hague, 24. of January, 1625. 340 Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. Hague, 16 of February, 1625. 342 Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. Hague, 16. of April, 1624. 343 Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. Hague, the 20. of June, 1625. 345 Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. Hague 20. of August, 1625. 346 Read the Letters according to the Order of this Table. E. of Somerset to K. JAMES. BY this Gentleman your Majesty's Lieutenant, I understand of some halt you made, and the Cause of it, at such time as he offered to your Majesty my Letters. But soon after, your Majesty could resolve yourself and behold me nothing so diffident of you, but in humble language petitioning your favour; for I am in hope, that my condition is not capable of so much more misery, as that I need to make myself a passage to you by such way of intercession. This which follows after, I offer your Majesty, though not as to yourself, for upon less motive you can find favour for me: Now I need only move, not plead, before your Majesty, as my Case doth stand, for what I seek to have done, follows upon what you have already done, as a Consequence and succeeding growth of your own act. But to the effect, that your Majesty may see that there is enough to answer those (if any such there be) as do go about to pervert the exercise of your Power, and to turn it from its own clear excellency, for to minister unto their passions: I have presumed to this end to awake your Majesties own Conceit upon this subject, which can gather to itself better, and more able defences in my behalf upon this view; for though the acts of your mercy which are not communicable, nor the Causes of them with others, as derived from those secret motives, which are only sensible and privy to your own heart, and admit of no search or discovery to any general satisfaction, and that under this protection I might guard my particular sufficiently; yet my Case needs not hid itself, but attend the dispute with any, that would put upon it a monstrous and heavy shape. For though that I must acknowledge, that both life and estate are forfeit to you by Law, yet so forfeited, as the same Law gives you the same power to preserve, as it doth to punish, whereby your Majesties higher prerogative doth not wrestle with it, nor do you infringe those grounds by which you have ever governed; so as the resistance is not great that your Majesty hath, for to give life, and which is less, in the gift of estate, for that the Law casts wholly upon yourself, and yields it as fit matter for the exercise of your goodness. Once it was your Majesty's gift to me, so it may be better not taken then a second time given; for it is common to all men for to avoid to take that which hath been once their own. And I may say farther, that Law hath not been so severe upon the ruin of innocent posterity, nor yet Canceled, nor cut off the merits of Ancestors, before the politic hand of State had contrived it into those several forms, as fitted to their ends and government. To this I may add, that that whereupon I was judged, even the Crime itself might have been none, if your Majesty's hand had not once touched upon it, by which all access unto your favour was quite taken from me. Yet as it did at length appear, I fell, rather for want of well defending, then by the violence or force of any proofs: for I so far forsaken myself, and my Cause, as that it may be a question whether I was more Condemned for that, or for the matter itself which was the subject of that day's Controversy. Then thus far nothing hath appeared, wherein your Majesty hath extended for me your power beyond the reasonable bound, neither doth any thing stand so in the way of your future proceed, but rather make easy the access of your Majesty's favour to my relief. What may then be the cause, that Malice can pitch upon, wherefore your Majesty should not proceed for to accomplish your own work? Aspersions are taken away by your Majesty's letting me become subject to the utmost power of Law, with the lives of so many of the offenders, which yieldeth the world subject of sorrow rather than appetite to more blood, but truth and innocency protect themselves in poor men, much more in Kings. Neither ever was there such aspersion (God knows) in any possibility towards your Majesty, but amongst those who would create those pretences to misled your Majesty, and thereby make me miserable. If not this (whereof the virtue, and use, was in the former time and now determined) there is not any but your pleasure. It is true, I am forfeited to your Majesty, but not against you by any treasonable or unfaithful act. Besides, there is to be yielded a distinction of men as in faults; in which I am of both under the nearest degrees of exception; yet your Majesty hath pardoned life and estate to Traitors, and to strangers, sometimes the one, sometimes the other; Nay to some concerned in this business wherein I suffer, you have pardoned more unto, than I desire; who as (it is reported) if they had come to the test, had proved Copper, and should have drunk of the bitter Cup as well as others. But I do not by this envy your favours to any person, nor seek I to draw them in the yoke with myself, but applaud your Majesty's goodness, m. Sir W. Elvish. being in that respect in a nearer possibility to come at me. Besides this, to Elvish your Majesty hath given estate, which is a greater gift than life, because it extends to posterity, who was the worst deserver in this business; an unoffended instrument might have prevented all after-mischief, who for his own ends suffered it, and by the like arts afterwards bewrayed it. To this I may add Tresham in the Powder Treason, Sir Lewis Tresham. upon whose successors I do not cast any of his infamy, yet he preserved himself to posterity, so as what he, or others such as he, have defrauded by the arts of Law, and whom their own unfaithfulness made safe, I have much ado to hold by ingenuity, and Confidence. How may it be that because I disinherited not your Majesty, or because it returned in your power from whom I had it, it is in danger to be broken or dismembered. Let me hope that there is nothing which by favour may be excused, or by industry might have been avoided, that will fail me, where your Majesty is to determine. It is not I who thus put your Majesty in mind importunely: It is he that was your Creature, it is Somerset, with all your honours, and envious greatness, that is now in question. Kings themselves are protected from the breach of Law by being Favourites and Gods anointed, which gives your Majesty the like privilege over yours; Dr. Dunne. As I took from Dr. Dunne in his Sermon, that the goodness of God is not so much acknowledged by us in being our Creator, as in being our Redeemer; nor in that he hath chosen us, as that nothing can take us out of his hands, which in your Majesty's remembrance let me challenge, and hope for: For the first accesses of favour, they may be ascribed to ones own pleasing themselves, but that appears to be for our sakes and for our good, when the same forsakes not our civil deserts. This redemption I crave, not as to my own person, but with your benefits once given; nor do I assume them very deep, for I have voluntarily departed from the hopes of pension, place, office; I only cleave to that which is so little, as that it will suffer no pairing, or diminution. And as in my former Letters, so by this I humbly crave of your Majesty not to let the practices of Court work upon your Son the Prince, not fearing your sufferance of my loss in that particular so much, (for I cannot lose it, but willingly all with it) as for to take off the Stage, that which in the attempt may prove inconvenient. And consider I pray your Majesty, that my hope in desiring to pass these bad times, was to be restored to my fortunes; others are made unhappy by me, if otherwise, and then I lose my end. I speak of impairing, of changing, or supplying, as of any other way, all such alterations, and ruin, are alike, without I be worthy of your gift, and that I can be worthy of all, that Law can permit you to give, or cast upon your Majesty by a more nearer title, as it doth by this; I shall account them equal evils, that leave nothing, or a patched and proportioned one, changed or translated from one thing to another. But if your Majesty have any respects to move you to suspend your good towards me; let that which is mine rest in your own hands, till that you find all opposite humours conformed to your purpose. I have done wrong to myself, thus to entertain such a doubt of your Majesty; but the unrelenting of adversaries, which when you will have them, will sooner alter; and that all this while I have received nothing of present notice for direction, or to comfort me, from your Majesty, hath made me to expostulate with myself thus hardly. For God is my judge Sir, I can never be worthy to be; if I have these marks put upon me of a Traitor, as that tumbling and disordering of that estate would declare the divorce from your presence, lays too much upon me, and this would upon both. I will say no farther, neither in that which your Majesty doubted my aptness to fall into, for my Cause, nor my Confidence is not in that distress as for to use that mean of intercession, nor of any thing besides, but to remember your Majesty, that I am the Workmanship of your hands, and bear your stamp deeply imprinted in all the characters of favour; that I was the first plant engrafted by your Majesty's hand in this place, therefore not to be unrooted by the same hand, lest it should taint all the same kind, with the touch of that fatalnesse; And that I was even the Son of a Father, whose services are registered in the first honours and impressions I took of your Majesty's favour, and laid there as a foundation stone of that building; These and your Majesty's goodness for to receive them, is that I rely upon. So praying for your Majesty's prosperity, I am in all humbleness Your Majesty's loyal servant, and Creature, R. Sommersett. The Lo. Chancellor Bacon to the Lords. If it may please your Lordships, I shall humbly crave at your Lordship's hands a benign interpretation of that which I shall now write; for words that come from wasted spirits, and an oppressed mind, are more safe in being deposited in a noble Construction, then in being Circled with any reserved Caution. Having made this as a protection to all, which I shall say, I will go on, but with a very strange entrance (as may seem to your Lordships at the first) for in the midst of a state of as great affliction, as I think a mortal man can endure, (honour being above life) I shall begin with the professing gladness in some things. The first is, that hereafter the greatness of a Judge or Magistrates, shall be no Sanctuary, or protection to him against guiltiness, which in few words is the beginning of a golden world. The next, that after this example, it is like that Judges will fly from any thing in the likeness of Corruption (though it were at a great distance) as from a Serpent, which tendeth to the purging of the Courts of Justice, and reducing them to their true honour and splendour. And in these two points God is my witness (though it be my fortune to be the anvil upon which these good effects are beaten and wrought) I take no small comfort. But to pass from the motions of my heart, whereof God is only Judge, to the merits of my Cause, whereof your Lordships are only Judges, under God, and his Lieutenant; I do understand, there hath been expected from me heretofore some justification, and therefore I have chosen one only justification instead of all others, out of the justification of Job, for after the clear submission and Confession, which I shall now make unto your Lordships, I hope I may say, and justify with Job in these words, I have not hid my sin as did Adam, nor concealed my faults in my bosom. This is the only justification I will use. It resteth therefore that without fig-leaves, I do ingenuously confess and acknowledge, that having understood the particulars of the charge, not formally from the house, but enough to inform my Conscience and memory, I find matter both sufficient and full, to move me to desert the defence, and to move your Lordships to condemn and censure me. Neither will I trouble your Lordships by singling out particulars, which I think may fall off. Quid te exempta juvat spinis de millibus una? Neither will I prompt your Lordships to observe upon the proofs, where they come not home, or the scruples touching the Credit of the Witnesses: Neither will I present unto your Lordships, how far a defence might in divers things extenuate the offence, in respect of the time, or manner of the gift, or the like circumstances, but only leave these things to spring out of your own noble thoughts, and observations of the evidence, and examinations themselves, and charitably to wind about the particulars of the charge here and there, as God shall put in your minds, and so submit myself wholly to your piety and grace. And now that I have spoken to your Lordships, as Judges, I shall say a few words unto you, as Peers, and Prelates, humbly commending my Cause to your noble Minds, and magnanimous affections. Your Lordships are not only Judges, but Parliamentary Judges, you have a farther extent of arbitrary power, than other Courts: and if you be not tied to the ordinary course of Courts, or precedents, in point of strictness and severity, much more in points of mercy and mitigation. And yet if any thing I should move might be contrary to your honourable and worthy ends to introduce a reformation, I should not seek it. But herein I beseech your Lordships to give me leave to tell you a story. Titus Manlius took his son's life for giving battle against the prohibition of his General. Not many years after the like severity was pursued by Papirius Cursor the Dictator against Quintus Maximus, who being upon the point to be sentenced, was by the intercession of some principal persons of the Senate spared; whereupon Livy maketh this grave and gracious observation, Neque minus firmata est disciplina militaris periculo Quinti Maximi, quam mirabili supplicio Titi Manlii, The discipline of War was no less established by the questioning only of Quintus Maximus, then by the punishment of Titus Manlius. And the same reason is of the reformation of Justice; for the questioning of men of eminent place hath the same terror, though not the same rigour with the punishment. But my Case stayeth not there, for my humble desire is, that his Majesty would take the Seal into his hands, which is a great downfall, and may serve I hope in itself for an expiation of my faults. Therefore if mercy and mitigation be in your Lordship's power, and do no ways cross your ends, why should I not hope of your favours and Commiserations? Your Lordships may be pleased to behold your chief Pattern the King our Sovereign, a King of incomparable Clemency, and whose heart is instructable for wisdom and goodness. You well remember, that there sat not these hundred years before in your House a Prince (and never such a Prince) whose presence deserveth to be made memorable by records, and acts, mixed of mercy and justice. Yourselves are either Nobles (and Compassion ever beateth in the veins of noble blood,) or Reverend Prelates, who are the servants of him, that would not break the bruised reed, nor quench smoking flax. You all sit upon a high Stage, and therefore cannot but be more sensible of the changes of humane Condition, and of the fall of any from high places. Neither will your Lordships forget that there are vitia temporis, as well as vitia hominis, and that the beginning of reformation, hath a contrary power to the pool of Bethesda; for that had strength only to cure him, that was first cast in, and this hath strength to hurt him only, that is first Cast in; and for my part, I wish it may stay there, and go no further. Lastly, I assure myself, your Lordships have a noble feeling of me, as a member of your own body; and one, that in this very Session, had some taste of your loving affection, which I hope was not a lightning before the death of them, but rather a spark of that grace which now in the Conclusion will more appear. And therefore my humble suit to your Lordships is, that my voluntary Confession be my sentence, and the loss of the Seal my punishment, and that your Lordships will spare any farther sentence, but recommend me to his Majesty's grace and pardon for all that is past. And so, etc. Your Lordships, etc. Francis St. Alban Can. Five Letters more of my Lord Bacons. Bacon to the King, July 31. 1617. Lord Keeper Bacon to his Majesty. I Dare not presume any more to reply upon your Majesty, but reserve my Defence till I attend your Majesty at your happy return, when I hope verily to approve myself not only a true servant to your Majesty, but a true friend to my Lord of Buckingham, and for the times also I hope to give your Majesty a good account, though distance of place may obscure them. But there is one part of your Majesty's Letter, that I could be sorry to take time to answer; which is that your Majesty conceives, that whereas I wrote, That the height of my Lord's Fortune might make him secure; I mean that he was turned proud, or unknowing of himself. Surely the opinion I have ever had of my Lord (whereof your Majesty is best witness) is far from that: But my meaning was plain and simple; that his Lordship might through his great fortune, be the less apt to Cast, and foresee, the unfaithfulness of friends, and the malignity of enemies, and accidents of times. Which is a judgement (your Majesty knoweth better than I) that the best Authors make of the best, and best tempered spirits, Vt sunt res humanae; Insomuch as Guicciardine maketh the same judgement (not of a particular person) but of the wisest state of Europe, the Senate of Venice, when he sayeth their prosperity had made them secure, and under-weighers of perils. Therefore I beseech your Majesty, to deliver me, in this, from any the least imputation to my dear and Noble Lord and friend. And so expecting, that that Sun, which when it went from us, left us cold weather, and now it is returned towards us, hath brought with it a blessed harvest, will when it cometh to us dispel and disperse all mists, and mistake. I am, etc. Lord Chancellor to his Majesty, 2. Jan. 1618. It may please your most excellent Majesty, I Do many times with gladness, and for a remedy of my other labours, revolve in my mind the great happiness which God (of his singular goodness) hath accumulated upon your Majesty every way, and how Complete the same would be, if the state of your means were once rectified, and well ordered, your people military, and obedient, fit for war, used to peace, your Church enlightened with good Preachers, as an heaven of Stars, your Judges learned, and learning from you, just, and just by your example, your Nobility in a right distance between Crown and People, no oppressors of the people, no overshadowers of the Crown, your Council full of tributes of Care, faith, and freedom, your Gentlemen, and Justices of Peace, willing to apply your Royal Mandates to the nature of their several Counties, but ready to obey, your servants in awe of your wisdom, in hope of your goodness; The fields growing every day by the improvement and recovery of grounds, from the desert, to the garden; The City grown from wood to brick, your Sea-walls or Pomerium of your Island surveyed, and in edifying; your Merchants embracing the whole compass of the World, East, West, North, and South; The times give you Peace, and yet offer you opportunities of action abroad: And lastly, your excellent Royal Issue entayleth these blessings and favours of God, to descend to all posterity. It resteth therefore, that God having done so great things for your Majesty, and you for others; You would do so much for yourself as to go through (according to your good beginnings) with the rectifying and settling of your estate and means, which only is wanting. Hoc rebus defuit unum. I therefore whom only love, and duty to your Majesty, and your royal line, hath made a Financier, do intent to present unto your Majesty a perfect book of your estate, like a perspective glass to draw your estate near to your sight; beseeching your Majesty to conceive, that if I have not attained to do that, that I would do in this which is not proper for me, nor in my element, I shall make your Majesty amends in some other thing in which I am better bred. God ever preserve, etc. The Lord Chancellor to the marquis of Buckingham, 25. March, 1620. My very good Lord, YEsterday I know was no day; Now I hope I shall hear from your Lordship, who are my anchor in these floods. Mean while to ease my heart, I have written to his Majesty the enclosed, which I pray your Lordship to read advisedly, and to deliver it, or not to deliver it, as you think Good. God ever prosper your Lordship. Yours ever what I am Fr. St. Alban. Canc. The Lord Chancellor to the King. March 25. 1620. It may please your most excellent Majesty, TIme hath been, when I have brought unto you Gemitum Columbae from others, now I bring it from myself. I fly unto your Majesty with the wings of a Dove, which once within these seven days, I thought would have carrried me a higher flight. When I enter into myself, I find not the materials of such a tempest as is come upon me. I have been, as your Majesty knoweth best (never author of any immoderate Counsel; but always desired to have things carried suavibus modis. I have been no avaricious oppressor of the people. I have been no haughty, or intolerable, or hateful man in my conversation, or carriage. I have inherited no hatred from my father, but am a good Patriot born. Whence should this be? for these are the things that use to raise dislikes abroad. For the house of Commons, I began my Credit there, and now it must be the place of the Sepulture thereof. And yet this Parliament upon the Message touching Religion, the old love revived, and they said I was the same man still, only honesty was turned into honour. For the Upper House, even within these days, before these troubles, they seemed as to take me into their arms, finding in me ingenuity, which they took to be the true straight line of nobleness without Crooks or angles. And for the briberies and gifts wherewith I am charged; when the books of hearts shall be opened, I hope I shall not be found to have the troubled fountain of a corrupt heart, in a depraved habit of taking rewards to pervert Justice, howsoever I may be frail, and partake of the abuses of the Times. And therefore I am resolved, when I come to my answer, not to trick my innocency (as I writ to the Lords) by Cavillations, or voidances, but to speak to them the language, that my heart speaketh to me, in excusing, extenuating, or ingenuous confessing; praying God to give me the grace to see to the bottom of my faults, and that no hardness of heart do steal upon me, under show of more neatness of Conscience, then is Cause. But not to trouble your Majesty any longer, craving pardon for this long mourning Letter; that which I thirst after, as the Hart after the streams, is, that I may know by my matchless friend that presenteth to you this letter, your Majesty's heart (which is an abyssus of goodness, as I am an abyssus of mercy) towards me. I have been ever your man, and counted myself but as an usufructuary of myself, the property being yours. And now making myself an oblation to do with me as may best conduce to the honour of your Justice, the honour of your Mercy, and the use of your Service, resting as Clay in your Majesty's gracious hands, Fr. St. Alban. Canc. Magdibeg to his Majesty. May it please your most excellent Majesty, I Make bold after a long silence, to prostrate myself before your Majesty, and being the Ambassador of a great King, that counteth it an honour to style himself your friend, I do beseech you to afford me that justice, which I am sure you will not refuse to the meanest of your Subjects. At my first arrival into this your happy Kingdom, I was informed by the general relation of all that had recourse unto me, that one here (who had the title of Ambassador from my Master) did vainly brag that he had married the King of Persia's Niece, which kindled in me such a vehement desire to vindicate my Master's honour, from so unworthy and false a report, that at my first interview with him, my hand being guided by my duty, I endeavoured to fasten upon him a Condign disgrace to such an imposture. But the caution that I ought to have of my own justification, when I return home, biddeth me the more strictly to examine the truth of that which was told me (whereon my action with Sir Robert Shirley was grounded) and to have it averred in the particulars, as well as by a general voice. Therefore I humbly beseech your Majesty, that out of your Princely goodness you will be pleased to give such order, that this point may be fully cleared. Wherein for the manner of proceeding, I wholly and humbly remit myself to your Majesty: And this being done, I shall return home with some measure of joy to balance the grief which I have, for having done aught, that may have clouded your Majesty's favour to me. And so committing your Majesty to the protection of the greatest God, whose shadows, and elect instruments, Kings are on earth, I humbly take my leave, and rest, etc. The Copy of a Letter written by his Majesty to the Lord Keeper, the Bishops of London, Wynton, Rochester, St. david's, and Excester, Sir Henry Hubbert, Mr. Justice Dodderidge, Sir Henry Martin, and Dr. Steward, or any six of them, whereof the Lord Keeper, the Bishops of London, Wynton, and St. David's to be four. IT is not unknown unto you, what happened the last Summer to our trusty and well-beloved Counsellor, the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, who shooting at a Deer with a crossbow in Bramzil Park, did with that shoot, casually give the Keeper a wound, whereof he died. Which accident (though it might have happened to any other man) yet because his eminent rank and function in the Church hath (as we are informed) ministered occasion of some doubt, as making the Cause different in his person, in respect of the scandal (as is supposed,) we being desirous (as it is fit we should) to be satisfied therein, and reposing especial trust in your learn, and judgements, have made choice of you to inform Us concerning the nature of this Cause, and do therefore require you to take presently into your Considerations the Scandal that may arise thereupon, and to certify Us what in your Judgements the same may amount unto, either to an irregularity, or otherwise. And lastly, what means may be found for the redress thereof (if need be) of all which points, we shall expect to have your Reports, with what diligence and expedition you may. Dated at Theobalds', Octob. 3d. 1621. The Archbishop of York to King James. May it please your Majesty, I Have been too long silent, and am afraid that by silence, I have neglected the duty of the place it hath pleased God to call me unto, and your Majesty to place me in. But now I humbly beseech, that I may discharge my Conscience towards God, and my duty towards your Majesty. And therefore I beseech you Sir, to give me leave freely to deliver myself, and then let it please your Majesty to do with me as you please. Your Majesty hath propounded a Toleration of Religion, I beseech you to take into your Consideration, what your Act is, and what the Consequence may be. By your act, you labour to set up that most damnable and heretical doctrine of the Church of Rome, the Whore of Babylon. How hateful will it be to God, and grievous to your Subjects (the true professors of the Gospel) that your Majesty who hath often defended, and learnedly written against those wicked heresies, should now show yourself a Patron of those doctrines which your Pen hath told the world, and your Conscience tells yourself are superstitious, idolatrous, and detestable: Also what you have done in sending the Prince without Consent of your Council, and the privity and approbation of your People: For although Sir, you have a large interest in the Prince, as the Son of your flesh, yet have your People a greater as the Son of the Kingdom, upon whom (next after your Majesty) are their eyes fixed, and their Welfare defends. And so slenderly is his going apprehended, that believe Sir, how ever his return may be safe, yet the drawers of him unto that action, so dangerous to himself, so desperate to the Kingdom, will not pass away unquestioned, and unpunished. Besides, this Toleration you endeavour to set up by your Proclamation, it cannot be done without a Parliament, unless your Majesty will let your Subjects see, that you now take unto yourself a liberty to throw down the Laws of the Land at your pleasure. What dreadful Consequence these things may draw after, I beseech your Majesty to Consider. And above all, lest by this Toleration, and discountenance of the true profession of the Gospel (wherewith God hath blessed us) and under which this Kingdom hath flourished these many years) your Majesty doth draw upon the Kingdom in general, and yourself in particular, God's heavy wrath and indignation. Thus in discharge of my duty to your Majesty, and the place of my Calling, I have taken the humble boldness to deliver my Conscience. And now Sir, Do with me what you please. Next of all, in order, follow the Letters that passed between the King and his Agents, about the Spanish Transactions. The first Letter written, per anonymum, brings news of the Prince's arrival. The Copy of a Letter sent from Spain, concerning the Prince's arrival there, etc. I Presume his Highness being now returned, you may by Conference have such choice, and free relations of his proceed in Spain, that I may well hold my Pen, (it being not privileged with that freedom that the tongue is) yet to comply with that constant obligation I purpose still to owe you, I will write something, and point at some passages, where others perhaps may not so punctually inform you. The Prince's coming hither seemed not so strange, as acceptable, and pleasing unto all. The Common sort expressed it by extraordinary shouts, and acclamations of joy, offering, and marrying the Infanta (as it were) presently, by public voice, as having won and truly deserved her, by so brave an adventure. The King and State studied how to do him all the honour that might be: The first decree that the Council of State made, was, that at all occasions of meetings, he should have the precedency of the King. That he should make entry into the Palace in the form of State, as the Kings of Spain do in the first day of their Coronation. That he should have one of the chief Quarters of the King's House for his lodgings, one hundred of the Guard to attend him, all the Council to obey him, as the Kings own person. All prisoners were released, the new Proclamation against excess in apparel revoked, and sundry other arguments of joy. But a wonder lasteth not but for nine days. This universal joy was grounded upon hopes, that the Prince came not only to fetch a wife, but also to make himself a Catholic. Say you so? The Pope incited him hereunto by Letters, which his Nuntio delivered. He sent a charge to the inquisitor general, to use all possible diligence herein. Many processions, and shows were made to stir him. But they soon saw how improbable it was to win him, For which God be thanked. how amongst all his servants there was not one Catholic about him: what slight esteem they made of the Churches, and Religion here; some committing irreverent, and scandalous actions in the Kings own Chapel, so that they began to behold the English with an ill aspect, to inveigh against the Conde de Gundomar, that he should inform the King and State, that the Prince had a disposition easy to be wrought upon to be made a Catholic. Add hereunto the ill offices that the Irish do, who to preserve themselves in the Spanish pension did prejudice the business, by casting aspersions upon the English, the misinformation of the persecution in their Country, and in England notwithstanding being here, and the abuse of the Ambassador's servants in London. When the Prince came, there wanted nothing for the final consummation of all things but the dispensation, which came two months after. And whereas it was expected to come absolute, and full; it came infringed with Cautions and limitations, viz. That the Infanta should not be married till matters in England were in perfect execution; that in case the King of England could not give sufficient security, the King of Spain himself should swear, and undertake the oath for him. Hereupon a Junto of Divines was appointed to determine hereof, Whether the King might do this with a safe Conscience or no. These Divines went gravely and tediously to work; which put the Prince upon that impatiency, that he was upon point of departure. When at last the business came to a resolution, and so the Match was publicly declared. The Prince had then often (though publicly) access to the Infanta, the King being still himself present, and in hearing. After this a Ratification was sent for from Rome, but the Pope dying in the interim, and the new Pope falling suddenly sick, it could not be speedily procured. For want of this Ratification there was no Contract made, and the Prince himself seemed not to desire it. A little before his departure, the King and the Council of State, with the Patriarch of the Indies, the Prince-Prelate, after the Bishop of Toledo, (who is under age) swore to all the Capitulations, so that the Prince seemed to departed well satisfied. The King brought him to the Escurial, and a little before his departure, the King and he went into a close Coach, and had a large discourse together, (my Lord of Bristol being in another Coach hard by to interpret some hard words, when he was called.) And so they parted with many tender demonstrations of love. A Trophy of Marble is erected in the place where they parted. Many rich Presents were given on both sides. The Prince bestowed upon the Queen the biggest Crown Pearl in the world between two Diamonds. He gave the Infanta a rope of Pearl, and an anchor of great Diamonds, with many other Jewels. He hath been very bountiful to every one of the King's house, and all the Guard. Never Prince parted with such an universal love of all. He left every mouth filled with his Commendations; every one reporting him to be a truly Noble, discreet, and well deserving Prince. I writ what I hear, and know, and that without passion, for all he is the Prince of my Country. My Lord of Buckingham at first, was much esteemed, but it lasted little; his French garb, with his stout hastiness in negotiating, and over-familiarity with the Prince, was not liked. Moreover, the Council of Spain took it ill, that a green head, should come with such a superintendent power to treat of an affair of such Consequence, among so many grave Ministers of State, to the prejudice of so able and well-deserving a Minister as my Lord of Bristol, who laid the first stone of this building. Hereupon his power was called in question, and found imperfect in regard it was not confirmed by the Council. Thus the business began to gather ill blood between Olivarez, and him, and grew so far out of square, that unless there had been good heads to piece them together again, all might have fallen quite off the hinges. He did not take his leave of the Countess of Olivarez, and the farewell he took of the Conde himself was harsh; for he told him, he would be an everlasting servant to the King of Spain, the Queen, and the Infanta, and would endeavour to do the best offices he could, for the concluding of this business, and strengthening the amity between the two Kingdoms; but for himself, he had so far disobliged him, that he could make no profession of friendship to him at all. The Conde turned about, and said he accepted of what he had spoken, and so parted. Since his Highness' departure, my Lord of Bristol negotiates closely, he is daily at the Palace to attend the Infanta, and he treats by means of the Countess of Olivarez. There is a new Junto appointed for the disposing of the Infanta's affairs, and we hope here, that all things will be ripe against the next Spring to bring her over. And so I rest, etc. From Madrid. 30. Septemb. 1623. His Majesties to the Earl of Bristol, Jan. 21. 1625. WE have read your Letter addressed to us by Buckingham, and We cannot but wonder that you should through forgetfulness make such a request to us of favour, as if you stood eavenly capable of it, when you know what your behaviour in Spain deserved of Us, which you are to examine by the observations We made, and know you will remember, how at our first coming into Spain, taking upon you to be so wise as to foresee our intentions to change our Religion, you were so far from dissuading us, that you offered your service, and secrecy to concur in it, and in many other open Conferences pressing to show how convenient it was for us to be a Roman Catholic, it being impossible in your opinion, to do any great action otherwise; how much wrong, disadvantage, and disservice you did to the Treaty, and to the right and interest of our dear Brother, and Sister, and their Children; what disadvantage, inconvenience, and hazard you entangled us in by your artifices, putting off, and delaying our return home. The great estimation you made of that State, and the vile price you set this Kingdom at, still maintaining, that we under colour of friendship to Spain, did what was in our power against them, which (you said) they knew very well. And last of all, your approving of those Conditions, that our Nephew should be brought up in the Emperor's Court, to which Sir Walter Aston then said, he durst not give his Consent for fear of his head; you replying to him, that without some such great action, neither marriage nor peace could be had, etc. Lord Conway to the Earl of Bristol. March 21. 1625. My Lord, I Received a Letter from your Lordship dated the 4th of this month, written in answer to a former, which I directed to your Lordship by his Majesty's Commandment. This last Letter (according to my duty) I have showed unto his Majesty; who hath perused it, and hath commanded me to write back this unto you again. That he finds himself nothing satisfied therewith; the question propounded to your Lordship from his Majesty was plain and clear, Whether you did rather choose to sit still without being questioned for any errors passed in your negotiation in Spain, and enjoy the benefit of the late gracious pardon granted in Parliament, whereof you may have the benefit; or whether for the clearing of your innocency (whereof yourself, your friends, and your followers are so confident) you will be contented to wave the advantage of that pardon, and put yourself into a legal way of examination for the trial thereof? His Majesty's purpose hereby is not to prevent you of any favours the Law hath given: but if your assurance be such as your words and letter import, he conceiveth it stands not with that public and resolute profession of your integrity, to decline your trial. His Majesty leaves the choice to yourself, and requires from you a direct answer, without Circumlocution, or bargaining with him for future favours before hand. But if you have a desire to make use of that pardon which cannot be denied to you, nor is it any way desired to be taken from you; His Majesty expects, that you should at least forbear to magnify your service, and out of the opinion of your own innocency cast an aspersion upon his Majesty's Justice, in not affording you that present fullness of liberty and favour which cannot be drawn from him, but in his own good time, and according to his own good pleasure. Thus much I have in command to write unto your Lordship, and to require your answer clearly and plainly by this Messenger sent on purpose for it. And so, etc. The E. of Bristol to the Lord Conway, 4. March. 1625. My Lord, I Received your Letter of the 25. of February, and therein a Commandment from his Majesty, and in his Majesty's name to make a clear and plain answer, Whether I desire or rest in the security I am now in, and to acknowledge the gracious favour of his late Majesty, and of his which now is, who have been pleased not to question my actions, etc. Hereunto I have laboured exactly to obey, but find that a plain and clear answer cannot possibly be made, until there be a clear understanding of the thing propounded; so that I may crave pardon if my answer be not so clear as I could wish it: for I must freely acknowledge, that I no way understand what is meant by the security I am now in, whether it be by the present estate I am now in, or not: If it be so, I conceive a man cannot be under a harder Condition; for your Lordship knoweth, that by order my person is restrained, and you were pleased lately to send me word, that you would not advise me to make use of the liberty which his late Majesty had given me of coming to London, although that were only to follow my private affairs, and for the recovery of my decayed health. I stand likewise prohibited to come to the Court, or to the King's presence, (I pass by my being removed from all my places, and offices, and wholly depending upon his Majesty's royal pleasure.) But being a Peer of this Realm, I have not only by Commandment, been formerly stayed from the Parliament, but of late, my writ hath been detained, as though my honour were forfeited. And this is truly the Condition I am now in, but I cannot imagine that this is the security intended I should rest in; but am in hope, that the security intended is, that I may for the future enjoy the liberty of a free Subject, and the privileges of a Peer of the Kingdom. Which being so, I shall with all humility acknowledge his Majesty's grace and favour, and be ready to serve him with all fidelity even to the laying down of my life, not thinking it to stand with the duty of a Subject to press his being questioned, since such being the pleasure of his Sovereign, it were not in the power of any subject to avoid it. But in case his Majesty shall be pleased to bring me to any legal trial, I shall most willingly and dutifully submit myself thereunto, and doubt not but my innocency in the end will be my best Mediator for his Majesty's future favour. And in that Case I am a suitor that my Writ of Parliament as a Peer of this Realm may be sent unto me, and that my present repair to London may not displease his Majesty; As for the pardon of the 21. Reg. Jacobi, which you mention, I should renounce, but that I know that the justest and most cautious man living, may through ignorance or omission offend the Laws, so that as a Subject I shall not disclaim any benefit which cometh in the general as it doth usually to all other Subjects in the Kingdom: But as for any Crime in particular, that may trench upon my employments in point of Loyalty, fidelity, or want of affection to the King or State, I know my innocency to be such, that I am confident I shall not need that pardon. I shall conclude with a most humble suit unto your Lordship, that out of your nobleness, and that friendship that hath been betwixt us, you will use your best endeavours both with his Majesty and the Duke, that this unfortunate business may be passed over, by the renewing whereof I can see little use that can be made but the adding to a man's misfortunes already sufficiently humbled; For I am ready to do all that a man of honour and honesty may do; but rather than to do any thing that may be prejudicial to me in that kind, to suffer whatsoever it shall please God to send. And so with the remembrance of my humble service unto your Lordship, I recommend you unto God's holy protection, And rest Sherborn Lodge, etc. Your Lordship's humble servant, Bristol. Here next follow the Letters of my Lord of Bristol concerning the business of the Match. The E. of Bristol to the Lord Bishop of Lincoln, Aug. 20 1623. My very worthy Lord, I Give you many thanks for your Letter of the 23d. of July, by which I understand your great care of me, by seconding a former motion it pleased your Lordship to make, of having me reconciled to my Lord Duke's favour, (A thing which I have infinitely desired) and have esteemed the good offices you have been pleased to do therein, as a very high obligation your Lordship puts upon me. But I conceive your Lordship will find that any motion you have made in that kind unto his Grace hath been despised, rather than received with any thankfulness, or that he hath returned you any answer of his inclination thereunto. For the truth is, my Lord doth look down upon my poor Condition with that scorn and contempt, that I conjecture the very moving of any such thing, especially under the term of reconciliation, hath not been pleasing unto his Lordship. But thereof your Lordship can make the best judgement by the answer you received from him. I do but guess thereat, by what I have heard he hath been pleased to say, and the manner wherewith he hath used me. Which hath been such, that the Spaniards themselves (which most afflicted me) have out of compassion pitied me. Yet I may with much truth assure your Lordship, that I have not omitted towards him either any respect or service that was fit for me to perform, either towards his person, or the high place he holdeth in my Master's favour, or unto his present employment; well knowing how undecent and scandalous a thing it is for the Ministers of a Prince to run different ways in a strange Court, but have attended him in all his public audience, and used in all kinds that respect and observance towards him, that I think malice herself cannot charge me with an omission. And my Lord, this is the truth, whatsoever may be said or written to the contrary: It is true, that some four months since in a business that no less concerned his Majesty and the Prince's service, then abruptly to have broken off all our Treaty, I was far differing from my Lord's opinion; And thereupon happened betwixt us some dispute in debate of the business, but without any thing that was personal, and there was no creature living at it but the Prince, to whose Censure I shall willingly refer myself. In me I protest it unto your Lordship, it made no alteration, but within half an hour I came to him with the same reverence and respect that I was wont to do, the which I have continued ever since, so that I have much wondered how it cometh to be so much spoken of in England, that my Lord Duke and myself should live here at too much distance. And I cannot find any other reason for it, but that every body hath taken so much notice of my ill, and contemptible usage, that they think it impossible for any Gentleman, but to be sensible of it. But if any one disrespect, or omission from me towards my Lord Duke can be truly instanced in by any man, I will be contented to incur his Majesty's high displeasure, and your Lordship's Censure. For the present News here, it is, that the ninth of this Month, the Prince intendeth (God willing) to begin his journey for England. And the day before, I conceive the Contract will be. The Infanta is to follow in the Spring, and the Prince hath commanded my stay here. I know not how things may be reconciled here before my Lord Duke's departure, but at present, they are in all extremity ill, betwixt this King, and his Ministers, and the Duke, and they stick not to profess, that they will rather put the Infanta headlong into a Well, then into his hands. I writ unto your Lordship you see with much freeness, and I entreat you let it remain with you. And so in much haste I only entreat your Lordship to believe, that you have not living an honester, nor a true hearteder a friend, and servant, than Your Lordships ever to be commanded, Bristol. The E of Bristol to the Lord Bishop of Lincoln, 24. of Septemb. 1623. My singular Lord, I Have dispatched this Bearer my servant Greislie with the draught of the temporal Articles, which I hope will be to the King and Prince his satisfaction, and he will let your Lordship have a sight of them. Since the departure of the Prince, there have every day passed Letters of extraordinary affection between the King, and the Prince; and the love that is here generally born unto the Prince is such, as cannot be well believed by those that daily hear not, what passeth both from the King and his chief Ministers. And to say the truth, his Highness hath well deserved it; for in the whole time of his being here, he hath carried himself with the greatest affability, patience, and constancy, and at his departure with the greatest bounty, and liberality, that I think hath been known in any Prince in our times. And I protest unto your Lordship as a Christian, that I never heard in all the time of his being here, nor since any one exception taken against him, unless it were for being supposed to be too much guided by my Lord Duke of Buckingham, who is indeed very little beholding to the Spaniards for their good opinion of him, and departed from hence with so little satisfaction, that the Spaniards are in doubt, that he will endeavour all that shall be possible to cross the Marriage: Wherein certainly they are very much mistaken; For my Lord cannot but be obliged a servant for any particular distastes of his own to cross the advancement of his Majesty, and the Prince's service, especially in a business of so high Consequence as this. It may be your Lordship will hear many Complaints, and that the Match never was, nor yet is intended; I beseech your Lordship to give little belief in that kind, and the effects will now speedily declare the truth, if the fault be not on our side. It is true that the Spaniards have committed many errors in their proceed with the Prince; but the business is now by the Prince overcome, if we ourselves draw not back: For which I confess I should be hearty sorry, and so I conceive would most honest men; for if this match, and the alliance with Spain hath been so long desired by his Majesty, and that for it he hath been pleased to do so much, and the Prince to take so hazardous a voyage, if all the same reasons are yet on foot, which have ever moved the King and Prince to wish the match; if to this may be added, that his Majesty hath overcome all the difficulties on his part, and that both he, and the Prince do stand engaged for the performance of it, as far as Princes can be, God forbidden, that any particular distastes, or misunderstandings (which God knoweth have little relation to the business) should be of power to disturb it, especially now, when the Match is passed all danger of miscarrying, the portion, and all temporal Articles settled, and I hope to the Kings Content, and all other good effects that could be expected by this alliance in a very fair way, I hope there will be no cause of doubt in this kind; if there should be, I am sure that your Lordship would put to a helping hand to keep the business from being overthrown, since you have done so much for the overcoming of former difficulties, and the bringing it to the pass 'tis now in. If there be no cause of writing this, I beseech your Lordship to impute it to my zeal to the business, and my freeness with your Lordship, upon whose true love and friendship I so much rely, as I shall not forbear to tell you, any of my fears. I hope within 3. day's Sir Francis Cottington will be able to begin his journey towards your Lordship. He will tell you many truths, being on my knowledge, as hearty a servant and friend as 'tis possible for your Lordship to have. He hath told me how much I am bound to your Lordship for your love, and favour, and truly I will deserve it the best I can, and that I think will be only by loving you, for otherwise I conceive I am like to have little means of meriting at any body's hands, yet at your Lordships it may be I may, by being a man of honesty, and honour; And such an one I will labour to be, and your affectionate friend and servant. And so I kiss your Lordship's hands. Madrid, etc. The E. of Bristols Letter to the Prince, touching the delivery of his Proxy to the King of Spain. May it please your Highness, IN this Letter I shall only speak unto your Highness concerning that particular whereof you were pleased to write unto me after your departure from St. Lorenzo, and have presumed to set down exactly the case as it stands. In what sort a woman betrothed, and post Matrimonium ratum, may before the Consummation of marriage betake herself unto a religious life; I have likewise set down unto your Highness all sorts of security, that may be taken before the betrothing for the preventing of any such course in the parties, that are to be betrothed. To this your Highness may add any other you can think of, for that the King, and his Sister, and all the Ministers profess so really the punctual and present performance of all that is capitulated with your Highness; That they will refuse no kind of security, that in reason can be demanded in this behalf: so that your Highness may set down, whatsoever you think this King and his Sister may do with decency, and honour, and they will be ready to perform it. I must now crave leave to speak unto your Highness like a faithful plain servant, which is, if your Highness' pleasure be to have use made of the Powers you have left in my hands; I no way doubt, but in this particular such satisfaction will be given, as will appear reasonable to all the world. But if your Highness' desire, that these Powers should not be used, they may be detained upon other just reasons which will arise in the treaty of the temporal articles. And I doubt not but the Deposorio's may be deferred for some few days upon other fair pretexts. But these inconveniencies I conceive will follow. First it will be of great discomfort to the Infanta, who until the Deposorio's are passed, is not her own woman, but must be governed by the pleasure of the Junto, which I think she is very weary of, neither till then may she declare herself to be yours, nor Comply with your Highesse in answering of your Letters, and Messages, and giving you those respects, and Comforts, which I know she would be glad to do. But if she should any way judge, that the delay of the Deposorios should arise from your Highness' part, I conceive she would take it most heavily. Secondly, it will certainly raise great jealousies in this King, and his Ministers, and retard the resolutions, that are fit to be taken with speed for the putting in execution that which is capitulated. I therefore offer it unto your Highness' wisdom, whether upon the satisfaction, which they will give in this particular, which will be whatsoever you can desire; and upon the agreement of the temporal articles your Highness would upon the coming of the Pope's approbation make any farther scruple in the delivering of your Highness' powers; If I shall, I am confident they will not press it, as not decent for the woman's part to urge the hasting of the Marriage. But I conceive it will cast such a cloud of Jealousy and distrust upon the business, that besides the discontent and affliction, which I know it will give the Infanta (which most worketh upon me,) it will so disorder the business, that it will make a stand in your whole proceed, and preparations, wherein they now go on cheerfully, and confidently, and I conceive will punctually perform all that they have capitulated with your Highness. I dare not so much as give myself leave once to question your Highness' intentions of proceeding to the real effecting of the match, which makes me desirous that all things may be executed, that may any way retard or disturb it. Only I shall like a faithful poor servant presume to say thus much to your Highness; That for divers years past, I know the King your father, and yourself, have held this the fittest Match in the World, and by a desire of effecting it, your Highness was induced to undertake that hazardous journey of coming to this Court in person. In the time of your being here, (admitting that their proceed have been in many things unworthy of you.) And that divers distastes have grown by intervenient accidents: Now things are reduced to those terms, that the Match itself is sure, the portion, and the temporal Articles settled (I hope to the King's liking and yours) And all other good effects that could be hoped for by this alliance, are in a fair way. If to these reasons may be added, That on his Majesty and your Highness' part, you have already passed by, and overcome the main difficulties; and your Highness by your journey hath satisfied yourself of the person of the Infanta, God forbidden, that either any personal distastes of Ministers, or any indiscreet, or passionate carriage of businesses should hazard that, which his Majesty and your Highness have done so much to obtain, and whereby doubtless so much good, and peace is to accrue to Christendom by the effecting of it; and contrariwise so much trouble and mischief by the miscarrying of it. Besides the individual happiness of your Highness in such a Wife, which the World supposeth you infinitely esteem for her person. And for her Birth and Portion is not where to be matched; And questionless for her virtue, and settled affection to your Highness deserveth you better than any woman in the World. I humbly crave pardon for writing unto your Highness in this manner, which I hope your Highness well enough knows, neither the benefits I have received from Spain, nor their grateful usage of me upon occasions (nor I protest unto your Highness any other earthly respect) moveth me unto it, but the zeal, and love I bear to your service, for which I shall ever undervalue any thing, that may concern myself. And therefore I shall conclude by entreating your Highness, that if you would have things go well, that a Post may instantly be dispatched back unto me, authorising me to deliver the said power upon the arrival of the dispensation, and having taken fitting security in this particular point. And this I earnestly beseech your Highness may be done with all possible speed and secrecy; and that the Spanish Ambassadors may not know that ever there was any suspension made of the delivery of the powers. In the interim I will find means if the dispensation come for 20, or 24 days to allege some other fair pretexts for the deferring of the Deposorios; But herein I desire I may know your Highness' resolution with all possible speed, etc. And so with, etc. Bristol. Madrid. The E. of Bristol to the Prince his Highness, Septemb. 24. 1623. When your Highness shall remember, that your Highness being here in person, it was not possible in less than a month, to get that dispatched which you were promised Mr. Secretary Cottington should have carried with him, if your Highness would have but stayed him 24 hours; I hope you will pardon your servants although they sometimes mistake in the time, which they limit for the procuring of the dispatch of business, especially if they depend upon the dispatches, that are to be procured from them. I have these 10. days had Grisly in a readiness to departed, having every day expected a resolution from the Junto. First in point of the portion, and since in the days of payment, and at last I have received their answer in them both, in such sort as your Highness will see in the paper enclosed, which is an extract of the heads of the temporal Articles that we have agreed, although I have only consented unto them de bene esse, until I shall receive his Majesty's approbation and yours: In the point of the portion, I have had a tough and a knotty piece of work, by reason that not only the Conde de Olivarez, but all the Junto were absolutely ignorant of what had passed in the late King's time, which I foresaw, and that was the cause that I moved so earnestly at the Escurial, to have the Conde de Gondomar remain here. They made many precedents to be searched, and found that the two millions demanded was four times as much as ever was given with any daughter of Spain in money. They alleged that it would be said, that the King of Spain was fain to purchase the friendship and alliance of England; that this would be such a precedent, as that Spain hereafter must marry no more daughters. I only insisted that it was a thing, by the last King settled, and agreed with me, that this King had by several answers in writing to me undertaken to pursue the business as it was left by his father, and to make good whatsoever he had promised. And thereupon desired that the original Papers, and Consultos of the last King might be seen, which very honestly by the Secretary Cirica were produced, and appeared to be such, that I dare say, there was not a man that saw them, that doubteth of the last King's real intention of making the Match. And questionless this had been the usefullest occasion to have disavowed former proceed, and I was resolved to put them to it. But both the King and his Council upon the sight of what had been promised by his father, presently took resolution to make good the two millions, only to remonstrate unto his Majesty the vastness of the Portion, and to desire him to consider how far the King had stretched himself in this particular for his satisfaction. And therefore, that he would have Consideration of it in such things for the future, as might be treated of betwixt them, and their Kingdoms. As for the days of payment, I insisted to have had half a million upon the Deposorios, half a million to be carried along with the Infanta, and the other million at their Fleets the two next years after by equal portions. But I have now received the King's answer in this particular, which your Highness will see in the enclosed paper; as likewise what I have done therein by the Copy of the dispatch, which I now write about it to Mr. Secretary. So not having any thing more to add concerning this particular, I recommend your highness to God's holy protection, etc. Madrid. The E of Bristol to the Duke of Buckingham, Decemb. 6. 1623. May it please your Grace, THe present estate of the King's affairs requireth the concurrency of all his servants, and the Co-operation of all his Ministers, which maketh me desirous to make unto your Grace this tender of my service, that if there have happened any errors, or misunderstandings your Grace would for that regard pass them over: and for any thing that may personally concern my particular, I shall labour to give you that satisfaction as may deserve your friendship. And if that shall not serve the turn, I shall not be found unarmed with patience against any thing that can happen unto me. And so wishing, that this humble offer of my service may find that acceptation as I humbly desire, I rest Your Grace's most humble servant, Bristol. Madrid. The E. of Bristol to Secretary Cottington, Apr. 15. 1623. Good Mr. Secretary Cottington, THere is no man living knoweth better than yourself, how zealous I have been unto the Prince's service, and whilst I thought he desired the Match, I was for it against all the World. Now the Treaty is ended, the world shall see I never had, nor will have any affections of my own, but will wholly follow my Masters, as I have written unto you in my former Letters, and have not these four months spoken a word in the marriage. If his Majesty and the Prince will have a war, I will spend my life and fortunes in it, without so much as replying in what quarrel soever it be. And of thus much I entreat you let his Highness be informed by you. And I entreat you let me know his directions, what he will have me do, and how to behave myself, for I absolutely cast myself at his feet, which I desire to do the first thing after my landing, to the end that understanding his pleasure, I may commit no error. I beseech you to dispatch this bearer back unto me withal possible speed, though it be with not one word more, but what the Prince will have me do, wherewith I shall come muy Consolado. I understand that I have been much bound to the Prince for the procuring the 4000 l. to be paid, and for my Pension. I pray present unto him my most humble thanks: and I confess I have been much more comforted with that demonstration of his favour, than I can be with the money. I doubt not but at this time I shall have the effects of a real friendship from you in this particular. And so desiring to have my service remembered to my Lady Cottington, I rest. Poitiers. Yours, etc. Bristol. Postscript. I Pray move the Prince, that one of the King's Ships may be presently appointed to waft me over; For I have a great charge of of the Princes with me. W. Grisly met me within 10. posts of Bordeaux, and is passed on to Madrid, I think he shall find the Blandones for his Highness in a readiness, for Mr. Stone taketh care of them, and hath the money in his hand. May it please your most excellent Majesty. I Hope your Majesty will not be displeased that I continue unto you that most humble and just suit, which I have often made unto your Majesty, and your Majesty hath been often graciously pleased to promise, which was that I should be no ways lessened, or diminished in your Majesty's favour, and good opinion, until you should be first pleased graciously to hear me, and my Cause. And although your Majesty for just respects, hath not been pleased hitherto to admit me into your presence, which I esteem an infinite misfortune to me: Yet I hope that time will no way confirm those impressions of displeasure, which I do no way doubt, but will be fully cleared, whensoever I shall be so happy as by your Majesty to be heard. For I take God to record, that I have faithfully and honestly served you, and exactly pursued your ends to the best of my understanding, and abilities. And I do no way doubt but your Majesty will in the end protect so faithful a servant as I have been, and shall appear to be to your Majesty. And in the interim my most humble suit unto your Majesty is, that since I am neither admitted myself, nor any man else will speak any word in my defence, or justification, your Majesty according to your Justice, will let nothing that may be said of me redound to my prejudice in your gracious opinion: For it shall be found, that I will in all things wholly conform myself unto your Majesty's will and pleasure. So wishing unto your Majesty a happy journey, and a safe return with the increase of all happiness. I humbly, etc. Your Majesties, etc. Bristol. London. Here next of all follow divers Dispatches and Letters from Sir Walter Aston to the Duke. Sir Walter Aston to the Duke. May it please your Grace, I Have received so much comfort by the care which I see in your grace to take all occasions to honour, and favour me, that I should be glad (if it were possible) in my affection to your person, and in my desire to serve you, that your grace might see something in me above what you could find in any other servant. What an honest thankfulness can be I am, and what an honest servant can yield you, shall be ever vigilant in me to serve you. Since the departure of the last post (by whom I wrote lately unto your Grace) my Lord of Bristol hath had audience with this King (taking me along with him) to whom his Lordship represented the King our Master's desire concerning the Palatinate in conformity to what his Majesty hath commanded by his late letters, we are now soliciting to hasten this king's answer, which we hope we shall shortly send unto his Majesty, and there is no diligence omitted by my Lord of Bristol, nor myself (that we can think on) to negotiate such an answer, as may be to his majesties good liking. The Dispatches from Rome are not yet come, but by letters which they have lately received from the Duke of Pastrana; it is advertized, that all things are concluded, and that he would send them away within a few days. By my Lord of Bristols Letter to his Majesty, your grace will understand the resolution, which his Lordship hath taken concerning his proceed upon the arrival of of the dispaches from Rome: his Lordships hath communicated with me his Majesty's Letter, and desired my opinion concerning the resolution, which he had taken, wherein I have concurred with his Lordship, not understanding it any way to be differing in substance from his Majesty's directions; the altering of the day mentioned in his Majesty's letters being only the changing it from a time when the powers are of no force, to a time when they may be of use: the putting of any thing in execution in the one time, or in the other, depending upon his Majesties, and his Highnesses further directions. I have hitherto understood, that his Majesty and his highness have really affected this match, and have laboured faithfully to second their desires with my utmost endeavours. There is none I am sure a better witness than myself of the affection which your Grace hath born unto it, which I have seen remain constant through many trials. And therefore until I understand the contrary from yourself, I must believe that your desires are the same, which I have seen them. I must ever speak my heart freely unto your Grace, and confess that upon the letter which I received from his Highness, and upon the sight of his Majesties to my Lord of Bristol, I have been jealous of his Majesty's heart and his Highness, that they are not that to the match which they have been; but these are but distrusts of my own, and not foundation sufficient to slacken or cool those diligences which I daily perform in conformity to his Majesties, and his Highness' Commands, and to what remains apparent of their desires. I shall therefore humbly desire your Lordship to open mine eyesa, and if I am out of the way to set me strait, for I have no affections of mine own, but what agrees with my Masters, and will ever submit with all humility myself, and my judgement unto his Majesty's wisdom, and faithfully labour to serve him accordingly to what I shall understand to be his will and pleasure. But until I know by your Grace's favour by what Compass to guide my Course, I can only follow his Majesties revealed will; and will once take the boldness to represent unto your Grace in discharge of what I own you these Considerations, which my desire to serve you, forceth from me. I do look upon your Grace as a person infinitely provoked to be an enemy to this match, and believe, that you have had represented unto you many reasons, showing how much it concerns you to seek to break it, with all the force you have: But I can neither believe, that the error of one man can make you an enemy to that, which brings along with it so much happiness and content unto his Majesty, and his Highness: nor that your Grace's judgement can be led by those arguments, that under the colour of safety, would bring you into a dangerous labyrinth. Your Grace hath given noble testimony, how little you have valued your own safety in respect of his Majesty's service, and therefore I assure myself you would contemn all Considerations concerning yourself, that might hinder the advancement of his Majesty's ends. In the proceeding to this Match, there is the same conveniency to his Majesty, that ever hath been, there is the same Lady, the same portion, the same friendship desired, they professing here an exact complying with what is capitulated, and a resolution to give his Majesty satisfaction in whatsoever is in their power. From your Grace none can take away the honour of having been the principal means by which this great business hath been brought to a Conclusion. And whatsoever others may suggest against your Grace, the Infanta truly informed, cannot but understand you the person to whom she owes most in this business. Your Grace, and the Conde Olivarez, have fallen upon different ways, that which concerns the honour of the King our Master, being different to that, which he understood concerned most his Master, your ends were both one for the effecting of the Match, and with the Conclusion of it, he cannot but better understand you. Would your Grace would commit it to my charge to inform the Infanta what you have merited, and to accommodate all other mistakes here concerning the proceeding. If your Grace would reconcile your heart, I would not doubt, but with the Conclusion of the Match to compose all things to your good satisfaction, and to bring them to a truer understanding of you, and of their obligation unto you. In what a Sea of Confusions the breaking of this alliance would engage his Majesty, I will leave to your Lordship's wisdom to consider of, it being too large a discourse for a Letter. I will therefore only desire your Lordship to consider, that even the most prosperous War hath misfortune enough in it to make the Author of it unhappy: of which how innocent soever your Lordship is, the occasions that have been given you, will ever make you liable to the aspersion of it. This I writ not unto your Grace as thinking to divert you from what you are falling into; for I am confident your heart runs a more peaceable way: but I am willing, that you should see, that howsoever others should be inclined to carry you into this tempest, it concerns you, in your care of their happiness, and your own, to divert them from it. I humbly desire your Grace to pardon this error of mine (if it be one) which I can excuse with the affection, and infinite desire, which I have to see you ever happy and flourish. Concerning myself, your Grace knows my wants, and I doubt not but your Care is what I could wish. I should be glad when you have done with Peter Wych to see him dispatched away with some supplies unto me, which I shall be in extreme want of by Christmas, my debts besides in England being clamorous upon me for some satisfaction. I leave all to your Grace's care and favour, Ever resting Your Grace's humblest and most bound servant, Wa: Aston. Postscript. THe Contessa of Olivarez bids me tell you, that she kisses your Grace's hands, and doth every day recommend you particularly by name in her prayers to God. May it please your Grace, MY Lord of Bristol intended to have dispatched away a Post unto his Majesty this night with the advice of the arrival of the dispensation, which came to this Town the 12th. of this month, hoping that he should have been likewise able to have given to his Majesty, and his Highness a clear account of all things concerning it. But the delivery of the Queen this morning (who is brought to bed of a daughter) hath stopped all negotiation, and I believe it will be these two days before he can be ready to send him away. There is no novelty (as I yet understand) that is come with the dispensation; there will be something desired for better explanation of his Majesties, and his Highness' intentions, and some omissions there are which as they understand was his Highness' intention should have been in the Capitulation, they being promised by his Highness. But I do not find that these will be any stop to the business. For they do press my Lord of Bristol very much to proceed presently to the Deposori●s. Your Grace shall understand all things more particularly by the next Post. I do now make the more haste, forbearing to trouble you with other occurrences, lest my Letters come short of the departure of the Post, as they did of his who was last dispatched from hence. I do most humbly desire your Grace to continue the doing me those offices that may continue me in his Majesties and his Highness' good opinion, and I doubt not but I shall be ever able to let your Grace see that you have not a more faithful servant, than he which your Grace hath most bound to be so, and that shall ever remain Yours, etc. W.A. The Lord Duke of Buckingham to Sir Walter Aston. IN your Letter of the 5th. of December, you desire me to give you my opinion, my ancient acquaintance, long custom of loving you, with constancy of friendship invites me to do you this office of good will; and to serve you according to your request. And for your more entire satisfaction, I will deliver the things in the past and present. You in all the beginning of the treaty won to yourself a good estimation, while you were only at large in the treaty, and had communication of the passages from the Lord of Bristol, as by courtesy: and in his absence handled no farther in the treaty of marriage then by direction from him. When the Prince was there, your carriage gave his Highness and myself all satisfaction. Now you must give me leave to put you in mind of the freedom used with you whilst we were at Madrid, and of the explanation, the Prince made of himself to you by his Letters from St. Anderas. From which you might observe, the resentment the Prince had of their proceed with him. And by his Highness' declaration to you from thence, you might see both his care and resolution not to engage himself into the marriage without good conditions for the Pallatinate, and Conservation of his honour every way. My care and my intentions were to move increase of honour to you, and to recompense by a good understanding to be laid in his Majesty towards you, which I pursued so soon, as I came to the King's presence. And the Prince's confidence was so great in you, as he joined you in the Commission, besides he declared himself to you by his Letters, not leaving you thereby to guess at his Majesty's directions to the E. of Bristol, which he was to communicate to you. Now you may think how strange it was to the Prince, and how much I was troubled (not being able to make your excuse) when your joint Letters made known, how you had concurred with the Earl of Bristol, to engage his Highness by prefixing a day for the Deposorios, without making certain the restitution of the Palatinate and Electoral dignity, the portion and temporal articles. Which proceeding of yours with the Earl of Bristol was so understood by the Lords of the Committee, as they took resolution once, to advise his Majesty to revoke both the Lord of Bristol, and you, upon those grounds, which you will understand by his Majesties own Letters, and Secretary Conwayes Letters written to you with this dispatch. I was not able at first by any endeavour to oppose the resolution of your revocation, so far had you cast yourself into misconstruction, and given stop to the progress of your own advancement. But with constant industry and time, I have won this point, of qualifying all ill opinion of you, and sufferance of your continuing there. So as it will be now in your power (by your Carriage) to come off without reproof. And I shall hope to overcome the rest with time, to to bring you again to the condition of honour and recompense. Being confident that since you see your own error, and acknowledge it, you will be careful by a stiff and judicious carriage to warrant all your present and succeeding actions. If you think at first sight I press you a little hard upon this point, you may be pleased to interpret it to be a faithful way of satisfying your request, and expression of my affection to have you to do all things suitable to your wisdom virtue and honour, and according to the wishes of Yours, etc. G. Buckingham. The Duke of Buckingham to Sir Wa. Aston. I Had not leisure in my former dispatch, being hasty to write the reason why I wondered at the error you committed in the last dispatch of my Lord of Bristols and yours; for the matter is, that his Majesty having plainly written unto you both in his former dispatch, that he desired to be assured of the restitution of the Palatinate, before the Deposorium was made, seeing he would be sorry to welcome home one Daughter with a smiling cheer, and leave his own only Daughter at the same time weeping and disconsolate. And the Prince having also written unto you, that he never meant to match there, and be frustrated of the restitution of the Palatinate so often promised, that notwithstanding this clear Language, you should have joined with my Lord of Bristol in a resolution of so hasty a delivery of the Prince's Proxy, before you had received his Majesty's answer to your former dispatch, wherein my Lord of Bristol urged of his Majesty a harsh answer and direction, and his Majesty cannot but take it for a kind of Scorn, that within 4. days after ye had urged his Majesty's answer, ye should in the mean time take resolutions of your own heads. You may do well, because there is no leisure in this hasty dispatch for his Majesty to answer my Lord of Bristols last Letter (which will be done by the next duplicate of this same dispatch) to acquaint him in the mean time with this Letter, which his Majesty himself hath dictated unto me. And so in haste I bid you farewell, Yours, etc. G. B. Sir Walter Aston to the Duke of Buckingham, Decemb. 22. 1623. May it please your Grace, I Have commited to the trust and secrecy of this bearer Mr. Clark (whom I find your Grace's faithful servant) certain advertisements to be delivered by him unto you; which as one that shall (God willing) in all things show himself your passionate servant, I could no way conceal from you. And howsoever your Grace may have many advertisements from hence (the relations that come from England giving occasion to many discourses censuring the Prince, and your Grace) yet I hope to be so vigilant, that there shall hardly be any resolution taken by these Ministers which may have any reflection on your Person, that I shall not one way or other get notice of, and advertise unto you. I have in all things with so much affection desired to serve your Grace every way to your satisfaction, that it hath infinitely afflicted me, that I should have done any thing, whereby I might lessen your favourable opinions towards me, but I hope your Grace hath by this time set me strait both with his Majesty, and his Highness, and restored me to the same place in your affection, which I have formerly had. Which I am the rather confident of, since I cannot accuse any action, or thought of mine, that hath not born towards your Grace all possible respect and love. I found by experience here, that the favour which by your Grace's means I received from his Highness, and that which you were pleased likewise to honour me withal, had raised me many enemies; And I have reason to fear upon this occasion, there may be some, that well be busy to do me ill offices with you; but I trust so much upon my own sincerity, that as I never made any second means unto your Grace, but have ever singly depended upon the constancy of your goodness to me, finding myself the same that I have ever been, I make no means to resist such injuries as others may offer to do me, but continue depending wholly upon that goodness, and justness, which I know in your Grace, and which I assure myself will never fail me. I have not been so careless a Servant of your Graces, as not to have debated over, and over with myself, how far the proceed or breaking of the present treaty here might concern your Grace, which I have discoursed largely to Mr. Clark, thinking them of too large a body to be contained in a Letter, but I shall in all things submit myself to your better wisdom; And when you shall please to impart unto me, wherein his Majesty, and his Highness shall be best served, your Grace shall find in all my actions, that my affections with all obedience shall run the same way, and that my proceed, shall have those respects in them towards your Grace, as you may expect from your faithful Servant. And so, etc. Your G. etc. W. A. The Copy of a Memorial given to the King of Spain, 19 Jan. 1623. Still. Vet. Translated. SIR, SIR Walter Aston Ambassador of the King of great Britain saith, That the King his Master hath commanded him to represent unto your Majesty, that having received so many promises from hence to procure the entire restitution of the Palatinate, and Electoral dignity to the Prince his Son in Law, He commanded his Ambassador to press your Majesty with all diligence, that the said promises might take effect, not as a condition of the marriage, but desiring infinitely to see settled together with the marriage, the peace and quiet of his Son in Law, his Daughter, and Grandchilds; and having understood that this his desire hath received an interpretation far differing from his intention, hath commanded him anew for the greater demonstration of the desire which he hath to preserve the good Correspondence with your Majesty, to declare unto you, that he hath not propounded the said restitutions as a condition of the marriage, but according to that which he understood was most Conformable with the intention of your Majesty, declared by the Conde de Olivarez for the surest, and most effectual means to make the amity, which is betwixt your Majesty's firm and indissoluble, and that there might not remain any doubt or matter hereafter, that should cause dispute, he hath required that every thing might be settled under your Majesty's hand, desiring it likewise for the greater comfort of his only Daughter, and for to make the coming of that most excellent Princess of more esteem unto his Subjects, bringing with her (besides the glory of her own virtue, and worth) the security of a perpetual peace, and amity, and an everlasting pawn to his Kingdoms of the constancy, and real performance of your Majesty's promises, with such satisfaction to his hopes grounded the said promises, not as a Condition, but as the fruit and blessing of the alliance. Moreover he saith, That the King his Master hath commanded him to make this Declaration unto your Majesty, that you may know the truth and the sound intentions of his proceed, with the good end to which it aims, having renewed the powers, and deferred the delivery of them only to give time for the accomplishing, and settling that which hath been promised for the satisfying his expectations, and assuring the amity betwixt your Majesty's Persons, and Crowns; the King his Master hoping that your Majesty will likewise lay hold of this occasion, which you now have in your hand to give him full satisfaction in that, which with so much reason he desires, and therewithal a reciprocal, and everlasting blessing to both your Majesty's Crowns. Sir Walter Aston to the Duke, 22. of Jan. 1623. Still. Vet. May it please your Grace, HOwsoever upon the arrival of Mr. Greisley, I took the occasion of the ordinary, the day following to acknowledge unto your Grace the Comfort which I had received by your Letters; understanding by them the favour which you had done me, in diverting from me his Majesties, and his Highness' displeasure: I shall notwithstanding entreat here leave by the same means by which I received so much happiness to renew my humble, and most thankful acknowledgement unto your Gr●ce. I most earnestly entreat your Grace to look upon me here as a servant that loves you in his heart, and that shall faithfully in all things Comply with what you can expect from such an one, and that therefore you will be pleased to preserve me still in the way, how I may serve his Majesty, and his Highness to their Content, and perform towards your Grace those offices of a servant, which may be most to your satisfaction. For I am now here in a dangerous time, in the greatest businesses, that have been treated of many years, and the bitterest storms threatening betwixt these Crowns, that have been these many ages. I have therefore no hope to save myself without I be guided by his Highness, and your Grace's trusts and care of me. The marquis of Ynoisa hath lately advertised hither, That he hath several times desired to have private audience with his Majesty, and hath not been able to procure any but what your Grace assists at. It is likewise advertised unto this King and his Ministers, that your Grace hath many meetings with the Sea Captains, and that your Counsels are how the War is to be made against Spain. For the avoiding of unnecessary repetitions, I do here enclosed send your Grace a Copy of my Letter to Mr. Secretary Conway, wherein you will find a relation of all things that are come to my hands at this present, that may any way have reflection unto his Majesty's service. And this is the course which I intent, and conceive most convenient to hold hereafter with your Grace, without you command me the contrary. In the said Copy your Grace will find a discourse of what hath lately passed betwixt my Lord of Bristol, and the Conde of Olivarez in the Pardo. Now that I may more fully discharge my duty, I have thought fit here to acquaint your Grace, that since the putting off of the Deposorios at a meeting that my Lord and myself had with the Conde, he did make a solemn protestation, that if the Treaty of the Match did ever come on again with effect, it should only be by his Lordship's hands, and no other. I than understood it, and still do, but for a frothy protestation, yet have held it my duty to advertise it, having passed in my hearing; the truth is, that my Lords answer was in Conformity to his last in the Pardo, every way rejecting it, saying, That he had rather be confined to any Town in Africa, then that his person should be any hindrance to the Match. Thus forbearing to trouble your Grace any farther, with my hearty prayers unto God for the continuance of his blessings unto you. I rest Your Graces, etc. W. A. Sir Walter Aston to Secretary Conway, 22. Jan. 1623. Right Honourable, BY the return of this Bearer Mr. Greisley, you will understand of the safe coming to my hands of your dispatch of the 30th. of the last month, with his Majesty's Letters therein enclosed. I do now herewithal send an account unto his Majesty of my proceed upon his Commands, which I do entreat your Honour to be pleased to present unto him, as also farther to acquaint his Majesty, that I have already spoken with divers of these Ministers, and given them such a declaration of his Majesty's good intentions in the pressing at this season for the restitutions of the Palatinate, and Electoral dignity unto the Prince his Son in Law, as I have order to do by the said Letter, but do find they are here so possessed with the ill relations they receive out of England, that I with much difficulty can scarce give them any kind of satisfaction. I have acquainted the Conde Olivarez with the answer, which your honour, and Mr. Secretary Calvert had received from their Ambassadors touching their audiences, the Conde himself having formerly acquainted me with their Complaint. His answer now was, That he understood they had acknowledged unto your Honours to have received from his Majesty in that point all kind of satisfaction, but that after you were gone the marquis of Ynoisa wrote a Letter to Secretary Calvert, telling him, that he did not well remember himself, of what had passed at his being there, but had since called to mind, that he had procured some audiences with the Prince with much difficulty. To which I answered the Conde, That it seemed the marquis was very light of his advertisements, to give such informations as might breed ill understandings betwixt Princes, and esteem them of no more Consequence, then to forget what he had advertised with so much ease. Concerning that malicious report here raised of the Prince's treating a marriage in France. I desire your Honour to let his Majesty know, that it is advertised hither out of England as a thing so certain, that there is not a Minister of State (excepting the Conde of Gondomar) that hath not given some credit unto it. I have therefore according to his Majesty's directions given such declarations touching the author and believers of it, as your Honour in his Majesty's name hath commanded me. I have likewise received by Mr. Grisly your Letter of the 31. of the last: In answer of which, all that I shall need to say here unto your Honour is, that my Lord of Bristol hath received your former Letter, acquainting him with his Majesty's pleasure concerning the same business, from whom his Majesty will receive an account thereof. This is all that I have to say to your Honour at this present touching those particulars mentioned in your Letter; I shall now here further acquaint you with such advertisements, as I conceive may any ways have reference unto his Majesty's service. My Lord of Bristol, and myself repairing some few days since unto the Pardo, having conference with the Conde of Olivarez, his Lordship acquainted the Conde with the Letters of revocation, which he had received from his Majesty, and withal desired that he would procure him licence to take his leave of the King. The Conde answered his Lordship, That he had much to say unto him by order from his Majesty, the substance of his speech was; That they had received large advertisements out of England, by which they understood the hard measure that he was there likely to suffer by the power of his enemies, and that the only crime, which they could impute unto him, was for labouring to effect the marriage, which his Master could not but take much to heart, and held himself obliged to publish to the world the good service that my Lord had done unto the King of great Britain; and therefore for the better encouragement likewise of his own and all other Ministers that should truly serve their Masters, he was to offer him a blank paper signed by the King, wherein his Lordship might set down his own Conditions, and demands; which he said he did not propound to corrupt any servant of his Majesties, but for a public declaration of what was due unto his Lordship's proceed. He said further, that in that offer, he laid before him the Lands, and Dignities, that were in his Master's power to dispose of; out of which he left it at his pleasure to choose what estate, or honour, he should think good, adding thereunto some other extravagant and disproportionable offers. My Lord's answer was, That he was very sorry to hear this language used unto him, telling the Conde, that his Catholic Majesty did owe him nothing, but that what he had done was upon the King his Master's Commands, and without any intention to serve Spain. And that howsoever he might have reason to fear the power of his enemies, yet he trusted much upon the innocency of his own Cause, and the Justice of the King, and that he could not understand himself in any danger: but were he sure to lose his head at his arrival there, he would go to throw down himself at his Majesty's feet and mercy, and rather there die upon a Scaffold, then be Duke of Infantada in Spain. On the 16th. of this month, there was declared here in Council a resolution of this King, to make a journey to his frontier Towns in Andaluzia, with an intention to begin his journey upon the 29. of this month Still. Vet. And as I am informed his Majesty will there entertain himself the greatest part of these three months following; so that his return hither will not be until the beginning of May. My Lord of Bristol hath sent divers to the Conde for leave to dispeed himself of the King, but in respect of his Majesty's being at the Pardo, he hath been hitherto delayed, and hath yet no certain day appointed for it: But I conceive it will be sometime this week. The Cause of the delaying of his Lordship's admittance to the King, as I understand is, that the same day that his Lordship shall declare his revocation to the King, they will here in Council declare the revocation of the marquis of Ynoisa. Howsoever in respect of the King's departure, (at which time they use here to embarge all the mules, and means of carriage in this Town) I believe his Lordship will not begin his journey so soon as he intended. All the relations which are lately come out of England do wish them to entertain themselves herewith no farther hopes, that there is any intention to proceed to the Match; and this advice comes accompanied with such a report of the state of all things there, that hath much irritated all these Ministers, and let lose the tongues of the people against the proceed of his Majesty, and Highness. I labour as much as I can, and as far as my directions will give me latitude, to give them better understandings of the real intentions of his Majesty and Highness: but divers of them clearly tell me, That I profess one thing, and the actions of his Majesty and Highness (upon the which they must ground their belief) are differing from it. I shall therefore here in discharge of my duty advertise your Honour, that they do here expect nothing but a War, about which they have already held divers Counsels, and go seriously to work, preparing themselves for what may happen. Which I desire your Honour to advertise his Majesty, being high time, as far as I am able to judge, that am here upon the place, that his Majesty do either resolve upon some course for the allaying of these storms; or that he go in hand with equal preparations. Having observed in former times, the strange rumours that have run in England upon small foundations; I have thought it fit to prevent the credit which may be given to idle relations by advertising your Honour that I cannot conceive how any great attempt can be made from hence this year; howsoever businesses should go. The Squadron of the King's Fleet (under the Command of Don Fadrique de Toledo) is come into Cadiz, and joined with that which Don Juan Taxardo is Captain of. And as I am credibly informed, this King will have by the end of April between 50. and 60. Galleons at Sea. It is true that other years the number commonly falls short of what is expected, and their setting forth to Sea some month's later than the time appointed, but there is extraordinary care taken this year, that there be no default in neither. The chief end (that I can understand) of this King's journey being to see the Fleet of Plate come in, to take view of his Armado, and see them put to Sea. That which I understand is only left alive of the Marriage here is, that the Jewels, which the Prince left with this King for the Infanta and her Ladies, are not yet returned, but it is intimated unto me, that if the Letters which they shall receive out of England upon the answer they have given to his Majesty about the business of the Palatinate be no better, than such as they have lately received, they will return the Jewels, and declare the business of the Match for broken. I shall therefore entreat your Honour to know his Majesty's pleasure how I shall carry myself, if they be offered unto me, being resolved in the mean time until I shall know his Majesty's pleasure, if any such thing happen, absolutely to refuse them. The Princess some few days since fell sick of a Calenturae, of which she remaineth still in her bed, though it be said she is now somewhat better. I will conclude with many thanks for your friendly advertizements concerning my own particular, which (God willing) as far as I can, I will observe, and do earnestly entreat you, that you will please to continue the like favours unto me, which I shall highly esteem of. And so with a grateful acknowledgement of my obligations, I rest. Your Honours, etc. Wa. Aston. Sir Walter Aston to the Lord Conway. Right Honourable, I Have advertized by former dispatches, that the Parliament here had granted unto this King 60 millions of ducats to be paid in 12 years, which with 12 millions which remain yet unpaid of what was given the King at the last Session, this King was to receive 72 millions in the 12 years' next following. I shall now acquaint your Honour, that there are only 19 Cities that have voice in this Parliament, and that each of them do send hither two Provadores, (as they call them here) but these have no power finally to conclude any thing, but what is agreed on by them is to be approved of by the said. Cities or the greatest number of them before it have the force of an Act of Parliament, and that therefore there hath been all possible art used to procure the Cities to confirm what hath been granted by their Procuradores touching the 60. millions; and it is here thought that one of the motives of this King's journey was, hoping by the authority of his presence to procure the consent unto the said gift of the 4. Cities which he is to pass by in this journey, namely Cordova, Sivel, Joen, and Granado, it being here doubted, that the said Cities might make great opposition to the said grant, notwithstanding his Majesty hath not had such success as was expected. But Cordova which was the first City with which his Majesty began, hath absolutely refused to give their Consent, letting his Majesty understand, though in as fair and respectful terms as they could express themselves, That it was a demand impossible for them to Comply withal. What the success of this may be is doubtful, Cordova having given but an ill example to the other Cities, and yet it is rather believed here, that the greatest number of them being under the Command of such as are either this King's servants, or absolutely under his dispose, that his Majesty will be able to overcome the business, and they are now busy how to settle the manner of the leavy of the said sum by yearly and equal portions. They having found here divers inconveniences in their new Government of Portugal by way of Governors, are resolved to place Vice-Kings again there. And for to gratify the Emperor have elected for that charge his third Brother Don Carlos, who is presently to make his repair thither. On the 27th. of the last month, my Lord of Bristol took his leave of the Queen and the Infanta, and on the Sunday following being the 29. of the said month, his Lordship delivered unto me the Powers which his Highness left with him, and those which have been since sent hither. His Lordship is preparing for his journey, and saith that he is already in such a forwardness, as upon the arrival here of Mr. Greisley, or any other from England, whereby he shall receive means for the taking up of moneys here, he will presently put himself upon the way. The Queen here some few days since fell suddenly ill, and swooned two or three times, but her indisposition lasted not above two or three days; Her Majesty is now (thanks be to God) very well again. The King having received advice thereof intended (as it is said) to come presently post hither, but upon better news, his Majesty proceeds in his journey, and for any thing that I can understand, it will be May before his return to this Town. There are lately thrown abroad in this Town divers Copies of a Proclamation pretended to be published in Ireland bearing date the 27. of January last. It hath made a great noise here, and divers of their Ministers have spoken with me about it, they conceiving it to be contrary to what hath been lately Capitulated. For my part, I have been able to give them no answer, not having yet understood from your Honour, nor any of his Majesty's Ministers, of any such Proclamation. I have seen the Proclamation as it came printed from thence, and do here enclosed send your Honour a Copy thereof, desiring you that you will acquaint his Majesty therewithal, that he may be pleased to Command therein what to his wisdom shall seem fit. To those that have spoken with me about this Proclamation (having first disclaimed the having had knowledge of any such thing) I have used discourses of mine own touching the abuses of those which are called titulary Archbishops, Bishops, etc. letting them understand here, that if those kind of people have been busy there to plant secretly their Government, they have far exceeded the favour which was promised them, and given his Majesty just cause to give order for the reformation. My last to your Honour was of the 7th. of February last by Albert Rivas, whom I dispatched with all diligence to you, since when I have received nothing from your Honour. I shall therefore, etc. Your Honours, etc. Wa. Aston. Sir Walter Aston to the Lord Conway, 5th. June. 1624. Right Honourable, IN a former Dispatch which I lately made unto your Honour, I sent unto you the Copy of a Letter, which I then had newly received from the Secretary Don Andreas de Prada, by which he advertised me, That the King his Master (according to what I had requested by memorial) had commanded, that all English Commodities and Manufactures (which I have long since advertized were prohibited by Prematica's published here for the reformation of abuses) should enter into these Kingdoms. I have long since performed divers diligences myself, both with the Secretary, and Precedent of Castille, for the procuring a declaration of the said order, being careful to prevent such inconveniences as the King our Master's Subjects might fall into for want thereof. But having been tossed up and down between the Secretary, and the Precedent with several delays, the one remitting me to the other. I repaired to the Conde of Olivarez (suspecting some novelty in the business) and acquainted him, that upon the receipt of a Letter sent me from the Secretary Don Andreas de Prada, concerning the free entrance of English Commodities, I had given notice by a Copy of the said Letter unto the King my Master of what was therein Commanded, and had likewise advertised the Merchants that reside in these Kingdoms of the said Order. I also gave him account of the several diligences which I had performed with the Precedent, and the Secretary, for the procuring a declaration thereof, and desired that he would presently command that there might be such course taken, that there should be no further delays used therein, since I should be loath to see the King my Master's Subjects encouraged by the said Order to repair hither with their Merchandizes, and fall into inconveniencies for want of notice given thereof unto their Ministers in the Ports. The Conde fell into discourses far from my expectation, ask me whether it was not free for any King, in his own Kingdom, to Command his own Subjects to wear what he pleased, saying further, that the English were not prohibited to bring in their Commodities, but that the King his Master might command his Subjects to spend the Bays, and other Commodities of his own Kingdoms, and not to make use of those that came from foreign parts, as to his wisdom for the good of his Kingdoms should seem best. That there should be a suspension of the execution of the said Pramatica's until St. James-tide, and no longer. To which I answered, That I made no doubt of the power, that every King had over his own Subjects, notwithstanding where it was articled betwixt two Kings, that there should be a free admittance of each others Commodities unto their several Kingdoms, and after a Command should be given prohibiting either of them unto their Subjects the making use thereof, it could not but be understood a defrauding and deluding of the Articles, and the true intention of them: but I told him I came not to dispute this now, for the Secretary's Letter had desired me to take notice of another resolution, therefore I desired, that there might be a speedy and public declaration made of what was therein signified unto me: or if there were any new resolution, that I might understand it. To which he answered (pretending that he spoke it as a freedom which he used with me) but came out with it in such a manner, as I saw he was full of it) That the truth was, that they would proceed here, as they were proceeded withal in England. That the King my Master had lately given leave to the Hollanders to transport Artillery out of England, and had denied the like to their Ambassadors having required it; which was (as he said) directly against the articles of peace, wherein it was Capitulated, That neither should assist with any kind of arms the enemy of the other. He said farther, That the English had taken Ormuh, and there was no satisfaction given concerning that business, nor appearance of any intention to do it, and concluded, That when the Articles of Peace should be observed to them, they would do the like. I told the Conde I had not understood any thing of those particulars which he mentioned, and therefore could say nothing unto him; neither thought I fit to give him any further answer, being loath in a business of this importance, where the Articles of Peace between these Kingdoms are in question, to do any thing at guess, but to advertise it to the King my Master, and to proceed according to such order as he shall please to give me. I do therefore entreat your Honour, that you will be pleased to acquaint his Majesty with what hath passed, wherein I doubt not but his Majesty will observe the distraction, and inconstancy of their proceed here at present, in Commanding, what his Majesty will have found by this Secretary's Letter, and taking presently after new resolutions. After this language which the Conde hath used unto me, I cannot expect any reason or justice here, and the Merchants have many suits depending wherein they have received great injuries, whereof I have not hitherto complained, because I was in continual hope of procuring redress, and their suits proceeded on, I cannot say as I would have wished, but according to the stile here, and in such manner as they have done in former times. I doubt not but his Majesty will therefore likewise please to consider what a stop there is likely to be here of all businesses concerning the Commerce, and either proceed as occasion shall there be offered, in the like manner, or take such a Course for settling things in better order, as to his wisdom shall seem best. I have since had some overtures made unto me, that the said declaration shall presently come out, in the mean time I would not wish, that the Merchants should adventure any thing trusting to their courtesy here. By my last unto your Honour which was of the 20th. of May, I advertized the advice which was given hither, That the galleons, that bring the Plate, were upon the way for these parts; Since when there is news of their arrival at St. Lucar, excepting two of them which perished in their journey hitherward, the one sprung a leak in a calm day, and sunk so fast, that there were only saved 52 men, the rest, which were about 200. persons, were all drowned, neither was any of her freight saved. The other was their Admirante, which corresponds with our Vice-Admiral, which likewise sprung a leak, but all the men aboard were saved, and a good part of her silver. There is lost upon Register in these two Ships three millions, and it is thought that there perished in them above a million in silver, and goods unregistered. Upon order that was lately sent unto the Assistente of Sevil, for the perfecting the Grant of the Millions to the King by the said City, there being doubt made whether it was a lawful Concession, or no; The Assistente called together those, that had voices in the said grant of the said Millions, and made a speech unto them, wishing a general Conformity to what his Majesty had desired of them; but the proposition was very distasteful unto the greater number, who little expected to have heard that business revived again. And the people having gotten notice upon the breaking up of that meeting of what had been there propounded, in a tumultuous manner ran after the Assistente, who was returning to his house, and hearing such a clamour behind him, thought that the people had been disquieted by some accident, and stayed to have appeased them, but by the curses which he heard, and the blows he received by the stones which were thrown at him, he quickly found against whom the fury of the people was bend, and so made all the haste he could to his own house, which at length he recovered sore wounded, and with much hazard of his life. The Irish Priests, and others of that Kingdom which reside in this Court, begin to grow very busy here, and do promise great matters unto this King in the assistance which his Majesty shall find in Ireland, whensoever he shall please to attempt any thing against that Kingdom; but for any thing I can learn, there hath been as yet so little ear given unto them, that they have not descended to make any particular offer. But they are treated here with much Courtesy, Tyr-Connel being made a Page to the Queen, and the rest receiving good satisfaction. I will be as vigilant as I can to trace out their steps, and I hope I shall be able to give seasonable advertizement of their proceed. Howsoever since secret Counsels may be held, and resolutions taken, which I may miss of; I doubt not but the King our Master considering the present jealousies, and distastes betwixt these Crowns, will be vigilant to secure that Kingdom, that there may be nothing neglected upon which they may here take any sudden advantage. By the English Merchants that reside in Malaga I have received advice, that 3. Scottish Masters of Ships have lately had a sentence pronounced against them by the D. of Medina Sidona, wherein their Ships and all their goods are confiscated, for having brought Holland Commodities to that Port, and their persons condemned to the Galleys; which notwithstanding their apellation unto to the Council of War here, (which ought to have been admitted them) was presently put into execution. The same day that I received the advice, I gave in a Memorial to the Council of State, representing the rigorous and unjust proceeding against the said Scottish Masters, and desired that they would send their order, that the Apellation might be admitted, and that their persons might be presently returned off of the Galleys. I likewise repaired to the Conde of Olivarez, acquainting him with the proceed of the Duke, and was able to give him some examples of divers Hollanders that had been treated in the like occasion with far less rigour. Whereupon there is Command given according to what I have desired; and whatsoever shall become of their goods, I have a promise from the Conde of Olivarez, that their persons shall be treated with all Courtesy. It is published by the Ladies of the Palace, that the Queen is with Child, which hath filled this Court with much joy, and her Majesty hath so much better health now upon her being new with Child, than she hath had of the rest, that they are already here full of hopes that she will bring them a Prince, etc. Your Honours, etc. Wa. Aston. The Abstract of a Letter from Sir Walter Aston to the Lord Conway, 17. July, 1624. HE acknowledgeth the receipt of his Majesty's Letters of the 27. of June by Mr. Wych, and is busy in preparing to put those Directions in execution, and that being done, will give a speedy and full account. The marquis Ynoisa dispatched away a Post to Spain from Calais, and by him gave as malicious an account of his usage at his departure from England, and also of all other late passages there, as malice itself could have dictated. He omits no libels or infamous songs, nor spares his own inventions where they may serve to incense, The Credit they are like to give to their Ambassador, the height of discontent they are now in, the assurance given them of the weak and mean estate of all things in England may tempt them to offer the giving us a blow, where we are weakest. And therefore no necessary preparations for defence to be neglected on our part. None of their Armado stirs yet, but only 4. Galleons appointed to accompany for some days the Nova Espagna Fleet that put to Sea the fourth of this present. Sir Walter Aston doubts, that the light he hath received of the present state of things in England, and the Arguments to answer their Objections will hardly be applied to give any satisfaction. (things being in so much distemper there) And where the best answers on both sides are recriminations, he conceives little is to be expected but a direct falling out. The cause of their retarding Mendoza's coming for England hath been their desire to see the issue of the proceed with their Ambassador. All the Grandees, and principal persons of Spain are summoned to give their attendance with their arms, which is done by three Letters. 1. Admonitoria. 2. Apercibitoria. 3. Executoria. The two first are already set forth. And there is order likewise given for the Battalon to be in a readiness, which is the same as the Trained Bands in England. This is an ancient practice there upon suspicion of foreign invasion, or domestic Commotion. There are levies new making according to custom, for supplying of Garrisons; and though these Levies are greater than usually, yet not much worthy of note. An Ambassador arrived there for Denmark; his coming being given out to be to negotiate the business of the Palatinate, and to make overtures for a Peace with Holland: but if nothing be heard of this in England, it is not like to be true. A Request presented unto the King by a Consulta from the Inquisiter general, etc. to procure a Jubilee from Rome for expiation of the late great Contempt done by a Frenchman to the Sacrament. The King promiseth to do it, and he, the Queen, and the whole household will endeavour to deserve it by fasting, and other duties. In his answer to the Consulta there is a passage, that intimates his intention of looking abroad with his arms. The Frenchman was condemned, burnt publicly, and died a Roman Catholic. There have been divers processions in expression of the general grief for that action. The King, Queen, his Brothers and Sister, with the Grandees, and the Council went in procession about the two square Courts of the Palace, where there were 4. Altars built, one by the King's care, the rest by the Queen, the Infanta, Cardinal, Don Carlos, and Dona Maria, who joined in the care of one of them. The greatest riches of Diamonds and Pearls that were in the Churches thereabouts, and in the King's store were presented on those Altars, and were at ten millions. They intent to dispatch one Jaquesse Brones Secretary of the Council of Flanders, by post into England to bring Don Carlos warrant to come away, and to stay Agent in England until the arrival of another Ambassador, which will not be long. They stay the giving out of the order for the free admittance of English Merchandizes, until they see what will be done with their Ships in the Downs, etc. Sir Walter Aston to the Duke, 20. of Octob. 1624. May it please your Grace, I Assure myself that your Grace is very confident, that I have not only pursued the Complaint which I here made against the marquis of Ynoisa with the duty of a Minister in obedience to the King my Master's Command, but as passionately interested against his person, who maliciously attempted to slain (if it had been possible) the honour of the Prince his Highness and your Graces my noblest friend. And certainly my Lord, I should be infinitely afflicted in not having brought this business to that issue which I thirsted after, could I accuse myself of having omitted any thing, that might have sharpened them here against him: But the Conde of Olivarez with a strong and violent hand hath delivered the marquis from any exemplary punishment, which would certainly have been inflicted upon him, had he been left to the Council of State, and without care either of the King his Master's honour or engagement, hath saved the marquis, and left the envy of it upon his Majesty, if the King our Master will so please to understand it. In my last unto your Grace which was of the 24th. of the last month, I humbly entreated you to procure me his Majesty's leave to return into England for some few months, which suit I do here again renew unto your Grace. Howsoever in respect of this novelty in the marquis his business, I will forbear putting myself upon the way until I hear of the receipt of this dispatch: since if his Majesty shall please to give any demonstrations here of his sense of their unworthy proceed, I would be loath that those Commands should find me out of the way: with the remembrance of my duty, I rest Your Graces, etc. Wa. Aston. Sir Walter Aston to the Duke the 10th. of Decemb. 1625. May it please your Grace, THe Portugal Armado put to Sea on the 12th. of the last month Still. Vet. It consists of 22. Ships of War, 4. Victuallers, and two small Pinnaces of Advice: There goeth in it near upon 4000 Land Soldiers. From Cadiz I have now fresh advice, That Don Frederique is still in the Port, with the Fleet which he Commands, but himself and his men all embarked. That Armado consisteth of some 35. Ships of War, and about 8000. Soldiers, and both the Fleets are victualled for 8. months. That of Portugal had first order to expect Don Frederique at the Cape St. Vincent, but hath since received command to proceed on the journey. It being now 27. days since the Fleet d●parted, and this remaining still in the Harbour, doth give me much cause of jealousy: especially understanding, that they have here advice, (which they give credit to) that the Troops lately delivered to Count Mansfelt are sent to succour Breda, fearing (if it be so) that they laying hold of it as a breach of the Peace (which interpretation I meet with in every discourse) should presently fall with this Armado upon some part of Ireland. I have no farther ground for this distrust, than what I have here represented, which your Grace weighing with the importance of their enterprise in hand for the recovering the Baya, and the occasions that will be given them from England, do best know what rigid judgement to make. Since I wrote my other Letter unto your Grace, (which accompanies this) I understand the French Ambassador by order from the King his Master, hath given account unto this King of the Conclusion of the Match betwixt the Prince his Highness, and Madam Christiene his Master's Sister. Whereupon this King, and the whole Court put on Galas: I conceive (howsoever I have not heard any thing thereof by any Letter unto me) that this is ground enough to Congratulate with your Grace this good beginning which I shall affectionately wish may in the success in all times prove a happiness to his Highness and a particular blessing to your Grace. The Conde of Gondomar hath newly received a Command from the King his Master (signified unto him by the Secretary Don Andreas de Prada) to put himself presently upon the way for England, which he hath answered he will obey, howsoever I believe he will keep his Christmas here. Mr. Butler whom your Grace left here placed with this King meets often with such discourses in the Palace, that as a faithful servant to your Grace, he hath no patience to bear, which he hath reason to believe will in a short time throw him out of this Court, which he would be glad to prevent, if he might have your Grace's command to return, being infinitely desirous that your Grace would dispose otherwise of him. I will conclude with the same suit for myself, there being none that hath more need of comfort from your Grace. I best know, that I have no way deserved any change or decay in your Grace's favour towards me, having not been slow in upbraiding this Nation with their obligations to your Grace, and their shameful ungratefulness, nor without a constant, and passionate desire to serve your Grace every way to your content, if your Grace's Commands would but direct me what to do, I do therefore rest confident of your care and goodness towards me. And so with my prayers to God to continue his blessings upon you, I rest Your Graces, etc. W. Aston. Dr. Williams to the Duke. My most noble Lord, IT hath pleased God to call for the Bishop of London. I am so conscious of mine own weakness and undeservings, that, as I never was, so now I dare not be a suitor for so great a charge. But if his Majesty by your Honour's mediation, shall resolve to call me to perform him the best service I can in that place, I humbly beseech your Honour to admit me a suitor in these three circumstances. First, that whereas my Lord of London hath survived our Lady day, and received all the profits, that should maintain a Bishop until Michaelmas, I may by his Majesty's favour retain all my own means until the next day after Michaelmas day; this is a Petition which I shall be necessitated to make unto his Majesty (if his Majesty by your favour shall advance me to this place) and injureth no man else in the world. Secondly, that whereas the Commissioners challenge from the Bishop's revenues a matter of 200. l. per annum, (this Bishopric being already very meanly endowed in regard of the continual charge, and exhaustments of the place) it would please his Majesty to leave in my hands (by way of Commendam) one Benefice of mine, which falls into his Majesty's dispose upon my remove, until it be determined by the said Commissioners, whether any part of the Bishop's means be due unto the Fabric. My humble suit is for Walgrave, a Benefice with Cure in North-hamptonshire, where I have laid out all my estate in temporal Lands. Lastly, that if it be found, that the Bishop is to join with the Residentiaries of Paul's in the repair of the Church, his Majesty would qualify me by a commendam to hold one of my own prebend's, when it shall fall to be a Residentiarie also; that if I be charged with the burden of Residentiarie, I might enjoy the profits of a Residentiarie. These three requests do (I confess) add unto me, but do not prejudice any one else whatsoever. I submit them and myself to your Honour's wisdom, etc. The names of such Ecclesiastical promotions as I now retain, and will fall to be disposed of by the King, if I should be removed. 1. Deanery of Westminster. 2. rectory of Dinam. 3. rectory of Walgrave. 4. rectory of Grafton. 5. Prebendary of Peterborough. 6. Chaunter of Lincoln. 7. Prebendary of Asgarbie. 8. Prebendary of Nonnington. 9 Residentiaries place of Lincoln. Lord Keeper to the Duke, 27. July, 1621. My most noble Lord, AN unfortunate occasion of my Lords Grace his kill of a man casually (as it is here constantly reported) is the cause of my seconding of my yesterday Letter unto your Lordship. His Grace (upon this accident) is by the Common Law of England to forfeit all his estate unto his Majesty, and by the Canon Law (which is in force with us) irregular, ipso facto, and so suspended from all Ecclesiastical function, until he be again restored by his Superior, which (I take it) is the King's Majesty in this rank, and order of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction. If you send for Dr. Lamb he will acquaint your Lordship with the distinct penalties in this kind. I wish with all my heart, his Majesty would be as merciful, as ever he was in all his life; but yet I held it my duty to let his Majesty know by your Lordship, that his Majesty is fallen upon a matter of great advice, and deliberation. To add affliction to the afflicted (as no doubt he is in mind) is against the King's nature; to leave virum Sanguinum, or a man of blood, Primate and Patriarch of all his Churches, is a thing that sounds very harsh in the old Counsels, and Canons of the Church. The Papists will not spare to descant upon the one and the other. I leave the knot to his Majesty's deep wisdom to advise and resolve upon. A rheum fall'n into mine eye (together with the rumour I last wrote unto your Lordship about) hath fastened me unto my bed, which makes this Letter the more unhandsome. But I will take nothing to heart, that proceeds from his Majesty, or from that King, who hath raised me from the dust, to all that I am. If the truth were set down, 1. That myself was the first mover for a temporary Keeper. 2. That his Majesty hath promised me upon the relinquishing of the Seal (or before) one of the best places in this Church, as most graciously he did. 3. The year and a halfs probation left out, which is to no purpose, but to scare away my men, and to put a disgrace upon me. 4. That my assisting Judges were desired, and named by myself, which your Lordship knows to be most true: Such a declaration would neither shame me, nor blemish his Majesty's service in my person. And it were fit a great deal, the penning thereof were referred to myself, then to Mr. Secretary, or the Lord Treasurer, who (if he had his demerit) deserves not to hold his staff half a year. I do verily believe, they will hasten to finish this act, before I shall hear from your Lordship, which if they do, God send me patience and as much care to serve him, as I have, and ever had to serve my Master; And then all must needs be well. I send your Lordship a Copy of that speech I have thought upon, to deliver at London upon Monday next at the Commission of the Subsidies: If his Majesty have leisure to cast his eye thereupon, and to give direction to have any thing else delivered, or any point of this suppressed, I would be directed by your Lordship whom I recommend in prayers to Gods good guiding and protection. And do rest, etc. The E. of Southhamptons' Letter to the Bishop of Lincoln. My Lord, I Have found your Lordship already so favourable, and affectionate unto me, that I shall be still hereafter desirous to acquaint you with what concerns me, and bold to ask your advice, and council; which makes me to send this bearer to give your Lordship an account of my answer from Court, which I cannot better do, then by sending unto you the answer itself, which you shall receive here enclosed. Wherein you may see what is expected from me, that I may not only magnify his Majesty's Gracious dealing with me, but cause all my friends to do the like, and restrain them from making any extenuation of my errors, which if they be disposed to do, or not to do is impossible for me to alter, that am not likely for a good time to see any other than mine own family. For myself, I shall ever be ready (as is fit) to acknowledge his Majesty's favour to me, but can hardly persuade myself, that any error by me committed, deserved more punishment than I have had, and hope that his Majesty will not expect, that I should not confess myself to have been subject to a Star-chamber sentence, which God forbidden I should ever do. I have, and shall do according to that Part of my Lord of Buckingham's advice to speak of it as little as I can, and so shall I do in other things to meddle as little as I can. I purpose (God willing) to go to morrow to Tychfield (the place of mine confinement) there to stay as long as the King shall please. Sir William Parkhurst must go with me, who hoped to have been discharged at the return of my Messenger from Court, and seems much troubled, that he is not, pretending that it is extreme inconvenient for him, in regard of his own occasions. He is fearful he should be forgotten. If therefore when your Lordship writes to the Court, you would but put my Lord of Buckingham in remembrance of it, you shall (I think) do him a favour. For my part it is so little trouble to me, and of so small moment, as I mean to move no more for it. When this bearer returns, I beseech you return by him this enclosed Letter, and believe that whatsoever I am I will ever be, Your Lordship's most assured friend to do you service. H. Southampton, etc. The Lord Keeper's answer to the E. of Southhamptons' Letter. 2. August, 1621. My Lord, I Have perused your Lordship's Letter, and that enclosed I return back again. And doubt nothing of my Lord Admiral's remembering of you upon the first opportunity. Great works (as I hope this will be a perfect reconciling of his Majesty's affections to you, of your best studies, and endeavours to the service of his Majesty) do require some time: They are but poor actions, and of no continuance that are Slubbered up in an instance. I know (my Lord) men's tongues are their own, nor lieth it in your power to prescribe what shall be spoken for you, or against you. But to avoid that Complacentia (as the Divines call it) that itching, and inviting of any interpretation, which shall so add to your innocence, as it shall derogate from the King's mercy, which (I speak as I would do before God) had a great cloud of jealousies, and suspicions to break through, before it came to shine upon you. This (I take it) is the effect of my Lord's exhortation, and I know it ever hath been your Lordship's resolution. How far you could be questioned in the Star-Chamber, is an unseasonable time to resolve. The King hath waved off all judgement, and left nothing for your meditation, but love and favour, and the increasing of both these. Yet I know (upon my late occasions to peruse Precedents in that Court) that small offences have been in that Court (in former times) deeply censured. In the sixteenth of Edward the second (for the Court is of great antiquity) Henry Lord Beaumond, running a way of his own about the invading of Scotland, and dissenting from the rest of the King's Council, because of his absenting himself from the Council Table was fined and imprisoned: though otherwies a most worthy and deserving Noble man. But God be thanked your Lordship hath no cause to trouble your head about these meditations. For (if I have any judgement) you are in a way to demean yourself as you may expect rather more new additions, then suspect the least diminution from his Gracious Majesty. For mine own part, assure yourself, I am your true and faithful servant, and shall never cease so to continue, as long as you make good your professions to this Noble Lord. Of whose extraordinary goodness, your Lordship, and myself are remarkable reflections. The one of his sweetness in forgetting of wrongs, the other of his forwardness in conferring of courtesies. With my best respect to your Lordship and my Noble Lady, and my Commendations to Sir William Parkhurst, I recommend your Lordship, etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke concerning the E. of southampton. 2. Aug. 1621. My most noble Lord, I Humbly crave your pardon for often troubling your Honour with my idle Lines, and beseech you to remember, that amongst many miseries my sudden greatness comes accompanied with, this is not the least, that I can not otherways enjoy the happiness of your presence. God is my witness, the Lord Keeper hath often (not without grief of heart) envied the fortunes of a poor Scholar, one Dr. William's, late Dean of Westminster, who was so much blessed in the free accesses in that kind, as his Lordship (without a great quantity of goodness in yourself) may scarce hope for. This enclosed will let your Lordship understand, that somewhat is to be finished in that excellent piece of mercy, which his Majesty (your hand guiding the Pencil) is about to express in the E. of Southampton. It is full time his Attendant were revoked in my poor opinion, and himself left to the Custody of his own good Angel. There is no readier way to stop the mouths of idle men, nor to draw their eyes from this remainder of an object of Justice, to behold nothing but goodness and mercy. And the more breathing time you shall carve out between this total enlargement and the next access of the Parliament, the better it will be for his Majesty's service. Only remember this, that now you are left to be your own Remembrancer. Of all actions forget not those of mercy, and Goodness, wherein men draw nighest to God himself: Nor of all Persons, prisoners and afflicted joseph's. Celerity doth redouble an act of mercy. But why do I turn a Preacher of goodness unto him, who (in my own particular) hath showed himself to be composed of nothing else? Remember your Noble Self, and forget the aggravations of malice, and envy, and then forget if you can the E. of Southampton. God bless you, and your royal Guest, and bring you both, after many years yet most happily run over here upon earth, to be his blessed guests in the Kingdom of Heaven. The Lord Keeper to the Duke, concerning the Lord of St. Albon, October 27th. 1621. My most noble Lord, I Have received your Lordship's expression concerning the Pause I made upon the two Patents. The Proclamation of writing to the King's hand, and my Lord of St. Albon's pardon. The former I have sealed this morning in duty, and obedience to your Lordship's intimation. The latter I have not yet sealed, but do represent (in all lowliness and humility) these few Considerations by your Lordship to his sacred Majesty, wherein let your Lordship make no question, but I have advised with the best Lawyers in the Kingdom. And after this representation, I will perform whatsoever your Lordship shall direct. His Majesty and your Lordship do conceive, that my Lord of St. Albon's pardon and grant of his fine came both together to my hands, and so your Lordship directs me to pass the one and the other. But his Lordship was too cunning for me. He passed his fine (whereby he hath deceived his Creditors) ten days before he presented his pardon to the Seal. So as now in his pardon, I find his Parliament fine excepted, which he hath before the sealing of the same obtained and procured. And whether the house of Parliament will not hold themselves mocked and derided with such an exception, I leave to your Lordship's wisdom. These two Grants are opposite and contradictory (in this point) the one to the other. The King pardons in particular words, All sums of money and rewards taken for false judgements or decrees. And therefore the exception of the Parliamentary Censure (being inflicted but for the same taking of moneys and rewards) coming a good way after falleth too late in Law, and is of no force to satisfy the Lords (as I am informed) and I believe this clause was never seen in any other pardon. The King pardoneth in my Lord of St. Albon, the stealing away, altering, rasing, and interlining of his Majesty's Rolls, Records, Briefs, etc. which are more in a Lord Chancellor's pardon, than the imbezeling of his Majesty's jewels in a Lord Chamberlains. And yet the Lord Chancellor Elsmore could not endure that clause in my Lord of Sommersets Pardon, unless he would name the jewels in particular. I will not meddle or touch upon those mistake which may fall between the Parliament and his Majesty, or the misinterpretation that enemies may make hereof to your Lordship's prejudice, because I see (in his Majesty's great wisdom) these are not regarded. Only I could have wished, the Pardon had been referred to the Council board, and so passed. I have now discharged myself of those poor scruples, which (in respect only to his Majesty's service, and your Lordship's honour) have wrought this short stay of my Lord of St. Albon's Pardon. Whatsoever your Lordship shall now direct, I will most readily (craving pardon for this not undutiful boldness) put in execution. Because some speech may fall of this day's speech, which I had occasion to make in the Common Pleas, where a Bishop was never seen sitting there these 70. years, I have presumed to enclose a Copy thereof, because it was a very short one. Your Lordship shall not need to take that great pains (which your Lordship to my unexpressible comfort hath so often done) in writing. What Command soever your Lordship shall impose upon me as touching this pardon, your Lordship's expression to Mr. Packer or the bearer shall deliver it sufficiently. God from heaven continue the showering and heaping of his blessings upon your Lordship, etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 22. July, 1621. My noble Lord, With my truest affections, and thankfulness premised. I do not doubt but his Majesty and your Lordship do now enjoy the general applause of your goodness to the Earl of southampton. Saturday last he came, and dined with me, and I find him more cordially affected to the service of the King, and your Lordship's love and friendship, than ever he was, when he lay a prisoner in my house. Yet the Sunshine of his Majesty's favour, though most bright upon others (more open offenders) is noted to be somewhat eclipsed towards him. What directions soever his Majesty gave, the order is somewhat tart upon the Earl. The word of Confinement, spread about the City (though I observed not one syllable so quick to fall from his Majesty) his Keeper much wondered at. The act of the Council published in our names, who were neither present thereat, or heard one word of the same: yet upon my credit the Earl takes all things patiently, and thankfully, though others wonder at the same. Mr. Secretary signed a Petition of one Rookwood a Papist, and prisoner in the Fleet upon five several executions, that I should grant him his liberty. The King's name is used, and the mediation of the Spanish Ambassador. If I breaking rules so foully in favour of a Papist, (which I am resolved to keep strait against all men whatsoever) I shall infame myself in the very beginning. If his Majesty will have any special indulgence in this kind, I expect intimation immediately from the King, or your Lordship, and no third Person. Your Lordship will not expect from me any account of Council business, nor the setting at liberty of the late prisoners. Mr. Secretary is secret enough for imparting any thing unto me, so as I must remain in a necessary ignorance. There is a Country man of mine one Griffith, a suitor unto the Court for the reversion of an Auditor's place, recommended thereunto by his Master the Lord Treasurer. The place is of great Consequence for the disposing of his Majesty's revenues. The man is unfit for this, as presumptuous and daring for any place. Sir Robert Pie saith, he hath already written to your Lordship, and I doubt not of your care thereof. Doctor Lamb (the bearer) is a very sufficient, and (for aught I ever heard of him) an honest man. The King hath employed him in discovery of counterfeit Witchcrafts, in reforming of no ounterfeit, but hearty Puritans, and he hath done good service therein. If his Majesty (now in our pure air of Northhamptonshire) do not show him some favour, or grace, either by Knighting, or by using him courteously, The Brethren (having gotten out their Yeluerton again) will neglect and molest him too unsufferably. God from Heaven bless you. Remember your deanery, and Dean of Westminster, etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke concerning the Earl Marshal's place, 1. Septemb. 1621. My most Noble Lord, I Beseech your Lordship to interpret this Letter well, and fairly, which no malice (though never so provoked) but my duty to his Majesty, and love to your Lordship hath drawn from me: both which respects as long as I keep inviolably, I will not omit for the fear of any man, or the loss of any thing in this world, to do any act, which my Conscience shall inform me to belong unto that place, wherein the King by your favour hath entrusted me. I received this morning two Commands from his Majesty, the one about a Pension of 2000 l. yearly, and the other concerning the office of the Earl Marshal, both conferred on the Right Honourable the Earl of Arundel. For the former, although this is a very unseasonable time to receive such large Pensions from so bountiful a King, and that the Parliament so soon approaching is very like to take notice thereof, and that this pension might (under the correction of your better judgement) have been conveniently deferred until that Assembly had been over. Yet who am I that should question the wisdom, and bounty of my Master? I have therefore sealed the same, praying secretly unto God to make his Majesty as abounding in wealth as he is in goodness. But the latter I dare not seal (my good Lord) until I hear your Lordship's resolution to these few Questions. Whether his Majesty by expressing himself in the delivery of the staff to my Lord of Arundel, that he was moved thereunto for the easing of the rest of the Commissioners, who had, before, the execution of that office, did not imply, that his Majesty intended to impart unto my Lord no greater power, than was formerly granted to the Lords Commissioners. If it were so, this Patent should not have exceeded their Patent, whereas it doth enlarge itself beyond that by many dimensions. Whether it is his Majesty's meaning, that the Patent leaping over the powers of the three last Earls, Essex, Shrewsbery, and Somerset, should refer only to my Lords own Ancestors, howard's, and mowbray's Dukes of Norfolk, who claimed this place by a way of inheritance. The usual reference of Patents being unto the last, and immediate predecessor, and not unto the remote, whose powers (in those unsettled and troublesome times are vage, uncertain, and impossible to be limited. Whether it is his Majesty's meaning, that this great Lord should bestow those offices, settled of a long time in the Crown, Sir Edward Zouch his in the Court, Sir George Reinel's in the King's Bench, and divers others. All which this new Patent doth sweep away, being places of great worth and dignity. Whether that his Majesty's meaning, and your Lordships, that my Lord Steward's place shall be (for all his power of Judicature in the Verge,) either altogether extinguished, or at leastwise subordinated unto this new Office? A point considerable, because of the greatness of that person, and his nearness in blood to his Majesty, and the Prince his Highness. Lastly, Whether it be intended, that the offices of the Earl Marshal of England, and the Marshal of the King's house, which seem in former times to have been distinct offices, shall be now united in this great Lord? A power limited by no Law, or Record, but to be searched out from Chronicles, Antiquaries, Heralds, and such obsolete Monuments, and thereupon held these 60 years, (for my Lord of Essex his power was clearly bounded, and limited) unfit to be revived by the policy of this State. These Questions, if his Majesty intended only the renewing of this Commission of the Earl Marshals in my Lord of Arundel are material and to the purpose. But if his Majesty aimed withal, at the reviving of this old office, A la ventura, whose face is unknown to the people of this age; upon the least intimation from your Lordship, I will seal the Patent. And I beseech your Lordship to pardon my discretion in this doubt, and irresolution. It is my place to be wary what innovation passeth the Seal. I may offend that great Lord in this small stay, but your Lordship cannot but know, how little I lose, when I lose but him, whom without the least cause in the world, I have irreconcilably lost already. All that I desire is, that you may know what is done, and I will ever do what your Lordship (being once informed) shall direct as becometh, etc. That there is a difference betwixt the Earl Marshal, and the Marshal of the King's house; See lambert's Archiron: or of the High Courts of Justice in England Circa Medium. The Marshal of England, and the Constable are united in a Court, which handleth only Duels out of the Realm, matters within the Realm, as Combats, Blazon, Armoury, etc. but it may meddle with nothing tryable by the Laws of the Land. The Marshal of the King's Household is united in a Court with the Seneschal or Steward, which holds plea of Trespasses, Contracts, and Covenants made within the Verge, and that according to the Laws of the Land, Vid. Artic. Super Cart. C. 3. 4. 5. We do all of us conceive the King intended the first place only for this great Lord, and the second to remain in the Lord Stewards managing. But this new Patent hath comprehended them both. This was fit to be presented to your Lordship. The Lord Keeper to the Duke. 16. Decemb. 1621. Most Noble Lord, I Have seen many expressions of your love in other men's Letters (where it doth most naturally and purely declare itself) since I received any of mine own. It is much your Lordship should spare me those thoughts, which pour out themselves in my occasions: But to have me and my affairs in a kind of affectionate remembrance, when your Lordship is saluting of other Noble men, is more than ever I shall be able otherways to requite then with true prayers and best wishes. I received this afternoon (by Sir John Brook) a most loving Letter from your Lordship, but dated the 26th. of Novemb. imparting your care over me for the committing of one Beeston for breach of a Decree. My Noble Lord, Decrees once made must be put in execution, or else, I will confess this Court to be the greatest imposture, and Grievance in this Kingdom. The damned in Hell do never cease repining at the Justice of God, nor the prisoners in the Fleet, at the Decrees in Chancery; of the which hell of prisoners this one, for antiquity and obstinacy may pass for a Lucifer. I neither know him, nor his cause, but as long as he stands in Contempt, he is not like to have any more liberty. His Majesty's last Letter, though never so full of honey (as I find by passages reported out of the same, being as yet, not so happy as to have a sight thereof) hath notwithstanding afforded those Spiders which infest that noble House of Commons, some poison, and ill constructions to feed upon, and to induce a new diversion, or plain Cessation of weightier businesses. His Majesty infers, (and that most truly, for where were the Commons before Henry the first gave them authority to meet in Parliaments?) that their privileges are but Graces and favours of former Kings, which they claim to be their inheritance, and natural birthrights. Both these assertions (if men were peaceably disposed, and affected the dispatch of the common businesses) might be easily reconciled. These privileges were originally the favours of Princes, and are now inherent in their persons: Nor doth his Majesty go about to impair or diminish them. If his Majesty will be pleased to qualify that passage with some mild and noble exposition, and require them strictly to prepare things for a Session, and to leave this needless dispute, his Majesty shall thereby make it appear to all wise and just men, that these persons are opposite to those common ends, whereof they vaunt themselves the only Patrons. But do his Majesty what he please, I am afraid (although herein the Lord Treasurer and others do differ from me) they do not affect a Sessions, nor intent to give at this time any Subsidy at all. Will the King be pleased therefore to add in this Letter (which must be here necessarily upon Monday morning) that if they will not prepare bills for a Session, his Majesty will break up this Parliament without any longer Prorogation, and acquainting the Kingdom with their undutifulness and obstinacy, supply the present wants by some other means. Or will his Majesty (upon their refusal) presently rejourn the the Assembly until the appointed 8th. of Feburary. This course is fittest for further advice, but the other to express a just indignation. I dare advise nothing in so high a point, but humbly beseech almighty God to illuminate his Majesty's understanding to insist upon that course, which shall be most behoveful for the advancement of his service. In our house his Majesty's servants are very strong, and increase every day, nor is there the least fear of any Malignant opposition. God reward all your Lordship's goodness and affection towards. etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke about Mr. Thomas Murrayes Dispensation, etc. 23. Febr. 1621. My most Noble Lord, I Should fail very much of my duty to his Majesty, if before the sealing of Mr. Thomas Murrayes Dispensation, I should not acquaint his Majesty explicitly, and freely, with the nature of this act, far differing from any dispensation in this kind, ever granted by his Majesty, since his happy coming to the Crown of England. For (to say nothing of the right of the election of this Provost, which being originally not in the King, but in the fellows, and now by their neglect devolved unto me, shall be fully and absolutely at his Majesty's command) the place is a living with cure of souls, and I am to institute and admit him to the cure of souls of the Parish of Eton by the express Letter of the Statute; without admission, it is impossible he should receive any real or rightful possession of the same. Now that his Majesty or any of his Predecessors, did ever dispense with a Layman to hold cure of souls, I think will be hard for any man to show by any warrantable precedent, or record whatsoever. And I know his Majesty to be as much averse from giving any such precedent, as any Prince in Christendom living this day. This is altogether differing a Deanery, or an Hospital, which being livings without cure, have been, and may be justly conferred by his Majesty upon Laymen with dispensations de non promovendo. If Sir Henry Savil's example be objected, I answer, (besides that the Queen made Claim to the gift of the place by lapse, occasioned through the promotion of the Provost to the Bishopric of Chichester, whereas his Majesty hath no such Claim thereunto at this time) That Savil never durst take true possession of the place, but was only slipped in by the Bishop, (who for fear of the Earl of Essex made bold with the conscience) Ad Curam et regimen Collegii, that is, to the care and government of the College. Whereas by the express words of the foundation, he is to be admitted, Ad Curam annimarum Parochianorū Ecclesia Aetonianae, to the Cure of the souls of all the people of the Parish of Eton. Secondly, I hold it no Disparagement to Mr. Murray (nor do find him all together averse from the same) to enter into orders in the reign of a King so favourable to our Coat, as (Gods name be praised for it) reigns now over us. This will give satisfaction to all the Church, bring him into this place according to statute, and the foundation of that dead King, prevent such a dangerous precedent for a Layman to possess cure of souls in the Eye, and Centre of all the Realm, and by an everlasting testimony of his Majesty's Piety to the Church of England. Thirdly, what opinion this Gentleman hath of our Church government is better known to his Majesty, then to me. If he should be averse thereunto, it were such a blow unto the Church (the number of the Fellows and Students there considered) as the like were never given by public authority these 50. Years. Fourthly, howsoever his Majesty, and the Prince his Highness shall resolve thereof (at whose feet I lie to be wholly disposed) I hope it is neither of their royal intendments to transfer the Bishopric of Lincoln upon the Fellows of that house, who have rashly usurped a Power of admitting their Provost by any example seen before. Whereas all Provosts as well the Churchmen, who come in by Election, as the Laymen recommended by the late Queen, were (as the foundation exactly requires it) admitted by the Bishop of Lincoln their Diocaesand and Visitor. I hope it was Mr. Murraies inexperience, rather than neglect (never deserved by me) that directed them to this strange course; subscription, and other conformities, to be acted in the presence of the Visitor, are essentially to be required before he can be admitted Provost of Eton. Lastly, Mr. murray hath hitherto mistaken all his course. He must be first dispensed withal (If his Majesty in his wisdom shall hold it fit) and then Elected first Fellow, and then Provost of the College (if he will come in regularly, and safely) whereas now contrary to Savils precedent, he is first Elected, and then goes on with his dispensation. All this I most humbly entreat your Lordship to make known to the Prince his Highness, and as much as your Lordship thinks fit thereof, to his Majesty. I will only add one note, and so end. It will be no more disparagement for Mr. Murray his Highness' Schoolmaster to enter into orders, than it was for Cox King Edward's Schoolmaster, a Master of Requests, and Privy Counsellor, to do the like, who afterwards became a worthy Prelate of this Church. I have discharged my duty to the King, Prince, and the Church of England. It remains now, that I should (as I will) religiously obey whatsoever I shall be directed in the sequel of this business. And so I rest, etc. Postscript. MY Lord, Mr. Murray since came unto me, to whom I shown this Letter, and told him I would send it unto you to be showed unto the King, and the Prince. I find him willing to run all courses, Priesthood only excepted. If the King will dispense with him, my Letter notwithstanding, I humbly beseech his Majesty, to write a Letter unto me, as a warrant to admit him only Ad Curam et Regimen Collegii, instead of the other words, Ad Curam animarum. I schooled him sound against Puritanisme, which he disavows, though somewhat faintly; I hope his Highness and the King will second it. The Lord Keeper to the Duke about the Liberties of Westminster, 6. May. 1621. My most Noble Lord, I Humbly beseech your Lordship to be a little sensible of those injurious affronts, offered without any show of equity unto this poor Liberty of Westminster. And for God's sake let me not want that protection, which not your Lordship only, but the two Cicils, and the Earl of Somerset, who neither regarded the Church, Learning, nor Honour in any measure as you do, have ever afforded every Dean of this Church. When I had (to my thinking) given the Knight Marshal full, and too much satisfaction, this day a Letter was offered to the Table (in my presence) violently pursued by the Lord Steward, and the Earl Marshal, to command this liberty, (which had stood unquestioned these 700 years) to show reason to Mr. Attorney, and Mr. Solicitor, why they prescribe against the Knight Marshal. A Course (as my Lord Precedent said openly) not to be offered to any subject of England. It is our Charter, and freehold of inheritance, to be showed only in a Court of Justice, and at the King's Bench, which we are very ready to do. And we may as well be questioned by a Letter from the Council, for all the Land we have, as for this. My Lord, the jurisdiction of this place brings not a penny to my purse, but it hath brought much sorrow to my heart, and now tears to my eyes, that I should be that unfortunate Contemptible man, who for all the King, and your Lordship's favour, and the true pains I take in answer thereunto, must be trampled down above all the Deans that lived in this place. Nor would it ever grieve me, if I had deserved it from these Lords by the least disrespect in all the world. I beseech you for the Church's sake, and your Honour's sake to be sensible hereof, and to know of the Bishop of Winchester, London, Duresme. Mr. Packer, or Sir Robert Pie, whether ever any question hath been made to this liberty in this kind. If a Letter had been recorded to question the same, when the Lord Admiral was Steward, and the Lord Keeper Dean thereof, judge you in your Wisdom what would become thereof in future posterity, etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke, Aug. 23. 1622. My most noble Lord, YEsterday upon the receipt of your Lordship's Letters of the 19th. of this instant concerning the hastening of the business of the original Writs, I sent presently for Mr. Attorney, and Mr. Solicitor, who were altogether unprovided for their parts of the dispatch, and are casually forced so to be, because three several Officers, in whose records they are to search, are now out of Town, and do not return yet these 7. days. But your Lordship shall not fail to have all things concluded 3. weeks before the Term, and I will (of purpose) put off all general sealing until it be effected. In the mean time (your Lordship's Letter notwithstanding) it will be nothing for your Lordship's case to have Sir George Chaworth any way interested in this office of the originals; but I hold it fit to leave it (as it is in Law and Equity) forfeited for nonpayment of rent in his Majesty's hands; for upon that issue I do not doubt but my Lord of St. Albon, and Sir George will be content to hear reason. I have received extraordinary respects, and expressions from my Noble Lord the Lord marquis Hamilton, which doth exceedingly comfort and encourage me to go on, with some more alacrity through the difficulties of this restless place. I beseech your Lordship (who is Causa Causarum, the first Cause, that sets all these other Causes of my Comforts in Going) to take notice of the same, and to undertake this favour to be placed upon a poor honest hearted man, who would (if he were any way able) requite it. God's blessings, and the prayers of a poor Bishop ever attend your Lordship, etc. Postscript. THe Spanish Ambassador took the alarm very speedily of the titulary Romish Bishop, and before my departure from his house at Islington, (whither I went privately to him) did write both to Rome and Spain to prevent it. Sir Toby Mathewes. But I am afraid, that Toby will prove but an Apocryphal, and no Canonical intelligencer, acquainting the State with this project, for the Jesuits rather than for Jesus sake. The Lord Keeper to the Duke about the Lord Treasurer, Septemb. 9th. 1622. My most Noble Lord, THat I neither wrote unto your Lordship, nor waited upon your Lordship since my intolerable scandalising by the Lord Treasurer, this is the true and only cause: I was so moved to have all my diligent service, pains, and unspotted justice thus rewarded by a Lord, who is reputed wise, that I have neither slept, read, written, or eaten any thing since that time; until the last night, that the Ladies sent for me (I believe of purpose) to Wallingford house, and put me out of my humour. I have lost the love, and affection of my men, by seizing upon their Papers, perusing all their answers to Petitions, casting up their moneys, received by way of fees, (even to half Crowns, and two shillings) and finding them all to be poor honest Gentlemen, that have maintained themselves in my service by the greatness of my pains, and not the greatness of their fees. They are most of them landed men, that do not serve me for gain, but for experience, and reputation. And desire to be brought to the Test to show their several books, and to be confronted by any one man with whom they contracted, or from whom they demanded any Fee at all; The greatest sum in their books is five pounds, and those very few, and sent unto them from Earls, and Barons. All the rest are some 20 s. 10 s. 5 s. 2 s. 6 d. and 2 s. And this is the oppression in my house, that the Kingdom (of the Common Lawyers peradventure, who have lost I confess hereby 20000 l. at the least, saved in the purses of the Subjects) doth now groan under. Now I humbly beseech your Lordship to peruse this paper here enclosed, and the issue I do join with the Lord Treasurer, and to acquaint (at the least) the King, and the Prince, how unworthily I am used by this Lord; who (in my soul and conscience I believe it) either invents these things out of his own head, and ignorance of this Court, or hath taken them up from base, unworthy, and most unexperienced people. Lastly, because no act of mine (who am so much indebted for all my frugality) could in the thoughts of a devil incarnate breed any suspicion, that I gained by this office, excepting the purchase of my Grandfather's Lands, whereunto my Lord Chamberlains nobleness, and your Lordship's encouragement, gave the invitation. I do make your Lordship (as your Lordship hath been often pleased to honour me) my faithful Confessor in that business, and do send your Lordship a note enclosed what money I paid, what I borrowed, and what is still owing for the purchase. I beseech your Lordship to cast your eye upon the paper, and lay it aside that it be not lost. And having now poured out my soul, and sorrow unto your Lordship's breast, I find my heart much eased, and humbly beseech your Lordship to compassionate the wrongs of. Your most humble and honest servant, J. L. C. S. The Fair and Familiar Conference which the Lord Treasurer had with the Lord Keeper after some Expostulations of his own, and the issue joined thereupon, at White-Hall, Septemb. 7. 1622. Object. 1 THere is taken 40000 l. for Petitions in your house this year. Sol. Not much above the fortieth part of the money for all the dispatches of the Chancery, Star-Chamber, Councel-Table, Parliament, the great Diocese of Lincoln, the jurisdiction of Westminster and St. martin's le Grand; All which have resort to my house by Petitions. Object. 2 You have yourself a share in the money. Sol. Then let me have no share in God's Kingdom; it is such a baseness as never came within the compass of my thoughts. Object. 3 It is commonly reported you pay to my Lord Admiral 1000 l. per mensem. Sol. As true as the other. The means of my place will reach to no more than two months. Object. 4 You never receive any Petitions with your own hands, but turn them to your Secretaries, who take double Fees, one for receiving, and the other for delivering. Sol. Let the Cloisters at Westminster answer for me. I never to this day received any Petition from my Secretaries, which I had formerly delivered unto them with my own hands. This is a new fashion which my Lord hath found in some other Courts. Object. 5 You sell days of hearing at higher rates than ever they were at. Sol. I never disposed of any since I came to this place, but leave them wholly to the Six Clarks, and Registers, to be set down in their Antiquity. Unless his Lordship means hearing of motions in the paper of Peremptories, which I seldom deny upon any Petition, and which are worth no money at all. Object. 6 You usually reverse Decrees upon Petitions. Sol. I have never reversed, altered, explained, or endured a motion, or Petition, that touched upon a decree once pronounced: but have sometimes made orders in pursuance of the same. Object. 7 You have 3. Doorkeepers, and are so locked up, that no man can have access unto you. Sol. I have no such officer in all my house, unless his Lordship means the College Porters; nor no locks at all, but his Majesty's business, which I must respect above Ceremonies and Compliments. You are cried out against over all the Kingdom for an unsufferable Object. 8 oppression and grievance. His Lordship (if he have any friends) may hear of such a Cry, Sol. and yet be pleased to mistake the person cried out against. All the Lords of the Council cry out upon you, and you are a Object. 9 wretched and a friendless man, if no man acquaints you with it. I am a wretched man indeed if it be so. Sol. And your Lordship (at the least) a very bold man if it be otherwise. I will produce particular witnesses, and make all these Charges Object. 10 good. I know your Lordship cannot, and I do call upon you to do it, Sol. as suspecting all to be but your Lordship's envy and malice to that service of the Kings, and ease of his Subjects, which God hath enabled me to accomplish, and perform in this troublesome Office. J. L. C. S. The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 21. of September. 1622. My most noble Lord, MY Lord Brook diswarning me (from his Majesty) from coming to Theobalds' this day, I was enforced to trouble your Lordship with these few lines. My most humble thanks for your Lordship's most free, and most loving Letter, I do willingly confess my error, yet still of the mind, that your Lordship only, who justly taxed it, hath made it to be an error. If your love to me had not exceeded all reason, and desert of mine, my complaints were not effects of melancholy, but of a real suffering, and misery. I do confess (and rest satisfied withal) that his Majesty's Justice, and your Lordship's love are anchors strong enough, for a mind more tossed than mine is, to ride at. Yet pardon me, my Noble Lord, upon this Consideration, if I exceeded a little in passion, the natural effect of honesty, and innocency. A Churchman, and a woman, have no greater Idol under heaven, than their good name. And yet they cannot fight at all. Nor with credit, scold, and least of all recriminate, to protect and defend the same. Their only revenge left them, is to grieve, and complain. My misery I took to be this. I am one of those that labour in his Majesty's Cole-mines under the earth, and out of sight. My pains from five a clock in the morning to 10. or 12. at night are restless, and endless, but under earth, and out of his Majesty's sight. What other men do (or but seem to do,) it is ever before the King's face, and if his Majesty will not look on it, if he hath ears about him, he shall be told of it so often by the parties themselves, that he must hear of it whether he will or no. And as my service (by this remoteness is hidden from the King, so is it liable to be traduced to the King, and my relief (as in dispatching the motions of poor men by Petitions allowable to my orders,) made to be a Grievance to the Common Wealth. But in all these fourteen days (wherein by the voice of the City, I have remained a prisoner in my house,) where is that one party grieved, that hath troubled his Majesty with Complaints against me? Only my Lord Marshal hath dealt with my noble Lord marquis Hamilton, my Lord of Carlisle, my Lord Treasurer (as your Lordship may soon know by ask the question) to make a faction to disgrace the poor Lord Keeper, who never dreamt thereof. Sir Gilbert Haughton hath complained to my Lord Treasurer of my men for taking, (Hugh Holland was by and heard him;) If your Lordship do but ask him his reason, I think it will appear how well grounded their complaints be. Upon those two former Anchors I will therefore rest, and that so far from Cowardliness, that I will either challenge them before his Majesty to make good their suggestions, or else (which I hold the greater valour of all, and which I confess I wanted before this check of your Lordships) go on in my Course, and scorn all these base, and unworthy scandals as your Lordship shall direct me. I have sent a Copy of a Letter of mine to my Lord Anan, which his Majesty hath seen, and given his assent it should not be kept private; yet I would humbly crave your Lordship's opinion thereof (by Mr. Packer) before any Copy goeth from me. I am ever, etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke. 12th. Octob. 1622. My most Noble Lord, I Will speak with the Jesuit to morrow, and deliver him his admonition from the King, but do send your Lordship here enclosed a Copy of the Conference which I procured from him without his privity, only to make his Majesty, and your Lordship merry. I have also received a Letter concerning the French Ambassador which I will be ready to put in execution as your Lordship's servant, and Deputy but not otherwise. Yet your Lordship will give me out of that freedom (which was wont to be well interpreted by your Lordship) to let your Lordship understand, that I find all businesses of restitution of ships, and goods thus taken, to have been handled before the Council in Star-chamber all the reigns of Henry 7th. and H. 8th. without any contradiction of the Lord Admiral for the time being. But this to your Lordship in secret. I will be very careful of the Earl of Desmond, that neither his cause, nor your Lordship's reputation shall suffer thereby. And this is the account I can yet give of your Lordship's Letter, save that I humbly expect that answer, which your Lordships own Luckie hand hath promised in the postscript of one of them. I would ease your Lordship in this place, but to prevent complaint that (peradventure) may be first invented, and then presented. Your Lordship shall hear of a long narrative of our Council Table dispatches. That passage of our letter, which (as it now goeth) doth hope that his Majesty will spare to confer any suits of moment in Ireland until the return of the Irish Committee, was a blunt request to the King, to grant no suits there without our advice. Against this (concluded in my absence the first day of the Term) I spoke first to the Prince privately (who allowed of my reasons) then (when the Precedent would not mend it) at the Table openly, that I did utterly dislike we should tutor his Majesty, how to grant suits especially in Letters, that are to remain upon record. My Lord of Cantuar and the, Earl Marshal said, they had many Precedents in that kind. I answered, I knew they had none but in the King's time, and that I wished them (as I do) all torn out of the book and cast into the fire. I concealed my reasons, which now I will reveal unto your Lordship, because this is the third time, I have expressed unto your Lordship under my hand, my dislike of this kind of Limiting his Majesty otherwise then by word of mouth. First if his Majesty (which we see so often done) shall dispose of these suits otherwise, here are so many records remaining to malicious men to observe his Majesty's averseness from following the advice of the Council board. Secondly, if your Lordship shall procure any suit in this kind here are records also in time to come, that you cross and thwart the government of the Kingdom. And I pray God this be but mine own jealousy. The passage in the Letter with my Prating, and his Highness' help was altered, and for fear of misreporting, I make bold to relate the truth hereof to your Lordship. My Lords proceeded very resolutely in those reformations, which concerned other men. The Commission of fees enables the Committees to call before them all the Judges, as well as their under Officers (which was more than the King expressed at Hampton Court) amongst whom, the Lord Keeper is one, who from the Conquest to this day, was never subjected to the call of any power in the Kingdom, but the King and the Parliament. And although I have not one Penny of Fee, which hath not continued above one hundred years, yet for the honour of the Prime place in the state (though now disgraced by the contemptibleness of the Officer) I am an humble suitor unto your Lordship, that my Person may be exempted from the command of Sr. Edwin Sandys, or indeed any man else, besides the King my Master. Otherwise I shall very patiently endure it, but the King hereafter may dislike it. The Justices of the Peace are also appointed, but (if the Judges and myself be not utterly deceived) to no purpose in the world, nor service to his Majesty. But when their Lordships came to surrender the under Leiutenantships to his Majesty's hands, whom the Lord Precedent, and I held fit to be created henceforward by several Commissions under the Great Seal, it was stiffly opposed, and stood upon, that the King should name them in their Lordship's Commissions only (according to a Precedent in the late Queen's time) that is, the King shall have the naming, but they still the appointing of them. And now it was pressed, that his Majesty intended not to disgrace his Lords &c: and your Lordship is to have a Letter from Mr. Secretary to know his Majesty's mind herein. If his Majesty shall not ordain them to be created by several Patents, it were better a great deal they should continue as they do. I am very tedious in the manner and (peradventure) in the matter of this Letter I humbly crave pardon etc. Passages between the Lord Keeper and Don Francisco. HE was very inquisitive if I had already, or intended to impart, what he had told me the night before in secret, to any man, to the which he did add a desire of secrecy. Because 1. The King had charged him and the Friar to be very secret. 2. The Ambassadors did not know that he had imparted these things unto me. 3. The Popes were secret instructions which they gave to the Friar to urge and press the same points, which himself had done to the King. He confessed, that the greatest part of the Friar's instructions were to do all the worst offices he could against the Duke, and to lay the breach of the marriage, and disturbance of the peace upon him. He excused the bringing the Copy of that paper unto me, because the marquis had it yet in his custody, but said he would procure it with all speed. I desired him to do it, the rather because, besides my approbation of the form, and manner of the writing; I might be, by it, instructed how to apply myself, to do his Majesty service therein, as I found by that Conference, his Majesty's bent, and inclination. He having understood, that there was, though a close, yet an indissoluble friendship betwixt the Duke and myself, desired me to show some way, how the Duke might be won unto them, and to continue the peace. I answered I would pursue any fair course, that should be proposed that way; but for myself, that I never meddled with matters of State, or of this nature, but was only employed (before this journey of the Prince's) in matters of mine own Court, and in the Pulpit. He desired to know if they might rely upon the King, whom only they found peaceably addicted; otherwise they would cease all mediation, and prepare for War. I answered, That he was a King that never broke his word, and he knew what he had said unto them. He commended much the courage and resolution of the Lord Treasurer, which I told him we all did, as a probable sign of his innocency. He said that the marquis had dispatched three Curreos, and expected large Propositions from Spain to be made unto his Majesty, concerning the present restitution of the Palatinate. And that if this failed, they were at an end of Treaty, and the Ambassadors would forthwith return home. 11th. April, 1622. The Lord Keeper to the Duke. May it please your Grace, I Received your Grace's Letter by Mr. Killigrew, so full of that sweetness, as could never issue from any other Fountain, than that one breast so fraught with all goodness, and virtue; Dick Winne may write freely, (as he talks) but alas! what can my wretched self perform, that should deserve the least acknowledgement from him, to whom I own so infinitely much more than the sacrificing of my life amounts to? only my love makes me sometimes write, and many times fear, fond and foolishly, for the which I hope your Grace will pardon me. I have been frighted more about three weeks since (about quarrels and jars, which now Dick Greyhams hath related in part unto the King) then at this present, I am. For God's sake be not offended with me, if I exhort you to do that, which I know you do, to observe his Highness with all lowliness, humility, and dutiful obedience, and to piece up any the least seam-rent, that heat, and earnestness might, peradventure, seem to produce. I know (by looking into myself) these are the symptoms of good natures. And for God's sake I beg it, as you regard the prayers of a poor friend, if the great negotiation be well concluded, let all private disagreements be wrapped up in the same, and never accompany your Lordships into England, to the joy and exultation of your enemies, if any such ingrateful Devils are here to be found: I am in good earnest, and your Lordship would believe it, if your Grace saw but the tears, that accompany these lines. I beseech you, in your Letter to the marquis Hamilton, intimate unto him your confidence, and reliance upon his watchfulness, and fidelity in all turns, which may concern your Grace. I have often lied unto his Lordship, that your Grace hath in many of my Letters expressed as much, and so have pacified him for the time. If we did know, but upon whom to keep a watchful eye for disaffected reports concerning your service, it is all the intelligence he and I do expect. His Majesty (as we conceive) is resolved to take certain oaths, which you have sent hither, and I pray God afterward no farther difficulties be objected. I have had an hours discourse with his Majesty yesterday morning, and do find him so disposed towards your Lordship as my heart desireth; yet hath been informed of the discontentments both with the Conde de Olivarez, and the Earl of Bristol. Here is a strange Creation passed of late, of a Vice-Counteship of Maidenhead, passed to the Heirs Males, who must be called hereafter Vice-Countesse Fynch. But my Lady Duchess hath the Land, and (as they say) hath already sold it to my Lord Treasurer, or shared it with him. I stayed the Patent until I was assured your Lordship gave way thereunto. My good Lord, because I have heard, that they have in those parts a conceit of our church, as that they will not believe we have any Liturgy, or Book of common prayer at all, I have (at mine own cost) caused the Liturgy to be translated into Spanish, and fairly Printed, and do send you by this bearer a Couple of the Books, one for his Highness, the other for your Grace. Not sending any more unless your Grace will give directions. His Majesty was acquainted therewith, and alloweth of the business exceedingly. The Translator is a Dominican, a zealous Protestant, and a good Scholar, and I have secured him to our Church, with a Benefice, and a good Prebend. Because we expect every day the dispatching of Sr. Francis Cottington thitherward, I will not trouble your Grace farther at this time, but do earnestly pray unto God to bless your Grace both now and ever hereafter with all his favours and blessings spiritual and temporal. And rest etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 30. Aug. 1623. My it please your Grace, I Have no business of the least Consideration to trouble your Grace withal at this time, but that I would not suffer Mr. Greyham to return without an expression of my respect and obligation. I would advertise your Grace at large of the course held with our Recusants, but that I know Mr. Secretary is enjoined to do so, who best can. His Majesty at Salisbury having referred the suit of these Ambassadors to the Earl of Carlisle, and Mr. Secretary Conway, sent (by their resolutions) some articles unto us (the Lord Treasurer, Secretary Calvert, Sir Richard Weston and myself) to this effect. 1. To grant a pardon of all offences past, with a dispensation for those to come to all the Roman Catholics, obnoxious to any laws made against the Recusants. 2. And then to issue forth two general Commands under the Great Seal, the first to all the Judges, and Justices of the Peace, anp the other to all Bishops, Chancellors and Commissaries not to execute any Statute made against them. Their general pardon we have passed, and sent unto his Majesty (from whence it is not returned) in as full and ample manner as they could desire, and pen it. The other general and vast prohibition, I prevailed with the rest of the Lords to stop as yet, and gave (in three day's conference) such reasons to the 2. Ambassadors, that (although it is no easy matter to satisfy the Caprichiousnesse of the Latter of them) yet they were both content it should rest until the Infanta had been six Months in England. My reason, if it may please your Grace, was this. Although this general favour, and connivance, whereof there are 20. of the Prime Council know nothing as yet, must at last be known to all the Land: yet is there a great difference between the publishing thereof A Golpe, at one push, as it were, and that instilling of it into their knowledge by little, and little by reason of favours done to particular Catholics. The former course might breed a general impression, if not a mutiny. This Letter will but loosen the tongues but of some few particulars, who understand of their neighbour's pardon, and having vented their dislikes, when they have not many to Sympathize with them, they grow cool again, so as his majesty afterwards may enlarge these favours without any danger at all. Secondly, to forbid judges (against their oaths) and Justices of the Peace (sworn likewise) to execute the law of the Land, is a thing (unpresidented in this Kingdom et Durus Sermo a very harsh and bitter pill to be digested upon a sudden, and without some preparation. But to grant a pardon, even for a thing that is Malum in se, and a dispensation with Penal Laws (in the profit whereof the King only is interested) is usual and full of precedents, and examples. And yet is this Letter only tending to the safety, the former but to the glory and insolency of the Papists, and the magnifying the service of the Ambassadors ends too dearly purchased, with the endangering of a tumult in three Kingdoms. Thirdly and Lastly, his Majesty useth to speak to his Bishops, Judges and Justices of the peace, by his Chancellor, or Keeper (as your Grace well knoweth) and by his Great Seal; and I can signify his Majesty's pleasure unto them, with less noise and danger, which I mean to do hereafter, (if the Ambassadors shall press it,) to this effect, unless your Grace shall (from his Highness, or your own judgement) direct otherwise. That whereas his Majesty being at this time to mediate for favour to many Protestants in foreign parts, with Princes of another religion, and to sweeten the entertainment of the Princess into this Kingdom, who is as yet a Roman Catholic, doth hold a mitigation of the rigour of those laws made against Recusants, to be a necessary inducement to both those purposes, and hath therefore issued forth some pardons of Grace, and favour to such Roman Catholics, of whose faithfulness and fidelity to the state he rests assured. That therefore you the Lords, Bishops, Judges, and Justices, (each of those to be written unto by themselves) do take notice of this his Majesty's pardon, and dispensation, with all such penal Laws, and demean yourselves accordingly, etc. Thus have I been too tedious and troublesome unto your Grace, and Crave your pardon therefore, and some directions (which you may cause Sir Francis Cottington or some other to write, without your Grace's trouble) if there shall appear any cause of alteration. Doctor Bishop, the new Bishop of Chalcedon is come to London privately, and I am much troubled thereabouts, not knowing what to advise his Majesty in this posture, as things stand at this present. If you were shipped (with the Infanta) the only Council were to let the Judges proceed with them presently, hang him out of the way, and the King to Blame my Lord of Cantuar: or myself for it. But before you be shipped in such form and manner I dare not assent or Connive at such a course. It is (my gracious Lord) a most insolent Part, and an offence (as I take it) Against our common Law (and not the statutes only which are dispensed withal,) for an English man to take such a consecration without the King's consent, and especially to use any Episcopal Jurisdiction in this Kingdom without the royal assent, and Bishops, have been in this State put to their fine, and ransom for doing so three hundred years ago. I will cease to to be further troublesome and pray to Almighty God to bless your Grace, and in all humbleness take my leave, and rest etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 14th. of October, 1621. My most Noble Lord, I Humbly thank your Lordship for your most sweet and loving Letter, which (as Sir George Goring could not but observe) hath much revived me drooping under the unusual weight of so many businesses. Let God suffer me no longer to be, than I shall be true, plain, faithful and affectionately respectful of your Lordship, as being most bound unto your Lordship for these so many fruits, but far more for the tree that bore them, your love and affection. If your Lordship shall not think it inconvenient, I do beseech your Lordship to present this Petition enclosed, either by word or writing unto his Majesty, and to procure a speedy dispatch thereof, because we are to meet on Thursday next. Also to acquaint his Majesty, that I stumble at the Proclamation (now coming to the Seal) against any, that shall draw, or present any bill for his Majesty's signature, besides those Clarks which usually draw them up, by virtue of their places. It is most prejudicial to my place, the Lord Treasurer, and the Judges itinerant who are often occasioned to draw up, and present to his Majesty divers matters, and especially pardons of Course. It is also too strong a tie upon your Lordship's hands; being intended by his Majesty against Projectors and Scriveners only. If it shall please his Majesty therefore to make an exception of the Lords of his Council, and Judges of Assize, it may pass to the contentment of all men. Mr. Attorney saith he meant this exception, but I find it not sufficiently expressed in the Proclamation. Also I humbly beseech your Lordship to meddle with no pardon for the Lord of St. Albon, until I shall have the happiness to confer with your Lordship; the pardoning of his fine is much spoken against, not for the matter, (for no man objects to that) but for the manner, which is full of knavery, and a wicked precedent. For by this assignation of his fine, he is protected from all his Creditors, which I dare say was neither his Majesties, nor your Lordship's meaning. I have presumed to send your Lordship a true Copy of that speech, which I made at Westminster Hall at my entrance upon this office; because somewhat was to be spoken at so great a change, and alteration in so high a Court; And I was never so much troubled in my life, not how, but what to speak. I humbly crave pardon, if I have failed in points of discretion, which a wiser man (in such a case) might easily do. With my heartiest prayers unto God to continue all his blessings upon your Lordship, I rest deservedly, etc. Postscript. MY Lord, I find my Lord Treasurer affectionately touched with removing from the Court of Wards; and do wish with all my heart, he may have contentment in that, or any thing else, but orderly, and in a right method. Let him hold it, but by your Lordship's favour, not his own power, or wilfulness. And this must be apparent, and visible: Let all our greatness depend (as it ought) upon yours, the true original. Let the King be Pharaoh, yourself Joseph, and let us come after as your half-brethrens. God bless you, etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke, concerning Sir John Michael, 8. Aug. 1622. My most noble Lord, IN the cause of Sir John Michael, which hath so often wearied this Court, vexed my Lady your Mother, and now flieth (as it seemeth) unto your Lordship, I have made an order the last day of the Term, assisted by the Master of the Rolls, and Mr. Baron Bromley in the presence, and with the full consent of Sir John Michael, who then objected nothing against the same; but now in a dead vacation, when both the adverse party, and his Council are out of Town, and that I cannot possible hear otherwise then with one ear, he clamours against me, (most uncivilly,) and would have me contrary to all conscience and honesty reverse the same. The substance of the order is not so difficult and intricate, but your Lordship will easily find out the equity or harshness thereof. Sir Laurence Hid makes a motion in behalf of one Strelley (a party whose face I never saw,) that whereas Sir John Michael had put a bill into this Court against him, and one Sayers, five years ago for certain Lands and Woods, (determinable properly at the Common Law) and having upon a certificate betwixt himself, and Sayers, without the knowledge of the said Strelley, procured an injunction from the last Lord Chancellor for the possession of the same, locks up the said Strelley with the said injunction, and never proceeds to bring his cause to hearing within five years. It was moved therefore, that either Sir John's bill might be dismissed to a trial at the Common Law, or else that he might be ordered to bring it to hearing in this Court, with a direction to save all wastes of Timber trees (in favour of either party, that should prove the true owner) until the cause should receive hearing. Sir John being present in Court, made choice of this last offer, and so it was ordered accordingly. And this is that order, that this strange man hath so often, of late, complained of to your Mother, and now, as it seemeth, to your Lordship. God is my witness, I have never denied either justice, or favour (which was to be justified,) to this man, or any other, that had the least relation to your good and most noble Mother. And I hope your Lordship is persuaded thereof. If your Lordship will give me leave (without your Lordship's trouble) to wait upon you, at any time this day, your Lordship shall appoint, I would impart two or three words unto your Lordship, concerning your Lordships own business. Remaining ever, etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke. May it please your Grace, NOw that I understand by Sir John Hipsley how things stand between your Grace and the Earl of Bristol; I have done with that Lord, and will never think of him otherwise, then as your Grace shall direct. Nor did I ever write one syllable to that effect, but in contemplation of performing true service to your Grace. I was much abused in the Lady Hennage her Vice-Counteship, being made to believe, it was your Grace's act, or else I had stayed it finally, (until the Prince's return) as I did for a time. If your Grace will give any directions in matters of that nature, I can pursue them. My Lord Treasurer's sons Wardship is a thing of no moment at all, and not worthy your Graces thinking of. And in good faith as far as getting, and Covetousness will give him leave, I do not see, but that Lord is (since your absence) very respective of your Grace, especially in your own person, and affairs. I never received any answer from your Grace concerning the Provostship of Aeton, nor was it good manners for me to press for the same, because in my Letters I did presume to name myself. The place is mine to bestow for this time, and not his Majesties, nor the Colleges. But I do very willingly reserve the Collation of the same, to be disposed as your Grace shall please. Yet this will be a sufficient answer to any former promise, or any reasonable Competitor. His Majesty (as your Grace best knoweth) promised me at the delivery of the Seal a better Bishopric, and intended it certainly, if any such had fallen. My Charge is exceeding great, my Bribes are very little, my Bishopric, Deanery, and other Commendams do not clear unto me above one thousand pounds a year at the uppermost. It hath pleased God, that the casualties of my office, (which is all the benefit of the same, and enriched my Lord Elsmor,) hath not been worth to me these two years past one shilling. It may mend when it pleaseth God. I leave all these, and myself, who am your Vassal, at your Lordship's feet, and do rest, etc. Your Graces, etc. J. L. C. S. Postscript. MAy it please your Grace, I troubled his Highness with a long relation of the Consulto we had about his Majesty's taking of the Oath. Which I had written to your Grace, and not to his Highness, but that I was frighted by great men, that I had done his Highness a displeasure in pressing his Majesty's assent unto the same. And I protest I was so poorly accompanied in my opinion, that I was truly afraid I had not done well. And therefore I took occasion to write my reasons at large unto the Prince. Which I heard by Sir John Hipsley from your Grace was well taken. I humbly thank your Grace, who I know forwarded the same. And so I perceive by a Letter from his Highness so full of sweetness, as I am overwhelmed. J. L. C. S. The Lord Keeper to the Duke. 6. January. 1623. May it please your Grace, Done Francisco being with me this night, about a pardon for a poor Irish man, whom I reprieved from execution, at the suit of those Gentlemen of Navarra, which are here with the marquis, let fall by a kind of supposition (affirming the matter to be as yet in the womb, and not fully shaped, and digested) words to this effect. That if the King of Spain should make a double marriage with the second Brother of France, and his Sister, and bestow the Palatinate as a Dower upon his sister, in what case were we then? I answered, That we should be then, in no worse case (for aught I knew) than we are now: but that Germany might be in a far better case. Peradventure it was but a word let fall to terrify me withal. But your Grace may make that use of it, as to understand the language, if your Grace shall hear any mention thereof hereafter. I am very glad, and do give God thanks par le mejora de su hijucla hermosissima. And do rest, etc. Surely the French Ambassador is secret and more suspected then formerly by the People. Mr. John Packer to the Lord Keeper, 21. January, 1623. May it please your Lordship, SInce my coming hither, finding my Lord at good opportunity, I have acquainted him in what perplexity I found your Lordship at my coming from Westminster, and upon what reason. And though I am sorry I can make no comfortable relation of his answer, yet because it so much importeth your Lordship to know in what terms you stand, I could not conceal it from you, being agreeable to those reports your Lordship hath already heard, saving that his Grace told me, he doth not seek your ruin (as some others had related) but only will hereafter cease to study your fortune, as formerly he hath done; and withal added the reason, that your Lordship hath run a course opposite to him, which though he had cause to take ill at your hands, yet he could have passed it over, if it had been out of conscience, or affection to his Majesty's service, or the Public good, but being both dangerous to your country, and prejudicial to the cause of religion (which your Lordship above all other men should have laboured to uphold) he thought, he could not with reason continue that strictness of friendship, where your Lordship had made such a separation, especially having divers times out of his love to you, assayed to bring you into the right way, which once you promised to follow; but the two last times you met in Council, he found, that you took your cue just as other men did, and joined with them in their opinions, whose aim was to tax his proceed in the managing of the Prince's business. But instead of laying it upon him, they did no less, then throw dirt in the Prince's teeth. For either they would make him a minor, or put the refusal of the Lady upon his Highness, and to lay an aspersion upon his carriage there. His Lordship's Conclusion with me was, that for any carriage of his, he desireth no other favour, but that the greatest Council in England may be judge of it, and the like he wisheth for other men's actions. Yet I did what I could to persuade his Grace to expostulate the matter with your Lordship, which he told me, he would no more do, having done it already, but found no other satisfaction, but that by your practice you rejected what he had said, and besides, divulged what had passed between you, as he evidently perceived meeting with it among others. Whereby you gained only thus much, that they esteemed of you, as of a man fit, by reason of your passion, to set all on fire, but held you not worthy of trust, because you, that would not be true to him, would never be so to them. My Lord, this is a part I would never have chosen, but being imposed by your Lordship, I could do you no better service then faithfully, and plainly to discharge it, leaving the use to your Lordship's wisdom, and ever resting Your Lordship's most humbly at command, J. P. The Lord Keeper to the Duke. 2. Feburary, 1623. May it please your Grace, NOt presuming to write unto your Grace being so offended at me, but resolved with sorrow, and Patience, to try what I was able to suffer, without the least thought of opposition against your absolute pleasure; his Highness hath encouraged, and commanded the contrary, assuring me (which I cannot repeat again without tears) that upon his credit, your Grace neither did, nor doth conceive any such real distaste against me, but did only suspect I had conceived his Highness' mind in that full manner, which his Highness himself, is now fully satisfied. I did not. In the which error, and mistake of the Prince his resolution, for want of conference with your Grace, or some other, I did (as I freely confessed) offend his Highness, but not your Grace at all. Being ever resolved to stand, or fall (though diversified in opinion) Your Grace's most faithful and constant servant. I humbly therefore beseech your Grace first to receive back this enclosed Letter of Mr. Packers, and to burn the same, then to receive my soul in gage and pawn. 1. That I never harboured in this breast one thought of opposition to hurt your Grace from the first hour I saw your face. 2. I never consulted (much less practised) with any Lord of that Committee to vote on the one or the other side. 3. I do not know that Lord in England, that hath any design against your Grace, and when I shall know any such, whosoever it be, I shall be his enemy as long as he continueth so unto your Grace. 4. I do not know (nor do I believe,) but that your Grace stands as firm in his Majesty's favour, and in his Highness as ever you did in all your life. 5. I never made the least show of siding with any opposite Lord unto your Grace, and I defy any man, that shall avow it. 6. I never divulged your Graces, or the secrets of any man. In the next place, I do most humbly and hearty crave your Grace's pardon, for suspecting (that is the utmost of my offence), so true, real, and Noble a friend. Yet that I may not appear a very beast, give me leave once to remember and ever after to forget, the motives, which drew me so to do. And I will do it in the same order they came into my head. 1. Your Grace's charge upon me at York house, that I was a man odious to all the world. 2. Michel's Voluntary Confession, that my Lord Mandevil shown him a Letter from Spain, avowing, that the first action your Grace would embark yourself in, should be to remove me out of this place, which the least word of your mouth unto me, is able to do. 3. A report of the Venetian Ambassador, that amongst others, your Grace intended to sacrifice me this Parliament to appease the dislike of immunities exercised towards the Catholics. 4. Your Grace's motion unto myself concerning my place (which now I absolutely know proceeded out of love) at Whitehall. 5. A most wicked lie, that one told, he heard your Grace move his Highness to speak unto me to quit my place, after your Grace's professions of friendship to me. 6. Mr. Secretary Conwaies and my Lord Carlile's estrangedness from me, which I suspected could not be (for I ever loved them both) but true copies of your Grace's displeasure. I have opened to my truest friend all my former thoughts, and being fully satisfied by his Highness how false they are in every particular, do humbly crave your Grace's pardon, that I gave a night's lodging to any of them all. Although they never transported me a jott further, then to look about how to defend myself, being resolved (as God shall be my protector) to suffer all the obloquy of the world, before I would be drawn to the least ingratitude against your Grace. All that I beg is an assurance of your Graces former Love, and I will plainly profess what I do not in the least beg or desire from your Grace. 1. No Patronage of any corrupt or unjust act which shall be objected against me this Parliament. 2. No defence of me, if it shall appear I betrayed my King, or my Religion in favour of the Papist, or did them any real respect at all, besides ordinary compliments. 3. No refuge in any of my causes, or clamours against me (which upon a false supposal of your Grace's displeasure may be many) otherwise then according to justice, and fair proceeding. And let this paper bear record against me at the great Parliament of all, if I be not in my heart, and soul, your Grace's most faithful and constant poor friend and Servant. His Highness desires your Grace to move his Majesty to accept of my Lord Says commission, and to procure me leave to send for him. Also to move his Majesty that my Lord of Hartford may be in the house, accepting his father's place, and making his protestation to sue for his Grandfathers, according to his Majesty's Laws, when the King shall give him leave. His Highness, and my Lords do hold this a modest and submissive Petition. His Highness upon very deep reasons, doubts whether it be safe to put all upon the Parliament, for fear they should fall to examine particular Dispatches, wherein they cannot but find many Contradictions. And would have the proposition only to aid for the recovery of the Palatinate. To draw on an engagement I propound it might be, to advise his Majesty how this recovery shall be effected, by reconquering the same, or by a War of diversion. This will draw on a breach with Spain, without ripping up of private dispatches. His Highness seemed to like well hereof, and commanded me to acquaint your Grace therewith, and to receive your opinion. I humbly, crave again two lines of assurance, that I am in your Grace's opinion as I will ever be indeed, etc. The Heads of that Discourse which fell from Don Francisco, 7. Die Aprilis, 1624. at 11. of the clock at night. This Relation was sent by the Lord Keeper to the Duke. HOw he came to procure his accesses to the King. The marquis putting Don Carlos upon the Prince and Duke in a discourse, thrust a Letter into the King's hand, which he desired the King to read in private; The King said he would, thrust it into his pocket, and went on with his discourse, as if he had received none. The effect was, to procure private access for Don Francisco to come and speak with the King, which his Majesty appointed by my Lord of Kelley; and he by his secrecy, who designed for Don Francisco time and place. At his first access, he told the King, That his Majesty was a prisoner, or at leastwise besieged, so as no man could be admitted to come at him. And then made a complaint against the Duke, that he aggravated, and pretended accusations against Spain; whereas its only offence was, that they refused to give unto him equal honour, and observance, as they did unto his Highness. And that this was the only cause of his hatred against them. At the last access, which was some 4. days ago, he made a long invective, and remonstrance unto the King, which he had put into writing in Spanish, which he read unto me, corrected with the hand of Don Carlos, which I do know. It was somewhat general, and very rhetorical, if not tragical for the stile. The heads of what I read were these, viz. 1. That the King was no more a freeman at this time, then King John of France when he was prisoner in England, or King Francis when he was at Madrid. Being besieged and closed up with the servants and vassals of Buckingham. 2. That the Ambassadors knew very well, and were informed 4. months ago, that his Majesty was to be restrained, and confined to his Country house, and pastimes, and the Government of the State to be assumed and disposed of by others, and that this was not concealed by Buckingham's followers. 3. That the Duke had reconciled himself to all the popular men of the State, and drawn them forth out of prisons, restraints, and confinements to alter the Government of the State at this Parliament, as Oxford, southampton, Say, and others, whom he met at Suppers and Ordinaries to strengthen his popularity. 4. That the Duke to breed an opinion of his own greatness, and to make the King grow less, hath oftentimes bragged openly in Parliament, that he had made the King yield to this and that, which was pleasure unto them. And that he mentioned openly before the Houses his Majesty's private oath, which the Ambassadors have never spoken of to any creature to this hour. 5. That these Kingdoms are not now governed by a Monarch, but by a Triumvirs, whereof Buckingham was the first and chiefest, the Prince the second, and the King the last; and that all look towards solemn Orientem. 6. That his Majesty should show himself to be, as he was reputed, the oldest and wisest King in Europe, by freeing himself from this Captivity, and eminent danger wherein he was, by cutting off so dangerous and ungrateful an affecter of greatness and popularity, as the Duke was. 7. That he desired his Majesty to conceal this his free dealing with him, because it might breed him much peril and danger. And yet if it were any way available for his service, to reveal it to whom he pleased, because he was ready to sacrifice his life to do him acceptable service. And this was the effect of so much of the penned speech as I remember was read unto me out of the Spanish Copy. His Majesty was much troubled in the time of this speech. His Offer to the King for the restitution of the Palatinate. TO have a Treaty for three months for the restitution, and that money was now given in Spain to satisfy Bavaria. That in the mean time because the people were so distrustful of the Spaniard, the King might fortify himself at home, and assist the Hollanders with men or money at his pleasure. And the King of Spain should not be offended therewith. His opinion of our preparing of this Navy. IT was a design of the Duke, to go to the Ports of Sevil, and there to burn all the Ships in the Harbour, which he laughed at. Speeches which he said fell from his Majesty concerning the Prince. 1. THat when he told the King, that his greatness with the Duke was such, as might hinder his Majesty from taking a course to repress him. His Majesty replied; He doubted nothing of the Prince, or his own power to sever them two, when he pleased. 2. His Majesty said, That when his Highness went to Spain, he was as well affected to that Nation as heart could desire, and as well disposed as any son in Europe; but now he was strangely carried away with rash, and youthful Counsels, and followed the humour of Buckingham, who had he knew not how many Devils within him since that journey. Concerning the Duke. 1. THat he could not believe yet, that he affected popularity to his disadvantage. Because he had tried him of purpose, and commanded him to make disaffecting motions to the houses, which he performed, whereby his Majesty concluded, he was not popular. 2. That he desired Don Francisco, and the Ambassadors (and renewed this request unto them by Padre Maestro two days ago,) to get him any ground to charge him with popular courses, or to increase a suspicion of it, and he would quickly take a course with him. 3. That he had good cause to suspect the Duke of late, but he had no servant of his own, that would charge him with any particular; nor knew he any himself. The end (as was conceived) of Don Francisco's desiring this Conference. HE had heard that the Duke had pushed at me in Parliament, and intended to do so again, when he had done with the Treasurer, and therefore showed, that if I would join to set upon him with the King, there was a fit occasion. I answered, that the Prince and the Duke had preferred me into my place, and kept me in it, and if I found them pursuing I would not keep it an hour. That what favour soever I shown the Ambassador, or Catholics, I did it for their sakes, and had thanks of them for it. And that I would deal by way of counsel with the Duke to be temperate, and moderate; but to be in opposition to my friend, and Patron, I knew he (being one that professed so much love unto me) would never expect from an honest man. Upon the which answer he seemed satisfied, and never replied word in that kind. I made an end of writing these notes about two of the clock in the morning. The Lord Keeper to the Duke, concerning Sir Richard Weston, 24. May. 1624. May it please your Grace, I Hold it my duty to give your Grace a present account of this Patent made for Sir Richard Weston. Having put off the sealing of the same as fairly as I could (though not without the clamour of one Lake, a servant of Mr. Chancelours, Mr. William Lake. who very saucily pressed for a dispatch,) this morning, Mr. Chancellor spoke with me himself, to whom I made answer, That I would seal his Patent, according to his Majesty's Warrant, but would retain it in my hands (as I was directed,) until I either spoke with the King, or received his farther Command in that behalf. He told me he would write unto your Grace concerning the stay thereof, and the stand of the King's business, until it were delivered, which course (I told him) was very fair. After I acquainted his Highness with my sealing and retaining of the Patent, and asked him, if he knew thereof. His Highness answered, he did know thereof, but gave no approbation of the course, and (although he durst not speak to cross it) he hoped I should have directions from the King to pull off the Seals again. Three hours after I went to his Highness the second time, and asked him, if he meant really as he spoke, or intended only to make me believe so. I desired to know his mind, lest I might steer my course contrary to his intendment. His Highness answered, He meant really, and would endeavour to effectuate all that he spoke. Which I thought very sitting for your Grace to know with all speed. But for the man himself, I must deliver unto your Grace my conscience. For aught I ever saw in him he is a very honest, and a very sufficient man, and such a one, as I never in all my life could observe to be any way false, or unfaithful unto your Grace. He was brought in by your Grace sore against my will, (as your Grace may call to mind, what I said to your Grace at Woodstock to that effect) not that I disliked the Gentleman, but because I was afraid he would be wholly the Treasurers, who began then to out-top me, and appeared to my thoughts, likely enough by his daring and boldness, (two virtues very powerful and active upon our Royal Master,) in time to do as much to your Grace. From that time to this, I never observed in Weston any unworthiness, or ingratitude to your Grace. Nay, craving pardon, I will proceed one step farther, I know no fit man in England for the office, if he come in as a creature of the Prince, and your Grace's; nor unfitter, if he should offer to take it, without your like. I think your Grace will remember, that this fortnight, this hath been my constant opinion. Upon the death of one Mr. Read, the Secretaries place for the Latin tongue is void. The Dean of Winchester, and I moved the King for Patrick Young, the fittest man in England for that place. And the Prince did, and will second the motion. I Beseech your Grace to assist us, or else the immodesty of his Competitor (that Lake I spoke of in the beginning of this Letter) will bear down this most honest, and bashful creature. God be thanked for your Grace's recovery and still preserve it. And so etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke. 22. August. 1624. May it please your Grace, I Humbly thank your Grace for your favourable and Gracious remembrance, sent by my Neighbour Sir George Goring. Though I despair to be able to make any other requital, yet will I never fail to serve your Grace most faithfully, and when I grow unuseful in that kind, to pray for you. I beseech your Grace, that I may receive from the Prince's Highness, and your Grace, some directions how to demean myself to the French Ambassador, in matters concerning Recusants, and that Mr. Secretary may either address himself to Mr. Attorney General in these causes, or else write unto me plainly what I am to do. His last letter required of me, and the Judges (who neither are, nor will be in town these six weeks yet,) an account of this their supposed persecution, neither so much as intimating unto me what, or when I should return an answer, and supposeth some directions his Majesty should give me therein, the which (particularly, or dividedly from the Judges) I never received. I adventured out of mine own head to write that answer, I imagine your Grace hath seen, whether I did well, or ill therein I know not, but conceived his Majesty expected some answer. Yesterday the Ambassador sent unto me, to know if I had received any order from his Majesty to stay this (as he termed it) persecution. I assured him, there was no such matter in this state, and that as yet, I had received no order from his Majesty of late, but was in expectation to hear from the Court very shortly. I humbly crave your Grace's directions, what I am to say, or do in the premises, being otherwise a mere stranger in all these proceed. I writ to no body herein besides your Grace, so as if I receive no direction, (which upon my head, and livelihood I shall bury in all secrecy) I shall be in a pitiful perplexity, if his Majesty shall turn the Ambassador upon me, altogether unprovided how to answer. And so with my heartiest prayers for your Grace's health, I rest yours, etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke. 21. July. 1624. May it please your Grace, I Can not suffer Sir George Goring to departed without these few lines, although the greatest matter of their contents must be this, to express unto your Grace my sorrow, and affliction, that I have no matter or occasion at all, wherein to show actually my affections and earnest desires to comply with my bounden duty in serving your Grace, and humbly to desire your Grace to believe, that there is no soul living shall do it more sincere-ly, and faithfully to the utmost of my understanding, than myself will do. I add this Caution the rather, because if ever I have offended your Grace, I take Almighty God to witness, it was only forwant of a perfect understanding of those high matters, and the persons bend, whom they concerned, not out of any corruption of affections towards your Grace, or the least staggering in a conti nued resolution to live, and die, your Grace's most constant, and most faithful servant. This, God in heaven (who seethe what I now write,) and the King, and Prince upon earth, do perfectly know, and I (nothing doubt it) will acknowledge unto your Grace. And thus with my most humble thanks unto your Grace for that assurance I received, that I remain (though unemployed and unprofitablely) yet in your Grace's good affection, I beseech Almighty God to preserve your health, and to increase your favour day, by day with God, with the King, with the Prince, and with all good men. The daily vows of etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke concerning the Countess of South hampton 17. Novemb. 1624. May it please your Grace, I Know how few arguments I need to use to persuade your Grace to works of Nobleness, and charity. Your fashion hath been ever since my happiness of dependence upon you, to outrun, and prevent all petitions in this kind. Yet pardon my boldness to be an humble suitor unto your Grace to go on, as I know you have already begun, in extending your Grace, and goodness towards the most distressed widow, and children of my Lord of southampton. Your Grace cannot do any work of charity more approved of by God, more acceptable unto men, and that shall more recommend the memory of your Nobleness to future posterity. Sir William Spencer (the only Solicitor this sorrowful Lady hath now to employ,) will present some particulars unto your Grace, whom God ever preserve in all health, and happiness. And so, etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 11. Octob. 1624. May it please your Grace, With my most humble and hearty thanks for all your favours extended, and multiplied daily towards me in sickness and health, which are such, and so many, that (although I trust in God I shall never prove so inhuman as to fail in any service, or faithfulness to your Grace,) I must for all that ever live, and die ungrateful. I thought fit to return unto your Grace this account of the message received by your Grace's Steward. I spoke with that Lord, and although he seemed to be quite off from the business, and had (to my knowledge) disposed of his money for a great, and a fair purchase here in London, and was resolved never to touch any more upon Watt Steward, (who had touched somewhat, of his,) and with whom he had agreed for 4000 l. yet hearing the proposition to come so entirely from me, as proceeding immediately from your Grace, whose good favours this Lord (I protest unto your Grace) hath earnestly desired, and if at any time he hath straggled aside from the Prince's desires, and yours, it was merely and solely because he thought he was not so much relied upon as others of his rank. He promiseth me sometime to morrow a reasonable answer. His material Objections were these. 1. Quantity of the money; so as first and last he is out 16000 l. whereas Cavendish his Countryman and neighbour got up from a Gentleman, for 14000 l. I answered, That I observed your Grace never got by any of these bargains, but that in this compass of a year or two, your favours exceed any gratuity presented. 2. Precedency before Wallingford, and especially Vane. I did promise (for your service) to dispute the latter, but could say nothing to the former, because he was a Viscount, and his far ancienter Baron. 3. Your Grace's favour, and reflection upon himself, (bred up in the experience of war and peace,) and upon his sons, all of them well bred, but most towards the War. I did answer generally, that upon his application of himself towards your Grace, I made little doubt, but he should receive good satisfaction in those expectances. 4. Times of payment. I told him I knew he would demand but a convenient time therein, and that I knew your Grace would never stand upon. If I have erred in any of these addresses, I pray let your Steward come, and reform me therein; as also to tell me, whether if I find him coming forward, I may not say unto him, That your Lordship upon a former motion of mine, was willing upon the next change of the Commission for the Council of the War, to add him unto the number. I propose this, 1. Because 'tis a new thing. 2. Because he desires some excuse unto the World, by reason of some future services, why his Majesty should receive him unto this honour. I have wearied myself, and by this time (which doth less become me) your Grace too. I beseech your Grace to pardon the blottings and extravagancies, my head being yet but meanly settled. I beseech God to bless your Grace. And so, etc. Postscript. MAy it please your Grace, this Lord hath returned his answer, which in good faith seemeth to be with due respect unto your Grace. 1. That although the place was offered him for 4000 l. yet because the Offer proceeds from your Grace, (which he voweth to esteem as an especial favour as long as he liveth) he will pay to whom you shall assign 5000 l. and account it a real obligation of service to your Grace for ever, if you shall remit him the other thousand pound. 2. That for the time, with humble thanks for your noble favour (which becometh not him to take in appointing the time) he returns it to your Grace to nominate two days of payment, as your Steward, or the person assigned shall think meet and fit for your Grace's occasions, desiring some small respite for the former, but as little as the party please afterwards for the second payment: for his Lordship will send in for his moneys forthwith. And he will give his bonds, or (which I hold superfluous from so sure a Card) his Mortgage in present for both payments. 3. If your Grace shall make him your servant with this favour so nobly conditioned, he hopes your Grace may proceed on with his Patent thus forward, without any stay for any other Corrival, which notwithstanding he humbly refers. 4. But desires, if his presentment be accepted, he may have leave by me to render his thanks unto your Grace personally sometime to morrow. And so I leave your Grace for this time in God's protection. And rest Yours, etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke. 24. December, 1624. My most Gracious Lord, I Most humbly beseech your Grace for God's sake, and his Churches, to consider of this motion, which I do make unto your Grace, concerning the deanery of York now vacant, the Dean being struck dead suddenly, by a Letter, which one Dr. Scot procured from his Majesty, to be his Coadjutour. It is not for any man in particular; but against Doctor Scot, that he may not by the importunity of any one upon your Grace be promoted to this place, being the sixth, or seventh place of preferment Ecclesiastical within this Kingdom, but that your Grace would be pleased to remove Doctor White, or Doctor Hall, or whom your Grace shall please, unto this great Deanery, and bestow the lesser deanery (far above his merit) upon him. For these Reasons. 1. I know that he hath sold away all his Live which he hath had in this Church, and hath at this day never an one. 2. I am credibly informed, he oweth 5000 l. at the least. A vast sum for a poor Scholar, and too much to be got up in a poor Church. And most of this money in York. 3. I know he is a great Gamester, and of no fitting conversation for a Churchman; but of very mean parts, either of Learning, or government. 4. I am certified at this time, that he is a man often overseen in drink; but this I do not know. If therefore your Grace shall be pleased, upon my Lord Mordant's importunity to procure him any deanery, I do not doubt but his Lordship will be satisfied, and that Church eternally obliged unto you for that Commutation. And I beseech your Grace to believe him, that is no way interested herein, that it concerns your Grace very much in credit, and reputation, that so mean a man (amongst such a choice as the Church of England doth afford,) be not by your favour preferred to so high a dignity. God be merciful to my sins, as I have no end herein but your Honour, and the good of that Church, and therefore I recommend no particular man unto your Grace, but do rest Yours, etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke, concerning Dr. Scott, 4. January, 1624. May it please your Grace, I Humbly beseech you to interpret favourably, what I said unto his Majesty or his Highness, as intending to put off Dr. Scott from this place. And no way (God be my witness) to cross your Grace, nor to hurt Scot, who might have been otherways sufficiently provided for. But I should have written or spoken unto your Grace? so I did in this Letter enclosed, upon Christmas Eve. But I confess I durst not send it, for fear of offending your Grace, which I do take all possible diligence to avoid. But, I spoke unto the King, and Prince? I did so; but with this caution, (which I know they do remember,) that if your Grace would not upon the motion exchange Scot to some other preferment, I did not hold it fit to press these charges against him, but would do my endeavour to still and quiet those of the Church of York, who (I confess unto your Grace) are the men that have written against him. But I recommended Dr. White, and another to the Prince, and Dr. Warner to your Grace: I confess it, but must distinguish the times, and the manner. I commended Dr. Warner, when I was informed Dr. White had his answer, and denial, and that your Grace was off from Dr. Scot, and did desire to hear from me, what Doctor Warner was, whom I recommended only in general terms upon the suit of another. What I said of him, I believe, and know to be true, but he is so far from being any creature of mine, that I protest before the Almighty God, I never spoke one word with the man to this very hour in all my life. I did conceive so meanly of Doctor Scot, that no worthy man in the Kingdom should have failed of my recommendations in this particular. Now I know your Grace's resolution, I do alter my opinion, and humbly crave your Grace's pardon for my meddling therein, although I know his Highness will bear me witness, it was with all dutiful respect unto your Grace. I shall be very careful of giving your Grace the least cause of jealousy in this kind again. And whereas I had put a poor suit in your Grace's hands about the helping of my poor fortunes, I will let that, and all others fall, and desire only to be accounted Yours, etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 2. March, 1624. May it please your Grace, THis heavy, and unexpected accident of my Lord Steward's death, makes me to be troublesome unto your Grace at this time. In safety and discretion, I might very easily spare this labour: but my obligation to your Grace is such, as if that I conceal any thing, which but myself apprehends fit to be represented to your Grace, whilst I affect the title of a reserved, close, and wise, I may lose the other of an honest man, which I more esteem. Thus much by way of preface. I represent this office of a Lord Steward, as a place to be either accepted of by yourself, or else to be discontinued (as for many years towards the latter end of Queen Elizabeth, and the beginning of our Masters reign it was) and in any case, not to be placed upon another, without the deliberation of some few years at the least. Being an office, that none but the King's Kinsmen, or Favourites, or Counter-favourites (raised up of purpose to balance the great one) have anciently possessed: I could desire your Grace had it in your own person; for these Reasons. 1. It is an office of fair, and very competent get, but that is scarce considerable. 2. It keeps you in all changes and alterations of years near the King, and gives unto you all the opportunities, and accesses, without the envy of a favourite. I beseech your Grace pause well upon this, and call to mind, if the Duke of Richmond was not in this case. 3. It Gives you opportunities to gratify all the Court, great and small, Virtute Officii in right of your place. Which is a thing better accepted of, and interpreted, than a courtesy from a favourite. Because in this you are a dispenser of your own; but in the other (say many envious men,) of the King's goodness, which would flow fast enough of itself, but that it is restrained to this Pipe and channel only. 4. There must be one day an end of this attendance as a Bedchamber man, but I hope never of being next unto the King, as a great Counsellor, and officer, and above all others, which you cannot be, but by this office. The Master of the horse is but a Knight's place at the most, and the Admirals (in time of action) either to be employed abroad Personally, or to live at home in that ignominy, and shame, as your Grace will never endure to do so. I will trouble your Grace with a tale of Dante the first Italian Poet of note. Who being a great, and wealthy man in Florence, and his opinion demanded, who should be sent Ambassador to the Pope, made this answer, that he knew not who Simo jo vo chista, Si jo sto chi va. If I go, I know not who shall stay at home; if I stay, I know not who can perform this employment. Yet your Grace staying at home in favour, and greatness with his Majesty, may by your designs and directions so dispose of the Admiral, as to enjoy the glory, without running the hazard of his personal employment, My Gracious Lord, if any man shall put you in hope, that the Admiralty will fill your Coffers, and make you rich, call upon them to name one Admiral that ever was so. As in time of hostility there is some getting, so are there hungry and infatiable people presently to devour the same. God made man to live upon the land, and necessity only drives him to Sea. Yet is not my advice absolutely for your relinquishing of this, but in any case for the retaining of the other place though with the loss of the Admiralty. 5. I beseech your Grace observe the Earl of Leicester, (who being the only favourite in Queen Elizabeth's time, that was of any continuance) made choice of this place only, and refused the Admiralty two several times, as being an occasion, either to withdraw him from the Court, or to leave him there, laden with ignominy. And yet being Lord Steward, wise, and in favour, he wholly commanded the Admiralty, and made it ministerial, and subordinary to his directions. 6. Remember, that this office is fit for a young, a middle, and an old man to enjoy, and so is not any other that I know about his Majesty. Now God almighty having given you favour at the first, and since a great quantity (I never flattered your Grace, nor do now) of wit, and wise experience, I would humbly recommend unto your Grace this opportunity to be nearest unto the King in your young, your middle, and your decreasing age, that is to be on earth, as your piety will one day make you in heaven, an everlasting favourite. There are many objections, which your Grace may make, but if I find any inclination in your Grace to lay hold upon this proposition, I dare undertake to answer them all. Your Grace may leave any office you please (if your Grace be more in love with the Admiralty, than I think you have cause,) to avoid envy. But my final conclusion is this, to desire your Grace most humbly to put no other Lord into this office, without just, and mature deliberation. And to pardon this boldness, and haste, which makes me to write so weakly in a theme, that I persuade myself I could maintain very valiantly; I have no other copy of this Letter, and I pray God your Grace be able to read this. I send your Grace a Letter delivered unto me from Conde Gondomar, and dated either at Madrid, or (as I observe it was written first,) at London. There is no great matter at whither of the places it was invented. I humbly beseech your Grace to send by this bearer the resolution for the Parliament. And do rest Yours etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke about Sr. Robert Howard. 11 March 1624. May it please your Grace, SIr Robert Howard appeared yesterdy, and continues obstinate in his refusal to swear. When we came to examine the commission for our power to fine him for this obstinacy, we found that Sir Edward Cook, (foreseeing out of a prophetical, how near it might concern a Grandchild of his own day) hath expunged this clause (by the help of the Earl of Salisbury,) out of the commission, and left us nothing but the rusty sword of the church, excommunication, to vindicate the authority of this Court. We have given him day until Saturdy next, either to conform, or to be excommunicated. She hath answered wittily, and cunningly, but yet sufficient for the Conisance of the Court. Confesseth a fame of incontinency against her, and Howard, but sayeth it was raised by her Husband's kindred. I do not doubt but the business will go on well, but (peradventure) more slowly, if Howard continue refractory, for want of this power to fine, and amerce him. I beseech your Grace, either to procure me the favour to come, or to excuse my not seeing his Majesty in this time of his indisposition, which I hear still continueth. I beseech Almighty God (as in eternal duty I am bound) presently to ease him, and restore him to his perfect health Mr. Packers being away makes me unmannerly. I am humbly to desire your Grace to be pleased to move his Majesty (at your first opportunity) to sign this Commission, for the proroguing of the Parliament, and to read unto his Majesty this paper of names here enclosed, (which his Majesty is not to sign,) knowing his pleasure, whether he alloweth of them for Commissioners for the last subside of the Lords. I have added to the former the Earl of Montgomerie according to your Grace's direction, whom God almighty ever preserve. It is the prayer of etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke 13. March. 1624. May it please your Grace, FOr your Brother's business, this is all I have to acquaint your Grace with. Sir Robert Howard appeared yesterday at Lambeth, pretended want of Council, (the Doctors being out of town) desired respite until to morrow, and had it granted by my Lord's Grace. Most men think he will not take his oath at all; I do incline to the contrary opinion, because (to my knowledge) he hath sent far, and near for the most able Doctors in the Kingdom to be feed for him, which were great folly if he intended not to answer. He is extremely commended for his closeness and secrecy by the major part of our auditors, (the He and She good fellows of the town,) and though he refuseth to be a Confessor, yet is sure to die a Martyr, and most of the Ladies in town will offer at his shrine. The Lady Hatton some nine days since, was at Stoke, with the good Knight her Husband for some counsel in this particular. But he refused to meddle therewithal, and dismissed her Ladyship, when she had stayed with him very lovingly half a quarter of an hour. The cause of my troubling your Grace is this. The French Ambassador is fired with some complaints of our Recusants, who (I verily believe) work upon him purposely, finding him to be of a combustible disposition. To morrow he is resolved to come upon you, and our Master with Complaints, for lack of performances to the Papists. And because I would furnish your Grace with as much answer, as I am acquainted with, (nothing doubting but your Grace is otherways better provided,) I make bold to present your Grace with these particulars. 1. With a Letter from my Lord Archbishop of York in answer to another of mine; which shows how really his Majesty's promise hath been in that kind performed. I beseech your Grace to keep it safe in your pocket, until I shall have the honour to wait upon your Grace, when you have made use of the same. 2. If your Grace shall hear him complain of the Judges in their charges, and of their receiving of Indictments; your Grace may answer, That those charges are but orations of Course, opening all the penal Laws, and the Indictments being presented by the Country, cannot be refused by the Judges. But the Judges are ordered to execute nothing actually against the Recusants, nor will they do it, during the negotiation. 3. Your Grace may put him in mind, that my Lord Keeper doth every day, when his, (the Lord Ambassadors) Secretary calls upon him, grant forth Writs to remove all the persons indicted in the Country into the King's Bench, out of the power and reaches of the Justices of the Peace. And that being there, the King may, and doth release them at his pleasure. 4. That the Spanish Ambassador never had, nor desired more than these favours. 5. That you are informed, that Copies of Letters written from the King to both the Archbishops are spread abroad in Staffordshire, to his Majesty's disadvantage (for so it is) and that thereby my Lord Ambassador may perceive the bent of the English Catholics, which is not to procure ease and quietness to themselves, but Scandals to their neighbouring Protestant's, and discontentments against the King and State. I humbly crave your Grace's pardon for this boldness, and tediousness, and with my hearty prayers for your health, do rest yours, etc. The Lord Keeper to the Duke, 22. March, 1624. May it please your Grace, I Send your Grace here enclosed, the King's Commission, and the Prince's Proxy, not fairly written, (which the Ambassadors upon the place may procure in a frech hand,) but yet legibly, and passably. The Prince's Proxy refers the manner unto the articles, and particularly to the second, third, and fourth Section of those Articles; which gives me occasion to beg of your Grace pardon, to desire your Grace to think seriously upon the third Section, to advise with the Prince, and to give Mr. Packer charge to inform your Grace punctually what he knoweth, and may inform himself concerning those particulars. That is, How the Queen Margaret of France was married to Henry the fourth, and how Madam his sister was married to the Prince of Lorraine. For although they are both made alike in the article, yet surely they were not married after the same fashion. For the Duchess of Barr was married in a closet, without a Mass, by words only of the Present tense, as I believe, I have read in the History of Thuanus. A favour, which will hardly be granted to your Grace. And how Queen Margaret was married, my Lords the Ambassadors will soon learn, if your Grace will be pleased to write unto them. I hold it (in a manner) necessary, that your Grace do carry over with you in your company one Civilian to put your Grace in mind of the formalities required; and if your Grace be of that mind, your own Doctor, Dr. Reeves is as fit as any man else, who is a good Scholar, and speaks that language. Your Grace hath revived my Lord of Clare, since I spoke with your Grace. And I beseech your Grace to follow that resolution, and to let Mr. Packer draw up a warrant of 3. or 4. lines signed by the King to me to place him with the rest of the Council of War. It will be an occasion to take up more of that time, which he now spends with the Lady Hatton. For now I am resolved, that I was of the right in my conjecture to your Grace, that his Lordship had utterly refused my Lady Purbecks' cause (of the which the very common peopple begin to be ashamed) but is deeply engaged against my Lady of Richmond, Duchess of Richmond. in the business of that famous (or rather notorious) feminine Contract, and bargain, of sixteen hundred pounds by the year for a house to sleep in. When your Grace shall draw up your Instructions, you will be pleased to use the words, To Contract, Espouse and marry Our Well-beloved Son, etc. because they do in those parts contract always before marriage. And your Grace will be pleased to express his Majesty's pleasure, that this is to be done by yourself, and no other: Because although the two Earls upon the place, have some such general words in their Commission, yet your Grace only is named in the Prince's Proxy, and now solely employed by the King to that purpose. Although I conceived this restraint to be fit a great deal for the instructions, than the Commission. I am extreme sorry to hear what a grievous fit his Majesty had this last night. But I hope it is a farewell of the Agues, and I pray God it be the last fit. And now am an humble suitor again, that I may come and look upon his Majesty, resolved to say nothing, but that which I will never cease to say, God bless him. If your Grace holds it inconvenient, I beseech your Grace to excuse me, and to account me as I will ever be found, Yours, etc. The Bishop of Lincoln to the Duke, 7th. of January, 1625. Most Gracious Lord, BEing come hither, according unto the duty of my place, to do my best service for the preparation to the Coronation, and to wait upon his Majesty for his Royal pleasure and direction therein; I do most humbly beseech your Grace, to crown so many of your Grace's former favours, and to revive a Creature of your own, struck dead only with your displeasure, (but not other discontentment in the universal world,) by bringing of me to kiss his Majesty's hand, with whom I took leave, in no disfavour at all. I was never hitherto brought into the presence of a King, by any Saint, besides yourself: Turn me not over (most noble Lord) to offer my prayers at new Altars. If I were guilty of any unworthy unfaithfulness for the time past, or not guilty of a resolution to do your Grace all service for the time to come, all considerations under Heaven could not force me to beg it so earnestly, or to profess myself, as I do before God, and you, Your Grace's most humble, affectionate, and devoted servant, Jo. Lincoln. The Bishop of Lincoln to his Majesty. Most Mighty, and dread Sovereign, I Have now these four months, by the strength of those gracious speeches your Majesty used, (when I took my leave of your Majesty at Salisbury,) and the conscience of mine own innocence from having ever wilfully or maliciously offended your Majesty, comforted myself in these great afflictions; to be thus enjoined from your Majesty's presence (the only heaven wherein my soul delighted,) having submitted myself (I hope dutifully, and patiently) to the discharge from that great Office (for the execution whereof I was altogether unworthy;) My required absence from the Council Table; my sequestration from attending your Majesty's Coronation: And your Majesty's favourable pleasure (for so I do esteem that,) to spare my presence at this next Parliament. And I trust in God I shall most readily obey any other Command, that bears the image and superscription of your Majesty, without any desire of searching after the hand that helps to press and engrave it. Yet because I suffer in some more particulars than peradventure is explicitly known to your Majesty: And that I have no friend left about your Majesty, that dares for fear of displeasure relate unto your Majesty my griefs, and necessities, I humbly crave your gracious Pardon to make some two representations, and some few Petitions unto your most excellent Majesty. First, I humbly show unto your Majesty, that besides my former Calamities, I am not paid that part of my Pension, which should pay the Creditors, who lent me money to buy the same; notwithstanding your Majesty hath been graciously pleased to order otherwise. Secondly, I have not yet received my Writ of Summons unto the Parliament (denied to no Prisoners, or condemned Peers in the late reign of your blessed Father,) that I might accordingly make my Proxy, the which I cannot do, the Writ not received; nor can I myself go into the Country, as I had done long ere this, had not the expectation of this Writ, together with the special service of my Lord Duke, and no other occasion whatsoever detained me. These two particulars I present with all submission unto your Majesty, and shall rest satisfied with what royal resolution your Majesty shall make therein. These petitions that follow I must earnestly beg at your Majesty's hands, and for God's sake, and your blessed Father's sake, whose Creature, and most painful servant I was. First, that your Majesty would be pleased to mitigate, and allay the causeless displeasure of my Lord Duke against me; who is so little satisfied with any thing I can do, or suffer, that I have no means left to appease his anger, but my prayers to God, and your Sacred Majesty. Secondly, I beseech your Majesty for Christ Jesus sake not to believe news, or accusations against me concerning my carriage past, present, or to come, whilst I stand thus enjoined from your Royal presence, before you shall have heard my answer, and defence unto the particulars. Those that inform your Majesty may (God he knoweth) be oftentimes misinformed. My last supplication unto your Majesty is, That in my absence this Parliament, no use may be made of your sacred name to wound the reputation of a poor Bishop, who besides his Religion and Duty to that Divine Character you now bear, hath ever affectionately honoured your very Person above all the objects in this world, as he desires the salvation of the world to come. But I crave no protection against any other accuser, or accusation whatsoever. So shall I never cease to pray to the Almighty God to make your Majesty the Happiest and Greatest King, that ever was Crowned, and Anointed: which shall be the continual orisons of Your Majesty's most dutiful and most humble Vassal, Jo. Lincoln. The Lord Keeper to the Lord Viscount Anan. 17. Septemb. 16. Right Honourable, I Own more service to that true love, and former acquaintance, which your Lordship hath been pleased to afford me, now these full ten years, then to be sparing, or reserved in satisfying your Lordship about any doubt whatsoever, the resolution whereof shall lie in my power. Concerning that offence, taken by many people, both on this side the borders and in Scotland, from that Clemency which his Majesty was pleased to extend to the imprisoned Lay-Recusants of this Kingdom, and my Letter written unto the Justices for the reigling of the same, which your Lordship did intimate unto me yesterday at Mr. Henry Gibbs his house, out of some news received from a Peer of Scotland. This is the plainest return I can make unto your Lordship. In the general, as the Sun in the firmament appears unto us no bigger than a Platter, and the Stars but as so many nails in the pummel of a saddle, because of the Elongement and disproportion between our eyes, and the object; so is there such an unmeasurable distance betwixt the deep resolution of a Prince, and the shallow apprehension of common and ordinary people, that as they will be ever judging and censuring, so must they be obnoxious to error and mistaking. Particularly, for as much as concerns myself, I must leave my former life, my profession my continual preaching, my writing, (which is instant in the hands of many,) my private endeavours about some great persons, and the whole bent of my actions, (which in the place I live in cannot be concealed, to testify unto the world, what favour I am likely to importune for the Papists in their religion. For the King my Master, I will tell you a story out of Velleius Paterculus. A Surveyor bragging to M. Livius Drusus, that he would so contrive his house Vt Libera à conspectu immunis ab omnibus arbitris esset, that it should stand removed out of sight, and be past all danger of peeping, or Eavesdropping; was answered again by Drusus, Tu vero, si quid in te artis est ita compone domum mean, ut quicquid agam ab omnibus Conspici possit, Nay my good friend, if you have any devices in your head, contrive my house after such a manner, that all the world may see what I do therein. So if I should endeavour to flourish up some artificial Vault, to hid and conceal the intentions of his Majesty, I know I should receive the same thanks, that the Surveyor did from Drusus. I was not called to Council by his royal Majesty, when the resolution of this Clemency to the Lay-Recusants was first concluded: But if I had been asked my opinion, I should have advised it without the least haesitation. His Majesty was so Popishly addicted at this time, that (to the incredible exhaustments of this Treasury) he was a most zealous interceder for some ease and refreshment to all the Protestants in Europe, his own Dominions, and Denmark's only excepted. Those of Swithland (having lately provoked the Pole) had no other hope of peace; those of France of the exercise of their Religion; those of the Palatinate, and adjoining Countries of the least connivency to say their prayers, then by the earnest mediation of our gracious Master. And advised by the late Assembly of Parliament to insist a while longer in this milky way of intercession, and Treaty. What a preposterous argument would this have been to desire those mighty Princes (armed, and victorious) to grant some liberty, and clemency to the Protestants, because himself did now imprison, and execute the rigour of his laws against the Roman Catholics, I must deal plainly with your Lordship. Our viperous countrymen the English Jesuits in France to frustrate these Pious endeavours of his Majesties, had many months before this favour granted, retorted that argument upon us, by writing a most malicious book (which I have seen, and read over) to the French King, inciting him, and the three Estates, to put all those statutes in execution against the Protestants in those parts, which are here enacted, and (as they falsely informed) severally executed upon the Papists. I would therefore see the most subtle State-monger in the world chalk out a way for his Majesty to mediate for Grace, and favour for the Protestants, by executing at this time the severity of the Laws upon the Papists. And that this favour should mount to a Toleration, is a most dull, (and yet a most devilish) misconstruction. A Toleration looks forward, to the time to come: This favour backward only, to the offences past. If any Papist now set at liberty shall offend the laws again, the Justices may, (nay must) recommit him, and leave favour and mercy to the King, to whom only it properly belongeth. Nay let those 2. writs directed to the Judges, be as diligently perused by those rash Censures as they were by those grave, and learned, to whom his Majesty referred the penning of the, same and they shall find, that these Papists are no other-otherwise out of prison, then with their shackles about their heels, sufficient sureties, and good recognizances to present themselves again at the next assizes. As therefore that Lacedaemonian posed the Oracle of Apollo, by ask his opinion of the bird which he grasped in his hand, whether he were alive, or dead, so it is a matter yet controversed, and undecided, whether those Papists (closed up, and grasped in the hands of the law) be still in prison, or at liberty. Their own demeanours, and the success of his Majesty's negotiations, are Oracles that must decide the same. If the laypapists do wax insolent with this mercy, insulting upon the Protestants, and translating this favour from the person to the cause, I am verily of opinion his Majesty will reman d them to their former state, and condition, and renew his writ no more. But if they shall use these graces modestly, by admitting Conference with learned Preachers, demeaning themselves neighbourly and peaceably, praying for his Majesty, and the prosperous success of his pious endeavours, and relieving him bountifully (which they are as well able to do as any of his Subjects,) if he shall be forced and constrained to take his sword in hand, than it cannot be denied, but our Master is a Prince, that hath (as one said) plus humanitatis penè quam hominis, and will at that time leave to be merciful, when he leaves to be himself. In the mean while, this argument fetched from the Devils topics, which concludes a Concreto ad abstractum from a favour done to the English Papists, that the King favoureth the Romish Religion is such a composition of folly, and malice, as is little deserved by that gracious Prince, who by word, writing, exercise of Religion, acts of Parliament, late directions for catechising, and preaching, and all professions, and endeavours in the world hath demonstrated himself so resolved a Protestant. God by his holy Spirit open the eyes of the people, that these airy representations of ungrounded fancies set aside, they may clearly discern, and see how by the goodness of God, and the wisdom of their King, this Island of all the Countries in Europe is the sole nest of peace and true Religion, and the inhabitants thereof unhappy only in this one thing, that they never look up to heaven to give God thanks for so great a happiness. Lastly, for mine own Letter to the Judges, (which did only declare, not operate the favour,) it was either much mis-penned, or much misconstrued. It recited four kinds of recusancies only capable of his Majesty's clemency not so much to include these, as to exclude many other crimes bearing amongst the Papists the name of Recusancies, as using the function of a Romish Priest, seducing the King's liege people from the Religion established, scandalising and aspersing our King, Church, State, or present Government. All which offences (being outward practices, and no secret motions of the conscience,) are adjudged by the Laws of England to be merely civil, and political, and excluded by my Letter from the benefit of those Writs, which the bearer was employed to deliver unto the Judges. And thus I have given your Lordship a plain account of the carriage of this business, and that the more suddenly, that your Lordship might perceive it is not Aurea Fabula, or prepared tale, but a bare Narration, which I have sent unto your Lordship. I beseech your Lordship to let his Majesty know, that the Letters to the Justices of Peace concerning those four heads recommended by his Majesty, shall be sent away as fast as they can be exscribed. I will trouble your Lordship no more at this time, but shall rest ever Your Lordship's servant and true friend, Jo. Lincoln. C. S. The Bishop of Menevensis to the Duke: Dr. Laud. My most Gracious Lord, I May not be absent, and not write. And since your Grace is pleased with the trouble, I must profess myself much content with the performance of the duty. I am not unmindful of the last business your Grace committed to me, but I have as yet done the less in it, because I fell into a relapse of my infirmity, but I thank God I am once more free, if I can look better to myself, as I hope I shall. My Lord, I must become an humble suitor to your Grace. I hear by good hand that my Lord of Canterbury intends shortly to renew the High Commission. Now I am to acquaint your Grace, that there is never a Bishop that lives about London left out of the Commission but myself, and many that live quite absent are in, and many inferiors to Bishops. The Commission is a place of great experience for any man, that is a Governor in the Church. And since by his Majesty's gracious goodness, and your Grace's sole procurement, I am made a Governor, I would be loath to be excluded from that which might give me experience, and so enable me to perform my duty. I am sure my Lord of Canterbury will leave me out, as hitherto he hath done, if his Majesty be not pleased to Command that I shall be in. This I submit to your Grace, but humbly desire even against my own ease and quiet, that I may not be deprived of that experience which is necessary for my place. I most humbly beseech your Grace to pardon this boldness, and to know, that in my daily prayers for your Grace's happiness, I shall ever rest Your Grace's most devoted and affectionate servant, Guil. Menevensis. Novemb. 18. 1624. The Bishop of Menevensis to the Duke: Dr. Laud. My most Gracious Lord, I Am hearty glad to hear your Lordship is so well returned, and so happily as to meet so great joy. God hath among many others his great blessings (and I know your Grace so esteems them) sent you now this extraordinary one, a son to inherit his father's honours, and the rest of God's blessings upon both. So soon as I came to any end of my journey, I met the happy news of God's blessing upon your Grace, and it seasoned all the hard journey I have had out of Wales through the Snow. When I had rested myself a little at my friend's house in the Forest (Mr. Windebank a servant of your Grace's, whom I made bold to make known to your Honour) I came to Windsor in hope to have been so happy, as to meet your Grace at the great solemnity: but when I came, I found that which I suspected, that your Grace's greater joy would carry you farther. Which journey, and the cause, and the end of it, I hearty wish, and pray may be full of joy, and all contentment to your Grace. I made bold to trouble your Grace with a Letter or two out of Wales, which I hope Mr. Windebank took the best care he could to see delivered. I have no means to do your Grace any service, but by my prayers, and they do daily attend, and shall ever, while I breathe to utter them. I hope though I have miss this opportunity, yet I shall be so happy as to see, and wait upon your Grace at London. In the mean time, and ever, I leave your Grace, and all your home-blessings to the protection of the Almighty, and shall ever be found Your Grace's most devoted and affectionate servant, Guil. Meneven. Windsor, 13. Decemb. 1625. Doctor Montague Bishop of Chichester to the Duke. May it please your Grace, YOur Highness vouchsafed at Windsor to let me understand, that his Majesty my gracious Master and Sovereign, had taken me off from that trouble and vexation, which by some men's procurement, I was put unto in the House of Commons. They as I understand, think not so, but intent to proceed against me so far as they can, as having returned his Majesty no other answer, but that I was freed from imprisonment. It is true, that besides 20 l. which the Sergeant had of me by exaction for fees, they bond me unto him in a bond of 2000 l. to appear before them, the first day of the next Sessions. I beseech your Grace, that as you have been pleased to tie me unto your excellent not only self, but also most honourable Sister in that bond of obligation, as never was poor Scholar to such Worthies; so you would be pleased to let his Majesty understand the case, that by your means I may be absolutely discharged, with the redeliverie of my bond from them, whom I never offended, who (under correction) have nothing to do with me; and as his Majesty's servant be left unto himself, especially for that which was authorised by himself, and commanded by his Father, my late Master of ever blessed memory. If his Majesty will be pleased to call for their accusations against me, if I do not really and thoroughly answer whatsoever is, or can be imputed to me out of my books, I will no further desire favour and protection of his Majesty, and your Gracious self, but be willingly left unto my enemies. I must crave pardon for presuming thus to trouble your Grace, the rather because through a grievous affliction of the Colic and Stone, I am not able personally to attend your Grace, whom according unto my most bounden duty, I daily recommend unto the Almighty, being more obliged unto your noble self, then ever to any one. So remaining Most humbly at your Grace's service ever, Ri. Montague. Petworth, 29. July. 1. IF any or all the Papists living can prove, that the Roman Church, as it now stands in opposition to the Church of England, is either the Catholic Church of Christ, or a found member of the Catholic Church, I will subscribe. 2. If any or all the Papists living can prove unto me, that the Church of England as it standeth at this day, is not a true member of the Catholic Church, I will subscribe. 3. If any or all the Papists living can prove unto me, that any one point at this day maintained by the Church of Rome against the Church of England, was the received Doctrine of the Catholic Church, or concluded by any general Council, or particular approved Council, or resolved of by any one Father of Credit to be such, for 500 years at least after Christ, I will subscribe Ri. Montague. The Bishops of Rochester, Oxford, and St. David's, to the Duke, concerning Mr. Montague. May it please your Grace, WE are bold to be suitors to you in the behalf of the Church of England, and a poor member of it Mr. Montague, at this time not a little distressed. We are not strangers to his person, but it is the Cause which we are bound to be tender of. The cause we conceive (under correction of better judgement) concerns the Church of England merely; for that Church when it was reform from the superstitious opinions broached, or maintained by the Church of Rome, refused the apparent and dangerous errors, and would not be too busy with every particular School point. The cause why she held this moderation was, because she could not be able to preserve any unity amongst Christians, if men were forced to subscribe to curious particulars disputed in Schools. Now may it please your Grace, the opinions which at this time trouble many men in the late Book of Mr. Montague, are some of them such, as are expressly, the resolved doctrine of the Church of England, and those he is bound to maintain. Some of them such as are fit only for Schools, and to be left at more liberty for learned men to abound in their own sense, so they keep themselves peaceable, and distract not the Church. And therefore to make any man subscribe to School opinions, may justly seem hard in the Church of Christ, and was one great fault of the Council of Trent. And to affright them from those opinions in which they have (as they are bound) subscribed to the Church, as it is worse in itself, so it may be the Mother of greater danger. May it please your Grace farther to consider, that when the Clergy submitted themselves in the time of Henry the 8th. the submission was so, that if any difference doctrinal, or other fell in the Church, the King and the Bishops were to be Judges of it in a national Synod, or Convocation, The King first giving leave under his broad Seal, to handle the points in difference. But the Church never submitted to any other Judge, neither indeed can She, though She would. And we humbly desire your Grace to consider, and then to move his most Gracious Majesty (if you shall think fit) what dangerous Consequences may follow upon it. For first, if any other Judge be allowed in matter of Doctrine, we shall departed from the ordinance of Christ, and the continual course and practise of the Church. 2. Secondly, if the Church, be once brought down beneath herself, we cannot but fear what may be next Struck at. 3. Thirdly, it will some way touch the honour of his majesties dear Father, and our most dread Sovereign of Glorious, and ever blessed memory, King James, who saw and approved all the opinions in this Book, and he in his rare wisdom and judgement would never have allowed them, if they had Crossed with truth and the Church of England. 4. Fourthly, we must be bold to say, that we cannot conceive what use there can be of Civil Government in the common Wealth, or of preaching, and external ministry in the Church, if such fatal opinions as some which are opposite, and contrary to these delivered by Mr. Montague are, shall be Publicly taught and maintained. 5. Fiftly, we are certain, that all or most of the contrary opinions were treated of at Lambeth, and ready to be published, but then Queen Elizabeth of famous memory, upon notice given, how little they agreed with the Practice of piety, and obedience to all Government, caused them to be suppressed, and so they have continued ever since, till of late some of them have received countenance at the Synod of Dort. Now this was a Synod of that nation, and can be of no authority in any other National Church, till it be received there by Public authority. And our hope is that the Church of England will be well advised, and more than once over, before She admit a foreign Synod, especially of such a Church as condemneth her discipline and manner of Government, to say no more. And further we are bold to commend to your Grace's wisdom this one particular. His Majesty (as we have been informed) hath already taken this business into his own care, and most worthily referred it in a right course to Church-consideration. And we well hoped, that without further trouble to the state, or breach of unity in the Church it might so have been well, and orderly composed, as we still pray it may, These things considered we have little to say for Mr. Mountagues person: only thus much we know. He is a very good Scholar and a right honest man. A man every way able to do God, his Majesty, and the Church of England great service. We fear he may receive great discouragement, and which is far worse, we have some cause to doubt this may bred a great backwardness in able men to write in the defence of the Church of England against either home, or foreign adversaries, if they shall see him sink in fortune's reputation, or health upon his book occasion. And this we most humbly submit to your Grace's judgement, and care of the Church's peace, and welfare. So recommending your Grace to the protection of Almighty God, We shall ever rest At your Grace's service Jo. Roffens. Jo. Oxon. Guile Meneven. 2. August 1625. Doctor Field Bishop of Landaffe to the Duke. My Gracious Good Lord, IN the great Library of men, that I have studied these many years, your Grace is the best Book, and most Classic author that I have read, in whom I find so much goodness, sweetness, and nobleness of nature, such an Heroic spirit, for boundless bounty as I never did in any. I could instance in many, some of whom you have made Deans, some Bishops, some Lords, and Privy Counsellors. None that ever looked toward your Grace did ever go empty away I, need go no farther than myself (a gum of the Earth) whom some 8. years ago you raised out of the dust, for raising but a thought so high as to serve your Highness. Since that, I have not played the Truant, but more diligently studied you then ever before. And yet (Dunce that I am) I stand at a stay, and am a Non-proficient, the book being the same that ever it was, as may appear by the great proficiency of others. This wonderfully poseth me, and sure there is some guile, some wile in some of my fellow Students, who hid my book from me, or some part of it. All the fault is not in mine own blockishness, that I thrive no better. I once feared this before, that some did me ill offices. Your Grace was pleased to protest no man had, and to assure me no man could. My heart tells me, it hath been always upright, and is still most faithful unto you. I have examined my actions, my words, and my very thoughts, and found all of them ever since most sound unto your Grace. Give me leave after so long Patience (for which virtue you were once pleased to commend me to my old Master King James, and I have not yet lost it) now that for these 12 Months almost, I have been not only upon the Stage, but upon the rack of expectations, even distracted between hope and fear, to comfort myself with recordation of your Loving kindnesses of old, when on that great feast day of your being inaugured our Chancellor, my look was your book, wherein you read sadness, to which I was bold to answer, I trusted your Grace would give me no cause. You replied with (loss of blood rather,) that was your noble expression. But God forbidden so precious an effusion. (I would empty all my veins rather than you should bleed one drop) when as one blast of your breath is able to bring me to the haven where I would be. My Lord I am grown an old man and am like old Househouldstuffe, apt to be broke upon often removing. I desire it therefore but once for all, be it Eli, or bath and Wells, and I will spend the remainder of my days in writing an History of your good deeds to me and others, whereby I may vindicate you from the envy, and obloquy of this present wicked age wherein we live, and whilst I live in praying for your Grace, Whose I am totally and finally, Theophilus Landaven. The Bishop of Landaffe to the Duke. My most honourable good Lord, IT is meet before I beg a new, that I should first acknowledge those benefits, and more specially give thanks for the last noble favour your Lordship did me in standing up the last day of Parliament, and pleading my cause. Never was poor man more bound to a gracious Lord for protecting his innocence: and it came seasonable, like a shower of rain in the time of drought. My very heart was parched with grief till it came, and it had ere this been broken, had not your Lordship's speech than dropped comfort, in strength whereof it yet lives. For an abortive thought, which never came into act, some 2. or 3. years ago conceived, and that tending to a work of mercy, and charity, a deed of justice, and due thankfulness, how far? how foully have I been traduced? your Honour cannot imagine how deeply I have been wounded in my good name, as if I had deserved deprivation, degradation, yea to be hanged, drawn, and quartered. This can none cure but God, or the King, Deus in monte, God hath done his part in providing an occasion. Besides London (which is too high for me to look after) and the removes which may be thereby, Hertford the next Seat to mine, (whither my Predecessors have oft been removed) is said to be now void. Now good my Lord, speak once more seasonably. It is a doubled, and redoubled, an infinitely multiplied benefit, which is so given. Never had I more need of the Cordial his Majesty gave me at my going into Wales, which was that I should not stay long there. It would be a restorative too, not only of my Credit, so cruelly cracked with the sharp teeth of the wide mouth of vulgar lying fame, but of my estate also, always poor, but lately much more impoverished, and made crazy by occasions of the Church, which drew me to London (a place of great expenses, as the busy times were) to little purpose: And the Parliament overtaking me, which have held me long, and longer yet are like to hold me here, even to the undoing of myself, my wife and six children, from whom I have now lived 6. or 7. months. And what shall I carry home with me but disgrace and infamy? Yet my good Lord, at least procure me of my Lord the King a Nunc dimittis, leave to departed. I shall be further out of the reach of pursuing malice, there in the Country, do his Majesty better service in gathering up his Subsidies, praying, and teaching my children (whilst I read a Lecture to them, myself was never yet able to get by heart) of parsimony, which must be to them instead of a patrimony, to pray for his Majesty's long life, health, and happiness. In which prayer shall your Lordship ever be duly remembered by Your Lordships daily devote Beadsman, Theophilus Landavensis. Dr. Corbet to the Duke. May it please your Grace, TO consider my two great losses this week; one in respect of his Majesty to whom I was to preach; the other in respect of my Patron, whom I was to visit. If this be not the way to repair the latter of my losses, I fear I am in danger to be utterly undone. To press too near a great man, is a means to be put by; and to stand too far off, is the way to be forgotten: so Ecclesiasticus. In which mediocrity could I hit it, would I live and die. My Lord, I would neither press near, nor stand far off, choosing rather the name of an ill Courtier, than a saucy Scholar, From your Grace's most humble servant, Rich. Corbet. Postscript. HEre is news, my noble Lord about us, that in the point of Allegiance now in hand, all the Papists are exceeding Orthodox, the only Recusants are the Puritans. The E. of Worcester, Arundel and Surrey, Montgomery to the King. May it please your most excellent Majesty, ACcording to the Orders and Constitutions made and established by your Majesty, and all the Companions of the Order at the last general Chapter held at White-Hall the 21. of May last past, we are bold to inform your Majesty, that we having diligently viewed divers of the Records of the said Order, do in the black book find, that the keeping of the little Park at Windsor, next adjoining unto the Castle, is in direct words annexed for ever to the Office of the Usher for the said Order. So humbly kissing your Royal hands, We rest Your Majesty's most humble and faithful Subjects, and servants, E. Worcester, Arundel and Surrey, Montgomery. White-Hall, 1. July, 1622. The Lord Chancellor Bacon to the Duke. My very good Lord, MY Lord of Suffolk's cause is this day sentenced. My Lord, and his Lady fined at 30000 l. with imprisonment in the Tower at their own charges. Bingley at 2000 l. and committed to the Fleet. Sir Edward Cook did his part, I have not heard him do better, and began with a sine of an 100000 l. But the Judges first, and most of the rest reduced it as before. I do not dislike that things pass moderately, and all things considered it is not amiss, and might easily have been worse. There was much speaking of interceding for the King's mercy, which (in my opinion) was not so proper for a sentence: I said in conclusion, that mercy was to come ex mero motu, and so left it. I took some other occasion pertinent to do the King honour, by showing how happy he was in all other parts of his Government, save only in the manage of his treasure by these Officers. I have sent the King a new Bill for Sussex: for my Lord of Nottingham's Certificate was true, and I told the Judges of it before, but they neglected it. I conceive the first man (which is newly set down) is the fittest. God ever preserve and keep you, etc. The Earl of Suffolk to his Majesty. Gracious Sovereign, IN this grievous time of my being barred from your presence, which to me is the greatest affliction that can lie upon me; and knowing by my former service to you, the sweet and Princely disposition that is in you naturally, together with that unmatchable judgement which the world knoweth you have, is the occasion, that I presume at this time to lay before your Majesty my most humble suit; which is, that you would be pleased to look upon the Case of your poor servant, who after so many faithful desires of mine to do you service, I do not say that success hath fallen out as I wished, should now not only have suffered for my weakness, and errors, but must be further questioned to my disgrace. I would to God your Majesty did truly understand the thoughts of my heart, and if there you could find one the least of ill affections to you, I wish it pulled out of my body. Now to add to my miseries, give me leave to let your Majesty know the hard estate I am in; for I do owe at this present (I dare avow upon my fidelity to you) little less than 40000 l. which I well know will make me and mine poor and miserable for ever. All this I do not lay down to your Majesties best judging eyes, that I mean this by way of complaint; For I do acknowledge the reason that your Majesty had to do what you did: neither do I go about to excuse errors to have escaped me, but will now and ever acknowledge your Gracious favourable dealing with me, if you will be pleased now to receive me again to your favour after this just correction, without which I desire not to enjoy fortune of Goods, or life in this world, which in the humblest manner that I can I beg at your Princely feet, as Your, etc. T. Suffolk. The E. of Suffolk to the Duke. My Honourable good Lord, AT the first minute of mine, and my wife's delivery out of the Tower, I had returned such acknowledgement due for so great a favour, but that Sir George Coring only desired to be the Messenger, as well as he was of the other, Let not (my Lord) my late misfortunes make me or mine more unable to serve, and thank you, than any he, that thus takes advantage thereby to wrong me in your belief: for what I have both received in abatement of my fine, and speedy liberty, I must confess to come from your Noble mediation to his Majesty, whose displeasure hath been more grievous to my soul, than all the rest this world can inflict upon me. As your Lordship's kindness hath begun to ease me, so now let the same hand cure, and preserve me from a worse relapse wherein I am like to fall, if your power prevent it not. The motion of his Majesties for my persuading my sons out of their places, was the grievousest sound that ever entered me, for thereby I still breathed under the heavy weight of all my afflictions, not despairing but their Care (charged upon them with my blessing) might somewhat redeem my errors, and assure his Majesty, that my will was never tainted with offending him. I know my Lord, there is little benefit in serving against Master's minds, but they are unworthy servants that will leave such Masters upon any conditions. Such as make suit to chop or change for their own advantage, are better lost then kept: But as for mine, my curse should follow them, if ever I could think, they followed his Majesty with such indifferency. My obedience to his Majesty was ever of more force with me, than mine own ends any way laid, nor ever joyed I more than in running to his Commands. But this (my Lord) rends my heart to think, that, unfortunate I, should bury my sons alive, and pronounce that sentence, which would make me and them Scorns to posterity. Whilst I have knee to bend, eye to lift up, or tongue to beg, I must implore his Majesty's pardon, and mercy in this kind. As for that more drossy part of my estate, it still lies at his Majesty's feet, and if he now please to recall, what he remitted, without further condition, I must obey, and let his Majesty see, no change of time or place can change me, my love, my duty, or my zeal to him. My Lord, here you may read me in my greatest griefs that ever did fall to me: weigh them well, and think that one day you may be a father, and be as nearly touched, as now I am. The favour you shall do me herein shall prove no hidden talon, for the increase shall not only be the happiness of a good work well done, but the hearty acknowledgement of a whole family, and all theirs, that shall as faithfully serve and honour you, as the best of those, that would succeed them, which I hope your Lordship will believe from me, who will ever be Yours, etc. T. Suffolk. The Earl of Suffolk to his Majesty. Most Gracious Sovereign, Your Princely favour in dilivering me, and my wife out of the tower, must, and shall ever be acknowledged of us with all humble thanks. And now be pleased to give me leave to be an humble suitor to your Majesty, that out of the tender compassion of your Princely heart, you will be pleased to cast your eye upon the miserable estate of your distressed, afflicted, and old Servant, now brought into fear of never recovering of your Majesty's favour, and so wretced my case is, as the little hope, that remained in me to live in your memory, was by my two sons service to your Gracious self, and the Prince. It is now required of me to impose upon them the resignation of their places, which with all humility I beseech you to give me leave to say, I would sooner use my power over them to will them to bury themselves quick, then by any other way then enforcement to give up their places of service, which only remains to me to be either my dying comfort, or my living torment. Besides, they are now past my government, being both married, and have children, only I have a Paternal Care of them, which I humbly beseech your best judging Majesty to weigh respectively, how unhappy I must of necessity think myself, if I should be the persuader of that misfortune to my children, that their children within a few years would curse me for, either living, or dead. Upon all these just considerations (most Gracious Master) give me leave to turn my cruel, & unnatural part of persuading them to yield to that, for which I should detest myself, to my humblest desire upon the Knees of my heart to beg humbly of your Majesty, that whatsoever favour you have ever had to me for any service done, that your Majesty will be pleased to spare the ruin of these two young men, whom I find so honestly disposed in their desire of spending their fortunes, and lives in your Majesties, and your Princely son's service, as if your displeasure be not fully satisfied with what I have suffered already, that you lay more upon me, and spare them. I have written to my Lord of Buckingham to be my mediator to your Majesty in this behalf, which I assure myself he will nobly perform, as well as he hath formerly done, in being my means to your Majesty in obtaining this great begun favour. To conclude with my prayer to God, that your Majesty may ever find the same zeal, and Love to your person in whomsoever you shall employ, that my heart's Sole-affection did, and ever shall carry unto you, which God knows was, and is more to your Majesty then to my wife, and children, and all other worldy things which God measure unto me according to the truth, as Yours, etc. T. Suffolk The Lady Elizabeth Howard to the King. When I waited upon you at Theobalds' to beseech your Majesty that my Lord of Suffolk might not come into the Star-chamber, you protested that you loved the man, but that you must show cause to the world why you took the Staff from him, but for his fortune, that your Majesty would not meddle with it; the same my Lord of Buckingham told me, with this assurance of your promise I went away secure in that point. Since his cause was heard, he moved all that heard it with much compassion to him, and the people did think, that when you sent him to the Tower, you would have sent for him to have kissed your hand. But your Majesty is abused, for they do not let you know, what is thought of the proceeding against this good man, knowing how truly he loveth you, with the truth of his cause, that you would not follow him, and his children with cruelty. Which might have been better spent. My Lord hath spent in running a Tilt, in Masques, and following the Court above 20000. And Sir shall his reward now be to be turned out of his place without any offence committed. Sir I am the child of your old Servant, and am now great with child, I know it will kill me, and I shall willingly die rather than desire life to see my unfortunate self, and mine thus miserably undone. Sir I beseech your Majesty remember my Father that is dead, and me his distressed child; for if he could know any worldly thing, he would wonder to see me, and those that shall come of me, thus strangely used. But my hope is still in your Majesty's goodness, and that you will not be carried away with the malice of other men. In this confidence I rest with my daily prayers for your health and happiness, as Yours etc. E. H. The Lady Elizabeth Norris to the Duke. My Lord, EVer since your Lordship's first recommendation of my husband to me, I have thought myself much engaged to your Lordship; for I must confess after he had taken his leave of me, I did love him never the less: for immediately after my father's death (when in my Conscience he lest expected to hear from me) I did both send and write to him, which he might interpret an encouragement, or rather an invitation. I did it the rather, because I did not believe those which did him ill offices; for those which were most for him, on a sudden were most against him. I must confess, that pity did confirm my affection, and I trust your Lordship will commiserate his estate, as you do the fall of all mankind, for I was the Eva, and he was the Adam: and I pray God the King and your Lordship may forgive us, as I am confident God will pardon us. Your Lordship may imagine my Mother was of the plot, but I take God to witness, that she was not only against it, but contrarily. I did believe she was wholly for your Brother: And for your Brother, my Mother recommended him to me, whom I used like a Gentleman of high worth and quality. But I did by no means abuse him by promise, or taking gifts, which I falsely suffer for, in the opinion of the world. I only took a ring by my mother's appointment, which came as a token from my Lady your mother, which was of very small value. My husband and I am resolved rather to suffer in the opinion of the world, then contradict any thing which shall be aggravated against us. We must both honour you, and think ourselves much engaged to your Lordship. After God, I protest you are the only author of it: for by your means, I first settled my affection. I know there are those which do my husband and me ill offices. I have reason to be jealous of the Lord Montgomery, for he would have put tricks upon me in making me deny the Contract; and when he failed in that, he went about to make me believe Mr. Wray had denied his. And to tell your Lordship true, his violence and over-earnestnesse made me the more averse. If my husband had not fetched me, I would have come to him, and so I sent him word. Thus humbly beseeching your Lordship as you are happy in your wife, that you would be pleased to make our peace with the King; and seeing it is God's act, that you would honour us with your favour. We shall be both bound to join in prayer, that you may be ever happy in your Wife, and in your children's Children. And so with my humble respect to your Lordship, I rest Your Lordship's humble servant, Elizabeth Norris. Sir Edward Cecyl to the Duke. My very good Lord, HOw much my affection and ambition hath been to serve your Lordship before other men, I hope I shall not need now to express, considering it hath been clear and manifest to your own trial, whereof I do bear still the testimony, and the continuance in mine own heart. But in your nobleness it will not appear impertinent to your Lordship, that I put you in mind, how much I suffered in the disgrace my enemies cast upon me about the employment for the Palatinate, when I was under your protection; whether I suffered for mine own sake, or for your Lordship, I know not: howsoever of this I am assured, the greatest cause I gave them, that had least reason, was because I sought not them, but your Lordship only. And for the success, you may see by the miracles the employment hath brought forth, that it was carried another way, rather for private malice, then for any great zeal to the advancement of the public Cause. Now my Lord, for your own honour, and for the upholding of your servant, make me so happy, if there be any employment for men of my profession (as there is opinion) that I may be the man by your Lordship's means, wherein you shall make me your obliged, as I am now your affectionate servant. For which you shall be assured of as thankful heart, as any breaths in the whole world. In the enjoying of which kind of service, though you are accounted the most happy among great men, yet you cannot have too much of it. I could remember your Lordship of his Majesty's gracious promise for my employment before any other in the presence of the Prince and your Lordship, and that I am the first General his Majesty ever made, and that I had no ill success in the perfecting of that service; yet for all this, I will only trust in your Nobleness, if you resolve to make me your Creature. And if it shall please his Majesty to hold me worthy of this honour, I will undertake to save his Coffers (as I have heretofore done) the sixth part of the employments charge and cost, that any other man shall require, who makes not a computation for the managing of it, by a sufficient expense of his own. I will not write more at this time, but to wish your Lordship as much happiness as your heart can desire, and that you will give me an occasion to show how much I am, and will be Your Lordship's most faithful and affectionate servant, Ed. Cecil. From our Army this 20. of Novemb. Sir Edward Cecil to the Duke. May it please your Excellency, THis Gentleman Sir George Blundel hath now clearly quitted the service of the States, for this especial reason (as he assures me) to be the more absolutely employed in your Excellency's service. This I know, his friends here that love him (which are many) are very sorry to part with him, for there is no melancholy where he goes. And therefore considering the condition of this place, we shall be great losers, being upon a melancholy place, and service, ill paid, sick of all diseases in the world, in a place that is next neighbour to hell, if the book printed say true, which saith, that the Low-Countriemen are next neighbours to the devil. And I am sure, we are now seated lower than any part of these Countries; for the waters are above us, and about us, and we live in more fear of them, then of the enemy; for we may be drowned at an hours warning, if we do not continually work against it, and yet, and it shall please your Excellency, this is the Seat for a Winter War. Many more inconveniencies we are daily sensible of, of which I have endured so much, as I dare say without vanity, that few of my rank and fortune have suffered more, or longer than I have done in these Countries; having served these 27. years together without intermission; and all this for no other end (for I am 900 l. a year the worse for the Wars) then to make me able to serve my Prince and Country when occasion should be offered. But since the time is come, that opinion doth so govern, as strangers get the Command, and new Soldiers employed, which was never heard of before amongst men of our occupation, It is high time for me to retire, and wish I had been of any other profession than this. For if long service can get no honour, nor reward, not employment, but the contrary; it would touch a man's discretion to be more and more unfortunate: All my comfort is, that I shall have the honour and good fortune in my retreat, to draw nearer to your Excellency's service, if not in my profession, (which I desire above all) yet in something whereof your Excellency may make use of me. For I am ambitious of nothing more, then to prove myself by action, and not by recommendation, Your Excellencies most faithful devoted, and humble servant, Ed. Cecyl. From our Army at Wallike the 4th of Decemb. Sir Edward Cecil to Mr. Secretary Conway. My very good Lord, IT hath pleased your Lordship to write me three Letters lately: the one a particular list of officers, that should be sent from hence; the second for Mr. Hapton, the third an acknowledgement only of the receipt of my Letter to your Lordship. The first I have put in execution, and have written to your son, Sir Edward Conway to give them all notice of your Lordship's Care of them. And to let them know how welcome any one shall be to me, that you think fit to be employed. For one of them called Ensign Rainesford, I had set him down, because I received your Lordship's direction from himself. For Mr. Hopton I have written unto him according to your desire, with your Letter enclosed; concerning the last, I give your Lordship many humble thanks for having expressed the acceptance by your answer. Touching your business here: the State hath been as contrary to us, as the wind. For though they see a great action likely to be performed to their own good, with little cost to themselves; yet they desire to be so wise, as to make benefit, both ways, and not to balk any advantage: which makes them stand so stiff upon the denying of us Officers, and Shoulders by election, and will yield to send none but whole companies, only to abate so much upon the repartitions. But Sir William St. Leaguer and I, have utterly refused their offer as a proposition against his Majesty's service: for by this ignorant winter war our Companies are grown half new men, having lost most of our old, and of those new men the half are sick besides: So that his Majesty should be beholden to them, rather for names, than men: And again for the Officers, and Shoulders, it is like they should be most of them the worst in the regiment, from whence they are to come. Whereas if we might have had those Officers we made choice of, which were but ten Captains, and other inferior Officers to the number of thirty, they might have been fit for employment upon a double enemy. And I could wish, that whensoever his Majesty shall be once furnished with Good Officers, it would please him to make account of them, as these men do, who have had long experience, and known their Value. It pleased my Lord the Duke to write to me a Letter, and to let me know he had chosen me his Officer, to attend, and obey him this journey: an honour too great for me, because I did never expect it, but nothing shall excuse my faults, saving my life. And among many other directions he commanded me to provide for the Army such necessary things as cannot be had in England. Whereof I have thought of many, which I fear, I shall not have the time to get. In my care belonging to these provisions, I have considered the use of our small pieces of Ordinance here, which they call Drakes, that shoot 70. Musket bullets. They will be of great use in this service, both in regard of the quick landing, and of the passing of such mountainous places, as perhaps we may meet withal, and likewise in respect of the little hope we have to get any good musquetiers, or at least any great store of them. But they are in such favour here, as we can obtain none from hence, and so are forced by a general consent to buy ten of them here, that were provided for the King of France. And the reputation they carry is such, as they are ready money every where. They cost not much more than 400. sterling, and I hope they will prove the profitablest pieces that were ever used in the quarrel of his Majesty's Friends. We have likewise considered of what service a company of Firelocks would be to the action, but the time is so short, we cannot raise them. Howsoever we are promised of the States to have leave for a company of Harquebussiers, which are of such use upon all occasions, that we cannot miss them. And we have chose a brave and worthy Gentleman his Majesty's Servant and Subject who is willing to leave any service for this, being the service of the King. If they should have been raised in England, his Majesty must have paid for the horses, arms, saddles, and pistols, and yet not find any able to have served in that kind. The wind (as yet) holds contrary, which hath made me send this by Sir Henry Vane, who goes a way, that I dare not pass. But (I hope) if the wind serve, not to be many days behind him to receive your Lordship's command, more particularly which I will obey as Your Lordship's most humble Servant, Ed: Cecyl. Hagh 2. June. 1625. Postscript. MY Lord, now in this time of necessity for the getting of good Musquetiers, there are many hundred to be found in England that have served in this Land, which by proclamation and promise of money in hand, or more pay, will easily discover themselves, whom some of the new men (to be released) will be glad to satisfy, without charge to his Majesty. Sir Edward Cecyl to the Duke. My most excellent Lord, THere are some Letters of mine, that had come to your Lordship's hands, a good many days since, had not the wind been contrary and withstood their passage. The substance whereof was only to show you how thankful I hold myself to your excellency for so great and infinite a favour as it hath pleased your excellency to think me worthy of. But as is it a favour that will set me on work all the days of my life:: so is it greater than I can ever deserve. Howsoever my resolution is to do my best. And I humbly beseech your Excellency to believe, that with my diligence, and the best understanding I have, I will seek nothing but to please you, and to honour you; and if God say Amen to make the world speak of your design as much (I hope) as ever our Nation hath given cause. And for the faults of myself, and those I shall bring with me, they shall not be excused, but with our lives, and bloods: for I hope I shall bring none, but such as know what to do, and when they come to it will by't sooner than bark. I do promise myself your Excellency will have no cause to doubt or repent you of your favours, for I know what men have done, and what they can do in my occupation. But God is God, and men are but men. All my discouragement is, that the States answer not his Majesty's expectation being fearful (especially since the loss of Breda) to part with any of their old Officers, or old Soldiers; but my hope is now better, for we have put them to another resolution, by answering all their objections. By this disposition of the States to the keeping all their old Soldiers, I wish your Excellency will be pleased to be as careful in your choice, as you are desirous of great designs. For otherwise the honour, and the charge will both be cast away, as your Excellency may perceive in some of our latter expeditions, seeing that although there are many called Soldiers in the world, yet but a few there be, that are so: for so long a man must live in the profession to enable him sufficiently, that many grow unable to perform, what they know, before they have attained to the knowledge of what to perform. The knowledge of war being the highest of humane things that God suffereth man's understanding to reach unto. I have according to your Excellencies command made as many provisions as I can for the shortness of the time, of such things as cannot be gotten in England. And I could have wished I had known of this employment but some months sooner; for then I could have saved his Majesty somewhat, and have added many things that would very much have advanced the service. For in our profession the preparing of things belonging to the war, doth more show a man's experience and judgement, than any thing else, by reason the first errors are the begetting of many more, that afterwards cannot be avoided. Your excellency may be pleased to inform yourself of all the exploits, and undertake of our nation, that none of them hath suffered (for the most part) more than through the negligence of provisions, as in victual, munition, boats for Landing, and for the receiving of sick men, to keep the rest from infection. In this point of provision, it is not good to trust upon a particular man, for gain is a corrupter where the care is not public. And in so great an expedition, one must do with living men, as they do with the dead, there must be overseers and executors to have a true intent well performed. I have presumed to write thus much, to show my thankfulness to your Excellency, and my great affection to his Majesty's service, whereof I am infinitely possessed. I hear your Excellency is in France, but my prayers to God are to send you safe, and happy home, for the World holds you the soul of advancing his Majesty's affairs, wherein his Honour is engaged as it is, especially in this action, being the first, and a Great One. And as for myself, who am now a creature you have made, I know not what I shall do when I come to England, being your Excellency's shadow only. I have here attended the wind, and since I cannot force it, I am glad of the opportunity to send the Letters by Sir Henry Vane, who goes over Land, a Passage I am not capable of, having been so long their enemy. But I hope God will send me soon after, leaving Sir William St. Leaguer here for the dispatch of that which remains. I have written more particularly to my Lord Conway which I dare not set down here for fear of being tedious, and knowing his Lordship will give your Excellency an account of it. And so in all humbleness and duty, I pray God send your Excellency honour, and length of life for his majesty's affairs, and for the happiness of Your Lordship's most humble, faithful and obedient servant, Ed. Cecil. Hagh the 3d. of June, 1625. Sir Edward Cecil to the Duke. My most Excellent Lord, THe occasion of my boldness in presenting your Excellency with these lines, is for that, contrary to my expectation, I hear that there is a Commission a drawing to make Sir Horace Vere a Baron of England. It is strange to me at this time to hear it, for that I know not what worth there is more in him, then in those, that are equal in profession, and before him in birth. If your Excellency have made choice of me to be your second in this journey of so much charge, and expectation, and to make me less than I was, what courage shall I have to do you service? or what honour will redound to your Excellency? But although I writ it, yet I cannot believe it, for that I know you of that judgement and nobleness, that you will rather add to your faithful servants, although they beg it not, then to disgrace them, and make them less. Therefore I will continue my belief, and rest Your Excellencies most humble, and devoted servant, Ed. Cecil. 19 of July, 1625. My Lord Wimbledon to the Duke. My Gracious Lord, IT hath not a little troubled your faithful servant at my last being with your Excellency in White-Hall Garden, to understand (after I had attended so long) that I had ill offices done me to his Majesty, and yet the World is of opinion, that I have your Excellency's favour. I presently went home, and ever since I have mused and considered, and can find no reason or policy for my being kept from his Majesty's presence, which maketh me and my near friends astonished. For hitherto I have received no favour, but rather the most strictest proceeding, that ever was used (and without example) to any man, that had such a charge. And whereas there is no Commission of any force, or validity, without the assistance of the State, and Prince he serveth, for he that Commandeth is but one man, and the rest are many thousands, which are great odds, yet I have been publicly heard before the whole body of the Council (my adversaries standing by) so curiously, as no inquisition could have done more. For first, I was examined upon mine instructions, then upon my acts of Council, then upon my journal, then upon a journal compounded of by ten sundry persons, which were under my Command both Landmen and Seamen, which was never heard of before, and I did not only answer in particular to all points that were demanded, but by writing which is extant: yet cannot I get any judgement or report made to his Majesty, but rather time is given to my enemies (as I hear) to make an ill report of me and my actions to the King. But when I was to be accused, there was no time delayed nor deferred, and such men as I have proved guilty, and failed in the principal point of the service, to have fired and destroyed the Shipping, are neither examined, or any thing said against them, which is strange, especially Sir Michael Gear. So that I know not how my Lord of Essex can take any thing ill from your Excellency, unless it be to have you do injustice, or against all reason. He may rather give your Excellency many thanks, that his Lordship is not called into question for letting pass the King of Spain's ships, that offered him fight, which would have been the chief service, having instructions not to let any fly, or break out, without fight with them. Now (my Lord) I humbly beseech your Excellency to consider my Case, that hath been so severely examined, and no body else, and that after my Examination, I have lingered so long in my wrongs and disgraces, and by the ill offices your Grace doth see are done me to his Majesty, which will rather increase then diminish, so long as I shall be kept from the presence of his Majesty, that is I know of himself the justest Prince in the world, and yet to be in your Excellency's favour. And I hold myself clear of all imputations in despite of all malice and practice, that hath been against me, to obscure all my endeavours which my adversaries in their consciences can best witness, that when they slept I waked; when they made good cheer, I fasted; and when they rested, I toiled. And besides, when they went about to hinder the journey at Plymouth, by railing on the beggarliness of it, and discrediting of it, I was content to take it upon me, though against my judgement, as I did secretly deliver both to his Majesty and your Grace, before I departed from the Coast: Nominating in my Letter to his Majesty all the inconveniencies that did after happen unto the Fleet: for had it not been in my obedience to his Majesty, and my good affection to your Excellency, (that I did see so much affect it, and was so far engaged) I would have been rather torn in pieces, then to have gone with so many ignorant and malicious people, that did show so little affection or courage to his Majesty's service, or any affection at all to your Excellency. Yet for all this, all hath been laid upon me, having had rather hard courses taken against me, than any way maintained in my Commission which was given me, which no State, that I have ever heard of, did before. I pray God his Majesty's future service do not suffer for it; for where his Majesty's Officers are not obeyed, he can never be served. Wherefore my suit is, that if I have any ill offices done me to his Majesty, that I may clear myself before him by your favour, which I have so long attended after; or by way of Petition, which the meanest Subject is not to be hindered in; for as I continue now, I have not only wrong done to me, but I suffer as much punishment (without any fault) as if I had been condemned. And that your Excellency will do me the favour to deal plainly with me, to let me know, why I am deferred from his Majesty's presence, which is not denied to any, having received so much wrong. If my suffering be to add any service to your affairs in these troublesome times, let but this honest friend of mine know so much, and I will suffer any inconvenience, as I have, misery, danger, and decay of my fortunes for your Excellency's sake. And so I rest Your Excellencies most devoted, and faithful and thankful servant and Creature, Wimbledon. 28th. Apr. 1626. My Lord Wimbledon to the Duke. My Gracious Lord, I Understand that it pleased the Lords to grant the Colonels leave to accuse me a new, and they have taken to them the most discontented Seamen they could get to help their malice forward. I had thought, that before my coming, they should have had time and advantage sufficiently to have shown all their envy. And I was persuaded, that they could not have desired more, then to have been present when I should be examined, and my journal read. At the reading whereof they took all the exceptions that might be, and I did answer them all in your Excellency's presence, as I thought fully, whereupon they seemed to be so content, as they had no more to say; neither did they at that time desire to make a journal, or to say any more. Then the Lords resolutions were only to hear the Seamen speak, upon whom all the business did lie. If they may be suffered upon new Combinations, to bring new slanders upon me, I cannot tell what to think of it. But this I can say, that if this course be taken, his Majesty will never be without a mutinous Army. (which all States in policy do shun) For when the Common Soldiers shall see their Chiefs give them such examples, they will soon follow, being that all Armies are subject to it, especially a new Army. I had thought that one Trial had been sufficient, being it was before such an Assembly. But if I should be accused, I should desire to have new accusers, and not the same that have already accused me, (for so there would be no end) & that upon their Petition, I might have been heard what I could justly say, why they should not have leave to make a journal, and not to give them leave before I were heard. I am afraid there was never any such precedent before, and what inconveniencies may come of it time will show. I have sought to none of the Lords as I fear my enemies have done, (I know not whether I shall suffer for it or no) but my trust hath only been in your Excellency and the justness of my Cause. I have been your Excellency's Officer in as difficult and as miserable an action as ever any one hath undertaken, and with as little assistance as ever any one had. For many of those that should have assisted me, were more careful in betraying me, then in forwarding his Majesty's service. And if this course be held to encourage them, there is no man shall suffer more than his Majesty's service will. For it will be folly for any man to look to his Majesty's service, or to take any pains to prevent, or hinder that which may be committed against it; But to let every man do what he will, so all will be pleased, and he that Commands shall have no man to slander him, which is the way to live in quiet. Thus much I thought was fit for me to let your Excellency understand, and withal, that I held it a great unhappiness for me (that have taken such toil and pains, and suffered so many slanders) to be kept back by my enemies from that honour, that never any one of my rank and place was hindered in, which is from kissing the hand of my Sovereign Lord the King All Power is in your Lordship's hands; whether you will uphold me in my just cause, or no, or let me be ruinated for want of it. So that I can say no more, but that if I suffer, I shall be your Excellency's Martyr, if not, I shall all my life rest Your Excellencies most humble, and most thankful servant and Creature, Wimbledon. Sir John Ogle to the Duke. Right Excellent and most Gracious Lord, ANd because you are so, why should not I put my soul in your hand? that I have not done it sooner was not through want of will in me, but it hath been the will of God, that mine acknowledgement should be the fuller, your goodness the greater. Your Grace cannot be ignorant of the many motions I have had thereto, but my judgement hath been made irresolute by several distractions. I lay now myself, and the fortunes of me and mine at your Grace's feet. Take me up then (noblest Lord) as becometh the fame which you have, and the confidence which I have of you with a hand of goodness. If I had wilfully sinned against you (when I was wickedly ensnared and beguiled by that wretch at Vtrecht, to whom I gave some Extract out of your Letters, as also out of the Lord Ambassadors,) or did yet with obstinacy maintain such indiscreet proceeding, your Grace might in justice reject me as unworthy. But since you have long discerned in me a propension to crave your pardon, though still unhappily diverted till this time; I trust your true Nobleness, generousness and goodness to be such, as you will not only not turn this hearty submission to any disadvantage on my part; but looking upon mine ingenuity, with a right eye of gracious inclination, both pardon my fault, and folly towards yourself, and also (to bind my prayers to be offered in the greater zeal for you, for I shall not be able to do you better service then in prayer) be a strong mediator to his gracious Majesty, that my errors of weakness, and want of discretion, committed then towards his late Majesty of ever blessed memory, and his Ambassador, with what other oversights may have been gathered up since, may be freely and fully forgiven and remitted, that so my soul being discharged of all fear of displeasure against me, I may with a cheerful heart and quiet conscience, go on in such a vocation as the Lord shall have appointed for me. My Lord, this wound hath long festered near my heart, and though false skins have been drawn over it sometimes by unskilful hands, yet have I ever judged it the surest cure to rip it up by Confession, and heal it by Contrition. And sure I judge that it favours more of a right generous spirit to confess a fault, then to conceal it, especially when the party offending is free from malice, and the party offended of a nature so noble and full of goodness, as nothing can be wished to be added unto it, and which is yet more; and this have you graciously done to me, (my Lord) signed himself with his own hand a true and faithful friend unto him, the more to invite him to trust him. And trust you I do my Lord, and in you (next my Gracious Sovereign) as much as may be in any arm of flesh. The God of Heaven (I hope) will speak peace to my soul, if the King, and your Grace will send peace to my heart. I trust you will, and will pray to God you may, that I may in all cheerfulness and thankfulness ever remain Your Grace's most humble, and faithful, and obliged servant Jo. Ogle. Exester 3. June, 1625. Postscript. I Beseech your Grace to send some other man to take this Charge which I too weakly for fear of offending by denial have thus far undergone, but upon hope of being withdrawn. Yet still submit myself to your Grace's good pleasure. Sir Robert Mansel to the Duke. Right Honourable and my singular good Lord, HAving used all the possible speed I could to repair to Algiers, where I should have been by the 15. of March last, I held it my duty humbly to present unto your Lordship the particular account of my proceed. Before my arrival I furnished the two Prizes, three Brigandines, and a fourth Boat with Firelocks, and combustible materials for the burning of the Pirates ships within the Moal, and had trained my men in the execution of their several duties, and likewise appointed a squadron of boats with small shot to rescue the vessels of execution in their advancement and retreat. The first night of my arrival being the 21. of May last, the vessels of execution were all advanced, but by reason of contrary winds they were commanded to retire. The second and third nights they were also in a readiness, but were withheld with calms. The fourth night it pleased God to bless us with a fair Gale, and they being advanced again, and the two ships with the fireworks, having almost recovered the mouth of the Moal (the wind to our great grief) turned to the opposite point of the Compass. The boats performed their directions in towing of the ships, but considering, that by the continuance of the course, they should expose their principallest men to hazard, by reason of the great store of Ordnance and small shot, which plied upon them, they debated amongst themselves what to do, Capt. Hughes (who commanded one of the Brigandines) replied, Go on, and give the attempt with the boats, which they cheerfully pursued, crying out without cessation, King James, King James, God bless King James, and fearless of danger (even in the mouth of the Canon, and small shot, which showered like hail upon them) they fired the ships in many places, and maintained the same to the great comfort of us, that were spectators, so long as they had any powder left in their bandeliers, striving in the end who should have the honour to come off last, the which at length, as a due to his former resolution and courage, they left to captain Hughes, and so retired, all the ships continuing still their cheerful cry, King James, with the loss of 20. that were slain, and hurt, and leaving the fire flaming up in 7. several places, which continued in some of them long after their retreat, and being aboard his Majesty's ships. The cowardly Turks, who before durst not show themselves to so weak a force, but from the walls or the tops of their houses, so soon as they perceived all the boats retired, opened their ports, and Sallied out in 1000 and by the help of so great multitudes, and a sudden shower of rain, seconded with a calm which then happened, the fire was after extinguished, without doing any more hurt than making two of their ships unserviceable. During that Stay, there there came out of the Moal only one Frigate, which we forced to run on shore. Other service by us there performed, was the sinking of one of their best men of war by Sir Thomas Wilford, and Captain Chidleigh, she was manned with a 130. Turks and 12. Christians, whereof 12. only escaped, the rest were either slain or drowned, which appeared both by the relation of divers Christians which nightly escaped aboard us, and by divers of the dead bodies that floated upon the water by our ships. We took likewise before their faces in the Bay a Flyboat, which the Pirates had formerly taken from the Christians and sold to Ligorn. In her Merchandise to be exchanged for Pirates goods, and some money amounting to 2000 and odd pounds, the exact account whereof I shall not fail to address to your Lordship as soon as the same is perfected by the council of War. The Turks hereupon presently manned out three Galleys to rescue here, but Captain Giles, and Captain Herbert, with the help of three Brigandines, which I sent out to second them, soon fetched her up, and brought there unto me, and the Galleys were put to flight by Sir Thomas Wilford, Captain Pennington, and Captain Childlegh. During the time of my abode there, after the attempt made by the boats, I attended ten days for an opportunity to send in the ships with the fire works, to finish the service begun by the boats; but in all that time there happened not a breath of wind fit for their attempt, notwithstanding the ships were always ready at the instant, that they should receive my directions to advance. But at last understanding by the Christians (that escaped by swimming) aboard me, how the Pirates had boomed up the Moales with Masts, and Rafts, set a double guard upon their ships, planted more ordnance upon the Mole, and the walls, and manned out twenty Boats to guard the Boome, and perceiving likewise, that they had sent out their Galleys, and boats both to the Eastward and Westward to give aduce to all the ships upon the Coast, that they should not come in during my abode there, and so finding no hope remaining, either by stratagem to do service upon them in the Mole, or to meet with any more of them, in the regard of the daily complaints brought unto me, both from some of the King's ships, and most of the Merchants of their want of victuals, I resolved by the advice of the Council of war to set sail, whence I made my repair to this place, where I met my Brother Roper with your Lordship's dirrections which I have received, and at the instant obeyed, by signifying his Majesty's pleasure declared by your Lordship's Letter unto the worthy Commanders of those four ships whom his Majesty hath pleased to call home. But my Lord, in the duty I own your Lordship, and my zeal to his Majesty's honour and service, I humbly beg your Lordship's pardon to advertise your Lordship, that seeing we have now made this attempt upon the Pirates, and that they perceive that our intent is to work their utter ruin and confusion, the recalling of these his Majesty's Forces before the arrival of others in their stead, and the bereaving us of so many worthy and experienced Commanders, I fear may prove more prejudicial to the service, then upon one day's consideration I dare presume to set down in writing, by encouraging the Pirates to put in execution such stratagems upon us, as to my knowledge they have already taken into their consideration. My reasons for the same, I shall be bold upon more mature deliberation to offer in all humbleness unto your Lordship's judicious view, either by the Commanders that are to return unto your Lordship, or by a messenger which divers of the Council of War advise to be addressed over land on purpose with the same. And so being ready (so soon as we have received in our water, and dispatched divers other businesses, which of necessity must be ordered in this place) to set fail for Malega, there to receive in our remainder of Victuals, and to take my leave of these 4. Ships, and such other of the Merchants as cannot be made serviceable in these parts. With my endless prayers for your Lordship's increase of all honour, I cease your Lordships farther trouble for the present; And rest Your Lordship's most humble, most faithful and sad servant, Robert Mansel. From aboard the Lion in Alicant Rode. 9th. June. 1621. Sir Robert Mansel to the Duke. Right Honourable and my singular good Lord, IT is not unknown unto your Lordship, that Sir Thomas Button before his coming out, thought himself much wronged in that he did not hold the place of Vice Admiral in this Fleet, whereof I must acknowledge him very worthy, and that for my part I had engaged Sir Richard Hawkins, a very Grave, Religious, and experienced Gentleman, before I was assured whether Sir Thomas Button would leave his employment in Ireland, or no; and that afterwards Sir Thomas Button by your Lordship's mediation, was contented to undertake the charge he now holdeth, which God knows I laboured for no other end, then for the security and advancement of his Majesty's service, by reason of the experience I have had of his sufficiency and ability. Since that time, I have doubled that injury. A wrong was done unto him which cannot be denied, he patiently appealed to me for justice, which I must confess I denied him. But the name of the person that offered the wrong, and the reasons why I denied him Justice, I must leave unto Sir Richard Hawkins and Sir Henry Palmer to relate unto your Lordship, and if that will not give your Lordship satisfaction, I must humbly submit myself to your Lordship's Censure. Notwithstanding the impression that these injuries took with him, yet thus much I must truly confess in his behalf, That there was no man more zealous to advance his Majesty's service, nor more forward to undergo any danger or hazard then himself, whereof he hath given assured testimony to the World in these three particulars. First, in the service performed by him on a Christmas day at night, whereof I have formerly advertized your Lordship at large. Secondly, Then in going over to Algiers cheerfully, without complaining, when his Ship was so grievously infected, that he had not able men in her to manage her Sails. Also in employing the most choice men in his Ship under the command of his Nephew, for the firing of the Pirates ships within the Mole of Algiers. And lastly, in his joining with Sir Richard Hawkins in the towing off one of the Prizes, when she was becalmed within musket shot of the Mole. My Lord, I must protest unto your Lordship, that I had no ends of mine own for the injuries done to Sir Thomas Button, and therefore your Lordship cannot cast a greater honour upon your poor servant then in repairing him, which I humbly beg of your Lordship. If Sir Richard Hawkins do return unto me, than I shall be an humble suitor unto your Lordship in the behalf of Sir Thomas Button that he may return to his employment in Ireland, from whence in my earnest desires to enjoy his company and assistance, I was the only means to withdraw him, and that he may receive such allowance and entertainment as was formerly usually paid unto him, by which means your Lordship will take away the Curses of his children, whose bloods are near unto me, and oblige me with my continual prayers for your Lordship's increase of honour, ever to remain Your Lordship's most humble and faithful servant, Robert Mansell. From aboard the Vanguard the 10. of July. 1621. Captain John Pennington to the Duke. May it please your Grace, MY last to your Lordship was of the 18. of this present from Stokes Bay, since which time I have received two from your Grace, at Deep one by your Secretary Mr. Nicholas, whereby your Grace commands me to deliver up his Majesty's Ship, and the rest under my Command, to the hands of such Frenchmen as his Christian Majesty shall appoint, according to his Majesty's pleasure signified by my Lord Conway. And that I and the rest of the Masters take security of them for our ships severally according to the true valuation. And to see this put in execution, you sent your Secretary Mr. Nicholas. And the other by Mr. Ingham in answer of mine written from Stokes Bay. The former part whereof being only a command to put your former in practice, and the latter a denial of my humble suit for my being called home from this Service. Which said part confirms absolutely, that it was not your Grace's pleasure that I should yield up the ships into their hands, and dispossess myself and company of them: for I trust your Grace had no such unjust thought as to continue me here alone after. The French had possession of her to be their slave, as I am sure they would have made me if they had their wills. To give your Grace an account of what I have done since I came to Deep (which was the 21th. at this instant about nine of the clock at night) would be too tedious for this time. The 22th. in the morning Early I sent my boat ashore with my Lieutenant to find out your Grace's Secretary, to receive my Letters, whereby I might know your Grace's pleasure, and to kiss my Lord Ambassadors hands from me, and to let him know I was come with his Majesty's ship to do him service, but could not command the rest to come along with me, their Masters not being there, and all their companies in a mutiny. But his jealousy was such, that he would not suffer your Grace's Secretary to come aboard, or to send me your Letters, or that my Lieutenant should speak to him, but in his presence, but presently sent a Gentleman aboard to me, commanding me to come ashore to him, which I confess I was very loath to do, in regard my people were much discontented, and ready daily to mutiny, being all wondrous unwilling to go against Rochel, or those of their religion. And besides, I never having been a shore, since I came into my command, neither on our own Coast, or else where. (It being not my use) yet notwithstanding these particulars knowing his Greatness, and your Grace's pleasure, for the giving him all due respect, I presently went to him, where he taking me into a room apart with your Grace's Secretary, he first delivered me my Lord Conwaies Letter, or rather a warrant, (for so he terms it himself) for the delivery of the ship into their hands (as they interpreted it) and then your Grace's Letter, commanding me to see his Majesty's pleasure (signified by my Lord conway) put in execution. And lastly a letter from the King of France, thereby willing me to receive his Soldiers aboard that he had provided, and his Cousin the D. de Mommorencie, and to go presently, and to join with his Great Fleet against his rebellious subjects. This is the effect of that Letter. Having read all these letters, he would presently have possession of the ship that night, for that he could not stay longer. I told him, that I did not understand it so, but that I was torender all service to his most Christian Majesty; but nothing would serve him, save the present possession, which because I would not yield unto, he grew into a strange fury, telling me, that your Grace had sent your Secretary to see her delivered, and security to be taken for her. My answer was, that I was ready to obey, according as I understood the warrant, which was to do his Christian Majesty service, and to receive a convenient number of Soldiers aboard me. But to dispossess myself of my command, I had no such order: but still nothing would satisfy him but the ship, telling me, he would not entertain at the most (if they were willing) above 60. or 80. of our people. My answer was, I had no order to discharge a man of them, neither could I, but if they were discharged, what they should do, or how they should get home, having neither meat, money, nor clothes, I know not. To the first of these, he told me, that Mr. Nicholas had order by word of mouth from your Grace to discharge us, which Mr. Nicholas confirmed, as also to see the ship delivered, which he commanded me to do. But with your Grace's pardon I durst not do it upon words, it being a business of too high consequence, neither if I had been willing, would my company ever have condescended to it. To the second, for our passage, he promised to have provided barks for us; but to conclude this, and not to insist upon the rest of the particulars (they being too tedious) his rage and fury was such, that I must of necessity give a little way thereto, or else I think he would have kept me ashore, so as I told him I was content if my company would yield thereunto, and therefore desired to go aboard to speak with them, and to give order for the drawing up of the inventory. And upon this he suffered me to departed, but not without promises of a large sum of money which should be given me at the surrender, besides a royal pension during my life, he sending his Secretary, and many others aboard with me to see all things put in execution, and your Grace's Secretary to persuade me to do it. But when I had them aboard, I told them it was a thing not presently done, neither was my company willing to deliver over the ship without a more ample warrant, yet I would do my best to bring both to pass so soon as I could. So using them with the best respect I could, and fair promises, that I would use all diligence for the accomplishing of their desires; though I must confess I never meant it, till I should hear further from your Grace, and have an especial Warrant from his Majesty, or your Grace for it, it being a business of so high a nature. Upon these hopes they departed, and went a shore, where they had not been long, till some of them returned back with a strange alarm from his Lordship, that he would presently have possession of her, or my resolution to the contrary. And although I alleged that the inventory, and other business would not be dispatched in two days, it would not suffice, except I would receive 400. Soldiers aboard in the mean time till things were perfected. Thus seeing I could not delay him till I heard farther from your Grace, I was forced to give him this resolute answer, That upon this Warrant, I would not deliver over the ship unto him, neither if I would, would the company give way unto the same, we not holding it a sufficient discharge for us: But that we were ready to receive a competent number of Soldiers aboard, with a chief Commander, and to go upon such service, as his Christian Majesty should direct us, according to the agreement with the King my Master; but nothing would satisfy him but to have her delivered over to him, which if I did not presently, my head should pay for it. I desired his patience for two or three days, till I had written and sent to your Grace, and that he would let me have a Shallop for that purpose; but he denied both the one and the other; notwithstanding sent away a Bark himself with one to your Grace, but would not suffer me to send thereby, which made me the more jealous of the real intent of the business. The 23. he sent your Lordship's Secretary aboard to work and persuade me, but I could not give other answer, than I had done formerly, only that I would attend until I heard farther from your Grace; though I must confess I had much ado to persuade my Company, who were very unwilling to it. But I had hope still to have a more ample Order how to proceed in this great and weighty business. And upon the 24. at two of the clock in the morning, Mr. Ingham (whom I sent from Stokes Bay to your Grace) returned unto me with two Letters, one from your Grace, and another from my Lord Conway, the former part of both commanding me to put your former Commands in execution: but the latter part prohibiting me to departed with my charge, gave me the more courage to stand upon my former terms. This day your Grace's Secretary came aboard me again, after I had sent your Grace's Letter to him, being sent by the Ambassador to prosecute the business, for the delivery of the ship unto them. But after I had showed him, that part of your Grace's Letter, he knew not what to say to it. I willed him to tell the Ambassador, that this Letter was nothing but an answer of mine written from Stoken Bay, concerning the not coming of the rest of the ships. I further offered his Lordship this day for the more expedition of the business, to take 150 of his men aboard, and to run over for the Coast of England, and to send presently to your Grace, that we were ready to surrender over there, upon an authentic Warrant from his Majesty, or your Grace. His answer to this was, That he would not put his men in to be prisoners, nor that we should be the major part. I than offered him to take in as many French as I had English man for man, but without arms, yet nothing would satisfy him, but the possession of the Ship, either by delivering of her over into their hands, or by receiving 400 armed men aboard, wherewith they would quickly have taken her from us, as you may plainly see their intent by their proceeding. Which I refusing to do, this night about ten of the clock, he sent his Secretary aboard with three or four others to make a protestation against me, as a Rebel to my King and Country, as you may perceive by the Copy of it, which I send your Grace herewith, and this he said was the last he would have to do with me, for that on the morrow, he would away for Paris. Whereupon the next morning I sent this Gentleman Mr. Ingham unto him to know, what farther service he would command me, and whether he would have me attend his pleasure longer here, for that I was ready to go upon any service they would command according to the former agreement, and to receive as many men aboard as possibly I could; but he said he had nothing to do except I would either deliver up the ship, or take in the 400. Soldiers. In the interim came his Secretary, with the same company he had before, and made another protestation against me, in regard I would not take in his 400. men, and therewithal brought me a Letter from your Grace's Secretary, (for he is so jealous that he will not suffer him to come aboard but when he listeth) which Letter was, That the Ambassador would stay till Thursday next, if I would give it him under my hand to deliver up the ship then, if I had not order to the contrary before, which I had as good have done at the present; for I expect no Letters from your Grace, in regard they would not suffer me to write to you, as I desired. And if your Grace should write to me by his messenger, they would be sure not to deliver them, till the day were passed, except such as were for their turn. In all which your Grace may see their intents, that there hath been no slights or ways left unassayed to bring their purpose to pass: first by fair words, then by seeking to get me become the French Kings servant, with promises of a great Pension, and brave employment, with offers of good sums to be laid down upon the surrender of the ship as aforesaid. And when none of these courses could prevail with me, than followed their threaten of having my head, and such like. All which (I thank God) I have withstood; for I had rather live all my life with bread and water, then betray my King and Country of so precious a Jewel as this; and had rather the King should take my life, then to have a hand in the surrender, or valuing of such a Bulwark of the Kingdom. Upon the making of the last Protest, and with the threats they gave us, my Company grew into such a fury and tumult, that they got up their Anchors, and set sail for England, without acquainting me with it, or order from me, saying, They would rather be hanged at home, then surrender the King's Ships, or be slaves to the French, or fight against those of the Religion. But I must confess, I heard what they were a doing, but let them alone, because I saw they had reason; otherwise, I should rather have died amongst them, then to have suffered it. And thus I have related the principal passages unto your Grace, wherein, if I have offended his Majesty, or your Grace, it hath been for want of discretion, and not of true zeal to do his Majesty, your Grace, and my Country service, which if it be found to be an offence, I humbly crave pardon. I am now come to an anchor in the Downs, where I shall attend your Grace's farther pleasure, to be disposed of as his Majesty, and your Grace shall please. But to return again to France, I can assure your Grace, that all the people in the ship will rather be hanged then do it, they have been so well used there. Thus praying for your Graces many happy and prosperous days, I humbly rest Your Grace's most humble, and faithful servant, Jo. Pennington. From aboard the Vanguard in the Downs, 27. July. 1625. Captain Pennington to the Duke. May it please your Grace, TO take into your Consideration these particulars following: First, That there is no clause in the contract for our quiet enjoying, and celebrating our Divine service to God morning and evening, according to the ancient order of the Seas. Secondly, That they may bring as many of their own Nation aboard as they will, and they speak of putting in as many French as English, which will amount to 500 in all, which the ship is neither able to carry, neither will it be for the health of those that go in her, or safety of the ship to his Majesty. All which I desire may be considered of, and a course settled with the Ambassador of the just number I shall receive aboard. Thirdly, That we are bound to fight against any Nation, that they command us, except our own; which you may likewise please to consider of. Fourthly, That there is no Clause for the supply of the Victuals, and other provisions before the six months be expired, so that they may keep us till that time, and then turn us off naked and destitute of all provisions to be a prey to our enemies. Fifthly, That we may know where we shall receive our supplies of powder, and other munition from them, for that the three last, which we have in here, with the appurtenance, is not sufficient to maintain a fight of three hours. The former five Articles I humbly desire your Grace judiciously to consider of; and what your Grace will have me therein perform, may be inserted in my instructions. Now further I humbly desire your Grace; First, That all we English may be of a squadron, and not separated upon any occasion, the accidents of the Sea excepted, and that we may be ready at all times to aid and assist one another. Secondly, That I may have power in my instructions, or otherwise, for the command of the rest of the English that go along with me, if not, every man may take his course, and do what liketh him best, which may prove prejudicial to the service, dishonourable to the State, and dangerous for the safety of his Majesty's ship. Lastly, I humbly desire, that your Grace will be pleased to give order, that there may be some provision of clothes laid in for naked men, (whereof there are many in the ship) as hose, shoes, and shirts (at least.) As also some provision of store for sick men, of Oatmeal, Rice, Sugar, and fruit, and some little stock of money, to relieve them if necessity require it. It may afterwards be deducted out of their wages, if your Grace will have it so. Your Grace's Loyal, and faithful servant ever to be commanded, Jo. Pennington. Mr. Trumbal to the Secretary. Right Honourable, With my former dated the 11th. of this month, I sent your Honour two Letters for his Majesty, and promised by my next to write unto your Honour at large, about the matter they did contain. In performance whereof, and for the discharge of my duty, I will now desire permission hereby freely to deliver my mind, for so much as is yet come to my knowledge, and I judge meet to be committed to paper concerning the same. And seeing this Packet is to be sent by an express Messenger, and a * Mr. Carie. person of trust, I will for your Honours greater ease abstain from the use of a Cipher. After I had been at Louvain, and Antwerp to take some depositions for the discovering of the authors and correctors of that most pernicious Libel, Corona Regia, (as by a dispatch to the late Mr. Secretary Lake I did advertise his Majesty,) there came unto me a certain person, living about this Town, going by the name of Nicholas de Laken, and brought me the Packet, which a good while since I sent to your Honour. Amongst other things, he told me, that heretofore by accident, he fell into the company of a Cannon of Louvain, with whom he had some speech about that devilish book, and that if I would send thither, he was very confident, he should penetrate farther by his private industry in the space of a few days into the mystery than I had been able to do in the compass of divers years, with my public information. Here upon to make a trial, and desiring to employ Le see et Le verd, for the manifesting of a truth, which I knew his Majesty so much longed to understand, I furnished him with money, and some instructions, and sent him to Louvain. At the end of six or seven days, he returned from thence, and as his own letters do testify, and (he hath protested with many oaths) he avouched to me, that he had discovered that secret to the very bottom. I inquired of him, by what means? He made answer by the help of the said Canon, and some young Scholars his country men, Students, in that university, who had brought him to the acquaintance of a certain Italian living there, that had served the author of the book both while he did compose it, and while it was in printing. He averreth also that Puteanus, and some others, had their fingers in that unsavoury Pye. And he saith, that when I began to make search for those persons, which had done his Majesty that intolerable wrong, that the principal author, and Flavius the Printer were secretly warned, to get them out of this country, and had some means given them to maintain them abroad. He affirmeth likewise, that both of them ever since that time have remained, and are at this present remaining out of the territories of the Archdukes. That he hath often seen the said author in this City, and knoweth his name, and Surname, and his person so well, as no change of his apparel, nor disguising of his body, can cause him to mistake or be deceived. By his report, that party is no Clergy man, though he be a good Scholar, and reputed to have an excellent Latin pen. But those commendable qualities, are drowned by his greater vices, he being much addicted to lewd women, and unsatiable drinking. He is now (by this man's information) resident in a town upon the Frontiers of Germany, And as for Flavius, he can (if he truly) declare where he lurketh, and assureth me, that his wife is at a place within ten leagues of this town. The Cannon that did oversee the press, and withdrew the leaves of this book, as they were printed, is called (as he heard) Mr. Claud. and dwelleth at Nostre Dame de Halles, whither I purpose to send him this Easter holidays to make farther inquiry. More than these, and some other particulars (which are so transcendent, as I dare neither believe, nor set them down in writing) he will not impart unto me, until he be assured of his Majesty's protection, by a Letter under his hand, and a competent reward for his labours. And the reason he allegeth therefore is, that if once it be known, he did meddle in this matter, there can be no more safety for him to continue in these provinces. He doth further undertake, that in case his Majesty will be pleased to grant him his demands, allow money for the expenses of the journey, and give him two persons of courage, and fidelity to accompany him, he will either lose his life, or put the said author into their hands who may carry him (as he thinketh) with little danger, either into the Pallatinate, or the united Provinces. Hereupon I guess, that (if this report be well grounded) that wicked fellow must be in, or near about the town of Cullen. I cannot amongst all those of my acquaintance, and his Majesty's subjects here call to mind any one so fit for this interprize, as the Gentleman whose name is written in Cipher in my letter to his Majesty. For he is universally well spoken of for his honesty, and other good Parts, and in sundry occasions hath given good testimony of his ardent desire to do his Majesty some remarkable and meritorious service. And his sufficiency being better known to his Majesty then to myself, I will not commend it any further. The want of employment and some disgustes he received in Holland, while he served there, compelled him by necessity to look for preferment under the King of Spain. But hitherto his religion, the respect he beareth to his Majesty, and my persuasions, have detained him from those Courses. By him I am told, that he hath heard out of the mouths of one Captain Carpentine, and his son in law Captain Hamilton, pencioners to the King of Spain (but subjects to his Majesty, that they being one day walking in a street at Antwerp called the Major Brugg (where they reside) with 4. or 5. others in their company, and there happening some speech amongst them, about a book his majesty had then published against the Pope, it fell out that one of them apprehending that opportunity said, that he had subject enough to furnish a book which should more vex the King of great Britain, than his Majesty's book could offend his Holiness, and if he could meet with a Scholar, that were able to put it into a method, and good latin, he would be ready to perform his word. Another of the troop made answer, that he would undertake the work upon that condition, and they both (for a great whiles after) were absent at Louvain, even about the same time that the Libel was forged. Perhaps some part of this, may draw near to the verity. But they both depending upon the King of Spain (as is before mentioned) and being averse in religion, I am much afraid, I shall do little good upon them by examining then before the Arch Duke's Commissioners, seeing they may delude me, and the truth with equivocation, and mental reservation. Although he conceiveth, that if they were called before a judge, and summoned upon their oaths to speak the truth, they would not refuse to discharge their consciences. I have seriously entreated him to bestow his best endeavour in attempting what he can further learn about this relation, and he hath accepted to perform my request. The said Gentleman from whom I had it is not willing to be brought publicly upon the Stage, for this business, lest thereby he should incur the note of an informer, than which nothing is, or can be more odious in these parts. Nevertheless he hath promised (if his Majesty like to have it so, and will be pleased to give commandment for it) to justify what is before rehearsed to their faces. Whether both these parties encounter upon one, and the same author, or understand them to be divers men, I can neither judge, nor foretell: yet it seemeth that one of them may hit on the right. And as I will not spare any pains, charges, nor peril whatsoever to bring the parent of this child of darkness into the light, so I hope his Majesty (whose cause it is) will not refuse to hazard a little money to give himself satisfaction. These things having passed in this manner, I humbly beseech your Honour at a fit opportunity, when the King is alone to acquaint him with these particulars, and entreat his Majesty to keep them secret; for I am of opinion (being spoken under humble correction, and without offence) that had not his Majesty by communicating this business at the first to Mounsieur Borschot, given him means to advertise it to his wife (who by tattling divulged it, and foiled the way) we had never been put to half this trouble, but had taken Flavius, in the form, and by him discovered the author. My intention is not, that his Majesty should be induced to put 2000 Pistols (or the sum that shall be allotted Laken) into his hands, before the service be done; but that his Majesty would vouchsafe (if he approve the project) to cause so much money, as in his profound wisdom, he shall think meet for this occasion to be forthwith remitted to me by Mr. John More, by the meaner of Mr. Ducket, a Merchant dwelling in Milk-street in London, to be repaid at Antwerp by Mr. Lionel Wake trading there, or by the company of our English Merchants at Middleborough in Zealand in the name of reward for service done, or to buy Tapestries, or linen for his Majesty. And I will either return it back again by exchange, if this design cannot be effected, or defaulk the remains thereof upon my entertainment. All that I would venture in this case, should only be for those men's necessary expenses that are to be employed therein; and that also I would have not to exceed, but to be limited within the compass of 200. pounds sterling. By apprehending these men, the Archduke's cannot take any just occasion of offence against his Majesty or his Ministers, seeing one of them is not their Vassal, and both are out of their Dominions. It may (for these Considerations) please your Honour to advise with his Majesty, whether it be fit to proceed herein Via facti, or Via Juris: to send Laken to seek out the Author and others to apprehend him, or the Printer, or upon promise of a reasonable recompense for his pains, to deal with him effectually to declare their names, and habitations, and afterwards leave it to his Majesty's gracious and Princely pleasure to prosecute or let fall his action. In either of which kind, I will yield humble obedience to his Majesty's Commands, and your Honour's directions, as things to myself indifferent. But I am doubtful, that by continuing of the course formerly holden in the carriage of this business, we shall never attain our desired ends. I am not so slight as to give credit to all reports, nor so prodigal as to part with money for nothing. My most humble and earnest suit is, that his Majesty, and your Honour after mature deliberation upon the several points of this Letter, will vouchsafe to send me by my servant Marsham (who is now at London) particular, and distinct answers for my better direction. I have been the more prolix upon this subject, in hope that this I have written shall serve once for all. In that matter concerning the Countess of Argile, which it pleased your Honour to recommend unto my Care, I have done as much already as I can for the present. We must of necessity with a little patience expect the success, whereof your Honour shall in due time be punctually advertized. In the mean while, I do with all reverence, desire your Honour to excuse the tediousness of this Letter; And so take my leave, Your Honours very humble, and ready to be commanded, W. Trumball. Brussels 21/31. of March, 1618/1619. Mr. Trumball to the Secretary. Right Honourable, THose that are employed in such place as I am, must admit all manner of men into their company. And the Oath I have taken to his Majesty, will not permit me to conceal any thing from his knowledge that cometh to mine, and may in any sort have relation to his Royal service. For these Considerations I assume the boldness so soon to renew your Honour's trouble, after the dispatch of those Volumes of Letters which I sent you yesterday by one of my servants. This Bearer de la Forrest is better known to your Honour, then to myself, although I remember many years ago to have seen him in England. During his stay in this Town, he brought unto me a certain French Gentleman, calling himself the Viscount of L'orme, and Sir De la Pommeraye; who hath (by his own relation) been a great Navigator, and been authorized by 18. of the chief Pirates in the Levant, to search for their pardon, and retreat into some Christian Country, being sorry for the ill they have done, and desirous to spend the rest of their days in peace. With this Commission he came into France, and there traveled so far with the King and his Ministers, as he obtained a general abolition for the said Pirates, a safe Conduct to bring them into his Dominions, and a procuration (which I have seen under the great Seal of France) to treat, and conclude with them upon certain conditions. But he being envied by some Grandees of that Kingdom, and by misfortune happening to kill a man, he was forced (as he pretendeth) for the safety of his life to fly into these Countries, before he could bring that work to perfection. And being now disenabled to return thither again, he desireth to make a trial, whether his Majesty will vouchsafe to lend his ear to that Treaty, and grant unto the said Pirates a general Pardon. To which effect, he sendeth over La Forrest, and hath entreated me to accompany him with my Letters to my Lord Admiral, your Honour, and Mr. Secretary Calvert. For retribution of this grace, the said Pirates offer to give 45000 l sterling to be shared amongst you three, or to be disposed of as his Majesty shall appoint. But your Honour may see the Conditions proposed to the French King were more advantageous. For they were to give him their Ships, Artillery, and Munition, and to furnish means to set out some men of War for his service. And I see no reason (in case his Majesty should incline to such capital offenders, and common enemies) why he should not have as much, or more benefit than another Prince, the greatest part of them being his Vassals. Your Honour if you please may peruse these adjoined Papers, and impart the contents of them to my Lord Admiral. They agree with their Originals; and if his Majesty do not taste this overture, there is no more harm done (for any thing I can perceive) then the loss of my labour to peruse and subscribe them. There remaineth only two points, wherein I should speak to your Honour, the one is, that this matter may be concealed from the French Ambassador Mounsieur le Count de Tilliers, for fear of ruining de L'Orme. The other with gratifying La Forest with the pay of a Packet (if your Honour shall think it meet) for the carrying of these Letters, who saith your Honour is his great Patron, and hath promised him a good turn. Mounsieur de L'Orme hath given him power to solicit this business, and procure him an answer; wherein I join my humble prayer, that the poor man may not here languish in hopes, and spend his money to no purpose. When I shall know whether his Majesty will relish this overture, or not, I will write thereof more largely (if there be cause) otherwise let it remain as it was before. In the mean while, I humbly take my leave; And rest Your Honours In all humbleness to be commanded, W. Trumball. Brussels 23. of Octob. 1619. Sir Thomas Roe to the marquis of Buckingham Lord Admiral. My Lord, I Can give your Lordship no great account of any thing that hath occurred since my departure. I was bold to write to Mr. Secretary Calvert from Maliga of the great increase of the Pirates in those Seas, and of the danger of the Merchants; with my own thoughts, if his Majesty have any farther purpose to attempt their destruction, which is both honourable and necessary; if these Trades, or the other of Spain to the South of the North-Cape be of any consequence to his Majesty's Kingdoms: if they be suffered to increase, they will brave the Armies of Kings at Sea in a few years, and attempt even the Coasts and Shores with peril. And because they carry the name only of Thiefs, they are yet contemned, or neglected; but they will become a dangerous enemy, when they shall rob with Fleets, and therefore would be in time considered. The Spaniards now make great offers to continue the Contract, though their performance be slow, and their own Estates chief interessed, yet besides the danger and ruin of the Merchant it is considerable, that this Army increasing is at the obedience of the Grand Signior the common Enemy, who hath no strength but Galleys. I know your Lordship will collect enough out of this without further pressure. The Armadoes of Spain, Naples and Sicily, have been in the Archipelago, the Turks Forces absent in the black Sea. Yet they have done nothing of consequence, taken a few Carmisales and slaves, and are returned to the Port, where Don Philibert of Savoy Generalissimo is present, who is made Viceroy of Sicily, with absolute power to dispose of all offices, without attendance from Spain, which is more than Vice-Re. He hath used me for his Majesty's honour with very great respect, as I have in particular advised Mr. Secretary. Among many courtesies, finding 13. English Captives in the Galleys, I thought it my duty to secure them. His Highness at the first instance, to express his good affection to my Master, gave them to me all free, which I think is a good work, and not ordinary. I beseech your Lordship, that his Majesty may be pleased to take knowledge of it into Spain for the Prince's honour, that he may in the like occasion, not think himself neglected. The advice from Constantinople is seconded of the overthrow of the Turk. God grant it be true, and yet the pride of the Grand Signior is not assuaged, but he threatens a new attempt in the spring. I hope I have hitherto done his Majesty no dishonour, nor can I boast of services; but being under your Lordship's protection, I will hope for a good interpretation, beseeching you to present my name to his Majesty, that I be not forgotten in these great distances, wherein my humble fortune hath kept me, and as I have observed your Lordship to be the Amparo of those that pretend to virtue and honour, and not to desert them till they have forsaken themselves: So I beseech you take me upon those conditions which cannot shame you, and leave me, when I am other, than Your Lordship's faithful, and honest servant, Tho. Roe. Messina, 7/17. Decemb. 1621. L. R. H. to the Duke of Buckingham. My dear Lord, I Have since my departure from you used all diligence in the Prince's service, and punctually observed all his Commands. Only with the King I have dealt so freely in my relation of the Prince his carriage, and your extraordinary care of working his content in all points, that I did move him to shed tears in expressing his happiness for such a son, and likewise his good fortune in having a Favourite, who is framed according to his own heart in all points. Neither have I pressed any thing to injure any farther than my duty bound me, and my faithful love to your service, which shall always have a prime place in my heart. My Lord, there are contrary opinions in Court and City, by the one you are much admired for your noble expressions of true honour, and love to your King, Prince, and Country, with many observations of your special care and zeal to Religion, and your immovable resolution to Contest with all oppositions to the contrary. By the other you are maligned, and they give it out, That you have with your wilfulness occasioned these delays, by diverting and changing their ways wherein they had begun to treat: but the falseness hereof hath been shown, and it appears malice without ground, the which, (though heretofore I have told you) not out of any other end then to do you service, yet have you so slightly regarded me for it, and so much respected those ill-deserving Great ones, (as if you had intended to receive your enemies into your bosom, and to cast off your faithfullest friends;) yet shall not any usage discourage me from discharging the office of a most loving and zealous affected friend, and servant, yea insomuch, that I will rather displease you, in doing you that faithful service, that both my honour and love obligeth me to, then be silent, and they let you run into apparent danger. My Lord, amongst the protestants your are divulged (as much as ill disposed ones dare) a Papist. Among the Papists, it is avowed you are the greatest enemy they have. For which reports, I am not troubled, for they have made you the much more pitied, and as highly esteemed, and honoured amongst the most judicious, and best deserving subjects, as any thing could do. And I dare assure you, that since your being at Madrid you are much better beloved of all people (who have not ends) than you were before. Noble Lord, I find the King both resolute, and courageous, but wise, and secret, to my own hearts joy, and not to be won upon by the subtle and false policy of any I made it my humble suit upon my knees, that he would consent to no proposition of this Spanish Ambassador concerning peace or war, till the Prince's return. Which suit he took well at my hands, and granted. I have told him freely what I observed in Spain, both of their manners, usage, and honesty, and left it to his wisdom to make what use he pleased. His Majesty longs to see the Prince, and you, and so do all the subjects, and will not be satisfied with any thing, but your speedy return. Except you have jealousies put into the Spaniards heads, and prevent the danger, which will be by hasting the marriage with all possible speed; for there are some whose buttons break with venom, that you have got so much honour, and so well deserved of the King and Prince. But you believe me not, but think I speak of Spleen, when God knows I never bore any to any man, but for your sake. Your most virtuous lady mourns for your absence, and will not be comforted. Your fair Daughter deserves your staying withal, and your faithful friends and the good of the Kingdom want you most of all And for your greater comfort, the King is so reserved in the Prince's affairs, as that he neither imparts the businesses of Spain, nor his intents therein to any of hit privy Council, Since your patent, the Earl Marshal is become a great stranger at the Court. But all men find you so fast revited into the Kings, heart that they see it is an impossibility to work you any way displeasure in your absence, and therefore forbear to express, what willingly they would effect, but find it in vain to go about it. But let not the King's love to you or their small ability to do you harm, make you too careless, or too credulous of those your enemies, last it give too great encouragement to them, and too great disheartening to your faithful friends. I am sorry at my being with you at Madrid that you durst not impart those secrets, wherein I am sure my faithfulness, and love unto you, would have done you all service (as the thing I most desire) but I see the zeal of my heart to you, is not rightly considered, yet am I confident that time will make me best known, and better esteemed by you as one whose true heart, is always watchful of taking all opportunities to do you service. My Lord, you shall find me not only a word-friend, but an active, who never am better pleased, then when I find most opposition. And for conclusion, I am so far from shunning dangers to do you service, as that I would willingly wade in blood at any time to manifest myself yours. And therefore) I should receive great content, if you knew, how truly I were yours, because than I am sure in the Nobleness of your nature, it would be impossible for any to be able to do me wrong in your Honourable, thoughts. My dear Lord, pray suffer no longer delays in Spain, but either dispatch, what you went for quickly, or else return speedily; for assure yourself, their desire to have you continue there, is for no love to you, but to further thereby their own designs elsewhere. Nay I dare justify it out of my own weak judgement, that the longer you stay, the farther off you shall be from obtaining, what you desire. And if you resolutely purpose your return with speed, you will force them out of their dull pace, and put them upon the rock, from which they cannot escape, except they fulfil your desires. Besides, your presence is most necessary here for home-affairs, for your absence hath caused too great insolency in the Court, by such as bear themselves very loftily, and ensue very much over yours, especially your poor servant Mewtis is much threatened as being yours, and must suffer till you come back. Some other things likewise are otherwise carried in your absence, then would be in your presence, therefore for God's sake return, but with the Prince, and count delays, denials. And the longer you stay there, the stronger you make them and yourselves the weaker. My Lord of Bristol hath a great, and more powerful party in Court, than you imagine, in so much, that I am confident were the King a neuter, he would prevail, and I do not much marvel at it, for you trust upon the honour, and justification of all your actions, desirous to make no friends, because you need none, but he deals with a great deal of cautelous wisdom, and as he hath wrought into the King's opinion, by reason of some pleasing services, so hath he into all those, who are about the King, or powerful, that they may better his good services, and smother his bad. Besides the man who is suspicious (as he must needs be) hath far greater care of after-reckoning, how to make fair glosses, than he who doth all things with the avowment of all honour, and the only intent of service to his King, and Country. It grieves me I am not thought worthy to hear from you any word by these last messengers, especially being promised the employment, from which I was put. Farewell (dear Lord) and the Almightes protection be upon our unmatchable Prince, upon whose worth, and brave achievements all eyes are fixed, and the same protection light upon you his right hand, and give you the good fortune, to make as brave a return, as you did voyage thither, to the eternal praise of your future memories. And upon these hopes, I rest happy to think myself Yours H. R. Sir George Carie to the marquis of Buckingham. 8. December, 1619. Your Lordship Will be satisfied, before this of mine will have the happiness to kiss your noble hands, that the great Mystery of iniquity in the Star-chamber is now revealed, and as many as could be discerned to have the mark of the beast upon them, have undergone their censure. Some I must confess, and great fishes too, have broken out of the net. But that escape must be objected to the errors of some of the pursuers, whose courses in some things were not enough direct to warrant, what otherwise might have been done. And your Lordship who is a good Woodman well knows, unless the Wind-lace be well carried, the Bows which stand up can never shoot. Notwithstanding all the defaults of the meaner Agents, the Court maintaining the honour of their own uprightness, and integrity hath with moderation too, (yet such as leaves subject to his Majesty's mercy to work upon some particulars,) raised in Fine some 130000 l. or thereabouts. If no errors had been committed, (whereupon those Defendants, which escaped, took advantage to be safe) by this which is done, you may imagine what it would have amounted to. For my part, I rejoice to conceive, how with the shortest of the days, we are at the worst of our estate, hoping by this means with the return of the Sun, to see some such return of the money, (the riches of his Majesty's Treasury, and blood of the Commonwealth) as that the Exchequer may flow, and the Veins of the State may fill again, and both with the Spring renew their strength, lustre, and complexion. I have now stayed here so long attending this business, that I hold it too late to wait upon you at Newmarket, That gives me cause to crave your pardon for this presuming imperfect Account of this day's action, and withal to desire the assurance, that I live in your estimation, the same, I will ever be Your Lordship's Most sincerely honest and humble servant, G. Cary. To King James, ab ignoto. Your Majesty, BOth in the eminency of your regal dignity, and in the excellency of your judgement, doth truly represent the common sense, whose part it is to judge and discern of all things; whereas the other senses do but report their particular objects. And in that manner do I humbly offer to your Majesty's Consideration in this importune Crisis of the affairs of Christendom, so much as I have observed in France, that may now concern your service, in which place I have been heretofore employed in your affairs. And first considering the present estate of things in France, and weighing against it, the seizure made of the Valtoline by the King of Spain, the late invasion of the Palatinate, and now this new defeat arrived in Bohemia, I do put this for an infallible ground, that either the King of France will resolve out of jealousy of the progressions of the house of Austria effectually to secure the Palatinate, or else abandoning the affairs of Germany to their own success, and neglecting the increase of the house of Austria on that side, he will think more then to recompense himself, by taking this opportunity to extinguish the body of those of the Religion in France. And as undoubtedly he will resolve on one of those two points, so on both of them for sundry reasons he cannot. To move him to the succour of the Palatinate, the main motive will be, the jealousy between those two Monarchies, which can never die, so long as they do both subsist in no greater a disproportion of strength and power; As also that France shall by their usurpation of the Palatinate, be on all sides Circled by the house of Austria, and particularly on that part where France hath before usurped on the Empire; in which regard his interest of estate is greater than your Majesties in the Conservation of the Palatinate, though your personal interest be incomparable with his. Then he cannot but think of the loss of his Correspondencies, and breach of his Confederacies in Germany, which have been very ancient, and very particular with the house of the Palatine. And if the reason of mutual gratitude, and vindication of injuries, may move Frenchmen, there are plentiful arguments on both kinds to move them to defend the House of the Palatine, against that of Austria. But now on the other side to move him against those of the Religion at home, first doth present itself, his successful beginning against them in the business of Bearn, than which nothing could be more unjust, both in regard of the matter itself, and of his own faith, and promise, and of the desert of those of the Religion towards him, in these late troubles, nor could any thing be more suddenly, or violently (I do not say cruelly) executed, then that was. And again the present terms, wherein that King, and those of the Religion do stand, will push him on. Then there will not want to this purpose, the powerful persuasions of the Pope, and his adherents, both by propounding overtures to lay asleep the jealousies of the house of Austria, and offering huge sums towards the charge of the War, which if he should attempt, and prevail therein, it would prove of far greater prejudice for many reasons that may be given in the interest of Estate, to your Majesty, though not in the interest of your affection, than the loss of the Palatinate. What may in France be resolved upon these motives, is uncertain. But I do conceive hereupon, that it may be useful for your Majesty's service effectually to propound in France, a Confederacy for the Conservation of the Palatinate, to which if they do hearken, your Majesty shall proceed in that design with greater strength and reputation, and occasion the King of Spain to proceed with greater remissness, or else absolutely to relinquish the Palatinate by a Treaty. But if in France it be not harkened to, your Majesty may take it for an assured argument, that they mean to proceed against those of the Religion, in which case your Majesty may make use of the same Embassage to revive again some of their factions in the Court, whereby those of the Religion may be strengthened in their defence, and it will not be hard to effect, if it be well proceeded in. And herein doth properly offer itself the person of the Duke of Bovillon, who for his great experience and wit, and intelligence in that Court, is best able to guide and further your Majesty's intentions; and for his interest in the person of the Palatine, and in the conversation of those of the Religion, doth precisely square with your Majesty's ends, whose advice you may first suddenly and secretly inquire. etc. Sir Walter Aston to the Duke, 10. December, 1624. May it please your Grace, THe Archduke Don Carlos, brother to the Emperor, made his entry into this Town on the 15th. of the last month, Still. Vet. He was met by the Almirante of Castille two day's journey from this place, who went from hence well accompanied, and attended by many Liveries richly set forth. Some 400. paces without a Gate of this Town called Alcala, the Archduke was received by the two Infant's Don Carlos and the Cardinal, and about 200 paces without the said Gate by the King himself, who came attended with the greatest part of this Court, and in his Coach accompanied with the Duke of Newbergh, and the Conde of Olivarez: The King lighted out of his Coach to receive the Archduke, and some compliments being passed between them, returned into his Coach, and set the Archduke by him on his left hand; in the other end of the Coach set the two Infants; in one boot the Duke of Newbergh, and the Conde of Olivarez; and in the other the Emperor's Ambassador, and the Almirante; the Almirante taking place of the Ambassador. Being come to the Palace, the King accompanied the Archduke to the Queen's Quarter, where his Majesty left him to be conveyed from thence to his own Quarter (which is the same was given to the Prince his Highness at his being in this Court,) by the Infants his Brothers, as he was, having finished his compliments with the Queen, and the Infanta Dona Maria. There were preparations here making for the honouring his reception with several feasts, and entertainments after their manner here. But these have been stopped by the Archduke's sickness, who felt himself indisposed the day after his arrival, and applying some Physical remedies by the advice of a Physician which he brought along with him, his distemper increased, and as it is pretended by these Physicians by a wrong course held with him. What hath been the true cause of his infirmity, I leave to be disputed by them; He hath been held divers days with a terrible Calenture, which proved at last a Tabardillo, whereupon there was little hope conceived of his life; but he hath since received some ease, and is now in a good way of amendment. In respect of the Emperor's unworthy proceed with the King our Master, I have not dared to visit him, until I shall have notice of his Majesty's pleasure therein, which I shall be glad to understand from your Grace. Since the expiring of the Truce betwixt this Crown and the Hollanders, this King hath given Licence to divers Port Towns on the Coasts of Biscay to arm out what ships they shall think good, and to make prize to their own particular benefit of what they shall light upon belonging to the enemies of this Crown: by which means it is here hoped, That these Coasts will be much the better secured from the daily pillages of the Holland men of War, and the Turkish Pirates. For the advancing whereof upon request made of those of Sevil, there is Licence given unto them to arm what men of War they can find means. The Duke of Maqueda likewise with leave hath lately set forth six ships which are abroad in Piracy. There is advice given hither, that the Duke of Brandenbergh hath given his consent to the conferring of the Electoral dignity upon the Duke of Bavaria, which I can hardly believe, though I find it assured from very good hands. The Duke of Newborgh remains still in this Court, and presses to carry a clear resolution in his businesses from hence; but for any thing I can yet learn his negotiation remains in the same estate as I advertised in my last to Mr. Secretary Conway. The Armada prepared in Portugal for the recovering of Brasil is gone to Sea, and whereas, they were to have stayed at the Cape St. Vincent for the Armado of Castille, upon advice, that is given hither, that the Hollanders in Brasil are not able to make any resistance of consideration, they have order to proceed in their journey. Twenty ships of war, and 4000 land Soldiers (which is the force of that Fleet) being here held sufficient for that enterprise. The Armado in Cadiz is not yet departed, but hath her men aboard, and there is daily expectation of news that it is gone to Sea. The Duke of Saxony having received letters from the King our Master, and the King of Denmark, sent presently copies of them unto the Emperor, with his answers unto their Majesties, and accompanied them with a letter of his own unto the Emperor. All which the Emperor sent unto the King. The carriage of the Duke is much esteemed here, for having given (as I am informed) by his Letters unto the King our Master, and the King of Denmark such an answer as they are here much satisfied withal. Notwithstanding in this Letter to the Emperor with many reasons, and much instance, he advises him to apply himself to the settling of the peace in Germany, and expressing much affection to the composing of the affairs of the Prince Palatine doth earnestly entreat his Majesty not to destroy that ancient house. In the mean time the Duke of Bavaria uses all diligence to combine himself with this Crown, and now doth offer to cast off all other thoughts of leagues, and to depend wholly upon Spain, so that this King will protect him in his Electoral dignity, and what he hath lately possessed himself of in those parts. This offer of the Dukes hath been several days debated in Council, where the marquis Ynoiosa hath been busy in the behalf of the Duke: but the wiser part of this Council seeing how prejudicial, the increase of the Duke's greatness may prove to the Empire, do no way favour his pretensions. They likewise hold fit to continue the state of things in a possibility of an accommodation without our Master. The Archduke Don Carlos hath brought power from the Emperor to proceed to the consummation of a marriage betwixt the Emperor's son and the Infanta Donna Maria, wherein he says, he hath nothing to Capitulate, but brings them a blank paper, and hath power, and order to confirm what conditions they shall here set down. The Emperor's Ambassador doth much press to proceed to the Capitulations, but there is yet nothing done. The Infanta of Brussels hath lately written hither, importing this King to admit of a treaty of marriage betwixt the Prince of Polonia, and the Infanta his Sister, extolling with many expressions the worth, and parts of that Prince. There hath been some months a general stop of their proceed here in all suits of English Merchants depending in this Court; but I have at last procured a Junto to be assigned for the hearing of all English Causes, wherein I am promised there shall be a speedy Resolution taken of whatsoever is at present in Question. The Duke of Feria hath lately advertised hither from Milan, that the French King, and the Duke of Savoy do minister much occasion of jealousy, that they intent to attempt some novelty in those parts, and doth therefore desire, that his Troops may be augmented; whereupon (above the ordinary charge) there was instantly remitted unto him 2000 Ducats. The great annual Assiento which this King makes with the Genoveses is newly concluded, it is for 7. millions, whereof 4. are remitted for Flanders, to be paid by monthly portions. In a late meeting of the Council of State upon a discourse that passed amongst them, taking into consideration this King's wants, and the present distemper of his affairs, the Inquisidor General expressing how necessary a time it was for his Majesty's Subjects to assist his present occasions, made offer of 100 Ducats for his part, which the Conde of Olivares followed with a tender of 300; the Conde of Monterrey of 100; all the rest of the Council of State following their example gave according to their quality. Notice being taken of this abroad, the Condestable wrote a Letter unto this King, wherein he made tender of 200 Ducats, the marquis of castle Rodrigo of 100, the marquis of Carpio of the like sum. Divers others have likewise declared themselves in this donative, and it is hoped that it will go over the whole Kingdom, and bring in an extraordinary Treasure into the King's purse. Thus with the remembrance of my duty, I rest Your Graces, etc. W: A. Archbishop Abbots to Secretary Nanton, 12. Septemb. 1619. Good Mr. Secretary, I Have never more desired to be present at any Consultation, then that which is this day to be handled, for my heart, and all my heart goeth with it. But my Foot is worse than it was on Friday, so that by advice of my Physician, I have sweat this whole night past, and am directed to keep my bed this day. But for the matter, my humble advice is, That there is no going back, but a countenancing of it against all the world; yea so far as with ringing of Bells, and making of Bonfires in London, so soon as it shall be certainly understood that the Coronation is past. I am satisfied in my Conscience, that the Cause is just, wherefore they have rejected that proud and bloody man, and so much the rather, because he hath taken a course to make that Kingdom not elective, but to take it from the donation of another man. And when God hath set up the Prince that is chosen to be a mark of honour through all Christendom to propagate his Gospel, and to protect the oppressed, I dare not for my part give advice but to follow where God leads. It is a great honour to the King our Master, that he hath such a Son, whose virtues have made him thought sit to be made a King. And me thinks I do in this, and that of Hungary foresee the work of God, that by piece and piece the Kings of the earth, that gave their power unto the beast, (all the Word of God must be fulfilled) shall now tear the Whore and make her desolate, as St. John in his Revelation hath foretold. I pray you therefore with all the spirits you have to put life into this business, and let a return be made into Germany with speed, and with comfort, and let it really be prosecuted, that it may appear to the World that we are awake when God in this sort calleth us. If I had time to express it, I could be very angry at the shuffling which was used toward my Lord of Doncaster, and the slighting of his Embassage so, which cannot but touch upon our Great Master who did send him, and therefore I would never have a Noble Son forsaken, for respect of them who truly aim at nothing but their own purposes. Our striking in will comfort the Bohemians, will honour the Palsgrave, will strengthen the Union, will bring on the States of the Low Countries, will stir up the King of Denmark, and will move his two uncles the Prince of Orange and the Duke of Bovillon, to-together with Tremoville (a rich Prince in France) to cast in their shares. And Hungary as I hope (being in that same cause) will run the same fortune; for the means to support the war, I hope Providebit Deus. The Parliament is the old, and honourable way, but how assured at this time I know not, yet I will hope the best; certainly if countenance be given to the action, many brave spirits will voluntarily go. Our great Master in sufficient want of money, gave some aid to the Duke Savoy, and furnished out a pretty army in the cause of Cleve. We must try once again what we can be done in this business of a higher nature, and all the money, that may be spared is to be turned that way. And perhaps God provided the Jewels that were laid up in the Tower to be gathered by the Mother for the preservation of her Daughter who like a noble Princess hath professed to her Husband not to leave herself one Jewel rather than not to maintain so religious, and righteous a cause. You see that lying on my bed I have gone too far, but if I were with you this should be my language, which I pray you humbly and hearty to represent to the King my, Master telling him, that when I can stand, I hope to do his Majesty some service herein. So commending me unto you I remain Your very loving friend, Geo. Cant. The Lord Brook to the Duke, 11. November, 1623. May it please your Grace, OUt of Spain we hear, the world comes so fast after you (since your departure,) as we assure ourselves this great work is at a good end, with contentment to our blessed Prince, and like a Princely treaty, with addition of honour to the Monarchy, he intends to match with. But Sir, we hear of a new treaty sprung up between the Palsegraves Eldest son and the Emperor's youngest Daughter. A Labrynth into which, what hope soever leads us, I fear no one thread will be able to guide us well out. Because in the passages between these for distant Prince's education of children seems like to be demanded, Balancing of Counsels to the jealousy of friends, Question whether the Palatinate shall be delivered in the Nonage before marriage, or after. Then whether sequestered into a Catholic, or Protestants hands. If into a Catholic, a probable argument that both it, and the Valtoline are equally reserved free to fall with associated forces upon our ancient Bulwark the Neither Lands at pleasure Lastly whether the Mitre, and the Sceptre thus united, with their advantage in number of swords, and Desks aboard, their new springing party at home, strengths by sea and land, Constant ambition of adding Crown, to Crown, and perfect Auditt of their neighbour's powers, and humours (even while the second Heir male of this Kingdom shall live in the hands of enemies, and strangers) I say whether these will not prove fearful in equalities, casual to the lives of our King and Prince, dangerous to the Crown by changing successive rights into tenors of Courtesy, and charging of the people's consciences with visions of confusion or bondage. Against (Sir) admit this new project should vanish into smoke as undigested vapours use to do, yet give me leave to question, whether to your Grace you have overtlie protested against the intricate Courses of the Spaniard, even the specitious issue of the Palatinates' delivery before consummation of marraiage, but not like to prove Mother of many Colourable and unavoidable delays. Because, suppose the proposition should be granted, yet who sees not that the effecting of it will prove an act of so many parts. Viz: the Pope, Emperor, King of Spain, Duke of of Bavaria etc. and of so great consequence jointly, and severally to them all, and must of necessity require divers assemblies, commissions, perchance Dietts etc. And then what time the execution of the Minutes under these Heads will demand, he that knows the divers natures of Nations in treating may easily conceive. To begin with the least; what money or other conditions can be offered like to satisfy the honour, humour, and huge expense of the Bavarian, for quitting his Conquest to so unreconcilable a neighbour: and if there be possibility, yet out of whose estate or treasury are these conditions, or large proportions of Dowry probably to be expected? touching the Emperor? Is there any foreign alliance able to persuade this Prince, who having by an untimely war, changed all tenors of Election into succession, and thereby shaken the ancient freedom of our Germany Princes, what I say can in likelihood win him to restore these dead forces of his Enemies, to the prejudice of all he enjoys, or aspires. Besides what shall move this Emperor to take away the Bann from the Palsegraves' person, who hath so desparately hazarded not only his own private Kingdoms, and Provinces, but by his undertaking, waved the main ambition of of the Austrian family. For the Spanish King if he be pressed, his answer will be ready and fair, that he hath no right in him (but mediation) as appears by the divisions already made. Notwithstanding how little right soever pretends, yet his Council, his instruments, his charge, by diversion, Overt Aid, insensible succours (the world sees) have been used in all these wars; so as this together with his right by strong hand gotten (and kept by arts of depositing) upon the Voltaline may lead us to discern clearly, that he finds the passage of his forces through them, equal, and so resolves both, to overrun the Low countries when he please. Against which little State (whether out of revenge, or ambition of greater conquests by them, he will constantly carry a warchfull and Griping enemies hand. Concerning the Pope, who knows not that his universal affected supremacy (howsoever dissembled) yet hath, doth and ever will urge his Holiness to stir up colourable Wars of Religion. Since Wars, Contentions, and tumults among Princes have been his old way of adding more wealth, and power to his sanctified Sea. How I say this new fashioned Monarch, shallbe won to suffer Heidelberg (the most dangerous nest of Heretics after Geneva) to return to her former strength is a point beyond my Capacity. By these short, hasty and imperfect images your Grace may yet judge, that except the restitution of the Palatinate be instantly pressed (and like a work of Fairies either furnished, or broken off at once) we may easily be over-shot in our own bows, by having the strengths and free Counsels of England, Scotland, and Ireland during this treaty kept under a kind of Covert-baron, and so long made a forge for other Prince's ends, as my Blessed Sovereign's trust may perchance find itself compelled to play an Aftergame, amongst discouraged friends, and combination of powerful enemies, such as under characters of Alliance will think they have won one great Step towards their inveterate Ambition of a Western Monarchy. Noble Duke, If you find me lifted above my earth, in handling a subject to which I am utterly a stranger, yet bear with a Monk's humour, in a man that is prisoner to old age. Hid my folly from the eyes of Critics. And pardon my freedom that hath wearied you, with a mind ever to remain Your Grace's loving Grandchild and humble servant, Tho. Brook. Dr. Balcanquel to Secretary Nanton, 26. of March. Right Honourable, THe reason why I have not of late written to your Honour, is the discontinuance of our Sessions of the Synod this great while; but since my last unto your Honour, we have thus spent our time. The public reading of all the Collegial judgements upon the 5. Articles was made an end of. In which (God be thanked for it) there was a greater harmony and consent than could almost be hoped for, in such variety of learned men, who did not know one of another's judgement. The only difference was in the second Article. After that the Precedent, (never ask advice from the Synod) took upon him to conceive, and dictate the Canons himself to us; but we who were sent by his Majesty, conceiving that course to be altogether against the dignity of the Synod, consulted with some of the Delegates, who approved our Counsel, and thought it fit, that there should be some deputed by the Synod, and joined to the Precedent for conceiving of the Canons, that so whatsoever was done, might be done by public authority. This motion did trouble the Precedent not a little, who hath all the Provincials at his beck, and some of the foreign Divines too, but especially the Palatines. Yet there was a public Synod called for this purpose, where the Precedent of the Delegates did make a speech, desiring the Synod to depute some who joined with the Precedent and the Assessors, might take pains for moulding of the Canons. In the delivering of the voices most testified their dislike of this course, and their singular respect to the Precedents Credit; but Scultetus did by many reasons approve the course which the Precedent had begun, and disprove this new course, which was suggested, yet he taxed no man personally. But Sibrandus (when he came to deliver his voice) like a madman did inveigh against those, who were the suggesters of this change, and said, That strangers should not take upon them to prescribe what was good for the estate of their Church, and that some others who had joined in that, were worthy to be noted Censurâ Ecclesiasticâ: therein he aimed at the South Holland, who did likewise much dislike the Precedent his Course. Sibrandus spoke so furiously, that both the Praeses Politicus, and the Praeses Ecclesiasticus, desired him either to hold his peace, or else speak that which might not disturb the peace of the Synod. Yet since it was the Delegates pleasure, the whole Synod added to the Precedent, and the Assessors three foreign Divines, viz. my Lord of Landaff, Scultetus, and Deodatus; 3. Provincials, viz. Poliander, Vallaeus, and Triglandius; who should mould and conceive the Canons upon every Article, and then send a Copy of what they have done to every College, that they may add power, and change what they will, the Colleges observations being considered by them, and the Canons according to them amended, they are to be returned to the Colleges, and the Colleges to return them again, and so to keep the course ever till there be no exceptions against them. When they are thus agreed upon by all several Colleges, they shall publicly be concluded, and approved by the Synod. We are now hard at polishing the Canons, which these Deputies send us. All our trouble is in the second Article: The most part of the Synod would cry us down with voices for the restriction of the general propositions in Scripture, and the Confessions of the Reformed Churches concerning Christ's death, ad Solos Electos. We stand for leaving them unexpounded, and unrestricted as we found them, and rejoice exceedingly, that the Directions which my Lord Ambassador sent us from his Majesty concerning this point, agreeth so fully with our judgement subscribed with our hands, given in to the Synod, upon the second Article. By this doing we first leave a found and sufficient ground for preaching of the Gospel to all men. Next we eat a great deal of offence, which otherwise we must needs have given to the Lutheran Churches. Thirdly, we retain the same phrases, and forms of speaking which those Fathers did, who wrestled with the Pelagians in the same point. If this Article be well looked into, I hope there shall moderation enough be observed in all the rest. If it were not for the moderation of the foreign Divines, we should have such Canons as I think have not been heard of: for there is never a Provincial Minister here, who hath delivered any rigid Proposition, and hath been taxed by the Remonstrants for it, but he would have that Proposition thrust into one Canon or another, that so he may have something to show for that which he hath said. As soon as the Canons are agreed upon, I shall by God's grace with all expedition send them unto your Honour. Our next work will be Vorstius, whose book they would censure, without citation of himself. The Precedent wrote to our College in the Delegates name to know, whether we thought it fit to have him personally cited; but especially to know what we thought would be most agreeing to his Majesty's mind. To the latter, concerning his Majesty's mind, we answered, That we thought my Lord Ambassador could give them the best resolution for that point. For the former, we thought it would be evil taken, If any man should be condemned, not being first heard. But because they, that Vorstius would keep them as long as the Remonstrants had done; We told them, That we desired they would not suffer him to make any defences, or explications of his blasphemous propositions, but simply to answer per ita vel non, whether he would plainly abjure them, or not; And so accordingly proceed against him, and so we should make no great loss of time; so I think he shall be personally cited. This is all, for we have had no Synodical meetings these 12. days. I can see no end of the Synod before Whitsuntide. With my best prayers for your Honours, and the remembrance of all my faithful respects. I take my leave; And am Your Honours In all true observance and service, Walter Balcanquel. Sir William Beecher to his Majesty, 4th. of February. Most Gracious Sovereign, BEsides the relation of the appearance of change in the affairs of the Court, wherewith my Dispatch to Mr. Secretary Lake will acquaint your Majesty: I thought it my duty to give you particular account, that being yesterday with the Prince of Jain ville, after some earnest protestations made to me of his desire to do your Majesty service, falling into discourse of those occurrences, he grew into these terms. That the complaints of the Queen Mother were founded upon good reason; that if she had offended the King, or the State, why did they not make her process? if she had not offended, why should she not see the King, and her children? that when the Queen fell upon these Complaints, they thought to fright her, by Pretending to bring forth the Prince of Conde; but that the Queen had astonished them, by telling them, That she was so far from opposing, as she desired the liberty of the Prince. That the Queen's friends would be glad of his liberty, for that it could not be prejudicial, but rather advantageous, at the least, it would be honourable for them, if his liberty were wrought, if not by their intercession, at least by their occasion; further he told me, That he was confident, that the Queen would not be gained by their fair words, but would persist in her resolution. Which discourse of his with some other advertisements, doth persuade me, that this matter hath a farther root, and is likely to bring forth some great alteration here, in no long time. And I doubt not but that Monsieur de Luine will find with repentance, how much better it had been for him, to have furthered your Majesty's advice for the delivery of the Prince, whereby he might have acquired to the King a reputation of Justice, and to himself an obligation of a powerful friend in the Prince, rather than to leave him to the adventure of the changes, that time may produce. But if your Counsel did prove fruitless to them by their misconceit of it, yet it doth, and will every day prove more honourable to your Majesty, who by your wisdom have foreseen, and by your goodness have premonished all your neighbours of the mischiefs that threatened them. Peradventure they may overcome this effort of the Queens by fair words to her Person, and threats signified afar off, and continue the state of affairs in the same condition that now it is, which is in few words extremely Romish, Jesuitish, and by consequence Spanish. Mounsieur de Luine seemeth to me a man in himself capable of reason, and by the death of the Marshal d'Anchre, eternally bound to be a good Patriot, but that he applies himself wholly to the King's person, and that distrusting his own judgement, relies upon the judgement of the Ministers of the State, and principally * Du Ageu. Duke Augen the Chancellor, and the Gardeseaux. They utterly neglect all the Alliances of our Religion abroad, and care not how inconsiderately they oppress it at home. Only they seem desirous to entertain themselves well with the King of Spain, by the intervention of the Nunce, and do think that no advantage which they can give the Spaniard by this proceeding in other parts, can equal that which they pretend to receive at home, by suppressing the State, and doctrine of those of the Religion. If they proceed long in this train, it will undoubtedly breed mischievous designs, which there is no so ready way to prevent, as to let them generally perceive, that they are discovered, whereby the proceed of the Ministers of State will grow so detestable to all those here, that have any sense of the love of their Country, that it will produce either a change of their persons, or of their Counsels. But I do humbly submit the Censure hereof to your Majesty's most exquisite judgement, whom I do beseech the Almighty long to preserve in health, and all perfect happiness. Your Majesty's Most humble Subject, and Loyal Servant, Will. Beecher. To King James, ab ignoto. Most wise, and Glorious Prince, BEcause the departure of your Majesty doth not permit me to hope for the honour of seeing you, and that the advertisements, and orders which I have to communicate unto you, do merit your speedy review and magnanimous resolution, I have presumed to trust them unto this paper, which I do humbly desire may rest in the hands of your Majesty alone. The treaty of restoring all that had been taken by Sea (which by a motion from Spain, was put into the hands of some Ministers in Rome) is accompanied with so little hope of obtaining the end, that was pretended, that by reason of their continuing at Naples to dissipate, and waste such goods as they had taken in our ships, and the Cardinal Borgia reservedness to promise any thing, that negotiation may be held as vain, and as an insidious invention to gain time. Nevertheless my Masters marching still with a constant desire of purchasing the public tranquillity, have been content to render all such vessels as they had taken within their Gulf, in hope that having gotten the advantage of the cause by this honest proceeding, they might prevail in which they had made at Naples, for the restitution of their Galleasses, and of the ship called Rosse. But the actions and operations of the Spaniards do not answer unto what is desired, and hoped. For in the Kingdom of Sicily Naples, and Calabria, they do muster new Soldiers, and they make great preparations for a war by the Sea. The subjects of those Kingdoms are taxed with extraordinary Contributions of money, and in daily counsels held by the duke of Ossuna, the marquis Santa Croce, and other ministers they do consult of the means of making war, and doing hurt. But that which is most important is, that in the conjuncture, there is likewise in divers parts of Spain a terrible concourse of great provisions. For they have put in a readiness armour for 30000. men, they have engrossed all the ammunition that could be purchased, and have put in good equipage 60. tall ships which being added unto those they have already in the straits make 80. at Naples they have 20 ships more besides all their own Galleys, and an order they have obtained for the Galleys of Malta, Florence, and the Pope to join with them. All the Italian Soldiers are quartered along the Coast of Apulia, which is opposite to our Gulf, and they have 14000. foot of Walloons, French, and Spaniards lodged within the Kingdom of Naples. In Flanders at this present, they make a new Leavy of 6000. foot, and a 1000 horse. And in the state of Milan, they do retain still 3000. horse supernumeraries. All which forces, and provisions, as they do deserve for their greatness to be regarded, and looked upon with a jealous eye of every one; so those, who do suffer at the present many jnjuries and acts of hostility at the hands of the Spaniards, and in particular the State of Venice, which is betrayed by their fraudulent treaties, cannot choose but fear, and doubt more than any other. Neither can any pretences of enterprises or designs against the Turk secure those, who set the sword bended against their breasts, and the fire kindled in their own houses. Whereupon your Majesty is humbly desired that you will be pleased to consider seriously of what hath been remonstrated, and to take such a resolution, as may best befit your wisdom, and Greatness, and the safety, and indemnity of a State so observant of your Majesty as ours is, and of a member so important of the liberty of Italy, and of Europe. There is not, at this day (Invincible Sir) any Prince in the whole world upon whom the Conservation of the public tranquillity doth more rely then upon your Majesty. For there being none that doth equal your Majesty in wisdom, and experience, possessing your Kingdoms in perfect peace, quietness, and plenty, to the infinite praise of your name, and being free from the molestation of all storms and tempests, it seemeth that the eyes of all men are turned towards your Majesty as towards a Sun, that aught to clear the Sky, and that they expect deliverance only from your hand. These resolutions (oh most wise King) will be the strongest walls upon which your eternity can be reared. These will be the Jewels, and the crown, which will adorn you in earth, and in Heaven. These will be the immortal Glory of your powerful name. The resolutions in cases of such weight, and danger ought to be magnanimous, quick, and powerful. The very noise of your putting in order your royal Navy, the sending a person of quality to the place, from whence the danger is feared, and the declaring yourself in favour of those, whom you shall find to have the right on their side, may perhaps prove sufficient to procure a peace. If words will not prevail deeds must follow, and such a resolution will prove the true Antidote to all their poisons. For the better effecting whereof the world doth attend with great devotion to see a good correspondency renewed betwixt your Majesty and the French King; and for the disposing your Majesty's heart thereunto, the State of Venice doth join her humble prayers unto the earnest entreaty of many others. In the mean time, I am to request your Majesty, that you will be pleased to forbid the exportation of Artillery, ships and Mariners out of our Kingdoms for the service of the Spaniards, it being neither just nor agreeable to your Majesty's Piety, that your Arms should be stained with the blood of a State, and Prince, that hath no equal in love to your Royal Crown, and that will ever testify to all the world by effects of their observance, the pure, and sincere devotion that they have to your Glorious name. For my own particular, I humbly crave leave to kiss your royal hands. Sir Isaac Wake to the Secretary. Right Honourable, I Have safely received the Letter, wherewith your Honour hath been pleased to favour me, dated at Theobalds' the 19th. of July Still. Vet. and have to my singular comfort understood, that you have been pleased not only to give favourable acceptance unto such weak dispatches as I have made bold to address unto you, but done me the honour likewise to acquaint his Majesty with the contents of them, and to direct my proceed in in this intricate business, which instructions dictated by his Majesty's wisdom, this light will be sufficient to direct my steps in the midst of an Egyptian darkness, which doth not only obscure the Horizon of this Province where I reside, but almost the whole face of Europe, by reason of the great mists, which are cast artificially in all men's eyes to cover the designs of those, who do presume, that they have in all places arbitrium Belli et Pacis. I most humbly crave pardon of your Honour, if you do not receive my answer so soon as perhaps you might expect. For yours having stayed upon the way a month and a day, did not come to my hands until the 20th. of August Still. Vet. At which time it was brought unto me by Mr. Rowlandson, whom I had dispatched into Germany, to advertise those Princes of the motion made to the Duke of Savoy for the passage of Spanish forces through his State. My Lord of Doncaster under whose Cover I received that Letter, did not think fit to send it to me by an express messenger for fear of increasing the suspicion of some in those parts, who are jealous that his Majesty doth favour the Duke of Savoy more than they could wish. And I must confess, that the same reason induced me likewise to send that Gentleman of the Duke of Savoy's into Germany, rather than any servant of mine own, for fear least allees, and vennes of messengers betwixt my Lord of Doncaster, and me in these doubtful times might so far injealous the contrary party, as might prejudice the service of his Majesty in that Negotiation. The instructions that your Honour hath been pleased to give me from his Majesty, concerning my treating with 52. 52. c. the Duke of Savoy. 93. a. the Bohemians. 95 a. the Emperor Ferdinand. 51. a. the King of England. 97. a. Germany. 99 a. the King of the Romans. 71. c. the Agent of England. 51. b. the Prince Palatine. 52. b. the marquis Brandenbergh. 54. b. the marquis Auspach. 50. b. the Princes of the Union. 56 b. Count Ernest Mansfelt. c. in favour of 93. a. having reference unto the inclination of 95. a. to peace, or the probability of defence to be made by 93. a. I held it more safe for me to govern myself by such informations of the state of those affairs as I have received from the favour of the 1. 32. 7. 5. 47. 48. 2. 10. 40. 45. of 51. a. in 97. a. And for the better justification of my proceed, I send your Honour here enclosed the Copy of his Letter unto me, wherein you will see, that I have no reason as yet to spend the name of 51. a. in favour of 93. a. nor to imbargue 52. c. in a business, which may draw a great charge, and envy upon himself, and not much advantage the 93. a. I must confess that the 50. b. in general, and particularly the 54. b. and the 41. 45. 23. 34. 9 12. of 5. 35. 22. 4. 30. 50. have represented the state of those affairs at this present unto 52. b. in a manner not only different from the advertisements sent me, but almost contrary, and they do seem not only to be confident of the prevailing of 93. c. but likewise they continue to give hope that the 10. 51. 29. 15. of 48. 3. 59 15. will concur with 51. b. and 52. b. in the 12. 30. 13. 9 50. 27. 40. 35. of 99 a. But because I have reason to suspect that they make relation of those affairs, rather as they wish they were, then as they be indeed, and that their intention to draw somewhat from 52. c. towards the succours of 93. a. I will forbear to join with them therein, until I can have some better ground than their advertisements, which may be thought to savour of partiality, and I have reason to be backward therein, because I know that 5● c. would presently take me eu mot, and put to the account of 51. a. that which he is most willing to do of himself. I do not affirm this out of conjecture, but upon good ground; for besides, that he did signify so much unto me at my return out of England, I do know that within this fortnight he hath sent unto 56. b. 3000. 41. 24. 48. 49. 40. 30. 47. in part of 42. 2. 60. 32. 15. 35. 50. and in the conveyance of this 33. 39 34. 35. 61. there was extraordinary diligence used to conceal it from the knowledge of the 71. c. whereof no other construction can be made, but that 52. c. would feign be entreated by 71. c. to do that, which he hath already a mind to do. If upon more fresh Letters, which I expect from my Lord of Doncaster, I shall find that the affairs there have changed face since the writing of his last unto me, I will govern myself accordingly, as I shall receive warrant from him. We are here at a stand, expecting with devotion the issue of the affairs of Germany. The Army in the Kingdom of Naples is still retained, and no order given, either for the dismissing of those Troops, or the employing them in any service. Prince Philibert is at Messina with the Galleys, and hath with him 10. or 12000 men. The Ships and Galleons remain at Naples, and the Walloons, lombards and Neapolitans which should have come to Vado, are since their dis-imbarquing again, quartered round the City of Naples. It is impossible to guess what they mean to do; but the most probable conjecture is, that under the colour of suspecting the Duke of Ossuna, the Spaniards will keep their potent Army on foot, and by that means keep all Italy in awe, and as it were sub Ferulâ, and delude the reiterated promises and oaths that have passed by them, to assure the Duke of Savoy and the Venetians, that they would dismiss those Forces. The season is now past for any enterprise by Sea, so that Prince Philibert must be forced to return without doing any thing. And many are of opinion, that the Duke of Ossuna had secret order to counterfeit madness, and to cross the King's Commandment expressly to deprive Prince Philibert of the honour which would have redounded unto him, if he had been possessed of the absolute Command of so potent an Army. The Duke of Savoy on the other side, would fain make you believe, that undoubtedly Ossuna hath entertained rebellious thoughts, and that if Don Octavio D'Arragona do not bring a good answer out of Spain, he will break out into open contumacy. His demands of the King of Spain are these: First, That he may be continued in the Government four years longer. Secondly, That he may be permitted to enter with his Fleet into the Gulf of Venice, and to dispute his Majesty's Title to that Sea by the force of Arms. Lastly, That in case the King of Spain will not let him Contest so far with the Venetians, that there may then be sent him so much money out of Spain as may licence his Army, considering that the Kingdom of Naples is so far exhausted, as that they cannot contribute any longer either to the maintaining, or to the dismissing of those Forces. The Venetians did lately chase a small Galley of the Vicocchis, which was entered into the Gulf to rob and spoil, and followed her unto the shores of Apuglia, where Ferlitick the Captain of those Thiefs saved himself and the most part of his fellows by flight into the mountains, but Signior Filippo Belegno recovered the Galley, and carried her away as a prize, having found two banners displayed, the one with the arms of Spain, the other with the arms of Ossuna; And not only a formal Patent and Commission to take any thing, that he could from the Venetians, but some Letters likewise from some principal Ministers of Ferdinand, wherein this Capo di Banditi is encouraged, and requested to do the Venetians as much hurt and damage, as he might be able. Now the Duke of Ossuna is fallen into a great rage with the Venetians, quod non totum telum corpore acceperunt, and he doth threaten to be revenged upon them for not suffering these Vicocchie to rob and spoil their subjects. The Duke of Savoy hath done me the honour to entreat my company with him into Savoy, whither he doth purpose very shortly to go, that he may receive at the confines of his estate, the Prince of Piedmount, and Madam his wife. And because his request hath the power of a command over me in Licitis, et honestis, I must be enforced to pass the Mountains again at an unseasonable time, before I have sufficiently refreshed myself after my last voyage, and I know not whether I shall have the opportunity of writing unto your Honour again before my going, which is uncertain, as depending upon the going of the Duke. So with my hearty prayers unto Almighty God for the preservation of his Majesty in health, and the prosperity of his Estate, in all humility I take leave; And rest Your Honour's most faithfully to command, Isaac Wake. Turin 27. Septemb. 1619. 22. August. 1619. Sir Isaac Wake to Mr. Secretary. Right Honourable, I Have received the Letter, wherewith your Honour hath been pleased to favour me, dated at White-Hall the 27. of February, and having to my singular comfort understood, that his Majesty hath declared his gracious approbation of my proceed here, with the Duke of Savoy, and the Venetians. And I do with all thankfulness acknowledge to receive that favour from the hand of your Honour, as my only Gratum faciens— I will not fail to govern myself precisely by the rule of those Instructions which you have been pleased to give me. And as you have favoured me with passing your word for me, that I will not spend his Majesty's name without particular Warrant, and direction; so will I promise faithfully to perform as much, as you have undertaken for me, and both in this, as in all things else you may assure yourself, that his Majesties revealed will, and that only, shall be a Law unto me. Your Honour will have understood by my former Dispatches, that the Duke of Ossuna is reconfirmed in his Government of Naples: He hath not (as far as I can learn) any certain time prefixed, but is to remain there durante Regis bene— placito; And when his Patent was presented unto him, he had likewise order (which was delivered by word of mouth) that the King his Master did require him immediately to dismiss all his Army, and to send the Walloons, and Neapolitans into Germany to the succours of the Emperor. The same party did likewise signify unto him, that as the King of Spain had showed, to have a care of the honour of the Duke of Ossuna in establishing him anew in that Regency, at this time, when the world had made some doubt, that his late actions had not been conformable to the will and pleasure of his Master, so he did expect that he should voluntarily, and of himself, ask leave to go into Spain, and offer to give an account of all his proceed. Which course, the King did recommend unto him as most honourable, for the justification of his own innocence, and the confusion of his enemies. This Message the said Duke hath wisely suppressed, and hath published the Patent of his Confirmation, without taking notice of the private Articles, which were annexed thereunto, and delivered verbally. He doth profess to understand very well, that in Spain they wish him ill, and that their design is under the fair bait of this establishing him in that Government, to make him swallow the hook of dismissing his army, that so they may afterwards dispose of him at their pleasure, when he hall remain utterly disarmed. But his heart did not serve him to throw away the scabbard when he had drawn his sword: and I am persuaded, that as in Spain they will judge of his proceed by the rule of Tacitus. Qui deliberant desciverant: so he will repent of not having observed, that other Maxim, Aut nunquam tents, Aut perfice. His best hope is, that Chi ha' tempo ha' vita, and if he can make his peace at home upon any conditions, he will not much care to turn honest, and change his dangerous designs into faithful service of his Master. To play Le bon valett, he hath now obeyed his Master's Commandment in sending the Walloons and Nepolitans into Lombardie, and they are all so safely arrived at Vado upon 19 Galleons, being in number 6. or 7000, The landing of these troops, and their passing along the skirt of this State doth not only give a little jealousy to the Duke of Savoy, but put him likewise to some Cost, and trouble. For as he doth well know, how dangerous it is to stand to the discretion of a reconciled enemy, so doth he evidently see, that their ill talon towards him, doth not only continue, but increase; and therefore to assure himself, and his State, he hath caused at this present a general muster to be made of all his cavalry, and trained Infantry, which he doth send to the confines of his State, that way, which these newly landed Troops are to pass. And although their order beto march to wards Switzerland, and to pass that way into Germany, yet will this Prince stand upon his guard until they are quite gone out of Lombardie, and hath given order to the Count Guido St. George in his absence, not to let him lodge in Monferrat upon any terms whatsoever, nor to linger too long near the confine of this Province. He hath this reason to conclude, that the Spaniards wish him ill, because he doth see that they do mistrust him. For whereas they had a fair promise of the passage for their army through this State, in virtue of ancient capitulations betwixt the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy, they have chosen rather to buy the passage at the hands of the Swisseses at a very dear rate, than adventure to take it here Gratis. Whereby it may appear unto all the world how little confidence they have in this Prince, and how much they mistrust him for being partially affected to the Prince Palatine, and all that party. Howsoever your Honour doth conceive, that the season of the year is too far passed for the transportation of this army of the Spaniards into Germany, yet you will see that necessity doth make men strive with many inconveniencies, for they must pass whatsoever weather happen; and indeed the Alps are passable enough until the months of January and February, if the Soldiers be well clothed, for there is no danger but of cold, until the deluges of Snow which fall late do shut up the passages. Perhaps they will not find the passages of Suisserland so favourable as they do conceive, and as is figured unto them, for they have bought it only of the little Popish Cantons, without ask leave of the Signiory of Zurich, and Berne, and it is to be supposed, that the State of Berne will take a hot Alarm, considering that their controversy with Friburge is not accommodated, and that the Governor of Milan hath made offer unto those of Friburge, and the little Cantons, of all this army for the defence of the Catholic religion in the Bailiage of Eschalens, whereof I have given notice to our Signiory of Berne by an express Currier that they may have time to save themselves from a surprise. The voice doth run currant over all Italy, that the Duke of Parma is to undertake a voyage shortly for the service of the King of Spain, but whither he is to go they cannot tell; for some send him into Germany, others into Flanders, and the most men into Spain. For all which discourse, I know no other ground, but that his brother the Cardinal Farnese hath asked leave of the Pope to retire himself for a time to Parma, and I do imagine that the Speculativi have concluded thereupon, that he is to govern the State in the absence of his brother. Prince Philibert having failed of the enterprise of Susa, did intent in his scond setting out from Sicily, to meet with the Turkish Fleet and fight with them. The first part of his design succeeded happily, for he had the good fortune to encounter the whole Fleet between Zaat and Cephalonia, but finding them more strong than he was ware, and well resolved to give him battle, he was counselled to retire to Messina, where he is at this present, without having effected any thing. The two armies of Venice, and the Turk, did likewise meet on those Seas, not far from Corfu, but as soon as they did know each the other, the two Generals, and all the principal Officers, did interchangeably present one the other with wine, and Rinfres' Camenti, and so much kindness passed betwixt them, that the Visier Bassa did offer to join his Fleet with the Venetian, and to set upon the Spanish Armado, which charitable offer, the Venetian General had so much christianity as to refuse with modest thanks. Signior Antonio Donato hath sent a servant of his hither, who had the fortune to arrive in an ill Conjuncture. For the Duke of Savoy having lately called upon the Venetians for that money which is wanting in Signior Donato's account, they did excuse themselves upon his pleading not guilty, and did send unto the Duke a Copy of his Letter written to the Senate, when he was yet Ambassador, and not convicted. This Letter arrived here from Venice the very day before Signior Donato's servant, and if your Honour will be pleased to cast an eye upon the Copy which I send here enclosed, you will not blame the Duke of Savoy for refusing to give him audience, or to receive his Master's Letters; for he doth give the Duke the Lie three several times in that Letter, which is strange language to be used of a Prince; and I do much wonder, that the Venetians would upon any occasion whatsoever publish such a Petulancy, committed by one, that was their Ambassador at that time. He brought me a Letter from his Master of mere Ceremony, and Compliment, and had his principal address unto the Pope's Nuntio in this Court, whereat I did wonder somewhat formally at the first, as conceiving that in Congruity he ought to have interrupted his Correspondence with the Pope's Ministers, as long as he doth live under the protection of his Majesty; but when I understood, that the Duke had lodged him in a prison, with an intent to send him to Venice, I was glad that I had so little to do with him, and the Nuntio so much. The Duke of Savoy doth assure himself, that when his Majesty shall have perused this Letter of Signior Donato's, he will withdraw his countenance, and protection from him, and account him unworthy of any favour, for having wronged in so high a degree a Prince, that is so much a servant of his Majesty. I may not likewise conceal from his Majesty's knowledge, that Signior Donato hath not been wanting to ruin (as far as he could) Padre Paolo, and Fulgentio in Venice; two persons that have done his Majesty very long and faithful service, as by an enclosed Paper, your Honour may see, which is an abstract of a Letter written from Fulgentio. The Prince of Piedmont having made a posting voyage hither to receive his Father's blessing, before he bring his Lady in the Country, I did present unto him his Majesty's Letters of Congratulation, whereunto he hath returned an answer, which I send here enclosed. So with my hearty prayers unto Almighty God for the preservation of his Majesty's Person in all happiness and prosperity, in all humility I take leave, And rest Your Honour's Most faithfully to command, Isaac Wake. Turin 5/15 of Octob. 1619. Sir Isaac Wake to the Duke. Right Honourable, and my very singular good Lord, IN these parts we have nothing of moment worthy the relating, the storms which do vex our neighbours round about us keeping us here in calm, and quiet, as it were per antiperistasin. Howsoever I am of opinion, that we shall enter into the Dance either actively or passively before the next summer pass over. All over Italy there doth reign a great dearth, which did lately cause in Naples a dangerous Cullevation of the people against the Cardinal Zappata Viceroy, who had somewhat to do to save himself from the fury of the Popolarzo. In the State of Milan likewise some insurrections were beginning to be made in Novarra, Allessandria, and Cremona, both for want of bread, and for the insolency of the Garrison Soldiers, who having had no pay for many months, did commit many violent excesses upon the people, which did drive them into despair; but those Commotions were appeased betimes, and no great matter of Consideration hath ensued, although there are some neighbour Princes who did stand aux Escoutes, and would be ready to have acted a troublesome part, if the scene had been ready. The Duke of Parma hath imprisoned his natural son Don Octavio, the mystery whereof is not well known, but it must needs be for some great matter, because he did make show to love him passionately. The Infanta Isabel of Modena hath been in danger of her life, by being surprised with a violent fever, near the time of her childbirth: from hence the Duke of Savoy sent his Physicians to help her, and we hear now that she hath escaped that danger, and is safely delivered of a daughter. Count Mansfelt is grown formidable, and doth daily increase in strength and reputation. Although he hath hitherto entitled his arms unto the service of the King of Bohemia, yet I believe he will neither disarm, nor suspend his arms, when he shall be commanded so to do by that King. For being now entertained by the State of Venice with an honourable provision of 12000 Crowns per annum in peace during his life, and the pay of 10000 Foot, and 2000 horse in the time of War, he will try what he can do for the infranchising of the Grisons, when the affairs of the Palatinate shall be accommodated. And if the Austriaci do not bend all their forces against him very speedily, and break his Army before it grow more strong, he is like to give them a greater blow than they have had these many years. That which he hath gotten already in Alsatia, is much more worth, than the lower Palatinate; and although he hath hitherto made those people to swear Allegiance unto the King of Bohemia, yet when the said King shall make his peace with the Emperor, it may be doubted whether Count Mansfelt will resign up what he hath conquered; and it is thought, that he will either keep it for himself, or entitle some other Prince thereunto. The Austriaci were never so matched as with Count Mansfelt, for he is a perpetual motion, and doth not stand upon the defensive (as others have done hitherto, and lost by the bargain) hut he is always setting upon them, and doth make War at their cost; let them take heed how they proceed with him; for he, who hath nothing to lose, is ready to hazard the Paquet upon all occasions; And if he do chance to overthrow them once in battle, they will run danger, or lose all that they have in Germany. Let me in all humility beseech your Lordship to continue me in the honour of your good opinion, and to favour me with your honourable protection, especially with a good word to my Lord Treasurer, for the sending me some relief, without which I cannot possibly subsist, having for want of my pay, consumed all that I had in the world. God Almighty increase upon your Lordship all happiness and prosperity, as is unfeignedly wished unto you by him that is Your Lordship's most humble obliged Creature and Servant, Isaac Wake. Turin 13/23. of Febr. 1621. Sir Isaac Wakes Proposition for the King of Denmark. IT seemeth that the Glory of this State, which at all times was great, doth shine brighter now adays; since that besides so many Neighbouring Kings and Princes, whereof some are in a made league with us, and some do keep a good correspondence, and all a good intelligence with us. Now the friendship of your Highness is sought by the mighty King of Denmark, a monarch of those nations, that in time past have left their remembrance of their prowess in Italy, France, Spain, and in whole Europe behind them. This Great King of the North, who like a Second Atlas holds up the Artick-pole, rich in treasure, numerous in men, dreadful for his invincible generosity and Courage, doth here offer himself unto your Highness. And acquainting you of his actions, doth confidently promise you to stand firm, and stout in the defence of the common cause, if so be that he receive that assistance as he hath reason to expect from those, that are interested in the same cause. His Majesty of Denmark hath had from the King my Master, as much as can be given, and it is no small matter, that his Majesty of great Britain doth still continue the same assistance, having withal still those great expenses, that are required for the surety of his Realms, and for the offence of the common enemy. His Majesty of France hath also contributed to this good work somewhat, and there is great hope, that he will bring forth in a short time some fit remedy against this evil. The Lords States do as much as they are able. And the Princes of Low Saxony do not want in their duties. There remaineth now, that your Highness put also your powerful hand to this work, and with a vigorous succour, worthy of your great heart do encourage all the rest to continue their Emprese. The two Kings are not ignorant of the great sincerity wherewith this most Excellent State, doth observe the capitulations made with Allies of the league, and that rather than to be wanting in things agreed upon, you have surpassed in necessary provisions for the advancement of the designs, and that you have not been partakers, nor agreers of the treaty made at Moncon. But that you do continue to keep some forces in your Dominions, and likewise some troops in the Valtoline for the effecting (as much as is in you) of what was first thought fit, and of the agreement of the League. And as that generous resolution and constancy of this State is never enough praised, so there is great hope that you will not bring this same in the reckoning of the two Kings, who never will miss to praise the wisdom and generosity of this State, though not obliged for their particular for any thing whatsoever done till now, either by the league in general, or by whomsoever of the united in particular, because that the league was made two years and more before his Majesty of great Britain broke with Spain, or that the King of Denmark had declared himself. Since the time that these two Kings are come to the Dance, your Highness hath not levied one man, and the Forces which you do yet keep, as they were not levied, so are they not maintained in Contemplation of the two Kings, but only for the first reasons of the League. The only thing here sought for is to go with a common pace, that those that are now too heavily laden, may be supported by their friends, either by way of diversion, or by way of assistance. And therefore your Highness and other Princes are now requested to help, seeing there is small appearance of diversion. And set the case, that the Peace between Spain and France should be firm, would it not turn against the Common Cause? Italiae incendium ruina Germaniae extinguere? To quench a little fire in Italy by the ruin of whole Germany? In Chronical diseases Physicians do not so much respect the symptoms and accidents as they do the causes of the evil. The Valtoline, Palatinate, Hussia, Marchisat of Baden, Dukedom of Brunswick, and so many other Countries attempted, and oppressed by the Spanish and Austrian usurpation, are grievous and dangerous symptoms and accidents: but the Cause, and fuel of the evil remains yet in the ambitious bowels of the Spaniard, who now with spread sails goeth on towards the universal Monarchy; unless there be applied betimes some fit remedies, all topic remedies will do but little good. The King of Denmark doth offer himself ready to apply such an issue, whereby he may be brought back to terms of modesty, and with the assistance he doth expect from your Highness and other interessed Princes, he hopeth to bring his good intent to pass. And being prodigal of his great Soul, there is no doubt he will ever go back, unless he be forsaken. Thus there remains the Common liberty almost in your hands, and if this most excellent Senate resolves to give aid unto that King, that liberty will be preserved. If you do forsake him, that will also be endangered, yea lost. I therefore beseech your Highness to ponder well this matter, and to grant such an assistance, as is requested by the King of Denmark's Ambassador. Sir Henry Wootton to the Duk. My most Noble Lord, I Will be bold by this opportunity to give his Majesty through your Lordship's hands, an account of a Command which I had from him at Theobalds', about sounding how the Venetian Ambassador stood satisfied with the late determination touching his predecessor Donato. I did visit the said Ambassador immediately at my return from the King, and saluted him as by express Commandment; interjecting some words of mine own gladness, that he had received contentment in this tender point, which would signalise his beginnings. This I said, because in truth I had found him always before the more passionate in it by some reflection upon himself. His answer (after due thanks for his Majesty's gracious remembrance of him from abroad) was, That for his own part, he was Contentissimo, and had represented things home in the best manner. He hoped likewise it would be well tasted there also, though with some doubt, because the State out of their own devotion towards his Majesty might form a confidence of expecting more. I replied, that the King upon the matter (if we consider disgrace) had done more than themselves: for he was but once banished at Venice, and twice here; viz. once from the Verge of the Court, and secondly, from London, which was as much as could be done with preservation of National immunities, and more than would have been done at the suit of any other Ambassador here resident, or perhaps of any of their own hereafter if the like case shall occur. For (as I told him) it was the King's express will, that his particular respect to the republic, and to him in this business should not be drawn into examples. With this point he was not a little pleased for his own glory, and said, that indeed Mr. Secretary Nanton had told him so. This was the sum of what passed between us, omitting impertinencies. Let me end (my dear Lord) as I am bound in all the use, either of my pen, or of my voice, with an humble and hearty acknowledgement of my great obligations towards your Lordship, which will make me resolve, and in good faith unhappy, till I can some way show myself Your Lordship's most thankful and faithful servant, Henry Wootton. 25th. of January, 1619. Sir Henry Wotton to the Duke. My most honoured Lord, and Patron, THese poor lines will be presented unto your Lordship by my Nephew (one of your obliged servants) and withal some description (as I have prayed him) of my long infirmities, which have cast me behind in many private, and often interrupted even my public Duties; with which yet I do rather seek to excuse some other defects of service then my silence towards your Lordship. For to importune your Lordship seldom with my pen is a choice in me, and not a disease, having resolved to live at what distance soever from your sight, like one who had well studied before I came hither, how secure they are whom you once vouchsafe any part of your love. And indeed I am well confirmed therein by your own gracious lines: for thereby I see that your Lordship had me in your meditation, when I scant remembered myself. In answer of which Letter after some respite from mine own evils, I have deputed my said Nephew to redeliver my fortune into your Noble hands, and to assure your Lordship, that as it should be cheerfully spent at your Command if it were present and actual (from whose mediation I have derived it) so much more am I bound to yield up unto your Lordship an absolute disposition of my hopes: But if it should please you therein to grant me any part of mine own humour, than I would rather wish some other satisfaction, then exchange of Office; yet even in this point likewise shall depend on your will, which your Lordship may indeed challenge from me, not only by an humble gratitude, and reverence due to your most worthy person, but even by that natural charity and discretion, which I own myself: For what do I more therein, then only remit to your own arbitrement the valuation of your own goodness? I have likewise committed to my foresaid Nephew some Memorials touching your Lordship's familiar service (as I may term it) in matter of art and delight. But though I have laid these Offices upon another, yet I joy with mine own pen to give your Lordship an account of a Gentleman, worthier of your love, than I was of the honour to receive him from you. We are now after his well spent travails in the Towns of purer language, married again till a second Divorce, for which I shall be sorry, whensoever it shall happen. For in truth (my good Lord) his conversation is both delightful, and fruitful, and I dare pronounce, that he will return to his friends, as well fraught with the best observations as any that hath ever sifted this Country, which indeed doth need sifting; for there is both flower and bran in it. He hath divided his abode between Sienna and Rome: The rest of his time was for the most part spent in motion. I think his purpose be to take the French tongue in his way homewards, but I am persuading with him to make Brussels his Seat, both because the French and Spanish Languages are familiar there, whereof the one will be after Italian a sport unto him, so as he may make the other a labour: And for that the said Town is now the scene of an important Treaty, which I fear will last till he come thither: but far be from me all ominous conceit. I will end with cheerful thoughts and wishes; beseeching the Almighty God to preserve your Lordship in health, and to cure the public diseases. And so I ever remain Your Lordship's Most devoted obliged servant, Henry Wotton. Venice 29. of July, 1622. Sir Henry Wotton to the Duke. My most honoured, and dear Lord, TO give your Lordship occasion to exrecise your Noble nature, is withal one of the best exercises of mine own duty, and therefore I am confident to pass a very charitable motion through your Lordship's hands, and mediation to his Majesty. There hath long lay in the prison of Inquisition a constant worthy Gentleman, viz. Mr. Mole; In whom his Majesty hath not only a right as his subject, but likewise a particular interest in the cause of his first imprisonment. For having communicated his Majesty's immortal work touching the allegiance due unto Sovereign Princes with a Florentine of his familiar acquaintance, this man took such impression at some passages, as troubling his conscience, he took occasion at next shrift to confer certain doubts with his Confessor, who out of malicious curiosity, enquiring all circumstances, gave afterwards notice thereof to Rome, whither the said Mole was gone with my Lord Rosse, who in this story is not without blame; but I will not disquiet his Grave. Now having lately heard, that his Majesty at the suit of I know not what Ambassadors (but the Florentine amongst them is voiced for one) was pleased to yield some releasement to certain restrained persons of the Roman faith: I have taken a conceit upon it, that in exchange of his clemency therein, the Great Duke would be easily moved by the King's Gracious request, to intercede with the Pope for Mr. Moles delivery. To which purpose if it shall please his Majesty to grant his Royal Letters, I will see the business duly pursued. And so needing no arguments to commend this proposition to his Majesty's goodness, but his goodness itself, I leave it (as I began) in your Noble hand. Now touching your Lordship's familiar service (as I may term it) I have sent the compliment of your bargain upon the best provided and best manned ship, that hath been here in long time, called the Phoenix, and indeed the cause of their long stay hath been for some such sure vessel as I might trust. About which since I wrote last to your Lordship, I resolved to fall back to my first choice. So as now the one piece is the work of Titian, wherein the least figure (viz the child in the Virgin's lap playing with a bird) is alone worth the price of your expense for all four, being so round, that I know not whether I shall call it a piece of sculpture, or picture; and so lively, that a man would be tempted to doubt, whether nature, or art had made it. The other is of Palma, and this I call the speaking piece, as your Lordship will say it may well be termed: for except the Damosel brought to David, whom a silent modesty did best become, all the other figures are in discourse, and action. They come both distended in their frames; for I durst not hazard them in rolls, the youngest being 25. years old, and therefore no longer supple, and pliant. With them I have been bold to send a dish of Grapes to your Noble Sister, the Countess of Denbigh, presenting them first to your Lordship's view, that you may be pleased to pass your censure, whether Italians can make fruits as well as Flemings, which is the common Glory of their pencils. By this Gentleman, I have sent the choicest Melon seeds of all kinds, which his Majesty doth expect, as I had order both from my Lord of holderness, and from Mr. Secretary Calvert. And although in my Letter to his Majesty (which I hope by your Lordship's favour himself shall have the honour to deliver together with the said seeds) I have done him right in his due attributes; yet let me say of him farther as Architects use to speak of a well chosen foundation, that your Lordship nay boldly build what fortune you please upon him, for surely he will bear it virtuously. I have committed to him for the last place a private memorial touching myself, wherein I shall humbly beg your Lordship's intercession upon a necessary motive. And so with my heartiest prayers to heaven for your continual health and happiness, I most humbly rest Your Lordships Ever obliged devoted Servant, Henry Wotton. Venice 2/15. Decemb. 1622. Postscript. MY Noble Lord, it is one of my duties to tell your Lordship, that I have sent a servant of mine (by profession a Painter) to to make a search in the best towns through Italy for some principal pieces, which I hope may produce somewhat for your Lordship's contentment, and service. Sir Henry Wotton to the Duke. May it please your Grace, HAving some days by sickness been deprived of the comfort of your sight, who did me so much honour at my last Access, I am bold to make these poor lines happier than myself. And withal to represent unto your Grace (whose noble Patronage is my refuge, when I find any occasion to bewail mine own fortune) a thing which seemeth strange unto me. I am told (I know not how truly) that his Majesty hath already disposed the Venetian Embassage to Sir Isaac Wake; from whose sufficiency if I should detract, it would be but an argument of my own weakness. But that which herein doth touch me, I am loath to say in point of reputation, surely much in my livelihood (as Lawyers speak) is that thereby after 17. years of foreign in continual employment either ordinary or extraordinary, I am left utterly destitute of all possibility to subsist at home, much like those Seal Fishes which sometimes (as they say) oversleeping themselves in an ebbing water, feel nothing about them but a dry shore when they awake. Which comparison I am fain to seek among those Creatures, not knowing among men that have so long served so gracious a Master, any one to whom I may resemble my unfortunate bareness. Good my Lord, as your Grace hath vouchsafed me some part of your Love, so make me worthy in this of some part of your Compassion. So I humbly rest Your Graces, etc. Henry Wotton. Sir Henry Wotton to the Duke. My most Noble Lord, WHen like that impotent man in the Gospel, I had lain long by the Pools side, while many were healed, and none would throw me in, it pleased your Lordship first of all to pity my infirmities, and to put me into some hope of subsisting hereafter. Therefore I most humbly and justly acknowledge all my ability and reputation from your favour. You have given me encouragement, you have valued my poor endeavours with the King, you have redeemed me from ridiculousness, who had served so long without any mark of favour. By which arguments being already and ever bound to be yours till either life or honesty shall leave me, I am the bolder to beseech your Lordship to perfect your own work, and to draw his Majesty to some settling of those things that depend between Sir Julius Caesar and me, in that reasonable form, which I humbly present unto your Lordship by this my Nephew; likewise your obliged servant, being myself by a late indisposition confined to my Chamber, but in all estates such as I am Your Lordship's Henry Wotton. Sir Henry Wotton to the Earl of Portland, Lord Treasurer. My most honoured Lord, I Most humbly present (though by some infirmities a little too late) a straying new years' gift unto your Lordship, which I will presume to term the cheapest of all that you have received, and yet of the richest Materials. In short, it is only an image of yourself drawn by memory from such discourse as I have taken up here and there of your Lordship among the most intelligent, and unmalignant men. Which to portrait before you, I thought no servile office, but ingenious and real. And I could wish, that it had come at that day, that so your Lordship might have begun the new year somewhat like Plato's definition of felicity with the contemplation of your own Idea. They say, that in your foreign employments under King James your Lordship won the the opinion of a very able and searching judgement, having been the first discoverer of the intentions against the Palatinate, which were then in brewing, and masked with much art, and that Sir Edward Conway got the Start of you both in title, and employment, because the late Duke of Buckingham wanted then for his own ends a Martial Secretary. They say that under our present Sovereign you were chosen to the highest charge at the lowest of the State, when some instrument was requisite of indubitable integrity, and provident moderation, which atributes I have heard none deny you. They discourse thus of your actions, since, that though great exhaustations cannot be cured without sudden remedies no more in a Kingdom then in a natural body: yet your Lordship hath well allayed those blustering clamours, wherewith at your beginning, your house was in a manner daily besieged. They note, that there hath been made changes, but that none hath brought to the place a judgement so cultivated, and illuminated with various erudition as your Lordship, since the Lord Burleigh under Queen Elizabeth, whom they make your parallel in the ornament of knowledge. They observe in your Lordship's divers remarkable combinations of virtues and abilities rarely sociable. In the character of your aspect, a mixture of Authority, and Modesty. In the faculties of your mind quick apprehension and solidity together, in the stile of your Porte, and Train, as much dignity and as great dependency as was ever in any of your place, and with little noise, and outward form. That your Table is very abundant, free, and noble, without Luxury; That you are by nature no flatterer, and yet of greatest power in Court. That you love magnificence and frugality both together. That you entertain your Guests and Visitours with noble Courtesy, and void of Compliment. Lastly, that you maintain a due regard to your person and place, and yet no enemy to froath-formalities. Now in the discharge of your function, they speak of two things that have done you much honour, viz. that you had always a special care to the supply of the Navy; And likewise a more worthy and tender respect towards the King's only sister for the continual support from hence, than she hath found before. They observe your Greatness as firmly established as ever was any, of the love (and which is more) in the estimation of a King who hath so signalised his Constancy: besides your additions of strength (or at least of lustre) by the noblest alliances of the Land. Amongst these notes, it is no wonder if some observe, that between a good willingness in your affections to satisfy all, and impossibility in the matter, and yet an importunity in the persons, there doth now and then, I know not how, arise a little impatience, which must needs fall on your Lordship, unless you had been cut out of a Rock of Diamonds, especially having been long before so conversant with liberal studies, and with the freedom of your own mind. Now after this short Collection touching your most honoured Person, I beseech you give me leave to add likewise a little what men say of the Writer. They say I want not your gracious good will towards me, according to the degrees of my poor talon, and Travails; but they say, I am wanting to myself. And in good faith (my Lord) in saying so, they say the truth. For I am condemned I know not how by nature to a kind of unfortunate bashfulness in mine own business, and it is now too late to put me in a new Furnace. Therefore, It must be your Lordship's proper work, and not only your Noble, but even your charitable goodness, that must in some blessed hour remember me. God give your Lordship many healthful and joyful years, and the blessing of that Text Beatus qui attendit ad attenuatum. And so I remain with all humble and willing heart At your Lordship's command, Henry Wotton. Sir Richard Weston to the Duke. May it please your Lordship, I Fear I have taken too much of that liberty of not writing, you were pleased to allow me by Sir George Goring, but I hope your Lordship will measure my devotion to serve you by no other rule then your own interest and desert. For as I understand by Sir George Goring how often I come in your thoughts, and how great a part I have in your Cares; so is there no man to whom I would more willingly give daily account of myself then to your Lordship, to whose grace and favour I own so much. I forbear to trouble your Lordship with any relation of business, because I presume your Lordship is acquainted with all my dispatch, and it is not long since I entreated my Lord Treasurer to tell your Lordship what I thought of things then. I have yet little reason to change my opinion. And if your Lordship please to know the state of things now, I have sent this Gentleman the Bearer hereof especially to do your Lordship reverence in my name, and to give you full information. For my return or stay, I humbly submit it to his Majesty's pleasure. Though this Negotiation be like to spin itself out into much length, I weigh not my own interest. I shall willingly be there, where I shall be thought most able to do his Majesty service. And so entreating that I may be continued in that good opinion and grace, wherein your Lordships own affection, not any merit of mine hath placed me, I humbly kiss your hands; And remain Your Lordship's Faithful and devoted servant, Rich. Weston. Brussels 26. June, 1622. Sir Richard Weston to the Duke My very good Lord, I Have understood by my Lord Treasurer the way you have made with his Majesty for my calliing home, for which this present doth give your Lordship most humble thanks, though I have forborn to press or solicit it, because I would approve my obedience to his Majesty, and take away from them all occasion, who otherwise might have accused my departure, and imputed the want of success here to my want of patience to expect an answer. I have almost in all my Dispatches since we entered into this Treaty, signified what opinion I had of their proceed here, and my chief comfort was, that whatsoever the success were, that the clearness of his Majesty's intentions would appear to the whole world, and that the failing is not of his side, which I think is manifest enough: for notwithstanding that his Majesty hath followed them in all their desires, and the Prince elector hath conformed himself to what was demanded, that the Count Mansfelt, and Duke of Brunswick, the pretended obstacles of the Treaty, are now with all their Forces removed. No face of an enemy in the Palatinate, but his Majesty's power in the Garrisons; All other places repossessed which Mansfelt had taken. No cause of continuing any War now, nor any cause of jealousy or fear for the future, considering his Majesty's fair and honourable offers: yet are they so far from a cessation, that they are fallen upon Heidelbergh, and either want the will, or power to remove the siege. And all I can get is two Letters of entreaty from her Highness to the chiefs of the Emperor to proceed no further; and after some 18. days since I made my proposition for the Cessation, I have yet no answer: so that being able to raise no more doubts, they make use of delays. I have said, and done, and used all diligences within my power to bring forth better effects, and can go no farther; and therefore I humbly beseech your Lordship that I may have leave to return, when I shall hear that they will not remove the siege at Heidelbergh. For their pretending to restore all, when all is taken, is a poor comfort to me, and as little honour to his Majesty; and how far they are to be believed in that, is to be examined more exactly then by writing, by weighing how the weak hopes given me here, agree with the strong assurances given by my Lord Digbie out of Spain. I hope therefore his Majesty will be pleased to think it reasonable to speak with me, and as your Lordship hath ever been a happy and gentle star to me; so have I now more need of your favourable aspect then ever, that his Majesty may receive my obedience as a sacrifice, and interpret well of all my endeavours, what success so ever I bring home with me. Wherein humbly entreating your Lordship's wont grace and favour, I humbly kiss your hands, and vow unto you the faithful observance of Your Lordship's Most humble and devoted Servant, Richard Weston. Brussels 3d. of Septemb. 1622. Sir Richard Weston to the Duke. May it please your Grace, YOur Grace shall add much to the infinite favours I have received from you to read a few lines from me, much more to vouchsafe them an answer, which I am the more bold to beg, and the more hopeful to obtain, because I understand by Sir George Goring, that howsoever I have had many ill offices done me, your Grace will not easily departed from that opinion, you have hitherto conceived of me, for which I humbly thank your Grace, and entreat the continuance of it no longer, than I shall be able to make good the integrity of my heart unto you. But that, which with all humility, and importunity I sue for at your Grace's hands, is to let me know my Accuser, and if your Grace think it unseasonable now, that I may have a promise to know him at your return. Whatsoever, or how great soever he be, (though respect, and reverence of those eyes which shall read these lines make me forbear ill language now) I shall dare to tell him, whatsoever becomes a wronged innocence to say. In the mean time, I despise him, if there be any such that hath accused me since your Grace's departure, to have done, or said, or given way to the hearing of any thing that may be wrested to the impeachment of my faith and sincere professions towards your Grace; and yet till it come to the trial, I rely (as I wrote to Sir George Goring) no less upon your Grace's wisdom and goodness, than my own innocence, that such Calumnies shall not lessen the estimation I had with you; wherein being most confident praying for the continuance and increase of your Grace's honour and happiness, I remain Your Grace's Most humble and devoted servant, Richard Weston. 17. July, 1623. Sir Richard Weston to the Duke. May it please your Grace, I Humbly thank your Grace for the Message I received from you yesterday by Mr. Packer. And withal I humbly beseech your Grace to believe, that no man shall condemn me more, than I would myself, if I had omitted any possible diligence either to interest, or acquaint your Grace with the Commission of the Treasury. Wherein I appeal to Mr. Secretary Conway, who first declared his Majesty's pleasure unto me, which I could not ascribe more to any Cause, than your Grace's favour, and good opinion of me. And at my last being with your Grace, I began to speak with you of it, but finding your Grace to grow into some indisposition, I forbore, thinking it not only incivility, but a violence to have spoken any thing of myself to your Grace at that time. This I entreated Sir George Goring to relate unto your Grace, and withal to renew the professions of my love and reverence to your Grace's person, which I had rather make good by real performances then by words, and therefore I will trouble your Grace no longer upon this subject. I am now extremely importuned by the Earl of Middlesex to solicit his Majesty for the first testimony of his gracious disposition towards him. And your Grace remembers, that in the beginning of his Lordship's troubles, his Majesty commanded me to deliver unto his Majesty, whatsoever his Lordship should petition of him. Now I humbly beseech your Grace to direct me what to do: His Lordship sues for his enlargement, and I know desires to derive that favour from his Majesty by your Grace's mediation. And I am careful to perform all duties, my obedience to his Majesty, my respect to your Grace, and my care of him (that relieth upon me) being in affliction. And therefore I humbly beseech your Grace to vouchsafe me an answer to this particular, because his Majesty goeth from hence to morrow, and the Earl of Middlesex will languish with expectation till he receive some comfort from him. And so continually praying for the increase of your Grace's health, I remain Your Grace's Most humble servant, Richard Weston. 29. May, 1624. Sir Richard Weston to the Duke. May it please your Grace, I Have according to his Majesties Command signified to me by Mr. Secretary Conway, delivered to the Earl of Middlesex his Majesty's pleasure concerning his Fine. The news of it did extremely dismay him, as being far contrary to his expectation. He used not many words; but thereof I having given Mr. Secretary a particular account in answer of the charge I received from his Majesty, I will not trouble your Grace with the repetition of them. The chief cause of this unto your Grace is, to acquaint your Grace with a short Dialogue that passed between Mr. Brett and me touching his Pension. He sent his man to me this week to demand it; to whom I made this answer, That the charge of the Progress being settled, I would consider of the payment of his Master's pension amongst others, before which time I could not in that case give satisfaction to any. He went away with this answer, and immediately after (within less than a quarter of an hour) Mr. Brett himself came to me, and asked me at the first word, Whether I had any Command to stay his Pension. I replied, No other command then the want of money. He told me, That the rest of his fellows were paid: I said it was true, I was to have care of them that immediately, followed his Majesty, when I was forced to entreat others to have patience till more monies came in. He asked me again, Whether I had any Command to stay his? I answered as before; wherewith he parted from me, as it seemed, not pleased. This peradventure is not worth troubling your Grace withal, but that because his Majesty was pleased to acquaint me with his just indignation against him at Wansteed, I would be glad to receive some direction, what answer I shall make upon his next importunity. And so humbly entreating your Grace ever to number me amongst those that do most honour and pray for you, I remain Your Grace's Most humble and faithful servant, Richard Weston. Chelsey 23. July, 1624. Sir Richard Weston to the Duke. May it please your Grace, I did scarce esteem my Letter worthy your Graces reading, much less worthy your pains to answer it. It is my duty upon all occasions great and small, to pay unto your Grace those observances I own you. And when your Grace vouchsafes to take knowledge of them, it is your favour, and therefore I humbly thank your Grace for vouchsafing an answer. I have according to his Majesty's commandment signified by your Grace unto me, taking the best order I can about the Wardship of the Lady Cravens Son. The most of the Officers of the Court of Wards being out of the town, I have spoken with Sir Benjamin Ruddier, who assured me, that there is nothing yet done, nor can be, till there be a master, or that the Officers meet together, and that he will take care that nothing shall be done to the prejudice of his Majesty. And for the more Caution, I have commanded the Clerk of Court, if any man petition, or sue about the Wardship, that there be no proceeding till he acquaint me with it. This is all can be done for the present, and thereof I think fit to give your Grace account, in answer of the charge I have received from his Majesty. And so humbly craving leave to kiss your Grace's hands, I wish your Grace continual increase of honour and happiness, and remain Your Grace's Most humble and faithful Servant, Richard Weston. Chelsey 12th August 1624. Sir Francis Cottington to the Duke. May it please your Honour, MY last unto you was of the 23. of September by Mr. Berrie, who that day departed from hence towards England, with intention to take passage by Sea from St. Sebastian's: and although I conceive, that this conveyance will be much speedier (it being by an extraordinary dispatched for Flanders) yet for that I hold the other to be sure, I will not forbear to trouble your Honour with any repetition of that dispatch. The strength and boldness of the Pirates (or rather of the Turks) is now grown to that hieght both in the Ocean, & Mediterranean seas, as I have never known any thing to have wrought a greater sadness and distraction in the Court, than the daily advice thereof. Their whole Fleet consists of 40. Sail of tall ships, of between 200. and 400, tuns a piece; Their Admiral of 500 tuns. They are divided into 2. Squadrons, the one of 18. Sail remaining before Malaga (in sight of the City) the other about the Cape St. Marry, which is between Lisbon, and Sevil. That Squadron within the straits entered the road of Mostil (a Town by Malaga) wherewith their ordnance, they beat down a part of the Castle, and had doubtless taken the town, but that from Granado there came Soldiers to succour it; yet they took there divers ships, and amongst them 3. or 4. of the west part of England. Two big English ships they drove on shore, not past four Leagues from Malaga; and after they went on shore also, and burned them, and to this day they remain before Malaga, intercepting all ships, that pass that way, and absolutely prohibiting all trade into those parts of Spain. The other Squadron at the Cape St. Marry doth there the like, intercepting all shipping whatsoever. They lately met with seven sail of English ships, (all of London as I take it) but loaden only with pipestaves, which they had taken on the Coast of Ireland by the way. Five of these, viz. the Marie Anne, the Marry and John, the Rebecca, and Gibbs of Sandwich, and one John Cheyney of London they took, and the other two escaped. They robbed them only of their victuals, their Ordnance, and of some sails, and so let them go, but in their company was also taken a great Ship of Lubeck, said to be very rich, which they still keep with all the men. They have few or no Christians aboard them, but all either Turks, or moors, and the most part are of those, which of late years were turned out of Spain for Moriscos. They attend (as it seems) and as themselves report to them that have been aboard them (the coming of the West Indian Fleet, which is now very near.) But from hence they have commanded the Armada (which was divided into three Squadrons) to be joined together, and advice is brought that it is so, and now consists of twenty strong ships; Don John Faxardo (the General) hath also express order to fight with the Pirates, not admitting any excuse whatsoever, but the common opinion is here, that we will be able to do them little harm, because his ships are of great burden, and they will be able to go from him at their pleasure. And the other Squadron within the straits will always be able to secure their retreat thither. I doubt not but in my next dispatch, I shall be able to tell your Honour what Don John Faxardo either hath or will do to them. If this year they safely return to Argier (especially if they should take any of the Fleet) it is much to be feared, that the King of Spain's forces by Sea will not be sufficient to restrain, them hereafter, so much sweetness they find by making prize of all Christians whatsoever. The Secretary of the Council of war, hath hereupon discoursed much unto me, and by him I perceive, that here is an intention, to move his Majesty (the King our Master) that he will be pleased to join some of his Sea-forces (upon good terms) with this King, for the suppressing of these Pirates, if they should hereafter grow, and increase as hitherto they have done. Seeing they now profess themselves the common enemies of Christendom. Many reasons he gave me, that he thought might move his Majesty thereunto; but that whereon for my part I most reflect is, that these courses of the Pirates, do but exercise the forces of the King of Spain by Sea, and put an obligation on him by all means to strengthen, and increase his Armada, and keep in practise his Sea-soldiers, without doing him any great harm, for that the greatest damage will always fall upon the Merchants that trade into those parts (of which the English will ever be the greatest number, and the greatest losers) And as for the taking of his Fleet, it is not to be imagined, for that besides, that they come very strong (consisting of 50 great ships, of which eight are Galleons of war) they shall always be meet, and guarded by the Armada. Your Honour may be pleased to acquaint his Majesty with what I here write, for I perceive it is expected, that I should advertise what the Secretary hath discoursed to me, which I would have done more at large; but I am straightened with want of time. Yet I may not forbear to advertise your Honour, that the said Secretary told me withal, that the last year the States desired leave of this King for certain ships of war (which they had armed to Sea against Pirates) might have safe recourse into these parts, which was accordingly granted them, but that instead of offending the Pirates, the same ships sold in Argeir as much Powder, and other warlike provision (especially powder) unto the Turks, as furnished the foresaid Fleet which they have now at Sea, a thing which is here (he says) very ill taken. I doubt not but from Piemount your Honour hath better advertizement (at least more speedier) than I can give you from hence, yet have I thought it fit to advertise you, that in a late ambush, which the Duke of Savoy had laid, at Don Pedro de Tolledo's entrance into Piemount, the Maestro de Campo of the Spanish army was slain; the Son of the Prince of Astoli was hurt: so was the Prince of Morveles (who serves this King there) and many other Captains, and Gentlemen of note slain and hurt. They here say that the number of men Don Pedro lost was but few, but their custom is to dissemble their losses, howsoever it is to be conceived, that when so many principal men were touched, the common Soldiers could not well escape. At Lisbon there is arrived two Caracks, and a Gallion from the East-Indies, the Caracks very rich, and much richer than in former years, but (as in a former Letter I advertised you) two others as rich as they, and that should have come in company with these, were cast away coming home. Don Roderigo Calderon (now the marquis de Las Siete Iglesias) is suddenly commanded from this Court, and confined to a small Village, and Judges are appointed to examine by what means he is so suddenly grown to so great an estate (which in my time is risen from nothing to above 60000. Ducats a year rend, besides an infinite treasure in moveables) and doubtless some heavy sentence will fall upon him, for he hath many enemies, and I understand that the Duke of Lerma hath much withdrawn his favour. New supplies of Soldiers are here raised for the Governor of Milan, and 30. Companies are ready to be embarked at Valentia, where the Galleys attend them. Here is lately come hither one who calls himself Sir James Mackonel a Scotchman, and says he is Cousin german to the Earl of Arguile: I have not seen him, but I hear he discourses of his breaking out of the Castle of Edinburgh, of the unjustness of his imprisonment there, of his integrity in the Pope's Religion, and so desires to be entertained into this King's service, which doubtless he shall obtain if he can make it here be believed, that he hath a true fugitives heart. My Lord Rosse is now much harkened after, and they think he stays very long. By the ordinary (God willing) I shall write again to your Honour. And so for this time I humbly take my leave Your Lordships to be Commanded, Fran. Cottington. Madrid the first of Octob. 1616. Still. Vet. The Lord Viscount Rochfort to the Duke of Buckingham. My Lord, I Have received great wrongs about my Lord of Oxford by reports, which can find no author: yet have they wrought such impressions in the hearts of some, that it is hard to remove those Calumniations: for divers are possessed, that I am to be his accuser, which is so strange, and so maliciously bruited, that it is somewhat suspected; yet know I not any one particular, for which he is in the Tower, neither if I knew any such slip (in so noble a person as might deserve the King's displeasure) would my nature give me leave to play the Informer, except it nearly concerned the safety, or the honour of my King, and then should my discovery be public to the face, and not private behind the back, for that I account too base to be found faulty in. Sorry I am to be so much as suspected, but since ill disposed persons will raise ill rumours without any ground, the clearness of my heart is sufficient content unto me; and as my heart hath been always most faithful and watchful to do you service; so good my Lord, let me entreat you, that for my sake, my Lord of Oxford may receive some testimonies of your great favour for his speedy enlargement, and that it may appear, you are the more willing to do it, for my earnest entreaty. My Lord, you shall not only hereby oblige all my Lord of Oxford's friends, but likewise the Lady Diana's, who doth lose a great deal of precious time by my Lord's imprisonment, and therefore let all be arguments to excite your noble heart to procure his freedom. And so I kiss your hands, and rest More yours than his own, H. R. Postscript. PRay make all haste from Spain, for neither are your pleasures and contents so great there, as you may find them here, neither have you so faithful friends there as you deserve; but sure I am you have many false ones. For I have work enough both in Court and City to falsify their reports of you; yea some of them (about women) very base ones, and much tending to your great dishonour. And it goes currant among very great ones, that the Prince hath been somewhat displeased with you of late. I have sent you another Letter of larger contents, and I should be glad to hear from you. King James to Pope Gregory 15th. 30. September, 1622. James by the Grace of God King of great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the faith, etc. To the most Holy Father Pope Gregory the the 15th. greeting, and all manner of felicity. Most Holy Father, YOur Holiness will perhaps marvel, that we differing from you in point of Religion should now first salute you with our Letters. Howbeit such is the trouble of our mind for these calamitous discords and bloudsheds, which for these late years by past, have so miserably rend the Christian World, and so great is our care, and daily solicitude to stop the course of these growing evils betimes, so much as in us lies, as we could no longer abstain, considering that we all worship the same most blessed Trinity, nor hope for salvation by any other means, then by the blood and merits of our Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus; but breaking this silence to move your Holiness by these our Letters friendly and seriously, that you would be pleased together with us to put your hand to so pious a work, and so worthy of a Christian Prince. It is truly to be wished, and by all means to be endeavoured, that this mischief creep on no farther, but that these storms at the last ceasing, and the rancour being removed, by which they were at the first raised, the hearts of these Princes, whom it any way concerns, may be reunited in a firm and unchangeable friendship, and as much as may be knit together in stricter obligations than before, one unto another. This we have always had in our desires, and to bring it to pass, have not hitherto spared any labour, or pains, not doubting but your Holiness out of your singular piety, and for the credit and authority that you have with the parties, both may and will further this work in an extraordinary manner. No way can any man better merit of the state of Christendom, which if it shall take the desired effect in your days, and by your assistance your Holiness shall worthily reap the glory and the reward due to so excellent a work. That which remains for us further to say concerning this matter, this Gentleman our Subject George Gage will deliver unto you more at large. Praying your Holiness, that you will give him in all things full credence and belief, beseeching Almighty God from our heart to preserve you in safety, and to grant you all other happiness. From our Palace at Hampton Court the last of Septemb. 1622. Pope Gregory the 15th. to the Prince of Wales. Most Noble Prince, Health and light of Divine Grace, etc. GReat Britain abounding with worthy men, and fertile virtues, so that the whole earth is full of the glory of her renown, induceth many times the thoughts of the great Shepherd to the consideration of her praises. In regard that presently in the infancy of his Church, the King of kings vouchsafed to choose her with so great affection for his inheritance, that almost it seems there entered into her at the same time the Eagles of the Roman Standard, and the Ensigns of the Cross. And not few of her Kings indoctrinated in the true knowledge of Salvation gave example of Christian piety to other Nations, and after-ages, preferring the Cross to the Sceptre, and the defence of Religion to the desire of Command. So that meriting heaven thereby (the Crown of eternal bliss) they obtained likewise upon earth the lustre, and glorious ornaments of sanctity. But in this time of the Brittanicks Church, how much is the case altered? yet we see that to this day the English Court is fenced and guarded with moral virtues, which were sufficient motives to induce us to love this Nation, it being some ornament to the Christian name, if it were likewise a defence and sanctuary of Catholic virtues. Wherefore the more the glory of your most Serene Father, and the property of your natural disposition delighteth us, the more ardently we desire, that the gates of Heaven should be opened unto you, and that you should purchase the universal love of the Church. For whereas, that the Bishop Gregory the Great of most pious memory introduced amongst the English people, and taught their Kings the Gospel, and a reverence to the Apostolical Authority, we much inferior to him in virtue, and sanctity, as equal in name, and height of dignity, it is reason we should follow his most holy steps, and procure the salvation of those Kingdoms, especially (most Serene Prince) there being great hopes offered to us at this time of some successful issue of your determination. Wherefore you having come to Spain and the Court of the Catholic King, with desire to match with the house of Austria, it seemed good to use most affectionatetly to commend this your intent, and to give clear testimony, that at this time your person is the most principal care that our Church hath. For seeing you pretend to match with a Catholic Damosel, it may easily be presumed, that the ancient seed of Christian piety, which so happily flourished in the minds of British Kings, may by God's Grace reverberate in your breast. For it is not probable, that he, that desires such a wife, should abhor the Catholic religion, and rejoice at the overthrow of the holy Roman Church. To which purpose we have caused continual prayers to be made, and most vigilant orisons to the Father of Lights for you (fair flower of the Christian world, and only hope of great Britain) that he would bring you to the possession of that most Noble inheritance, which your Ancestors got you by the defence of the Apostolic authority, and destruction of monsters of haerisies. Call to memory the times of old; ask your forefathers, and they will show you what way leads to heaven, and perceiving what path mortal Princes pass to the Heavenly Kingdom, behold the Gates of heaven open. Those most holy Kings of England, which parting from Rome accompanied with Angels, most piously reverenced the Lord of Lords, and the Prince of the Apostles in his Chair. Their works and examples are mouths wherewith God speaks, and warneth you, that you should imitate their customs in whose Kingdoms you succeed. Can you suffer that they be called Heretics, and condemned for wicked men, when the faith of the Church testifieth, that they reign with Christ in Heaven, and are exalted above all the Princes of the Earth, and that they at this time reached you their hands from that most blessed Country, and brought you safely to the Court of the Catholic King, and desire to turn you to the womb of the Roman Church; wherein praying most humbly with most unspeakable groans to the God of mercy for your salvation, to reach you the arms of Apostolical charity to embrace most lovingly your children, so often desired, and to point out as it were with a finger the blessed hopes of Heaven. And truly you could do no act of greater comfort to all Nations of Christendom, then to return the possession of those most Noble Isles to the Prince of the Apostles, whose authority for so many ages was held in England for the defence of the Kingdom, and divine Oracle, which will not be uneasy to do if you open your breast (upon which depends the prosperity of those Kingdoms) to God who is knocking. And we have so great desire of the honour and exaltation of your Royal Name, that we wish, that you should be called through thee whole world (together with your most Serene Father) the Freer of Great Britain, and restorer of her ancient Religion. Whereof we will not lose all hopes, putting them in mind in whose hands the hearts of Kings lie, and he that rules all nations of the world, by whose Grace we will with all possible diligence labour to effect it. And you cannot choose but acknowledge in these Letters the care of our Apostolical charity to procure your happiness, which it will never repent us to have written, if the reading thereof shall at leastwise stir some sparks of Catholic religion in the heart of so Great a Prince, who we desire may enjoy Eternal comfors, and flourish with the Glory of all virtues. Given in Rome in the Palace of St. Peter the 20. of April 1623. In the third of our Pontificado. The Prince's answer to the Pope's Nuntio that brought him this Letter. I Kiss his Holiness Feet for the favour and honour he doth me, so much the more esteemed, by how much the less deserved of me hitherto. And his Holiness shall see what I do hereafter, and I think my Father will do the like. So that his Holiness shall not repent him of what he hath done. The Prince of Wales his Reply to the Pope's Letter. Most Holy Father, I Received the Dispatch from your Holiness with great content, and with that respect which the piety and care wherewith your, Holiness writes, doth require: It was an unspeakable pleasure to me to read the generous exploits of the Kings my predecessors, in whose memory, posterity hath not given those praises and Eulogies of honour as were due to them: I do believe that your Holiness hath set their examples before my eyes, to the end I might imitate them shall my actions, for in truth they have often exposed their estates and lives for the exaltation of the holy Chair; and the courage with which they have assaulted the enemies of the Cross of Jesus Christ, hath not been less than the care and thought which I have, to the end that the peace and intelligence which hath hitherto been wanting in Christendom, might be bound with a true and strong concord: for as the common enemy of the peace watcheth always to put hatred and dissension amongst Christian Princes, so I believe that the glory of God requires that we should endeavour to unite them: And I do not esteem it a greater honour to be descended from so great Princes, then to imitate them in the zeal of their piety. In which it helps me very much to have known the mind and will of our thrice honoured Lord and Father, and the holy intentions of his Catholic Majesty to give a happy concurrence to so laudable a design: for it grieves him exceedingly to see the great evils that grow from the division of Christian Princes, which the wisdom of your Holiness foresaw, when it judged the marriage which you pleased to design between the Infanta of Spain and myself, to be necessary to procure so great a good; for 'tis very certain, that I shall never be so extremely affectionate to any thing in the world, as to endeavour alliance with a Prince that hath the same apprehension of the true Religion with myself: Therefore I entreat your Holiness to believe, that I have been always very far from Novelties, or to be a partisan of any faction against the Catholic, Apostolic Roman Religion: But on the contrary, I have sought all occasions to take away the suspicion that might rest upon me, and that I will employ myself for the time to come, to have but one Religion and one Faith, seeing that we all believe in one Jesus Christ. Having resolved in myself, to spare nothing that I have in the world, and to suffer all manner of discommodities, even to the hazarding of my estate and life, for a thing so pleasing unto God: It rests only that I thank your Holiness, for the permission you have been pleased to afford me, and I pray God to give you a blessed health and his glory after so much pains which your Holiness takes in his Church. Signed, Charles Steward. The Pope to the Duke of Buckingham. Gregory P. P. XV. Nobleman, health and the light of Divine Grace. THe authority wherein we have understood your Nobleness to flourish in the British Court, is accounted not only the reward of your merits, but also the patronage of virtue; certainly an excellent renown, and every way so worthy, that the people desire a diuturnity to be annexed unto it. But it is almost ineffable, what an increase of glory throughout the world would be annexed unto it, if by God's favour it should become the defence of Catholic Religion. Certainly you have gained an opportunity by which you may insert yourself into the Counsels of those Princes, who obtaining an immortal name, have attained the Celestial Kingdom. Suffer not then (O Nobleman) this occasion presented to you from God, and commended by the Bishop of Rome, to slip out of your hands. You that are privy to their royal Counsels cannot choose but know in what estate the affairs of Britain at this time stand, and with what voices of the Holy Ghost (speaking in them) they daily sound in the ears of your Princes. What Glory would redound unto your Name, if by your exhortation and persuasion, the English Kings should again recover their Celestial inheritance of that Glory left unto them by their Ancestors in those Kingdoms in abundant manner, by providing for the increase of God's Worship, and by not only defending, but propagating the jurisdiction of the Pontifical authority. There have been many, and shall be hereafter, whom the bounty of Kings hath enriched with fading riches, and advanced to envied titles, and yet mindful posterity will not celebrate your name with eternal Praises for having attained these: but if your Counsels should reduce those most powerful Kings and people unto the bosom of the Roman Church, the name of your Nobleness would be written in the book of the living, whom the torment of Death toucheth not, and the Monuments of Histories, shall place you amongst those wise men in whose splendour Kings walked; but with what comforts in this life, and what rewards in the life to come, God who is rich in mercy would reward you, they easily see, who know the art, and force by which the Kingdom of heaven is conquered. It is not only our Pontifical charity (to whose care the salvation of mankind pertaineth) but also the piety of your Mother, who as she brought you into the world, so she desireth to bear you again to the Roman Church, which she acknowledgeth for her mother, that moved us to desire, that you were made Partakers of so great felicity. Therefore when our beloved son the religious man Didacus de la Fuente, who hath wisely administered the affairs of your Princes in this City) prepared his journey for Spain, we commanded him to come unto your Nobleness, and present these our Apostolical Letters, by which the Greatness of our Pontifical charity, and the desire of your salvation may be declared. Your Nobleness may therefore hear him as the interpreter of our mind, and as one endued with these virtues which have won him the love of foreign nations being a Catholic, and religious priest: He certainly hath reported those things of you in these parts of the world, that he is worthy to be embraced of you with singular affection, and defended by your authority being a servant to the Glory, and salvation of the British Kings, and people. This thing truly will we pray for to the father of mercies that he will open to your Nobleness the gates of his Celestial kingdom, and afford you frequent Documents of his Clemency. Given at Rome at St. Marry the Greater under the Ring of the Fisherman the 19 of May. 1623. and of our Popedom the third, John Champolus. To his Sacred Majesty ab ignoto. My most Gracious King, THese things which your Majesty did lately command to be spoken unto you, and now to be repeated in writing, are not such as they can be made by legal and Judicial proofs, both because they by whose testimony they may be confirmed, do for fear of a most potent adversary withdraw themselves. And also because they think it a crime to come into the Ambassador's house, yea even they are afraid to do it, who have commandment from your Majesty; but neither was it lawful for the Ambassadors themselves to speak these things, especially not to such as they directed, when the order of the affairs required it, because they had never the freedom to speak unto your Majesty, and no audience was given or granted them in the absence of that Duke of Buckingham. An example certainly unusual with other Kings, and never to be taken in good part, unless it be perhaps, when the King himself wanting experience, and being of weak judgement and no wisdom, some one, that is familiar, and inward with the King, a man wise and circumspect, of great judgement and no less experience, supplies the King's place. But here, when all things go preposterously, and the King himself being a most prudent, and experienced Prince, he that is familiar, or favourite doth in all things show himself, a rash, heady young man, a Novice in managing of business, and to the Crown of Spain most offensive. Certainly by all just right, this man was to be kept away from the audience of the Ambassador of the State. We may also be bold to say, that his presence so earnestly desired of him doth argue a great fear in him and a great distrust in him, as well of his own upright conscience, as also the King's wisdom. Hence therefore it is come to pass, that your Majesty's most faithful Vassals dare not so much as indirectly disclose their minds to the King, though they take it in very ill part, that a very good King should be driven into such straits. And that a man pleasing himself in his own designs, should use the favours of Princes so sinisterly, that he doth of set purpose stir up breach of friendship, and enmity between most Mighty Kings. Besides, who can without a discontented mind endure, that the greatest affairs, and of greatest moment (if any in the Christian world can be so termed) shall be ordered, or concluded at the pleasure of your Parliament, and from thence all things carried on with a headlong violence, at his will and pleasure, and a most deadly war to be preferred before a most happy Peace. When as nevertheless, I am not ignorant, that not so much the restitution of the Palatinate, as the very claim to it, will very difficultly be obtained, or recovered by force of arms. Let your Majesty exactly consider as it useth to do, whether this be not an evident argument of that I have said, that the conference, or treaty about the Palatinate was taken from the Council of State, a society of most prudent men, only for this cause, that almost every one of them, had with one consent approved the proposition of the most Catholic King, and did not find in it any cause of dissolving that treaty. Hereupon the Parliament of this Kingdom was procured by the Duke, because he thought his plots would be most acceptable to the Puritans, not without great injury to your Council of State, from which he fled, and disclaimed by way of an appeal, and with such success, that we may be bold to say, that the Parliament is now above the King; Nay, which is more, that this daring Duke propounded many things to the Parliament in the King's name, your Majesty being neither acquainted with them nor willing to them. Yea and that he propounded many things contrary to your Majesty's service. Who is there that doth not see, and commend the royal disposition of the Prince, adorned with so great endowments, of his mind, that he doth not in them all show, and approve himself to be a very good son, of a very good King. And yet nevertheless, that the Duke doth so much presume upon his favour, that he contemneth all men, as knowing that those, who are obedient to his Highness, will also subject themselves to his will. I would to God, he did direct those his actions, to the good of the Prince. But that is a thing so far from the opinion of good men, that they rather believe, that he, who hath overthrown the marriage with Spain, will be of no less power to the breaking of any other marriage, and that is it which many do prophesy. They knew in Spain, that very same day, that he had received Letters from the most illustrious Prince Palatine, that he caused the procuration to be revoked, and in a few days after, when the coming of the foresaid Prince's Secretary, and the confirmation of his hope of having his Daughter married to her Highness' son, all things were utterly dashed in pieces. Let your Majesty have a care of yourself, and the Prince, and foresee the hurts, and damages, which a man of such a turbulent humour may stir up; whose heady spirit your Majesty saith you have noted, and have desired to mitigate. A man (I say) that is ambitious of popular air, as plainly appeared in Parliament, when the casting of all odious matter upon your Majesty, he did arrogate the thanks of all things that were acceptable, to himself, being styled the redeemer of his country. I say again, a man that hath envied so great a good to the Christian world, and principally to the kingdoms of England and Spain, having used some certain means, which do argue, that he aimed at such an end, as many already do fear, and to prophesy in it the worst event that can be, if the Puritans desire a kingdom (which they do against their wills) they wish it not to the most illustirous Prince, the best and true Heir of your Majesty, but to the Prince Palatine, whose spy and Scout Mansfelt is, what show soever he makes. He that makes these things known to your Majesty dischargeth the part of a good man, as well towards God, as your Majesty, and the illustrious Prince, whom it now standeth in hand to foresee the vengeance of God provided by the Duke's plots, and the fury of the Parliament, there having been so many, and so great testimonies published against Spain contrary to truth, so many, and so frequent infamous Libels begotten and brought forth, and many such other things so full of bitterness, and ignominy, that they cannot be read even of our enemies, without some taint upon the English Nation. It is most apparent, and stories will testify, that here Leagues have been broken by the will and pleasure of them, whom it especially concerneth to provide for your peace, and quiet, and to with from the bottom of their hearts, that after many, and these most happy, years, that Motto of yours (blessed be the Peacemakers) might be verified in Letter of the person of your Majesty, and to propound the same Counsel to the most illustrious Prince to be imitated, which your Majesty hath done to the whole world to be commended, and admired. A happy Prince will he be, if he comes, and succceeds peaceably into the hereditary possession of his kingdom, and which will be of no less advantage to him, having his peace established with those Princes, whose friendship and amity your Majesty hath procured, and deserved. He would certainly love and commend those that had given him those Counsels of peace. Peace and tranquillity are by hereditary right devolved to the most illustrious Prince, in as much as he is born of the Father, who hath with so much industry procured them, not only to this Island, but to the continent also, esteeming them at a higher value, than his kingdoms themselves. Which since it is thus, and that the blood of his Father, which is in him, and the love wherewith he is carried towards your Majesty, and the experience of this your most happy Government, and that great example wherewith your Majesty hath drawn, and won the Christian world to an admiration, and love of you, did all direct the most illustrious Prince with a kind of connatural motion to the same Counsel, and purpose of peace, as might have heretofore been likewise hoped. Certainly this Machination is very strong, violent, and mighty, which doth suddenly labour to turn him into a clean contrary course. And questionless if the very entrance into a war, the war itself if it want justice, it will want also happy success. It cannot be unknown to your Majesty, that the Duke of Buckingham carrieth himself so lofty; that he would have all men persuaded that he hath, and doth exercise a kind of dominion over the will of your Majesty, and of his Highness. All things shall be made manifest to your Majesty, if you will have them so; for there are not means wanting, whereby you may free your vassal from fear and diffidence, who will otherwise dare nothing, nor say nothing, which certainly appears so far to be true, that when all things standing as they do, it is an easy matter to find who will speak against your Majesty, yet there is none that dare speak against the Duke. Let your Majesty call some certain men unto you, and sift out of them, the opinion of the more moderate Parliament, and inquire of those that come out of Spain, who did first give the first cause of falling out? whether the Complaints against the King of Spain be true, or no? whether that foresaid King were not desirous to satisfy the desire of the Prince his Highness? Whether he did not faithfully endeavour to effect the marriage? Whether the Duke of Buckingham did not many things against the authority and reverence due to the most illustrious Prince? Whether he was not wont to be sitting, whilst the Prince stood, and was in presence, and also having his feet resting upon another seat, after an undecent manner? Whether when the Prince was uncovered, whilst the Queen, and Infanta, looked out at the Windows he uncovered his head, or no? Whether sitting at the Table with the Prince he did not behave himself unreverently? Whether he were not wont to come in to the Prince's Chamber with his clothes half on, so that the doors could not be opened to them that came to visit the Prince from the King of Spain, the Doorkeepers refusing to go in for modesty's sake? Whether he did not call the Prince by ridiculous names? Whether he did not dishonour and profane the King's Palace with base and contemptible women? Whether he did not divers obscene things, and used not immodest gesticulations and wanton Tricks with Players in the presence of the Prince? Whether he did not violate his faith given to the Conde Olivares? Whether he did not presently communicate his discontents, offences and complaints to the Ambassadors of other Princes? Whether in doing of his business, he did not use frequent threaten unto the Catholic King's Ministers, and to Apostolical Nuns? Whether he did not affect to sit at Plays presented in the King's Palace after the manner and example of the King, and Prince, being not contented with the honour that is ordinarily given to the High Steward, or Major domo of the King's house. Besides all these things which have heretofore been told your Majesty, there is yet this more, that is new: That the Duke of Buckingham (with what intention let others judge) hath divulged in Parliament some secret Treaty negotiated betwixt your Majesty and the King of Spain touching the affairs of Holland; the secrecy whereof, nevertheless your Majesty had so recommended, that besides the King, and the Conde of Olivares, no man in Spain knew of it. If the Duke do not appear guilty of all these things, let him be still your Majesty's most faithful servant, and let your Majesty yet confer upon him greater Honours, if you can. For I would have these things conceived to be spoken for the security of your Majesty; not for the hurt of him, to whom I wish prosperity, if by him the Christian world might be in prosperity. It only remaineth, that your Majesty will be pleased to take in good part this my service and obedience shown to your Commandments. To the King, ab ignoto. Best, and most excellent King, YOu will wonder that he who at first protesteth to be neither Papist nor Puritan, Spaniard nor Hollander, or yet in any delirium fit, should presume in this Libel-like way, to lay down to your Majesty the strong zeal he beareth to the safety of your Majesty, and his Country, by showing in this dark Tablet (drawn by the worst Painter) the common opinion of all those which are not possessed as above. They say, the business of greatest consequence, that ever your Majesty handled, is now at point to go well, or ill. The marriage, or none, and (as it is carried) a present War, or a continued Peace. The match of your son, they wish you may perfect in your own time, and think that for the quiet of yourself and Kingdoms, the shortest time the best: And that this already traced will far sooner piece, than any new one have beginning and accomplishment. They fear this suspension carried by Killigrew was brought by Buckingham, not for what he pretends, and plainly say, It was not only to prevent his Highness' marriage there, but any where. Whereby, 1. His particular greatness may still stand absolute. 2. His Wife, and Tribe still present the Princess person. 3. And your Majesty be, and remain their Pupil. The Parliament so much urged, they say, is to be a marrying his Mightiness unto the Common Weal, that as your Majesty is his good Father, It may be his Mother, and so he stand not only by the King, but by the People, and popular humour, that he hath lately so earnestly courted, and especially from those who are noted to be of the most troubled humour. How your Majesty should gain upon a Parliament they cannot imagine, seeing all are resolved to sell your Courtesies at the dearest rate both by ill words, and for double as much again, the humour of it being so inconstant, that twenty to one, but those very tongues, which in the last did cry War, War, War, will now curse him that urgeth for one poor Subsidy to raise a War. And miserable is he, that is to make a War, or to defend against it, with money that is to be given, and gathered from them. They say, our Great Duke hath certainly a brave desire to War, but in that also, he hath some great end of enriching himself, which he too well loveth, being carried away with that sweet sound, how Nottingham gained yearly during that sickness 40000 l. by his Admiral's place; but what his Majesty gained, they find not in the Exchequer or Kingdom. Somewhat also they fear this his Graces precipitate humour, and change of humour, hath of pride, to show his power as great here, as is Olivares his there, as also of revenge against him in particular. For were it love to his now much beloved Country, they say, there was as much reason for breach both of the Match, and Peace when the Parliament urged it, as there is now. They say, There is a rumour of his Graces, a match for his Mary with the young Palatine. It is no Gorgon; and will concern his Highness, if they that are now our best friends the Hollanders should change their Copy. In this his Highness coming off from Spain, they say, He hath advised him to no worse than he did himself; for how many did he deflower, abuse, and cousin with marriage, by his grace in Court, and power with your Majesty? In short, your Subjects that have sense of your estate, do most earnestly beseech your Majesty, to have more especial care of your own preservation, then ordinarily you have, both in respect of the desperate staggering which their Priests now stand in, and of your own Phaeton himself, who in truth wanteth nothing of man enough but a good nature, and being in custom to carry all with a high hand, must be desperate if he fail in any Punto of his violent will. We know your Majesty according to the sweetness and virtue of your Nature, agreeing with God's blessed Will, hath long preserved your people in all peace and plenty. And all good and sensible people pray you even for God's sake not to be cozened of your own life and liberty. Oh be not misled to trouble your own Kingdoms quiet, but that after many and many a happy year you may die happily in peace. To his Sacred Majesty, ab ignoto. May it please his most excellent Majesty to consider, THat this great opposition against the Duke of Buckingham is stirred up and maintained by such, who either maliciously, or ignorantly and concurrently seek the debasing of this free Monarchy, which because they find not yet ripe to attempt against the King himself, they endeavour it through the Duke's side. These men though agreeing in one mischief, yet are of divers sorts and humours, viz. 1. Meddling, and busy persons, who took their first hint at the beginning of King James, when the union was treated of in Parliament. That learned King gave too much way to those popular speeches, by the frequent proof he had of his great abilities in that kind. Since the time of H. 6. these Parliamentary discourse were never suffered, as being the certain symptoms of subsequent rebellions, civil Wars, and the dethroning of our Kings. But these last 20 years most of the Parliament men seek to improve the reputation of their wisdoms by these Declamations, and no honest Patriot dare oppose them, lest he incur the reputation of a Fool, or a Coward in his Country's Cause. 2. Covetous Landlords, Inclosers, Depopulators, and Justices of the Peace, who have got a habit of Omniregencie, and an hope to extend the same against the King in Parliament, as they do on his Subjects in the Country. Hereby the King loseth 24000 l. in every whole Subsidy; for Anno 1600. it was 80000 l. and now it is but 56000 l. which cometh by the decay of the yeomanry, who were three and four pound men. And these Gentlemen (most of them of the Parliament) do ease themselves to afflict those who are the true Commons, and yet persuade them, that the grievances are caused by the Duke, and the ill government of the King. 3. Recusants and Church Papists, whose hatred is irreconcilable against the Duke for the breach of the Spanish Match. The French Lady, though as zealous a Catholic, doth not please him, for they were tied to Spain by their hopes of a change of Religion that way. All the Priests are sent from the Spanish Dominions, and the sons and daughters of the Papists remain as hostages of their fidelities in the Colleges and Nunneries of the King of Spain. And though the Papists have no place in the house of Commons, yet privately they aggravate all scandals against the Duke, to kindle a separation between the King and his people, and avert them from enabling the King to resist, or be avenged of our great enemy. Remember the course held by these men in the Parliament of undertakers; also Dr. Eglesham and all the Priests daily practice libelling against all great men about the King. 4. Needy and indebted persons in both Houses, who endeavour by these Parliamentary stirs not so much the Duke's overthrow, as a rebellion, which they hope will follow if it be not done. This is much to be suspected, as well by their Calumniations against his Majesty, as for their own wants; many of them being outlawed, and not able to show their heads, but in Parliament time by privilege thereof, and they know, that there are enough to follow them in the same mischief. 5. Puritan and all other Sectaries, who though scarce two of them agree in what they would have, yet they all in general are haters of Government. They begun in Parliament about Anno 23. Eliz. and spit their venom not only against the Bishops, but also against the Lord Chancellor Hatton, and others, the Queen's favourites, and Counsellors, as they do now against the Clergy and the Duke. But their main discontentment is against the King's Government, which they would have extinguished in matters Ecclesiastical, and limited in Temporal. This is a fearful and important Consideration, because it pretends Conscience and Religion, and they now more deadly hate the Duke, because he showeth himself to be no Puritan, as they hoped he would at his return from Spain. 6. Malcontents censured or decurted for their deserts, as the kindred and dependants of the Earl of Suffolk, and of Sir Henry Yeluerton, Coke, Lake, Middlesex, though all of them (the last excepted) were dejected by King James without any Concurrency of the Duke. Others because they are not preferred, as they do imagine that they deserve, as the Lord Say, Earl of Clare, Sir John Eliot, Selden, and Glanvile, Sir Dudley Diggs, and the Bishops of Norwich and Lincoln. These, and many others, according to the nature of envy, look upon every one with an evil eye, especially upon the Duke, who either hath, or doth not prefer them to those places, or retain them in them, which their ambition expecteth. 7. Lawyers in general, for that (as Sir Edward Cook could not but often express) our Kings have upholden the power of their Prerogatives, and the rights of the Clergy, whereby their come in have been abated. And therefore the Lawyers are fit ever in Parliaments to second any Complaint against both Church, and King, and all his servants, with their Cases, Antiquities, Records, Statutes, Precedents, and Stories. But they cannot, or will not call to mind, that never any Nobleman in favour with his Sovereign was questioned in Parliament, except by the King himself in case of Treason, or unless it were in the nonage, and tumultuous times of Rich. 2. Hen. 6. or Edw. 6. which happened to the destruction both of the King and Kingdom. And that not to exceed our own, and Father's memories, in King Hen. 8. time Wolsy's exorbitant power and pride, and Cromwel's contempt of the Nobility and the Laws, were not yet permitted to be discussed in Parliament, though they were most odious and grievous to all the Kingdom. And that Leicester's undeserved favour, and faults; Hatton's insufficiency, and Raleighs insolence far exceeded, what yet hath been (though most falsely) objected against the Duke: yet no Lawyer durst abet, nor any man else begin any Invectives against them in Parliament. 8. The Merchants and Citizens of London convinced (not by the Duke, but) by Cranfield and Ingram, to have deceived the King of Imposts and Customs, and deservedly fearing to be called to account for undoing all the other Cities and good Towns, and the poor Colony of Virginia, as also for transporting of our silver into the East-Indies; these vent their malice upon the Duke in the Exchange, Paul's, Westminster-Hall, with their suggestions, and therein they wound, both to Subjects and strangers the honour of his Majesty, and his proceed. 9 Innovators, Plebicolae, and King-haters. At the latter end of Queen Elizabeth it was a phrase to speak, yea to pray for the Queen and State. This word (State) was learned by our neighbourhood and Commerce with the Low-Countries, as if we were, or affected to be governed by States. This the Queen saw, and hated. And the old Earl of Oxford his Propositions at her death, they awakened King James to prevent this humour, and to oppose the conditions and limitations presented unto him by the Parliaments. The Lawyers, Citizens, and Western men (who are most hot infected with Puritanisme) stood strong against him under a colour of Parliaments, and Parliamentary privileges. His Majesty therefore strengthened himself ever with some Favourite, as whom he might better trust then many of the Nobility tainted with this desire of oligarchy. It behoveth without doubt his Majesty to uphold the Duke against them, who if he be but decurted, it will be the Corner stone on which the demolishing of his Monarchy will be builded. For, if they prevail with this, they have hatched a thousand other demands to pull the feathers of the Royalty, they will appoint him Counsellors, Servants, Alliances, Limits of his expenses, Accounts of his Revenue, chief if they can (as they mainly desire) they will now dazzle him in the beginning of his reign. 10. King James and King Charles lastly, are the Duke's Accusers; (my meaning is, with all humble reverence to their Honours, and Memories, and to speak in the sense of the House of Commons) both their Majesties are Conjuncta Persona in all the aspersions that are laid upon the Duke. For instance, The Parliaments money destined for the Wars, spent in the Treaties, Messages, Ambassadors, and Entertainments of the King's marriage, and the burial of his Father, and the War in the name of the Count Palatine, the Breach of both the Treaties, which then Canonised the Duke, but now is made evidence against him; the Honours and Offices conferred upon him by King James, That his Majesty might with his own Counsels direct their managing, the setting forth of the Navy, though to the Duke's great charge by both their Commandments; the Match with France, and generally whatsoever hath not been successful to men's expectations. All these, though the Acts of the Kings, are imputed to the Duke, who if he suffer for obeying his Sovereigns, the next attempt will be to call the King to account for any thing he undertakes, which doth not prosperously succeed as all men would desire it. If it please his Majesty to remove, and set aside all these disadvantages, He shall find the Charge laid against the Duke will prove very empty, and of small moment. And for them, if his Majesty and the Duke's Grace think it no impeachment to their Honours, all that the Parliament hath objected against the Duke, is pardoned at the King's Coronation, which benefit every poor Subject enjoyeth. Three things only excepted which may most easily be answered. Mr. Ch. Th. to the Duke of Buckingham. My Lord, IT is intimated to your Lordship, first, that you would procure his Majesty to desire the Lords to choose six (or so many as you shall think fit) of whom they have most confidence to attend him to morrow morning, to whom his Majesty may be pleased to declare; That he hath endeavoured to divert the charges against your Lordship, because his Majesty hath had sound knowledge, and experience of the service, and fidelity (though in outward show the contrary might justly appear) and because also he saw, it was urged with a great deal of private spleen, and perhaps not without some Papistical device of troubling his Majesty's business in Parliament, but seeing no suit, or persuasion could prevail to appease the distempered course, his Majesty is now forced, and so pleased to reveal some secrets, and Arcana of State, which otherwise in the wisdom of Kings were unfit to be opened. Here his Majesty may let them know, that the King his Father finding the Palatinate more than in danger to be lost, and after his Majesty being in Spain, and there deluded, and his abode, and return, both unsafe. It was a necessity of State to sweeten, and content the Spaniards with a hope of any thing that might satisfy, and redeem those engagements, and therefore willed your Lordship to yield discreetly to what you should find they most desired, and this was chief the point of religion; so as in this and all of the like kind, your Lordship (upon his Majesty's knowledge) was commanded, and but the instrument trusted by your Master in this exigent, or (if you will) extremity. And this with other more Potent overtures (such as your Lordship best understands) may Cancel all those objections of that nature. Upon this same ground, though not in so high a degree, the sending of the ships to Rochel may be excused (and this is not the least fault objected in the opinion of the wisest.) Touching the vast creation of Nobility his Majesty may ask those six Lords (whereof perchance some of them may be concerned in this article,) whether they conceive any reason of King James his doing herein; to which I suppose, they will stand mute. Then his Majesty may say, I will tell you, and therein discover a truth, and a secret of State. My Father who was born a King, and had long experience of that Regiment, especially more traversed in this point, than perhaps ever any King, found that this State inclined much to Popularity, a thing apparent universally in all the Courts, viz. in that of Star-chamber, which was at first erected to restrain the insolence of Great men, in great outrages, but now for every petty offence, the meanest Tenant may be bold to call thither his Lord. A thing also appearing in the saucy approaches of the Puritans upon the Bishops &c. and plainly in the boldness of the house of Commons against the King's patents, and edicts, which in all good times (out of their necessity) have been powerful. And especially this humour hath been comforted by the sturdy example of the Neighbour States of the Low-countries, as in their insolences in the East-Indies etc. From this place an enticing voice hath sounded in our ears of liberty and freedom, though indeed a feigned voice, and (but in sound) unsound. I say when the king my Father had well beheld these things, he could not foresee a remedy more proper, or easier, as being unserviceable and in his own gripe, then to enlarge the number of his Nobles, that these being dispersed into several Counties might as lambs of Sovereignty, in protection of their own degrees, and at their own charge enure the people with respect, and obedience to greatness; and yet not to amate, and discourage them, he thought good to raise some near, or of their own rank, whereby they might see themselves in possibility of the like honour, if either by virtue, wealth, or honesty they make themselves worthy. This I protest was a child of my Father's best judgement in this point, and the Duke but the instrument thereof. And if you say, that there was money many times given for these Honours, nay if you say, that money hath been given for places of Clergy, and Judicature; I pray take this of me, that this is so in all other Countries, as in France, and Spain. And those Counsels seem a little to smile at our dulness, that we have so lately apprehended their soundness herein; for (say they) when men pay well for such places, it is the best kind of security for their honesties, especially when failing in their duty, they shall be sure to be as much punished as they were advanced. Howbeit I am not satisfied in this opinion. And if it be said that the King should have had the money, which the Duke took to his own use; I believe this last is more, than any can prove, neither will I deliver what I know therein. Howsoever, it matters not much being no popular disbursement. Only this I will say, that I know the Duke's particular service, and affection to me, and that he, and his will lay down themselves, and all they have at my Feet. Neither is this bare opinion, since the Duke alone hath dibursed, and stands engaged more for my affairs, and the States, than any Number of Noblemen of England whatsoever, and therefore there is reason, that from a King he would receive his own and more. And now (my Lords) since I have thus far opened a King's Cabinet unto you at least by the measure of this foot of answer, you may discover, what may be said concerning that great body, and bulk of accusations of the Highest kind made against the Duke. I desire you would take it to heart, remembering, that it is your King, that speaketh this, who therefore expects your service, and love herein, and who will requite the same assuredly; hoping you will believe me indeed, and do accordingly indeed, and that you will also rest assured, that my spirit is not so young (though a young King) as that I would bring this testimony in mine own wrong, were not that I say, true in my own knowledge. And being so, you also will grant, that it is not for a King to use his Servant, and Instrument as he doth his Horses, which being by hard riding in his service foundered, and lamed, to turn them off to grass, or to the Cart. I must therefore in right of the King my Father's Honour and my own, protect a man (though I have said justly seeming guilty, yet) in mine own knowledge innocent, and free as I have delivered it; will you then deny the King to savour whom he please, which the King hath never denied you, that are his subjects? will you control me your Head and Governor in things wherein yourselves have taken liberty uncontroled? would you that I should require account of your liberality? nay of all your failings, which are liable to my authority? well commend me to my Lords, and tell them, that if any thing had been formerly done amiss by others, I have power, and will to redress it, and to prevent the like. I speak it in the word of a King, neither Lords, nor Commons can desire of me any thing that is honest, which I am not ready to give them. Let not therefore the world by these mistake make Table-talk any longer of your King and his negotiations? nay of his secrets and necessities; for alas what great wrong, or indignity can the Glory of the State receive, then that the private grudges of subjects (accusing to the ignorant, when in their consciences they could excuse) should be the business of our Parliament, and that the King himself should be forced to appear us a party? No doubt this is a Cockatrice egg, that crafty heads of our enemies seek to hatch, whilst the weighty affairs that in present concern the Honour, and welfare of the King and State, and the peace of all Christendom are by us utterly neglected. I end, hoping your Lordship (now privy to these things) will be tender of your Sovereign's honour, and will so satisfy, and treat with the rest, that those particular janglings may be by some other course, and in some other place and time discussed and determined, that so our minds and time may be employed in the care of better things, which earnestly invoke our aid at this instant. Thus much spoken, or written, or the like, (for I seek but to awaken your Lordships higher spirit and invention) I conceive it may get this effect: That these 6. Lords won by these reasons, and by other the King's invitations, may deliver to the House, that for their parts, they have received unexpected satisfaction in those greatest points of the accusation against your Lordship, and of such secret nature as are not fit to be published without further deliberation. Wherefore since it pleased their Lordships, to have made choice of them to be trusted in this employment, they have faithfully served accordingly, and do upon their Honours freely, and without any engagement or respect, protest the same. And therefore humbly desire their Lordships, that they would entreat his Majesty to be Precedent in advice with their Lordships: What further were to be done in this private Contention betwixt your Lordship and the Lord Digbie; which obtained, something may then follow for your Lordship's good, by yielding up that Cause into the King's hands. And his Majesty hath great reason to bend it that way, because it is conceived, that the Lords will be loath to admit the King to be supreme Judge, and Accuser; which point will much touch his Majesty. And his Majesty were better give some ease to the Lord Digbie, then permit that dispute. And now for myself, I beseech your Lordship to pardon my strange boldness; I know I am a mere stranger to you, and if ever you have heard of me, it must be as of a friend of such you then did not love. I know it shows me a meddler in business, or an insinuator, which are suspicions, that may distaste you, and make you suspect my pretences, though they were not altogether witless. I know this disadvantage, and am in my own nature offended for putting myself thus into your notions. But yet I resolved to undergo all this; First, because you made my Brother a Captain in Ireland, who had otherwise perished. Next, for the favour you did to my Lord of Northumberland, and the retiring of disfavour from my Lord of Somerset. And lastly, for your firm hand, that advanced the now Lord Treasurer. To all which Lords I am familiarly known, and bound. But (nearest to you) your Lordship may hear of me from the Lord Treasurer. I am confident of your Lordship's noble interpretation, since I seek no ends, no acquaintance, no other thanks, being one that have no Court-suits to your Lordship; but being one that loves not ruins, (which my friends have tasted) nor that the public should wrestle with a private Inturn of Spleen. And I offer it but as a simplicity, yet with good will enough; for what can a man, that is not privy to the Elements of State, demonstrate any conclusion thereof; yet I hear sometimes how the world goes as other men do. I conceive I have said something to your Lordship, and though perhaps short, yet enough to occasion, and stir up your deeper thoughts. I also may have deeper, but also I know, that little pins of wood do sustain the whole building. More I could have said touching the other points, but these greatest elided, the fall of the others may be easily directed. What I have said against those objections I touched, doth arise from grounds of truth, and they must win, and prevail, and my conceit is fitted to the King's part, and to the occasions now on foot. I humbly cease your Lordship further trouble, and with you all good, desiring your Lordship also to pardon my tedious and hasty scribbled hand. Your Lordship's unknown servant, Ch. Th. Postscript. YOur Lordship shall be pleased to take off some part of my boldness, and impute it to the obligation and service I own this worthy Lady, the Bearer. To Count Gondomar. My Lord, I Thought my hands bound that I could no sooner have occasion to write unto you, being forced against my will to delay my writing from day to day in expectation of the news of your arrival at that Court, assuring myself, that I should then receive from you some ground whereupon to write. But after a long expense of time before that I could hear of your arrival, and in the Packet that his Majesty's Ambassador sent thereafter, receiving no Letters nor word from you as I expected, I do now by these break my long silence unto you. As for news from hence, I can in a word assure you, that they are in all points, as your heart could wish: for here is a King, a a Prince, and a faithful friend and servant unto you, besides a number of your other good friends, that long so much for the happy accomplishment of this match, as every day seems a year unto us, and I can assure you in the word of your honest friend, that we have a Prince here, that is so sharp set upon the business, as it would much comfort you to see it, and her there to hear it. Here are all things prepared upon our parts; Priests and Recusants all at liberty: all the Roman Catholics well satisfied, and which will seem a wonder unto you, our Prisons are emptied of Priests and Recusants, and filled with zealous Ministers for preaching against the Match; for no man can sooner now mutter a word in the Pulpit though indirectly against it, but he is presently catched, and set in strait prison. We have also published Orders both for the Universities, and the Pulpits, that no man hereafter shall meddle, but to preach Christ crucified; Nay it shall not be la●●ul hereafter for them to rail against the Pope, or the Doctrine of the Church of Rome further than for edification of ours; and for proof hereof you shall herewith receive the orders set down, and published. But if we could hear as good news from you, we should think ourselves happy men; but alas! Now that we have put the ball at your feet, although we have received a comfortable Dispatch from his Majesty's Ambassador there; yet from all other parts in the world, the effects appear directly contrary. For Mr. Gage brings us news from Rome, that the dispensation there is at a stand, except a number of new Conditions be granted, which we never dreamt of, and some of them can tend to no other end, but to bring our Master in jealousy with the greatest part of his Subjects; nay which is strangest of all, we find some points yielded unto by us, (which would have given the Pope good satisfaction) to be concealed from him by the King your Master's ministers there. We were never more troubled to put a good face upon an ill Game, than we were upon Gage's arrival here, which in your phrase is to put a good sauce to an unsavoury dish. For the whole world being in expectation of bringing the Dispensation with him, we are now forced to make him give it out here to all his friends, that 'tis past in Rome, and sent from thence to Spain. And from Brussels we find, that notwithstanding, both of the King your Master's promises, and undertaking of the Infanta there, who hath long ago acknowledged to have had power from the Emperor for granting of this long-talked of Cessation, yet now after innumerable delays on her part, Heidelbergh is besieged by Count Tilley, and that at such a time, as his Majesty cannot imagine what ground or shadow of excuse can be found for his Commission. For the Treaty hath been twice reform at her desire, and all the Auxiliaries such as Brunswick and Mansfelt have taken another course: His Majesty's son in law staying privately in Sedan, ready to obey all his Majesty's directions; and the places in the Palatinate, which are not already in his enemy's hands, being only possessed by his Majesty's Soldiers. So as now if the War shall continue, it must be directly between the Emperor, and our Master, his Majesty having sent a Commandment to his Ambassador at Brussels, that if Tilley will needs go on with that siege, that he return hither with all speed. For his Majesty in honour cannot endure, that whilst he is treating for a cessation of Arms at Brussels, the Wars should go on in the Palatinate, especially when they have no body to invade, but his Majesties own Subjects and servants; And indeed his Majesty thinks he is very ill dealt withal, for all that great sincerity an●● and our, wherewith he hath constantly carried himself from the very beginning of this business, that no less can satisfy the Emperor's revenge then the utter extermination of his children both of honour and inheritance, and not without a direct breach of his former promise, avowedly set down in his last Letter to his Majesty. And now let me I pray you in the name of your faithful friend, and Servant, beseech you to set apart all partiality in this case, and that you would be pleased indifferently to consider of the straits we are driven into, if the Emperor shall in this fashion conquer the Palatinate, the ancient inheritance of his Majesty's children: what can be expected but a bloody and unreconcilable war between the Emperor, and my Master wherein the King of Spain can be an auxiliary to the Emperor against any other party but his Majesty. And therefore as my Master lately offered to the Infanta for satisfaction of her desire, that in case the Auxiliaries would not be contented with reason, but still perturb the treaty, he offered in that case to assist the Emperor and her against them; so can he in justice expect no less of the King your Master, that if the Emperor will contrary to all promises both by his Letters, and Ambassadors, proceed in his conquest, and refuse the cessation, that the King your Master will in that case, and in so just a quarrel assist him against the Emperor, in imitation of the King my Master's just and real proceed in the business from the beginning, who never looked (as you can well be witness) to the rising, or falling hopes of his son in Law his fortunes, but constantly keep on that course, that was most agreeable to honour and justice, to the peace of Christendom; and for the fastening of a firm & indissoluble knot of amity, and alliance betwixt the king your Master and him, which was begun in the time of the treaty with France, and then broken at your desire, that we might embrace this alliance with you; you are the person, that many times before your departure hence, besought his Majesty once to suffer himself to be deceived by Spain. We therefore do now expect to find that great respect to honour in the King your Master, that he will not take any advantage by the changing of fortune, and success of time, so to alter his actions, as may put his Honour in the terms of interpretation. You see how all the rest of Christendom, envy and malign this match and wished conjunction; How much greater need than hath it of a hasty and happy dispatch? And what comfort can the Prince have in her, when her friends shall have utterly ruined his Sister, and all her babes? you remember how yourself praised his Majesty's wisdom in the election of so fit a Minister, as Sir Richard Weston in this business, but you saw what desperate Letters he writes from time to time of their cold and unjust treating with him in this business; you could not but wonder at any spark of Patience could be left us here; and to conclude this point in a word, we ever received comfortable words from Spain, but find such contrary effects from Bruxelles, together with our intelligences from all other parts of the world, as all our hopes are not only cold, but quite extinguished here. Thus far for the By, and yet such a By, as may put by the main, if it be not well and speedily prevented. As to the Main, which is the match, his Majesty, and we all here, thought we had done our part, and put the ball at your foot, when we agreed upon the twenty, and five Atticles more: whereupon as yourself often answered, and assured us the best Divines in Spain concluded that the Pope, not only might, but aught to grant a dispensation to this marriage, but now we are surcharged with a number of new Articles from Rome, and in the mean time the Dispensation is as far off as ever it was. His Majesty hopes that you are not ignorant, that the treaty is between him, and your Master; He hath no treaty with Rome, neither lies it in his way to dispute with them upon this question; yet that his readiness to embrace your Master's friendship may the better appear, he is contented to yield to so many of their demands, as either his Conscience, Honour, or safety can permit, if so the King your Master shall think it necessary. But on the other part we three remember, that when as you first moved this match unto him, and persuaded him to break off with France, you then promised, that he should be pressed to nothing in this business, that should not be agreeable to his conscience, and honour, and stand with the love of his people. As to the particular Articles new added at Rome, I will not clog this paper with them, which I fear without them, will be too troublesome unto you. For what his Majesty's opinion is of them, his Majesty's Ambassador there will particularly acquaint you. But whereas the Pope desires in the end of his Articles, that he may see what ponum publicum, the King our Master will grant unto, that may persuade to grant this dispensation, I will remit it to your conscience and knowledge, whether if the favours his Majesty daily grants to those of his religion, and is resolved still to continue, if not to increase them, if they shall by their good behaviour deserve it, be not a real bonum publicum, considering that if the match should break off (which God forbidden) his Majesty would be importunately urged by his people (to whose assistance he must have his recourse) to give life and execution to all the penal Laws now hanging upon their heads. It only rests now, that as we have put the ball to your foot, you take a good, and speedy resolution there to hasten a happy conclusion of this match. The Prince is now two and twenty years of age, and so a year more, then full ripe, for such a business: the King our Master longeth to see an issue proceed from his Loins; and I am sure you have reason to expect more friendship from the posterity that shall proceed from him, and that little Angel, your Infanta then from his Majesty's Daughters Children. Your friends here, are all discomforted with this long delay: your enemies are exasperated, and irritated thereby; and your neighbours, that envy the felicity of both Kings, have the more leisure to invent new Plots for the Cross, and hindrance of this happy business; And for the part of your true friend and servant Buckingham, I am become odious already, and counted a betrayer both of King and Country. To conclude all with; I will use a similitude of hawking (which you will easily understand, being a great Faulkoner;) I told you already that the Prince is (God be thanked) extremely sharp set upon this Match; and you know that a Hawk, when she is first dressed, and made ready to fly, having a great will upon her, if the Faulkoner do not follow it at that time, she is in danger to be dulled for ever after. Take heed therefore, lest in the fault of your delays there, Our Prince, and Faulcon-gentle, (that you know was thought slow enough, to begin to be eager after the Feminine prey) become not so dull upon these delays, as in short time hereafter, he will not stoop to the Lure, though it were thrown out to him. And here I will end to you my sweet friend, as I do in my prayers to God, (Only in thee is my trust,) and say as it is written on the outside of the Pacquets, Haste, Haste, Post-haste. Conde de Gondomar to the Duke, 13. Febr. 1625. Most Excellent Sir, AT last Sir, the Earl of Gondomar goes for England; There will be many good discourses made in Holland about this voyage: But the truth is, that the intention of his journey is not to offend any one, but only to desire, and procure peace, and the public good. And only with this intent the King my Master Commands me to go thither, and I go with a great deal of joy as well for this as for to kiss his Majesties and his Highness his hands, and your Excellencies in particular. And therefore I do appoint for the field of our Battle your Excellency's Gallery over the Thames, where I hope your Excellency shall see, that the Earl of Gondomar is an honest man, and that he hath been, is, and ever will be, a faithful and true servant and friend to Sir George Villiers Duke of Buckingham, whom God preserve many happy years. The Countess my Wife, and myself, kiss my Lady the Countess, and my Lady Duchess their hands. Your Excellencies Constant and faithful servant, Gondomar. Padre Maestre at Rome to the Spanish Ambassador in England, 12. June, 1621. My Lord, I Have received two Letters from your Lordship, the one of the 15th. of March brought me by Mr. George Gage, and the other of the 30. of April which came by the Ordinary. In both which Letters I have received a special favour from you, and much comfort. The coming of Mr. Gage hath given me infinite contentment, than which there could nothing have happened more fitly and to the purpose, for the matter which is in negotiation, nor any man have come hither that could better advance the business than he, as well in respect of his good affection, as for his wisdom and dexterity in all things. And if the King of Great Britain will withal help now a little, the business will be quickly done, and in a good manner. I beseech your Lordship preach to him a Christian Sermon as is most needful: for there comes from thence divers ways such reports thither, that I am ashamed, and out of countenance in the streets as I go, and they do me a favour, that they do not stone me, knowing that I am treating, and labouring this business at the same time, when the poor Catholics are so cruelly used in England, Scotland, and Ireland. And when I excuse it, that it is not by the King's order, but by the abuse and malice of some ill affected Ministers, it will not be received; neither do they want Replies. Besides, there is a rumour all over Rome, that the King in a Speech which he made at the beginning of the Parliament, affirmed publicly, That for all this marriage with Spain, the Catholic party in England should not be in one jott better condition than they are. But I cannot be yet discouraged; My confidence is in the King, and in the desire which I know he hath to procure a good Wife for his Son. And now that the time is come, let him play the part of a Courageous Wooer, and frustrate the intentions and desires of all those, that are adverse to it. It is a comfort unto me, that I do not find here an impossibility; but that though there be difficulties, yet I find many here that desire to overcome them. And above all, I hope that God will assist this business as his own Cause. I am going to prepare myself for the Congregation of the Cardinals, and a Consultation of Divines, to whom I understand we shall be remitted this next week. I shall give your Lordship an account punctually of all things that happen in those Conferences. Our Lord, etc. Your Lordships, etc. Padre Maestre. Don Carlos to the Lord Conway, 3. September. SIR, I Have understood by Mr. Strada with particular contentment the news of your good health, which God continue for many years. I see by yours received by Strada, what his Majesty hath been pleased to order concerning the ships of the Indies, which is as much in effect as could be hoped for from so great a King, so zealous of Justice and Equity. In the Conduct of this business, we will observe the order given by his Majesty, in confidence that the Subjects of the King my Master shall obtain their ends, and his Catholic Majesty receive the contentment to know, that the excesses of those that shall be convinced have been punished. By the last Currier of Flanders, we received neither from the Infanta, nor any other person any other news, than what Mr. Trumbal sent by his Letters. I confess freely, that the marquis, and myself have been much troubled, both of us being exceedingly desirous, that his Majesty should receive in every thing (even in words, and formalities) the same satisfaction, which we hope he shall receive in the effects. Nevertheless in discharge of her Highness, I will say that which is fit for me as I am her servant, and which I pray you from me to deliver unto his Majesty; but thus understood, that it is only my own particular discourse. By the displeasure his Majesty hath been pleased to testify unto me upon many occasions of the Prince Palatines refusal to sign, and ratify the Treaty of suspension of Arms; He may be also pleased to judge how it may have been taken by the King my Master in Spain, and the Infanta in Flanders, and the rather because of the continual reports, that at the same time went up and down and increased (as ordinraily it falls out) of the descent of Alberstat with a mighty Army of 20000 foot, and 6000 horse, not any more to make war in Germany, but to join with the Prince of Orange, and fall upon those Provinces in obedience to his Catholic Majesty, which was no other but directly to aim at the vital parts of the Spanish Monarchy. If for these just fears (which cannot certainly be held vain, being considered with those of the year past, proceeding from one and the same Cause, both of which have been scattered by the Almighty hand of God, in his secret Judgements) it hath not only been lawful, but also necessary to conserve the ancient alliances, and procure new, I leave it to the judgement of every man of understanding, not doubting but for this respect you will be of the same opinion with me: And much more his Majesty, whom God hath endowed with so great knowledge, and royal qualities, as are known to all the world. Morover, let us see if in the Law of gratitude, the Infanta could do less than acknowledge towards the Duke of Bavaria, the valour wherewith his Army had resisted the pernicious designs of Alberstat, having hazarded his own estate to hinder the imminent danger of the King my Masters. Again let us consider if the Infanta sending to visit, and give him thanks could excuse herself from giving him all those titles, which the Duke of Bavaria gives himself, and desires should be given him. And if he might not, if she had done otherwise have thought the ingratitude the greater, than the acknowledgement. And therefore things being in this state, the Infanta could not excuse herself from sending to visit him, seeing he had succoured her in a time of need, and in visiting him to give him that, which he desired should be given him. And the like is to be said for the King my Master in case he hath done the like as Mr. Trumbal writes the Infanta should tell him, and with a great deal more reason because the Countries are his own. And therefore since his Majesty of Great Britain is so great a King, and hath so great a reputation of the exact performing of his royal obligations, I doubt not but he will judge, that in this formality, the King my Master, and the Infanta his Aunt, have but acquitted themselves of their obligations. For the rest, if at the conference of Cullen, which his said Majesty, and her Highness have desired, and do yet desire his Majesty of great Britain shall see, that they are wanting on their part to proceed with that sincerity and truth, which they have so often offered, and which the marquis of Ynoiosa doth still offer on the behalf of the King my Master, so that only the Prince Palatine make the submissions due to the Emperor as his natural Lord, and resolvie to follow the Paternal counsels of his Majesty of great Britain, his Majesty shall then have reason to complain. And in the mean time the Prince Palatine should do but well not to entertain those Amity's he endeavours to conserve, nor to solicit those Leagues which he labours to procure, not only with the declared rebels of the King my Master, and of the House of Austria, but also with the enemies of all Christendom. I will engage my head if following this way his Majesty and his son in law find themselves deceived. You know Sir, that I treat in truth, and freedom, and do therefore hope you will impute my excuses to that, and will not call this liberty of my discourse, rashness, but an immortal desire in me in all things to procure the service of our Kings, laying aside all occasions of misunderstandings, now we treat of nothing else, but uniting ourselves more by the strict bonds of love, over and above those of our Alliance. I do humbly beseech you to say thus much to his Majesty, and to assure him from me, that when he shall be pleased to employ me in this matter, as in all other, he shall ever find me faithful and real, as I have offered myself, and always continue, being well assured, that even in that I shall serve my Master. And I pray you to believe in your particular that I am, and will be eternally Yours &c. The marquis Ynoiosa to the Lord Conway, 5. September, 1623. I Answered not long since to both your Letters, and now I will add this, that only the sport, and pleasure that Don Carlos, and I consider his Majesty hath in his progress, may make tolerable the deferring (by reason of that) and not hearing the news we expect to hear of his Majesty's good health. For by that means we might not only satisfy more often our desires in this point (having his Majesty nearer) but also our desire to bring these businesses to an end, which are ordinarily more delayed, and less well executed, when they are to pass through the hands of Ministers (though they be very zealous, and well affected to it) as these Lords are with whom we treat here; who are desirous that the King should be known for just, though unnecessarily, when nothing is pretended contrary to that which is agreed upon. This knowledge whereupon I ground my reasons may perhaps make me (Sin Embargo) incur the Censure of an impatient man; But I am persuaded, that if that which hath been done here, had been settled there by your Honour, and the Lord Count of Carlisle (whose good disposition, and proceeding is as much to be esteemed as it is praised by Don Carlos and myself) we would have made an end, and those things, which I have seen, and observed here had not happened unto us. For in the conference, in which my Lord Keeper did assist, it was agreed (as we thought) that his Majesty should give order to the Judges and Justices of Peace, Archbishops and Bishops signed with his royal hand under the little Seal within three months, or at the Princess her arrival. He hath persisted afterwards, as also Sir George Calvert in that (though it was plain) that his Majesty would give the said warrant, afterwards, there being no term nor day appointed. Nevertheless at last we have condescended, that it should be within six months, or at her Highness' arrival, if she comes afore that time, that we may show how happy we think ourselves in being Servants to his Majesty, whom God save. The dispatches that we are to have are contained in the relation here enclosed. I pray you to take order, that those that are to be sent back to that effect, may be subscribed, and Sealed; for I have differred the dispatching of a Currier (with an evident danger that he will now arrive too late, and put in hazard a business of mine of consideration, which obligeth me to dispatch him) that he may not go without them; And that it may not be an occasion to doubt of the assurance we have given of his Majesty's good will and intention; whose Royal hands, I, and Don Carlos do entreat your Honour to kiss in our name, and to continue us in his Majesty's good Favour, and your Honour likewise in yours; for we deserve it with a particular affection, and equal desire to serve you. God save your Honour, as I desire Your Honour's servant, The marquis, Ynoiosa. Sir Arthur Chichester to the Duke, the 25. January, 1623. May it please your Grace, WHen you went last from White-Hall I waited on the Prince and you into the Gallery, where your Lordship spoke something unto me which I understood not, to wit, Are you turned too? As I knew not the ground of the Demand, I could make no present answer; nor now but by Conjecture. When I turn from the Prince, (whom I know to be the worthiest of Princes) or from you, (who by your favours have so bound me to serve you) or from the truth (as I conceive it) God I know will turn from me; until than I humbly pray your Lordship to believe that I am your honest servant. The Sunday after your Lordship's departure, the Ambassadors of the King of Spain came unto me under the pretext of a visit. I have herewith sent your Grace a brief of what passed between us. I judge some man hath done me an ill office, by insinuating me into their good opinions of me; sure I am, I never spoke of them, nor of the affairs they have to manage, but what I have said, when the selected Council were assembled. I cannot be so dull, but to know that they meant your Grace to be the Interposer of their desires, and the Man, whom they wished to be absent when they have their private audience. They are exceeding Cautelous, and I conceive the late Dispatch from Spain is like a gilded bait to allure and deceive; your Lordship perceiving their Malice, will be wary to avoid their Venom I am Your Grace's Humble, and faithful Servant, Arthur Chichester. The Collections of the Passages and Discourses between the Ambassadors of the King of Spain, and Sir Arthur Chichester, 18. Jannary, 1623. These Passages were sent to the Duke, enclosed in the last foregoing Letter. ON Sunday the 18. of this present January, the two Ambassadors of Spain came to visit me at my House in Drury-Lane. At their first entrance they took occasion to speak of the profession of Soldiers, and of the Spanish Nation, affirming them to be the bravest Friends, and the bravest Enemies. I approved it in the Soldier, and contradicted it not in the Nation. When they were come into an Inner Room, looking upon the Company as if they desired to be private; I caused them to withdraw, but noting that they had brought an Interpreter with them, I prayed Sir James Blount, and Nathaniel Tomkins Clark of the Prince's Council, (who doth well understand the Spanish tongue) to abide with me. Being private, they said they came to visit me, because of the good intention, and well-wishing they understood I had to the accommodation of businesses, and because I stood named by his Majesty for the employment into Germany. I acknowledged their coming to visit me as a particular Favour, professing myself to be one of those, who was able to do least, but that I must and would in all things conform myself to the will, and good pleasure of the King my Master. They were pleased to remember, and to take for argument of his Majesty's good opinion of me, to make me one of the Junta (as they called it) of the selected Counsellors, and his employment given me the last year as his Extraordinary Ambassador into Germany. I told them I had been bred a Soldier, as their Excellencies had been, but that I wanted the capacity and abilities which they had, and that for want of Language (not affecting to speak by an Interpreter) I had for born to wait on their Excellencies, as otherwise I would have done. To that they returned the like Compliment, and then said, Their Master had sent a good answer touching the Palatinate, and they assured me, that he would perform what he had promised with advantage. I said if it were so, I then hoped all things would sort to a good end. They then asked me how his Majesty, and the Lords were affected, and whether therewith they were satisfied, or no? I answered, That I conceived their Excellencies knew his Majesty's mind as well as the Lords, for that they had so lately audience of him. They said. It was true, they had so, but not a private audience; nor could they obtain any, though they had much desired the same, but that others were still present. I said merely that they were two, and I believed that the King their Master had sent as able and experienced Ministers as he had any, and therefore his Majesty might peradventure think fit not to hear them alone. They said his Majesty might alone hear a thousand Ministers of any Kings, but if he should be otherwise pleased, they well liked of the Princes being present; but they said there were also other great Ministers of the Kings, who wished not well to their Master's affairs. I said, There might therein be a mistaking, or misunderstanding on their part; for if the King their Master mean so really as they said, I conceived that no body would be willing to remove his Majesty from those purposes, and that good affection which he bore unto his dear Brother the King of Spain. The marquis said in English, The King was a good King, and the Prince a good Prince, but some of their Ministers they doubted were ill willers to them. I asked if greater demonstrations of reality could be devised, then had been given on the part of the King and Prince, instancing in the Prince his going in Person into Spain. They confessed it, but as the times now were, they said ill offices were done them. I assured them, That I neither knew, nor understood of any; neither did I ever hear them spoken of, but with due respect had unto them, as to the Ministers of a great King, and his Majesty's dear Brother. They said their meaning was not, that the ill offices were done to their Persons, but to the great Businesses, which a certain Person had showed a willingness to disturb; but they hoped, that the intended amity between our Masters would hold, and proceed nevertheless. I professed, that I knew nothing to the contrary, neither understood I the particular at which they aimed. The marquis swore as he was a Christian, he knew that the King his Master did so truly, and really esteem his dear Brother the King of England, and the Prince of Wales, that if they needed part of his blood, they should have it for their good: But he complained, that they could not have their Messages delivered nor returned from the King of late, but qualified according to the pleasures of others. I said, They misconceived it, for I thought they had no cause to complain, seeing they now had, or might have (as I supposed) the King's Ear when they craved it in due, and befitting times. They seemed to deny it, alleging, That they could not get their Messages and Papers answered as aforetime. I said, When the Prince was in Spain, they had free access to his Majesty, whensoever they desired it. Yea said the marquis in Latin Tunc; but now, he said, the case was altered. I said the King had given many testimonies to the world of his willingness to comply with their Master, and Them: And if either his Majesty or the Prince seemed now more reserved, and deliberate in their actions then heretofore, it might be that his Highness had learned that wary and circumspect proceeding in Spain, where they are said to use it in matters of far less moment. They smiled hereat, and prayed me to continue my good intentions, and respects towards them, and to the joint affairs of both our Masters. I said, I would always serve the King my Master, with a true and faithful heart, and so far as should be agreeable to his desires, and good liking, I would to my small power be ready to serve them. In Conclusion they said, They came but to visit me, but being come, they could not choose but say something, and touch upon business. Arthur Chichester. 22. of May, 1624. Having made visits at sundry times to the Spanish Ambassadors, I do here under my hand declare, what passed betwixt them and me, so near as my memory serveth; lest in my absence any such matter should fall in question, I now intending to travel for a space. When his Highness was in Spain, being upon my journey in Scotland, I went to Elie-House to take my leave of Don Carlos, where Vanvail was present, I expressing much joy of the match, which in my mind would without all question be perfected, did find no such humour, nor inclination on their part, which did much astonish me; for they grumblingly did allege, that the King my Master did perform nothing that he promised, or how could any thing be expected the Infanta being here, whereas nothing was performed the Prince being in Spain? I besought them to do better offices, then without reason to put jealousies betwixt my Master, and theirs, who would never have sent his son to Spain without a real intention. Which only act was reason sufficient to remove all doubts. Yet did they still continue their challenge of divers Bracks, specially, anent the sending of ships to Scotland to bring away the two Dunkirkers, and not perfecting such conditions as were promised to Catholics. I did entreat them again, that such conceits of my Master might be removed, for they might be confident of full performance of what he had promised, by reason he had never broke his promise to any. I desired them likewise to consider with what love our Prince was gone, and what a stain it should be to the State of Spain, if uncourteously he should return with distaste; Besides, it might fall out to be the worst act that ever they committed, where anent if they had love to their Master they would prove good Instruments. What was spoke by me in English was related in Spanish to Don Carlo, so was it to me what they spoke in Spanish. Sometimes Don Carlo spoke in French, so that not a word passed which each man did not know. I went again after the Treaties were given up, and did remember Don Carlo of what I had forespoke, when the marquis was present and took the speech; they did demand of me whether I was come of myself, or by Commission, for they professed to account me their friend. I answered that I came mee●ly of myself, and was sorry that by their own deserving, they had procured such alterations and I thought strange of such demands as they had made at Hampton Court, which did both express much spleen, and lack of good intelligence. They did avow their demands were reasonable; but, from that time they would make visits to the Duke and love him better than before, because they were in doubt before, but now they know him to be an Enemy. I did answer, that I was sorry for their proceeding, and was their friend so long as they were friends to my Master. After a few haughty words, such (as it was a wrong way to deal with their Master by threaten, who gave pay daily to 300000. Soldiers that they had followed the wars a long time, and had seen men killed by the Cannon, Musket, Pike, and sword, but never saw men killed with words, they desired me to speak to his Majesty, that they might either be dismissed, or have freedom to go about their business with security. They did desire me likewise to speak to his Majesty, that the treaty for the Palatinate might continue. I did demand of them how these two things did agree, both to threaten and entreat? whereupon they passed upon me with odd complaints. I went once more of late to give them a farewell. I said, they proved themselves good Servants to their Master in pressing to raise jealousies in this State, but they were now too well known to do harm. The marquis swore, that by this time the Infanta had been here, & the Palatinate restored, if the blame had not been on our Part. I did entreat I might be excused not to believe that. I did ask whether they did not condemn their own judgements in accusing the Duke of Buckingham of that whereof he was cleared, both by the King, and State. Their answer was, He was cleared by those who were his considerateth, all as guilty as himself. I demanded, why they should still express their malice against the Duke of Buckingham. Did they not think but our Prince was a man sensible of what injuries he had received? their answer was, if the Duke were out of the way, the Prince would be well disposed. They said farther, his Highness was an obedient son before the Duke guided him, but since, he was not. So that when we speak of his Majesty, they speak with much respect, but for the Prince did not use them kindly, they did make the less account of him. So after I took my leave and parted. Nithisdail. MUch I have omitted for brevity, wherein they did express much respect to his Majesty, much of their threatening to the Duke of Buckingham. The Lord Nithisdail to the Duke, 22 June, 1624. My most Noble Lord, FInding matters at great uncertainty when I came hither, I resolved to make farther trial before I should part from hence. What thanks is due to the Ambassadors for their painful, and discreet Carriage can hardly be expressed. Matters now being drawn to such a conformity (which I confess I thought impossibilities, though withal I found much respect always to the Prince with a sensible desire of the Match expressed, both by the King, and those I spoke withal) our Ambassadors seem still to be discontent, that all things are not remitted to our Master's verbal promise, which though it may be assurance sufficient to all Catholics, who have the sense to consider, that it must be our Masters, and the Princes gracious disposition must be our safety, more than either word or writ: yet the writ being desired privately (as they pretend) merely to draw the Pope's consent (without the which nothing is to be finished) the difference is not so great, their Princely promise being given already. What cause of jealousy the refusing hereof should procure, you may consider: besides, my judgement fails me, if a more easy way shall be assented unto upon this side. If the Ambassadors have bestirred themselves to get this out of the public Articles, I can bear witness. Thus much I dare avow, that neither time nor place have been omitted by them to do good; though I must confess, what intelligence I had in the proceeding, hath rather been from the French then from them. Their Reasons (as I conceive) was their doubts, that did bring me hither, having neither Letters from the King, the Prince, nor your Grace. Whereupon to remove these conceits, I shown them, that I did only take this in my way, intending to go see the Jubilees, wherewith though his Majesty, nor the Prince, neither yet your Grace were acquainted with at my parting, you will be pleased to make my excuse. I am infinitely beholding to the Ambassadors noble Courtesy, which I know hath proceeded from that relation which they know I have to you. My Lord, let the happiness which shall come to the Prince by matching with such a Lady, as I protest before God, hath those perfections, to my thinking, can hardly be equalled, be a means to hasten a happy Conclusion; And let not matter of Ceremony draw delays where the substance is agreed upon. So shall all that belong to our Master be made happy, in general, and you in particular, for that love which thex express here to yourself. Once more I humbly beg, you will consider particularly upon each one of the Articles, and I hope you shall not find such unreconcilable difference as an affected Puritan may pretend. Whereupon if I have looked more with eyes of a Papist than was fitting, it is my lack of judgement, and not of zeal to my Master's Honour, which of all earthly things shall be preferred. Beseeching God to give a happy success hereunto, with a sound recovery of your own health, I humbly take my leave. Your Grace's Faithful servant, Nithisdail. Dated at Compion. Sir Toby Matthew to the King of Spain. Done Tobea Mathei Cavallero Yngles y Catholico Romano beseecheth your Catholic Majesty with all humility and reverence, to give him leave to speak these few words unto you. He understandeth that the Theologos have persisted precisely upon the Voto, which they gave before, and he findeth clearly that the Prince conceiveth, that he can by no means submit himself thereunto with his Honour. And besides, my Lord the King hath expressly required him to return with all possible speed, in case that Voto should not be qualified. And it is certain that he will departed for England within very few days. And whosoever shall inform your Majesty, that the Treaty of this marriage may be really kept on foot after the departure of the Prince upon these terms, doth deceive your Majesty through the ignorance wherein he is of the State of England. So that the Prince departing thus, the Catholic Subjects of all my Lord the King's Dominions are to be in lamentable case. For although the Prince did yesterday vouchsafe to have Compassion of me in respect of the grief wherein he saw I had upon these occasions, and to say, That although the marriage were broken, yet he would procure that his Catholic Subjects should not far the worse for that; yet I know that it is morally impossible for that honourable design of his to take place in respect of the People, and the importunity and malice of the Puritans, and especially because it will now be a case of mere necessity for my Lord the King, to run in a course of very strait Conjunction with them of his Parliament, that he may be able the better to serve himself of them in other occasions: from which Parliament, as now the case will stand, what Catholic can expect any other than the extremity of rigour? In consideration whereof I cast myself with a sad heart at the feet of your Majesty, beseeching you, that you will take into your royal remembrance the love, which you own, and procure to pay to our holy Mother, the Church, and that some course may be taken, and with speed (for otherwise it will be too late to give the Prince some foot of ground upon which he may be able to stand in such sort, as that without loss of honour, and breach of that word, which he hath given to the world, and without prejudice to that obedience, which he oweth to the least commandment of the King his Father; his Highness may be enabled to comply with the incomparable affection which he beareth the Infanta your Majesty's Sister. And that by means hereof the two Crowns may be kindly in perfect union, and the Catholic religion may be highly advantaged, not only in the Dominions of my Lord the King, but in many other parts of Christendom, into which the Authority of these Dominions doth flow. For my part, I take the eternal God to witness, whom I procure to serve, and who hath given me a heart, which disclaimeth from all other interesses then to serve God, and my King, that I conceive myself not to comply with a good conscience without laying this protestation under the Eye of your Majesty, that if the Catholic subjects of the King my Lord shall grow liable to persecution, or affliction by occasion of breaking this Match, through the disgust of the King my Lord and his Council, or through the power, which infallibly the Puritan assembled in Parliament will have with him upon this occasion, that blood, or misery whatsoever, it may partly be required at their hands who have advised your Majesty not to accept of those large conditions for Catholics which my Lord the King and the Prince have condescended to, and of that more than moral Security which they have offered for the performance thereof. And on the other side, I undertake to your Majesty, under the pain of infamy, in case that be not made good which here I affirm, that if your Majesty will be pleased to give some such ground to the Prince, as whereupon he may with Honour stay, and perfect the Treaty of the Marriage by any such way, or means, as may occur to your Majesty's royal wisdom, the whole bodies of the Catholics in England both religious, and secular, shall acknowledge it as a great blessing of God, and shall oblige themselves to pray incessantly for your happy Estate etc. Sir Toby Matthew to the Duchess of Buckingham, 9 June 1625. Madam, THere was no cause till now, why I should trouble your Ladyship with presenting my unprofitable service to you: but now I shall venture to do it, by reason of the good news I shall send with it. For our Queen arrived here yesterday, and I was glad at the heart to see her such, as she had seemed; she is more grown than I had thought, being higher by half the head then my Lady marquis. And whatsoever they say, believe me, she sits already upon the very skirts of womanhood. Madam, upon my faith she is a most sweet lovely Creature, and hath a countenance which opens a window into her heart, where a man may see all Nobleness and Goodness; and I dare venture my head (upon the little skill I have in Physiognomy) that she will be extraordinarily beloved by our Nation, and deserve to be so; and that the actions of herself, which are to be her own, will be excellent. Me thought I discerned in her countenance a little remnant of sadness, which the fresh wound of parting from the Queen Mother might have made, yet perhaps I was deceived. Her Aattyre was very plain, for so Great a Queen can be thought to have nothing mean about her. But I hope that amongst many other blessings, which God, will have provided for us by her means, her example will be able to teach our Country wit in this kind. I had the happiness to see, and hear her at a short distance, by the Commandment which my Lady of Buckingham laid upon me to interpret for her, and believe me, she is full of wit, and hath a lovely manner in expressing it. But I confess I was sorry with all my heart, to hear that her courage was so great, as to carry her instantly (after my Lady of Buckingham had taken her leave for that time) to Sea in a poor little boat in the company of her brother, whom yet, I have not had the honour to see. I dare give my word for her, that she is not afraid of her own shadow, who could find in her heart to put herself at the first sight, upon an element of that danger, and disease for mere pastime; Unless it were perhaps that she might carry some Steel about her, and that there is some Adamant at Dover, which already might begin to draw her that way. I am extremely sorry, that we have lost the hope of seeing the two other Queens, for if they had come, we might have had beauty here as well in the preterperfect, and in the present tense, as now we have in the future. But the Queen Mother's indisposition hath arrested her at Amiens in punishment of that malice, wherewith she dissembled it too long at the first, through the extreme desire she had of coming hither. Our Queen received my Lady of Buckingham with strange courtesy and favour, and now there is no remedy but that the King will needs defray and treat her after a high manner. And I have been told that Mounsieur will needs descend so much as to visit her in her lodging; and the Duchess of Chevereux (being that great Princess, as she is, both by match, and blood) will perforce give precedence not only to my Lady of Buckingham, but to my Ladies her daughters also: And I assure myself, that a less puissant example than this will serve to convert our Great Ladies, even to exceed in England towards the Ladies which are strangers, and do but come, and go. But the while this Court doth so apply itself to do my Lady of Buckingham all imaginable honour, I look on it so, as that I am no way discouraged thereby from bearing devotion to the blessed Virgin, when I see that men, who are sick of love towards the Son, are put even by a kind of Law of nature into pain, till they revenge themselves upon the Mother. I beseech Jesus, etc. From Bulloign. ●. Dr. Sharp to King James. The Complaint of Europe our Mother, aged, and oppressed, TO whom? To the Kings and Princes of Europe. Of whom? Of the Pope of Rome. For what matter? For causing by his Catholic League so much blood to be spilt within these few years in Europe. To this effect, as that excellent Poet speaks, with a little change of his words, Quis non Europaeo sanguine pinguior. Campus sepulchris impia praelia Testatur? auditumque Turcis Europaeae sonitum ruinae? Qui gurges aut quae flumina lugubris Ignara belli? quo Mare Civicae Non decoloravere caedes? Quae Caret ora cruore nostro? And what further danger is it like to breed? Even to bring the Turk into Austria, Italy, Germany, into Vienna, and into Rome itself, as it hath brought him into Pannonia, and of late into Pollonia to the great danger of all Christendom. Which danger she doth foresee, and lament, and telleth, That no European King hath sought to compound these bloody home-quarrels but the King of Great Britain. She most humbly desires the rest of the Princes, that they would Commiserate her most afflicted estate; her Cities taken, her houses spoiled, her children murdered, her Matrons and Virgins deflowered, her ways full of Thiefs, her Seas of Pirates, all the helps of life taken from her in many parts, her flocks and herds scattered, her Tillage ceased, her Trade decayed, the Laws silent, Learning fallen, good manners ruined, neither fear of God left, nor care of men, that all things seem to tend to the first Chaos, etc. And therefore she doth beseech the Princes to whose trust God hath committed, not to whose power he hath permitted his two Wards, two Twins, the Common Wealth, and the Church as to Guardians, that they will look better to their charge. And first, not suffer the Common Wealth of Christendom by their arms (at the Pope's secret instigation) to be destroyed, and to this end she first useth the example of good Heathen Emperors to persuade them as Augustus, Vespasian, Titus, Nerva, Trajan, Antoninus, Marcus Aurelius, Alexander Severus, Probus; that they will settle peace at home, and by joint Forces make War abroad upon the Common enemy of their Kingdoms, and so make the Commonwealth to Honour them, being made by them, rich in wealth, strong in power, famous in glory, honest in manners, the felicity of every earthly Commonwealth. Now for the other Ward, or Twin, the Church, the Heavenly Commonwealth, because she hath before professed, that as she had been long a Pagan, so now by the Grace of God, hath long been a Christian, and did take this to be her greatest honour, to be the harbour of the Christian Church, she stirs them up to be more careful by the example of the best Christian Emperors, Constantine, Jovinian, Gratian, Theodosius, Arcadius, Honorius, Charlemaign, and his Sons Lotharius, and Lodovicus, to defend her from heresies within, and from violence without. And now she gins to tell them, That as one walking with others in the Sun; not thinking on it, must needs be Sun-burned; so she walking with her reformed children in this new-risen Sun of the Gospel of Christ, did feel herself coloured (as it were) with the Spirit of Christ, by observing the differences between the two Churches with great indifferency. Here because she hath before challenged the Pope and the Jesuits of cruelty, and persuading first, that as men they should spare humane blood. Secondly, as Europeans they should spare European blood. Thirdly, as Christians they should spare Christian blood. She is first thus answered by the Pope speaking for himself, and his Jesuits, That they are not the authors of shedding Christian blood, but haeretical blood: And that her reformed sons (as she terms them) are not Christians, because they be no Catholics; And therefore Heretics to be taken away by death, according to the sentence of St. Paul, Haereticum hominem post unam aut alteram admonitionem devita; Hoc est de vita tolle, as Cardinal Allen doth expound it, and according to the Decree of the Council of Lateran. And where I pray you was this your Reformed Church before Luther? And as for my Jesuits you call them bloody, even as you call your Physicians bloody, who for driving away a Pestilential Fever, do take more corrupt and putrified blood from the party than they would. And thereupon, he doth twitt Europe as an old doting Sibylla, in her youth, being the Concubine of one Taurus, whom she feigned to be Jupiter, to cover her fault, with the greatness of her lover, who did also give her the name of this divided World, that by the honour of her title, she might excuse the shame of her fact; And bites the fond Orator, that put this person upon her, a whelp of Luther's, that makes this Minion to accuse him before the Princes of Homicide, or an insensible piece of Earth to plead his Cause. To which Europe answereth, First, for herself; Then for the Church. This Sum I thought good to present to your Majesty, if it please your judgement, I shall bring the whole work to your Majesty when I am recovered. And thus craving pardon of your Majesty for troubling your greater thoughts, though this tend to the good of Christendom which you intent, I rest Your Majesty's Most humble Chaplain, Leonel Sharp. Dr. Sharp to the Duke of Buckingham. May it please your Grace, IT is not my purpose to advise, but to attend what others shall determine of the Match of the Palatinate; but if that be broken off, and this not restored according to promise, every one may conceive that Peace must give place to War abroad; but with whom, and where, and how it is to be made, it is for an higher Council, then for any private man to resolve. Peace were best, if it had Nihil infidiarum, as Tully saith; but it is to be feared that the malice of the Catholic League doth, and will hinder the work of the Kings most Noble and Christian heart, and then it will be a War wrapped in the name of Peace. A just War is the exercise of Faith, as Peter Martyr well collects out of those Wars which those Worthy Kings and Princes Heb. 11. fought for their God and his Israel: so war is just which is made for the maintenance of God's true religion, and for the safety of the Common Wealth, either for the keeping of that we have, or recovering of that we have lost. Every one therefore doth rejoice to see the King and his Subjects so joined in love together, and in the purpose of this defence, every one I mean that is a true Christian, and good subject; and do wish that two things presently were added, care at home to Coupe up all falsehearted Subjects, that are known, and provision to meet with the secret, and open practices of such foreign Enemies, as are like to abet them The good policies of the former reign in such times is the best precedent for this at this time. The heads were then committed liberali Custodiae, divided from their inferior parts, the Papists disarmed, their claws pared, that they might not hurt us, the laws executed upon the Jesuits and Priests, firebrands of sedition, and rebellion withal: Or if not blood drawn of them, yet close imprisonment, or banishment enjoined them. Large subsidies granted to prepare the Navy, and pay the armies. And a great while no war proclaimed, but brave Adventurers sent forth as to Portugal, the Groin, to the West-Indies, etc. And before Letters of reprisal granted to the Merchants to make up their losses, a Rowland, for an Oliver, because they had granted Letters of Mart against us. By this means Carricks were brought in, the treasure of their West-Indian mines laid for at their return, so to make war upon them with their own money, till they had made the enemy bankrupt, Ausb●ug. and to break with their bankers of Auspurg, and Genua, that he was not able to pay his Soldiers, and garrisons; and still the Low-countries strongly assisted, and war made upon the enemy there, or at home, at his own doors, which was more Noble, gainful and safe for us; for we still had peace and plenty at home, though war abroad. I know not how the ease stands now between us, and the Spaniards, but me thinks it should not be very well, when nothing will satisfy him, but the head of him, that spoke the truth for the good of the King and kingdom. Certainly if we break with him, as they which sit at the Helm know what is best to do, he is ready to strike, and will peradventure strike quickly before we be fully prepared, therefore our preparations had need to be more speedy, & thorough, lost we fall into the snare. While they were treating of peace in 88 they did even then invade us. I pray God they have not used this treaty of marriage to as bad a purpose; for it seems they never did intent it, but for delays, and to make it serve their turn, they have plainly abused us in the Palatinate therereby. But I can say nothing for the present, yet what is to be done, it is proper to an higher judgement; only I tell what was then, when we were enemies. I remember in 88 waiting upon the Earl of Leicester at Tilbury Camp, and in 89. going into Portugal with my Noble Master the Earl of Essex, I learned somewhat fit to be imparted to your Grace. The Queen lying in the Camp one night, guarded with her army, the old Lord Treasurer Burleigh came thither, and delivered to the Earl the examination of Don Pedro, who was taken, and brought in by Sir Francis Drake, which examination the Earl of Leicester delivered unto me to publish to the army in my next sermon. The sum of it was this. Don Pedro being asked what was the intent of their coming, Don Pedro's Confession. stoutly answered the Lords, What? But to subdue your Nation, and root it out. Good, said the Lords, and what meant you then to do with the Catholics? He answered, We meant to send them (good men) directly unto Heaven, as all you that are Heretics to hell. Yea but said the Lords, what meant you to do with your whips of cord, and wire? (whereof they had great store in their ships) What? said he, We meant to whip you Heretics to death, that have assisted my Master's Rebels, and done such dishonours to our Catholic King, and people? Yea, but what would you have done (said they) with their young Children? They (said he) which were above seven years old, should have gone the way their fathers went, the rest should have lived, branded in the forehead with the Letter L. for Lutheran, to perpetual bondage. This I take God to witness I received of those great Lords upon examination taken by the Council, and by commandment delivered it to the army. The Queen the next morning road through all the Squadrons of her army, as Armed Pallas attended by Noble Footmen, Leicester, Essex, and Norris then Lord Marshal, and divers other great Lords. Where she made an excellent Oration to her army, which the next day after her departure, I was commanded to redeliver to all the Army together, to keep a Public Fast. Her words were these. MY loving people, we have been persuaded by some, that are careful of our safety, to take heed how we commit ourselves to armed multitudes for fear of treachery: but I assure you, I do not desire to live to distrust my faithful, and loving people. Let Tyrants fear, I have always so behaved myself, that under God I have placed my chiefest strength, and safeguard in the loyal hearts and good will of my subjects. And therefore I am come amongst you as you see, at this time, not for my recreation, and disport, but being resolved in the midst, and heat of the battle to live, or die amongst you all, to lay down for my God, and for my kingdom, and for my people, my Honour, and my blood even in the dust. I know I have the body, but of a weak and feeble woman, but I have the heart and Stomach of a King, and of a King of England too, and think foul scorn that Parma or Spain, or any Prince of Europe should dare to invade the borders of my Realm, to which rather then any dishonour shall grow by me, I myself will take up arms, I myself will be your General, Judge, and Rewarder of every one of your virtues in the field. I know already for your forwardness, you have deserved rewards and crowns, and we do assure you in the word of a Prince, they shall be duly paid you. In the mean time my Lieutenant General shall be in my stead, than whom never Prince commanded a more Noble or worthy subject, not doubting but by your obedience to my General, by your Concord in the Camp, and your valour in the field, we shall shortly have a famous victory over those enemies of my God, of my Kingdoms, and of my People. This I thought would delight your Grace, and no man hath it but myself, and such as I have given it to, and therefore I made bold to send it unto you, if you have it not already. I would I could persuade your Grace, either to read yourself, or to command your Secretary to gather out of the History of Spain translated into English towards the end five or six leaves, which hath matter of great importance fit for the Parliament, especially for two points; the one concerning the settled intention of the State of Spain against England, whensoever they can get an opportunity; the other concerning the main reasons of state, which moved the Queen, and Council, then to take upon her the protection of the Low-countries. They were of two sorts, the first inherent in the Person of the Prince then being, which died with her, (as some think) the Quarrel being then between the Queen, and King of Spain, Philip the second, which are said to be buried in their graves; the other inherent in their estates, which live with them, and remain in the heart of the State of Spain against us, whosoever is their King. And this appeareth by a large Disputation of State had before the King of Spain, and blabbed out by their Chronicler in many words, wherein pro et contra two do argue. The one, who proves that the Netherlands their Rebels are first to be conquered, that it may serve them as a rise to the Conquest of England, and the reasons for that project. The other, who proves, that the English are first to be conquered, the supporters of those their Rebels, and for a rise to the Empire of Christendom, and the reasons for the project, and specially for that it is more easy now for the disuse of arms in England; for that England is not now that England which it hath been, etc. And the mean, how they may win themselves into us by a Treaty of Marriage, as Mariana blabs it out in general, that which the Prince hath cried, and your Grace hath uttered in Parliament in special, that Colloquia de Contractibus, are with them Mera ludibria parata tantum Regum animis, Ne noceant distinendis, dum ea quae ipsi intendunt, perficiantur. Which Guicciardine also doth in general affirm, That the Spaniards bring more things to pass by Treaties, and subtleties, then by force of Arms. And that you may truly understand the full intention of the Spaniard to the state of this Kingdom, and Church, I would your Grace would read a notable Discourse of the late most Noble Earl of Essex, made by the Commandment of Queen Elizabeth, and debated before her Majesty, and her Council concerning this point, Whether Peace or War was to be treated with Spain? The Lord Buckhurst speaking for a Treaty of Peace, to the which the Noble Queen, and her old Lord Treasurer inclined: The Earl speaking for War, because no safe peace could be made with that State for 3. special Reasons, which are in that Treatise set down at large, which is not fit for me yet to deliver by writing, but there you shall find them. Your Grace may have the book of divers Noblemen your friends. If you have it not (if I may understand your pleasure) I will get it for you. It was of that effect, that it brought the Queen, and Treasurer contrary to their purpose to his side, for the very necessity of the common safety. Your Lordship having angered them, and endeared yourself to us, you had need to look to yourself; you are as odious to them as ever the Earl of Essex was. The Jesuit Walpool set on one of the stable (Squire) one well affected to my Lord, to poison the rests of his Chair. And seeing they strike at the Ministers, which deal effectually for his Church, (witness worthy Doctor White) what will they do to such Pillars of State as you are? The Lord preserve your Grace, and watch over you. And thus I rest Your Grace his most humble at Commandment, Leonel Sharp. The Lord Cromwell to the Duke, 8. Septemb. 1625. May it please your Grace, I Am now returned from mine own home, and am here at Fulham near Mr. Burlemachi, making myself ready to attend your Command in the best manner my poor fortunes will give me leave, and with what speed I may. Some things I have sent to Plymouth, and some Gentlemen, so as when I come there, I hope to find that your Lordship hath appointed me a good sailing ship, and one, that shall be able to play her part with the best and proudest enemy, that dare look danger in the face. Though your Grace hath placed a Noble Gentleman in the Regiment was intended to my Lord of Essex, yet I will not despair of your favour, or that you will not give me some taste of it as well as to any other. I will study to be a deserving Creature, and whether you will please to look on me with an affectionate eye or no, I will love, honour, and serve you, with no less truth, and faith, than those you have most obliged. What concerns me, I will not here speak of for fear I offend. My prayers shall ever attend you, and my curses those, that wish you worse than their own souls. Divers I do meet, that say your Grace hath parted with your place of the Mastership of the Horse, which makes the world suspect, that some disfavour your Lordship is growing into: And that this prime feather of yours being lost, or parted with (be it as it will) it will not be long ere the rest follow. They offer to lay wagers, the Fleet goes not this year, and that of necessity shortly a Parliament must be, which when it comes, sure it will much discontent you. It is wondered at, that since the King did give such great gifts to the Duchess of Chevereux, and those, that then went, how now a small sum in the Parliament should be called for at such an unseasonable time: And let the Parliament sit when it will, begin they will, where they ended. They say the best Lords of the Council knew nothing of Count Mansfelts journey, or this Fleet, which discontents even the best sort, if not all; They say it is a very great burden, your Grace takes upon you, since none knows any thing but you. It is conceived, that not letting others bears part of the burden you now bear, it may ruin you; (which heaven forbidden) Much discourse there is of your Lordship here, and there, as I passed home, and back, and nothing is more wondered at, than that one Grave man is not known to have your Ear except my good, and Noble Lord Conway. All men say, if you go not with the Fleet you will suffer in it, because if it prosper, it will be thought no act of yours; and if it succeed ill, they say it might have been better, had not you guided the King. They say your undertake in the Kingdom, and your Engagements for the Kingdom, will much prejudice your Grace. And if God bless you not with goodness as to accept kindly, what in duty and love, I here offer; questionless my freedom in letting you know the discourse of the world, may much prejudice me. But if I must lose your favour, I had rather lose it for striving to do you good in letting you know the talk of the wicked world, then for any thing else, so much I hearty desire your prosperity, and to see you trample the ignorant multitude under foot. All I have said is the discourse of the world, and when I am able to judge of your actions, I will freely tell your Lordship my mind. Which when it shall not be always really inclined to serve you, may all noble thoughts forsake me. Because I seldom am honoured with your Ear, I thus make bold with your all-discerning eye, which I pray God may be enabled with power and strength, daily to see into them that desire your ruin. Which if it once be, I will never believe, but so good a King will constantly enable you daily with power to confound them. Many men would not be thus bold and saucy. If I find you distaste me for my respect to you. I will respect my poor self (who ever hath honoured you) so much as hereafter to be silent. So I kiss the noble hands of your Grace. Your Lordship's servant, during life, Tho. Cromwell. Sir Robert Philip's to the Duke of Buckingham, 21. August, 1624. May it please your Grace, BEfore the receipt of that Dispatch, with which you were pleased to honour me from Apthorp, dated the last of July, I was fully determined at your return to Woodstock, to have presented your Grace my most humble and faithful service, and by that means to have obtained the knowledge in what state and condition of health you had passed this part of the progress. Your former weakness, together with the dangerous temper of the season, giving me cause both to doubt, and pray against the worst; But I found myself then to be more strictly obliged to the performance of this duty, when I received from your Grace so clear, and abundant a testimony, as well of your good opinion, as of the trust you reposed in me. Obligations certainly of that nature, and of so large an extent as do with reason deprive me of all degree of liberty, and justly subject me to a perpetual state of servitude, and obedience to all your Grace's Commandments. I have diligently perused my Lord of Bristols answer, which it pleased your Grace to communicate unto me. And although it become me not, neither will I presume to give my opinion of the strength, or weakness thereof, yet will I take the liberty to say thus much, That I find in his case that to be verified which I have observed at other times, (to wit) That when able and prudent men come to act their own Parts, they are then for the most part not of the clearest sight, and do commonly commit such errors, as are both discernible and avoidable, even by men of mean abilities. Being now fallen to speak of this Lord, I humbly beseech your Lordship to give me leave plainly and briefly to set before you some Cogitations of mine own, touching his present occasion. First, that it may be maturely considered, Whether the tendering him any further charge, unto which he may be able to frame a probable satisfactory answer, will not rather serve to declare his innocence, then to prepare his Condemnation, and so instead of pressing him, reflect back with disadvantage upon the proceeding against him. Secondly, That your Grace would be pleased to consult with yourself, whether you may not desist from having him further questioned, without either blemish to your Honour, or manifest prejudice to the service: Considering that you have (to your perpetual glory) already dissolved and broken the Spanish party, and rendered them without either the means, or the hope of ever conjoining in such sort together again, as may probably give the least disturbance or impediment to your Grace's ways and designs. And lastly, Although his Lordship in sundry places of his answer, especially in the latter part, doth seem directly to violate the rule of the * Provident. prudent Mariner, who in foul weather, and in a storm, is accustomed (to prevent shipwreck) rather to pull down, then to set up his sails. Nevertheless as this case stands, it deserves to be thoroughly pondered, which of the two ways will most conduce to your Grace's purpose, and is likely to receive the best interpretation and success, either to have him dealt with after a quick and round manner, or otherwise to proceed slowly and moderately with him, permitting him for a time to remain where he is, as a man laid aside, and in the way to be forgotten. A state of being (if I mistake not his complexion) which will be by him apprehended equivalent to the severest and sharpest censure, that possibly can be inflicted on him. Thus have I over-boldly adventured to present unto your Grace, these few Queries and Proposals, which they might be both enlarged, and more forcibly urged; yet to avoid the being too tedious, I have chosen to omit the further insisting upon them, till such time, as I may have the honour and felicity of being near your person. At this present it shall suffice, humbly to beseech your Grace, to be assuredly persuaded, that what I have now delivered in this subject, doth not proceed from any over indulgent respect I bear either to the person, or fortune of my Lord of Bristol; though I should not be sorry, that like a prudent man he might by his discreet application to your Grace, render himself capable to be again readmitted to your love and favour. But the motive which hath induced me principally to use this plainness and liberty, is the Consideration, how importantly (as I conceive) the well ordering and disposing this particular, doth concern your Grace's service. Unto the advancement and furtherance whereof, if I may be able now, or at any time to contribute the least proportion, I shall esteem myself most happy, and more than abundantly rewarded, in case that my right humble endeavours in that kind may receive from your Grace a favourable and acceptable construction. I will conclude this Letter with a twofold prayer; first to you for myself, that your Grace will be pleased to pardon this boldness. Next to God for you, that he will give you health, and length of days for his Majesty's service, and the good and honour of this Commonwealth. I humbly crave leave to remain Your Grace's Most obedient and devoted servant, Rob. Philips. The Earl of Middlesex to the Duke. Right Noble, and my most honoured Lord, I Have received divers Letters from your Lordship since your going from Theobalds', which though they concern several men, and in sundry kinds, yet they all conclude upon diminution of his Majesty's estate, contrary to your general ground, when his Majesty delivered me the Staff, and contrary to your Lordship's private directions given me at Theobalds', with which I did your Lordship the right to acquaint the King. I have of late had cause to take into consideration the miserable condition of my present estate, who since I received the staff, have led such a life, as my very enemies pity me, which I foresaw, the distraction of the King's estate, and burden of that place, would of necessity throw upon me. Yet my duty, love and thankfulness to his Majesty, and my love and thankfulness to you, contrary to my own judgement, and advice of my friends, made me undertake it, little expecting these Cross accidents, which have lain heavy upon me, and more troubled me, than the continual cares and vexations of my place. I do most freely and willingly acknowledge one man cannot be more bound unto another, than I am to your Lordship; and if I do not make a thankful return, let me be held an ungrateful Monster, which is the worst of Villains. I have been so ambitious as to desire to extend my gratitude so far, as that the King may have cause to thank you for preferring me, and that your Lordship may bless the time you did it. To effect that, I shall delight to live a miserable life for a time. The course which must of necessity be held to do it, I will acquaint your Lordship with very shortly, which I hope you will be pleased to approve, and assist me in. And then I will express my thankfulness to you that way: If that course shall not like you, I will not only deliver you up my places, but whatsoever I hold from the King, and live privately upon mine own estate. For I will never sell so good and gracious a Master, nor so noble and constant a friend ruined, and undone. God bless you, and send you your hearts desire. As for myself, I never desired to quit the World, and all the fooleries in it, till now. Your Lordship's Faithfullest servant, and Kinsman, Middlesex. The Earl of Middlesex to his Majesty, 26. April, 1624. Sacred Majesty, and my most gracious Master, YOur goodness is such to me your oppressed servant in this my time of persecution, as I know not how to express my thankfulness otherwise then by pouring forth my humble and hearty prayers to the great God of heaven and earth, to grant your Majesty all happiness here, and everlasting happiness hereafter. Between 5. and 6. of the clock upon Saturday in the evening, I received my Charge from the Lords assembled in Parliament, with an Order, by which I am commanded to make my appearance at the Bar upon Thursday next by 9 of the clock in the morning with my answer: And in the mean time to examine my witnesses. This Charge of mine hath been in preparing, by examining of witnesses upon oath, and otherwise, 23. days. And hath been weighed by the Wisdom of both Houses, and doth concern me so nearly in point of honour, and faith to your Majesty to answer well, as I value my life at nothing in comparison of it. I may grieve, though I will not complain of any thing my Lords shall be pleased to Command; but do hope, that upon a second consideration they will not think three days a fitting time for me to make my Answer, and to examine witnesses in a cause of such importance, and so nearly concerning me, when twenty three days hath been spent almost from morning until night in preparing my Charge. I know the House (whose Judgement I shall never desire to wave) is the proper place for me to move to be resolved herein, and therefore shall upon Wednesday morning make my humble motion there to have 7. days longer time, as well to make my answer, and appearance, as to examine my witnesses, which are many, and upon several heads. But because the Prince his Highness, and many of the Principal Lords are now with your Majesty at Windsor, my most humble suit to your Majesty is, That you would be pleased to move them on my behalf, to yield me so much further time, that my Cause may not suffer prejudice for want of time to make my just defence, that which I have propounded being as moderate as is possible. With my most humble and hearty prayer to Almighty God for continuance of your health with all happiness, I humbly kiss your Royal hands, and will ever rest Your Majesty's most humble, etc. Middelsex. The Earl of Carlisle to his Majesty, 14. February. 1623. My it please your most Excellent Majesty, THough my present indisposition deprives me of the Honour to attend your Majesty with the rest of the Commissioners, with whom your Majesty was pleased to associate me; yet I most humbly beseech your Majesty to give me leave in all humility to represent unto your Majesty, what my heart conceiveth to be most for your Majesty's service in the present conjuncture of your affairs. During this time of my distemper, I have been visited by divers Gentlemen of quality, who are Parliament-men, none of those popular, and plausible Orators, but solid, and judicious good patriots, who fear God, and honour the King. Out of their discourses I collect, That there are three things, which do chief trouble your people. The first, that for the subsidies granted, the two last Parliaments, they have received no retribution by any bills of Grace. The second, that some of their Burgesses were proceeded against after the Parliament were dissolved. And the third, that they misdoubt, that when they shall have satisfied your Majesty's demands and desires, you will nevertheless proceed to the conclusion of the Spanish match. It would be too much importunity to trouble your Majesty with the several answers, which I made to their objections, and would be too great presumption in me to advise your Majesty's incomparable wisdom what should be fittest to be done for your Majesty's honour, and the contentment of the people; yet if it would please my Lord the King to give his humblest Creature leave to give vent to the loyal fervour of his heart, restless, and indefatigable in continual meditation of his Gracious Master's honour and service, I would thus with all humble submission explain myself. That there is nothing which either the enemies of this State, or the perverse industry of falsehearted servants could invent more mischievous, than the misunderstandings which have grown between your Majesty, and your people: nothing that will more dishearten the envious Maligners of your Majesty's felicity, and encourage your true hearted friends, and Servants, than the removing of those false fears, and jealousies, which are mere imaginary Phantasms, and bodies of air easily dissipated, whensoever it shall please the sun of your Majesty, to show itself clearly in its native brightness, lustre, and goodness. God and the World do know the scope, and the end of all your Majesty's pious affections, and endeavours to have been no other, than the settling of an universal peace in Christendom; (a felicity only proper for your Majesty's time, and only possible to be procured by your incomparable goodness, and wisdom) but since the malice of the Devil, and deceitful men, have crossed those fair ways wherein your Majesty was proceeding, abusing your trust, and goodness, (as Innocence, and goodness are always more easily betrayed then wiliness, and malice) you must now cast about again, and sail by another point of the compass, and I am confident your Majesty will more securely, and easily attain, your Noble and pious end, though the way be different. The means are briefly these three. First let your Majesty's enemies see, that the Lion hath teeth, and claws. 2. Next, embrace and invite a strict, and sincere friendship, and association with those whom neighbourhood and alliance, and common interest of state and religion have joined unto you. 3. And last of all, cast off, and remove jealousies, which are between your Majesty and your people. Your Majesty must begin with the last, for upon that foundation, you may afterwards set what frame of building you please. And when should you begin (Sir) but at this overture of your Parliament by a gracious, clear, and confident discovery of your intentions to your People. Fear them not (Sir) never was there a better King, that had better subjects, if your Majesty would trust them. Let them but see, that you love them, and constantly rely upon their humble advice and ready assistance, and your Majesty will see, how they will tear open their breasts, to give you their hearts, and having them, your Majesty is sure of their hands, and purses. Cast but away some crumbs of your Crown amongst them, and your Majesty will see those crumbs will make a miracle, they will satisfy many thousands. Give them assurance that your heart was always at home, though your eyes were abroad; invite them to look forward, and not backward, and constantly maintain, that with confidence you undertake, and your majesty will find admirable effects of this harmonious concord. Your Majesty as the head directing, and your people as the hands and feet, obeying and co-operating for the honour, safety, and welfare of the body of the State. This will revive, and reunite your friends abroad, and dismay, and disappoint the hopes of your enemies, secure your Majesty's person, assure your estate, and make your memory glorious to posterity. Pardon I most humbly beseech your Majesty, this licentious freedom, which the zeal of your safety and service, hath extorted from a tongue-tied man, who putteth his heart into his Majesty's hand, and humbly prostrateth himself at your Royal feet, as being Your Majesty's Most humble, most obedient obliged Creature, Subject, and Servant, Carlisle. The Earl of Carlisle to the Duke, the 20. of November, 1625. My most Noble dear Lord, SInce my Last to your Lordship by Mr. Endymion Porter, there hath not happened any matter of great moment, or alteration here, saving the resolution (which his Majesty hath taken by the advice of his Council) for the disarming of all the Popish Lords. In the execution whereof there fell out a brabble at the Lord Vaux his house in, North-hamptonshire, wherein there were some blows exchanged between the said Lord, and Mr. Knightly, a Justice of the Peace, who assisted the Deputy Lieutenant in that action. Whereof complaint being made, his Majesty was pleased himself in Council to have the hearing of the business, and upon examination to refer the judgement thereof to the Star-Chamber the next Term. But at the issuing out of the Council Chamber, the Lord Vaux taking occasion to speak to Sir William Spencer, (who with the rest had given information in favour of Mr. Knightly,) told him, that though he neglected his reputation before the Lords, yet he doubted not, but he would have more care of his oath when the business should come to Examination in the Star-Chamber. Herewith Sir William Spencer finding his reputation challenged, presently complained, and thereupon the words being acknowledged, the Lord Vaux was committed prisoner to the Fleet. In the disarming of the Lords-Recusants, there was as much respect had of some, who have relation to your Lordship, as you yourself would desire. The Papists in general here do give some cause of jealousy by their Combinations and Murmur, wherein it is suspected, that they are as fond, as busily encouraged by the pragmatical Mounsieurs. But his Majesty's temper and wisdom will be sufficient to prevent all inconveniency, which their folly or passion may contrive. There is one Sir Thomas Gerrard a Recusant brought up hither out of Lancashire, being accused of some treacherous design against his Majesty's Person. Rochel is so straightly blocked by Sea and Land, as no Intelligence can be sent into the Town. We have not as yet any clear Categorical answers touching the restitution of our ships. As soon as any thing more worthy of your Lordship's knowledge shall occur, you shall not fail to be advertised from him that is eternally vowed Your Grace's Most faithful friend, and most humble servant, Carlisle. The Earl of Carlisle to the Duke. My most Noble dear Lord, I Must ever acknowledge myself infinitely obliged to your Lordship for many Noble favours; but for none more, than the freedom, and true cordial friendship expressed in your last Letter touching my son; And I shall humbly beseech your Lordship in all occasions to continue that free and friendly manner of proceeding, which I shall ever justly esteem as the most real testimony of your favour towards me. Your Lordship will now be pleased to give me leave with the same freedom and sincerity to give your Lordship an account, that it is now 4. months since the Count of Mansfelt made the proposition to me, to nominate my son to be one of his Colonels, as he did likewise to my Lord of Holland for his Brother Sir Charles Rich; which at the first (I must deal plainly with your Lordship) I took for a piece of art, as if he knowing, that next to the benefit and assistance he received from your Lordship's favour and protection, we were the most active instruments employed in his business, and therefore he sought to engage us so much the farther by this interest. But afterwards I found, that under the shadow of this Compliment put upon me, he had a desire to gratify Sir James Ramsey, whom he designed to be my son's Lieutenant, having regard to his former deserts, and the courage and sufficiency he hath found in him. I profess unto your Lordship sincerely, that he received no other encouragement, or acceptance from me then a bare negative; Insomuch as he afterwards sent a Gentleman to tell me, That he perceived whatsoever he should expect from me in the furtherance of his business, must be only for the respect I bore to my Master's service, and nothing for love of his person, since I accepted not the proffer of his service. My Lord of Holland can justify the truth of this assertion, who alone was acquainted with that which passed: for I protest upon my salvation, that I neither spoke of it to any creature living, not so much as to my son, neither have I written one word thereof to the Count Mansfelt, neither knew I any thing of his proceed, till by the last Currier Mr. Secretary was pleased to acquaint me with the nomination of my son. If I had seriously intended any such thing, I want not so much judgement and discretion, as not first to discover my desire to my gracious Master, humbly craving his leave, and allowance: And I should not have failed to have recourse to your Lordship's favourable assistance therein. And thus (my Noble Lord) have I given you an account what entertainment I gave to the Count Mansfelts Compliment. And I will be bold also to give your Lordship this further assurance, that no particular interest, or consideration of mine own shall have power to alter my constant course of serving my gracious Master faithfully, and industriously. And so humbly submitting all to his Majesty's good pleasure, and your Lordship's wisdom, I remain eternally Your Grace's most faithful friend, and humble servant, Carlisle. Postscript. I Most humbly beseech your Lordship that this unfortunate Compliment put upon my son, may be no prejudice to the deserts of Sir James Ramsey. The Lord Kensington to the Duke. My Noblest Lord, I Find the Queen Mother hath the only power of governing in this State, and I am glad to find it so, since she promises, and professes, to use it to do careful, and good offices in the way of increasing the friendship that is between us, and this State, and likewise to relieve, and assist the united provinces, the which they are preparing to do fully, and bravely; for she hath now a clear sight of the pretensions of the King of Spain unto the Monarchy of Christendom; during the absence of the King, who went out of this town early the next day after I arrived here (before I was prepared to attend him) I have been often at the Lowre, where I had the honour to entertain the Queen Mother. She was willing to know upon what terms stood our Spanish alliance; I told her that their delays had been so tedious, that they had somewhat discouraged the King, and had so wearied the Prince, and State, which the dilatory proceed in it, as that Treaty (I thought) would soon have an end; She straight said of marriage, taking it that way; I told her I believed the contrary, and I did so the rather, because the Spanish Ambassador hath given it out since my coming, that the Alliance is fully concluded, and that my journey had no other end, then to hasten his Master unto it, only to give them Jealousies of me, because he at this time fears their dispositions stand too well prepared to desire, and affect a conjunction with us. And truly his report, and instruments have given some jealousies to the persons of power in this State, especially since they find I can say nothing directly unto them; yet thus much I have directly from them, Mounsieur de Vievielle, and others, (but he is the chief guider of all affairs here) That never was the affection of any State so prepared to accept all offers of amity and alliance, so we will clearly, and as disengaged persons seek it, as is this; but as a wise minister he says, that until we have wholly, and truly abandoned the treaty with Spain, they may lose the friendship of a brother in law, that is already so, in hope of gaining another that they may fail of. But when we shall see it really by a public Commission, that may declare all dissolved, that touches upon the way of Spain, we shall then understand their hearts not to be capable of more joy, then that will bring them. And the Queen Mother told me she had not lost those inclinations, that she hath heretofore expressed to desire her Daughter may be given to the Prince, with many words of value unto the King, and person of the Prince, and more than this she could not (she thought) well say, it being most natural, for the woman to be demanded and sought. It is most certain, that underhand Spain hath done all that is possible to procure this State to listen to a crosse-marriage, but here they are now so well understood, as this bait will not be swallowed by them. This I have from a grave, and honest man, that would not be brought to justify it, therefore he must not hear of it. It is the Savoy Ambassador, that is resident here, a wise, and a Gallant Gentleman, who vows this to be most true. So general a desire was never expressed, as is here for alliance with us: and if the King and Prince have as many reasons of State at this time, besides their infinite affection here, to have it so continued, let it be roundly, and clearly pursued, and then I dare promise as respective, and satisfactory a reception, as can be imagined, or desired. And if it were not too much sauciness for me to advise, I could wish that the propositions of a league, and marriage may not come together, but may be treated a part. For I doubt whether it may not be thought a little dishonourable for this King to give his sister conditionally, that if he will, make war upon the King of Spain his brother, we will make the alliance with him; on the other part, if the league should be propounded here, with all those reasons of State, that are now pressing for them to make it, they have causes to doubt, and so have we too, that we may both be interrupted in that; for certainly the King of Spain, will (if he can possibly) please one side, the which they think here may be us, with the restitution of the Palatinate, and we may likewise fear may be them, with the rendering of the Valtoline, these being the only open quarrels we must ground upon. Now as long as these doubts may possess us both, this will prove a tedious, and jealous work of both sides; But if we fall speedily upon a treaty, and conclusion of a marriage, the which will find (I am persuaded) not long delays here: neither will they strain us to any unreasonableness in conditions for our Catholics (as far as I can find) then will it be a fit time for to conclude a league, the which they will then for certain do, when all doubts, and fears of fall off, are by this conjunction taken away, and the necessity of their own affairs, and safety will then make them more desire it then we, and so would they now, if they could think it so sure, and so honourable for them. For the King of Spain hath so embraced them of all sides, as they fear, and justly, that he will one day crush them to their destruction. My Lord, I do not presume to say any thing immediately to the King, through your hands, this I know will pass unto him, and if he should find any weakness in this that I have presumed to say, let the strength of your favour exercise those accustomed Noblenesses that you have always expressed unto Your Grace's most humble and obliged Servant, Kensington. Postscript. Within these few days your Grace shall hear again from me, for as yet I have not seen the King, no otherwise then the first night I arrived here. This night he is come unto the Town again. The Lord Kensington to the Prince, 26. February, 1624. May it please your Highness, I Find here so infinite a value of your Person, and virtue, as what Instrument so ever (my self the very weakest) having some commands (as they imagine) from you, shall receive excess of honours from them. They will not conceive me, scarce receive me, but as a public Instrument for the service of an Alliance, that above all the things in this world, they do so earnestly desire. The Queen Mother hath expressed, as far as she thinks is fit for the honour of her Daughter, great favour and good will in it. I took the boldness to tell her (the which she took extremely well) that if such a proposition should be made, your Highness could not believe, that she had lost her former inclinations, and desires in it; She said, your trust of her should find great respect; there is no preparation I find towards this business but by her, and all persuasions of amity made light, that look not towards this end. And Sir, if your intentions proceed this way, as by many reasons of State, and wisdom there is cause now rather to press it, then slacken it) you will find a Lady of as much Loveliness and Sweetness to deserve your affection, as any creature under Heaven can do. And Sir, by all her fashions since my being here, and by what I hear from the Ladies, it is most visible to me, her infinite value, and respect unto you. Sir, I say not this to betray your belief, but from a true observation, and knowledge of this to be so; I tell you this, and must somewhat more, in way of admiration of the person of Madam, for the impressions I had of her were but ordinary, but the amazement extraordinary to find her, as I protest to God I did, the sweetest Creature in France. Her growth is very little, short of her age; and her wisdom infinitely beyond it. I heard her discourse with her Mother, and the Ladies about her, with extraordinary discretion, and quickness. She dances (the which I am a witness of) as well as ever I saw any Creature; They say she sings most sweetly, I am sure she looks so. Sir, you have thousands of servants here, that desire to be commanded by you, but most particularly the D. of Chevereux, and Mounsieur Le Grand, who seek all opportunities to do you service, and have Credit and power to do so. Sir, if these that are strangers are thus ambitious of your Commands, with what infinite passion have I cause to beg them, that am your Vassal, and have no other glory but to serve you; as your Highness, etc. Kensington. Postscript. SIr, The obligations you have unto this young Queen are strange, for with that same affection, that the Queen your sister would do, she asks of you with all the expressions that are possible, of joy, for your safe return out of Spain, and told me, that she durst say, you were weary with being there, and so should she: though she be a Spaniard, yet I find she gives over all thought of your Alliance with her sister. Sir, you have the fortune to have respects put upon you unlooked for; for as in Spain the Queen there did you good offices: so I find will this sweet queen do. Who said, She was sorry, when you saw them practise their Masques, that Madam her sister (whom she dearly loves) was seen at so much disadvantage by you, to be seen afar off, and in a dark room, whose person and face hath most loveliness to be considered nearly. She made me show her your Picture, the which she let the Ladies see with infinite Commendations of your Person, saying, She hoped some good occasion might bring you hither, that they might see you like yourself. The Lord Kensington to the Duke. My Lord, YEsternight being Sunday, I arrived safe here at Paris. I was informed as soon as I came, that the King was resolved after sight of the Queen's Masque (that was to be performed that same night,) that he would go a private journey for 5. or 6. days to Shautelie, a house of Mounsieur de Memorancies. Being desirous therefore to kiss his hands before his going, and to see the Court in that glory and lustre, as must for certain be found upon such an extraordinary occasion, I went to the Lowre to the D. of Chevereux Chamber, where I found him and his Lady appareling themselves for the Masque, and in such infinite riches of Jewels, as I shall never be a beholder of the like worn by Subjects. I had not been there above an hour, but the Queen and Madam came thither, where they stayed a great while. And it was observed, that Madam hath seldom put on a more cheerful than that night. There were some that told me, I might guess at the cause of it. My Lord, I protest to God, she is a lovely, sweet, young Creature. Her growth is not great yet, but her shape is perfect, and they all swear, that her sister the Princess of Piemount (who is now grown a tall and a goodly Lady) was not taller than she is at her age. I thought the Queen would have put a fashion of reservation upon me, as not pleased with the breach, and disorder of the Spanish Treaty; but I found it far otherwise. She is so truly French, as (it is imagined) she rather wishes this alliance, then with her own sister. The King (that was so early to go out of the Town) took his rest, while the Ladies were making themselves ready; but as soon as he waked, he sent for me, and purposed to have received me as an Ambassador. But I entreated the D. of Chevereux before I went, to let him understand, that I came as an humble and thankful servant only to kiss his Majesty's hands, and had no other end then to do him service. He then received me with much freedom and cheerfulness, with many questions how the King is satisfied with his Present by Mounsieur de Bonevan, who when I related the King's liking, and value of it, he was infinitely pleased. He commanded me to attend him to the Masque, which was danced by 16. of the greatest Princesses of France, St. Luke only being by the Queen received amongst them, to put a singular honour, and value upon her. The King with his Brother had danced a Masque the last Tuesday, with the same number of persons of the best quality; who this night were to cast Lots, who should dance with the sixteen Ladies, they only being allowed to dance with them. And all those were so infinitely rich in Jewels, (embroidery of gold and silver being here forbidden) as they had almost all embroidered their clothes as thick with Diamonds, as usually with pearl. I cannot give your Lordship any particular account of my service in any thing, yesternight being an unproper time for any such thing: But I am advised by the Prince Jenvile to stay here till the King's return, and I shall understand how all things stand, and that no man's affection is so strait and true for the service of the King and Prince as his is, who of himself falls into passionate wishes for an Alliance, but tells me in much liberty, they have been informed the cause and plot of my journey was to set an edge upon Spain, rather to cut off their delays, then to cut the throat of the business. But I gave him great satisfaction in that point. My Lord, these are passages of my first nights being here, matters of ceremony; and yet I omit much of that. I thought these too slight to trouble his Majesty, or the Prince with, yet I thought it fit since this Messenger goes, to let you see this outward show, and face of this Court, to have as much sweetness, smoothness, and clearness towards our designs as is possible. My next Letters shall inform you of a further search made by me, the which I am confident will be of the same nature. And I conceive it the rather, because I find them in a great alarm at the news, that they have received from Liege, that the King of Spain makes a Fort upon the ruin there to command both that, and the Town. This they say hath made them more clearly see his vast ambition to enlarge his Monarchy, and do all speak the careful and honest language of our Lower house men how it may be prevented. I have said enough, the Messenger I dare say thinks too much; yet this I will add, That I will study to make it appear to the world, and yourself, by a thankful heart, and to God himself in my prayers for your Lordship, that I am Your Lordship's Most devoted, and most humble servant, Kensington. Postscript. IF the French Ambassador, or my Lord of Carlisle wonders I have not written unto them, I beseech your Lordship, let them know this Messenger is not of my sending, and in such haste as he cannot be stayed. The Lord Kensington to the Prince. May it please your Highness, I Cannot but make you continual repetitions of the value you have here, to be (as justly we know you) the most Complete young Prince and person in the world. This reputation hath begotten in the sweet Princess Madam, so infinite an affection to your fame, as she could not contain herself from a passionate desiring to see your Picture, the shadow of that person so honoured, and knowing not by what means to compass it, it being worn about my neck; for though others, as the Queen and Princesses would open it, and consider it, the which ever brought forth admiration from them, yet durst not this poor young Lady look any otherwise on it then afar off, whose heart was nearer it than any of the others, that did most gaze upon it. But at the last (rather than want that sight the which she was so impatient of) she desired the Gentlewoman of the house where I am lodged, that had been her servant to borrow of me the picture in all the secrecy that may be, and to bring it unto her, saying, She could not want that Curiosity as well as others towards a person of his infinite reputation. As soon as she saw the party that brought it, she retired into her Cabinet, calling only her in; where she opened the picture in such haste, as shown a true picture of her passion, blushing in the instant at her own guiltiness. She kept it an hour in her hands, and when she returned it, she gave with it many praises of your person. Sir, this is a business so fit for your secrecy, as I know it shall never go farther, then unto the King your Father, my Lord Duke of Buckingham, and my Lord of Carliles knowledge. A tenderness in this is honourable; for I would rather die a thousand times, than it should be published, since I am by this young Lady trusted, that is for beauty and goodness an Angel. I have received from my Lord of Buckingham an advertisement, that your Highness' opinion is to treat of the General league first, that will prepare the other. Sir, whatsoever shall be propounded will have a noble acceptation; though this give me leave to tell you, when you are free, as by the next news we shall know you to be, they will expect, that upon those declarations they have here already made towards that particularity of the Alliance, that your Highness will go that readier and nearer way to unite and fasten by that knot the affection of these Kingdoms. Sir, for the general they all here speak just that language that I should, and do unto them of the power and usurpation of the Spaniards, of the approaches they make to this Kingdom, the danger of the Low-Countries, the direct Conquest of Germany and the Valtoline. By which means we have cause to join in opposition of the Ambitions, and mightiness of this King. The which they all here say cannot be so certainly done as by an Alliance with us. This they speak perpetually, and urge it unto my consideration. Sir, unless we proceed very roundly, though they be never so well affected, we may have interruptions by the arts of Spain, that make offers infinite to the advantage of this State, at this time. But they harken to none of them, until they see our intentions towards them. The which if they find to be real indeed, they will give us brave satisfaction. But Sir, your Fathers and your will, not my opinion must be followed; and what Commandments your Highness shall give me, shall be most strictly obeyed by the most devoted, Your Highness' Most dutiful and humblest servant, Kensington. The Lord Kensington to the Duke, the 14. of March, 1624. My Lord, I Have already acquainted your Grace how generally our desires are met with here, much more cannot be said than I have already for that purpose. There was never known in this Kingdom so entire an agreement for any thing, as for an Alliance with England, the Count of Soysons only excepted, who hath had some pretensions unto Madam, but those are now much discouraged, upon a free discourse the Cardinal of Rochfalcout made unto the Countess his Mother, telling her, That if she or her son believed, or could expect, the King would give him his sister in marriage, they would (as he conceived) deceive themselves: for he imagined upon good grounds, that the King would bestow his Sister that way, that might be most for her honour and advancement, and likewise for the advantage of his Crown and Kingdom; and he professed for his part, although he much honoured the Count as a great Prince of the blood, yet was he so faithful unto his Master, as he would advise him to that purpose. The Queen Mother and Mounsieur Le Grand have advised me to say something unto the King concerning my business. I told them, I could say nothing very directly unto him, and yet would I not so much as deliver my opinion of the King my Master's inclinations to wish an alliance with him, unless I were assured, his answers might make me see his value, and respect unto him. They then spoke unto him, and assured me, I should in that be satisfied. Having that promise from them, I told the King, that I had made this journey of purpose to declare unto him my humble service and thankfulness for all his Honours and favours, the which I thought I could not better express, then by informing his Majesty, that our Prince whom he had ever so much valued, would be as I conceived free, and disengaged from our Spanish Treaty, by reason that the King could not find them answer his expectation in those things that made him principally desire their Conjunction; the which your Lordship seeing you have exercised your interest and credit with the King your Master, and the Prince to convert those thoughts towards his Majesty, from whom, you were persuaded nothing but truth and honour would be returned, the which at this time more than ever, would be an infinite advantage to both these Kingdoms, and that I believed if his Majesty would show a disposition, as affectionate to receive Propositions to this purpose, as the King my Master had to make them, a long time would not pass before the effects of this might appear, the which would show the report raised here of the ends of my coming to be false, and me to be free of all other designs, than those which I had expressed unto him. He told me, that he had not heard, that the Spanish Match was yet broken, the which justly might give him cause to be reserved; yet thus far he would assure me in the general, That whatsoever should be propounded unto him from the King of Great Britain, he would most hearty and affectionately receive it: but this was with such a fashion of Courtesy, as shown that he desired cause to have said more, and I am fully satisfied not only from him, but the Queens, and most of all of Madam herself, who shows all the sweetness and contentment that may be, and likewise from all the Officers of the Crown, and State, that they can desire nothing equal with this alliance. A better and more large preparation than this my instructions cannot make, and I wonder to see it thus fair, considering the hindrances and defacings the Spanish Ambassador desires to cast upon it, who besides the Rodomontadoes and threaten of the preparations of his Master, doth here take a contrary, but cunning way, letting them know, that the Prince cannot have two Wives, for their Infanta is surely his, only to create a jealousy and shienesse in them towards me, that he suspects labours to do offices that are not to his liking. You will therefore I hope speedily put this State out of these doubts, and clearly and freely proceed with them. Upon my credit and reputation, they are all of that disposition, that we can wish them to be, and it appears by their tender care of the States, and their resolution to aid them: And likewise in sending Captain Coborn, that came from the Duke of Brunswick to demand a supply of men, who is returned with answer unto him, that he shall have double what he required, and great satisfaction to the Count Mansfelt, that sent a Gentleman hither, to let the King know, he was not yet in such disorder, but that he could assemble his Troops to such a number, as might do his Majesty good service, if he would be pleased to take him into his protection and favour. And the King hath sent a Gentleman of the Religion a Sedanois to Liege, to give information to this State of the proceed of the Spaniards there, and to be ready to receive (if the Town shall seek it) the protection of them. But these passages I am sure you continually understand from our Ambassador, the which makes me omit many particularities in this kind that I could inform you of. I have sent this Bearer of purpose, the which I beseech your Grace return with some speed, and with him the resolutions of our dear and Sacred Master, whom God ever bless and keep to our glory and comfort. My Lord I am The humblest and most obliged of all your Grace's servants, Kensington. The Lord Kensington to the Secretary the Lord Conway. Right Honourable, ACcording to his Majesty's order which your last of April the 14. derived unto me, I have represented such reasons to the King, and his ministers of State here, against the sending of any person, in what quality soever, to the Duke of Baviers, as they acquiesce in them; specially for that they come commanded under his Majesty's desire, which they profess to be very willing to comply with, not only in this, but in any other occasion wherein his Majesty may directly, or indirectly be any way interessed. I took the same opportunity of preparing the way a little farther to a formal treaty of alliance, by feeling once again their pulse in matters of religion, and find, that it beats so temperately, as promises a very good Crisis of any thing that may concern that particular. I dealt plainly with the marquis de la Veiville touching the course that his Majesty may be driven to hold against Jesuits and Priests, of banishing them the Kingdom; and of quickening the laws against the other Catholics, as well out of necessity of reducing them within the bounds of sobriety and obedience, as of keeping good intelligence with his Parliament, without which he could not possibly go thorough with such a weighty work, as he is now to undertake. He approved of the course for the ends sake; under hope notwithstanding that his Majesty would not tie his own hands from some moderate favour hereafter, which is all they pretend unto, and desire it may flow from the mediation of this State upon an alliance here, for the saving of their honour, who otherwise will be hardly reputed Catholics. In representing a facility in these things, I leave no other difficulties to be imagined. Their good inclination to the match in general they are willing to demonstrate, (as by many other evidences, so) by the care, they are now under of lodging, and defraying my Lord of Carlisle, and myself in a more splendid and Magnific manner, than ever yet they did any Ambassador whatsoever, for such is the language that Ville-aux Cleres holds to me upon that subject. The Count of Soissons sees it, and storms, and manifests his discontent towards me (who am the instrument) more felly then discreetly. I encountered him the other day, and gave him the due that belonged to his rank, but instead of returning me my salute, he disdainfully turned back his head. I was somewhat sensible thereof, and I told Mounsieur de Grandmont of it, and as he, and I were discoursing of it the day following, Soissons offered himself full butt upon us a second time. I again repeated my courtesy, and he is childish in civility. Grandmont found it strange, and intimated to the marquis de la Valette a familiar, and confident of the Counts both my observation, and his own distaste of such an uncivil kind of proceeding. Valette conveys the same to Soissons himself, who answered that he could not afford me a better countenance, not for any ill will he bore unto my person, but to my errand and negotiation; which (were it not in the behalf of so great a Prince) went so near his heart, as he professed, he would cut my throat if he could. Nay, were any Prince of Savoy, Mantova, or Germany here in person to solicit for themselves in the like nature, he would hazard his life in the cause. Such is the language that despair brings forth, which put me into an expectation of no less than a challenge to decide the quarrel. And I once verily believed it sent, for the Count de Lude came very soberly to me, and told me, he had a message to deliver me from a great Personage, which he entreated he might do without offence. I desired him to speak freely what it was, and from whom He told me he was sent by the Count of Soissons, and I presently replied that nothing should come amiss from him. In conclusion the errand was to signify an extreme liking, that the Count took to one of my Horses, which he was desirous to buy of me upon any rate. I answered, that if the Count would express to me his desire himself, and receive him of gift, he should be at his service, otherwise he should remain still as he was. Since that I have met him, & been prevented with a very courteous salute from him. I have been thus ample in these particular passages betwixt the Count and myself, that by the trouble you find in his disconsolate breast, you may judge of the constancy of Madam's heart towards our Prince, upon whom assuredly it is most strongly set, (as she continually expresses upon all occasions.) Yesterday I had the honour to entertain her two hours together, and received so many testimonies of respect, as witnessed very warm affections towards the Personage I did represent. Amongst other discourse, She fell to speak of Ladies riding on horseback, which she said was rare here but frequent in England, and then expressed her delight in that exercise. There is lately arrived here a French Gentleman (Duport by name) with commission from the King of Bohemia to solicit this King's favour (in consequence of his Majesty's generous, and Gracious declaration in his behalf) for the recovering of his rightful inheritance, to entreat that Baviers may no ways be countenanced in his unjust pretensions, and to crave (in this his extremity) a reimbursement of the remainder of that sum, which his father lent to Henry the fourth in the times of his necessities, which may arise to the sum of 30000 Crowns; the facilitating of this negotiation is recommended unto me, who contribute what I can to the good success thereof. There hath happened here this last Monday a dispute between the Marquis de Courtenvant one of the first Gentlemen of the King's Chamber, and the Colonel de Ornano (Mounseiurs Governor) about a lodging, which this pretended unto as most convenient for him, in regard that it adjoined to that of Mounseiurs; but the other claimed a right unto it by a former assignation, and possession. Ornano at the first prevailed, till the other complained to the King, who commanded the Colonel to quit the lodging to him; which his people refusing (out of a presumption perhaps, that the commandment was rather formal then real) the King sent 3. or 4. of his guard to reiterate the commandment, and in case of refusal to obey, to cast out all the stuff, and to kill all such as should oppose. Thus Courtenvant got the day; perhaps by Vievilles recommendation in opposition of Toirax, between whom, there hath been lately a little contestation upon this occasion. Vieville being desirous to strengthen himself, and to stand upon the surest bottom he could, endeavoured to join a confident of his in equal commission with the Guard des Seaux, that so he might in time work it out, and prevail himself of that office at his devotion. The Guard des Seaux finding feeble resistance in himself, addressed his course to Toirax to seek under his Covert shelter from that disgrace, and injury. Toirax undertakes his defence; Vieville expostulates the matter with him, and alleadges many reasons to justify his intentions, which the other gainsaying, with some little warmness, hath occasioned by that heat, a coldness of affection between them ever since, and that so far forth, as it hath grown to be notorious. To the same original, I reduce the Cardinal de Richlieus introduction into the Council of the Cabinet by the favour of Vieville (being made also an Instrument thereunto by the Queen) that by making his own party strong in Council, he may the more easily crush any adversary, that shall grapple with him. Yesterday he was admitted; so that now that Council is composed of the Queen Mother, the Cardinal de la Rouch-foulcant, Richlieu, the Constable Vieville, and the Guard des Seaux. Before I had finished this Letter, I had occasion to visit the Constable, to whom I used the same language, that formerly I had done to la Vieville, and with the like approbation. And when I touched upon the point of dispensation, how it might be passed over, he assured me in general, that such was the disposition of this King, and State to give the Prince content, as he might be (in a manner) his own Carver how he pleased. This is the account I can give you of the public: but how shall I express the deep sense I have of my obligations to your favour in particular? shall I multiply in thanks? It is too ordinary a payment for so many Noble expressions of your love. I will rather endeavour by my deeds constantly and continually to witness unto you, that I entirely rest Your most faithful and most Humble Servant, Kensington. The Lord Kensington to the Duke. My most dear, and Noble Lord, BEsides that joint Letter to your Lordship from my Colleague, and myself, I think fit to add this particular account of what passed yesterday at Ruel betwixt Queen Mother, and me; whither going to give her double thanks; as for the liberty, she had given me of access at all times to Madam, to entertain her henceforth with a more free, and amorous kind of language from the Prince; so for having so readily condescended to an humble suit of mine in the behalf of my Lord of Carlisle for a favourable Letter for him to your Lordship; she was pleased to oblige me farther in telling me she did it merely for my sake. I redoubled my thanks, and added, that I knew your Lordship would esteem it one of the greatest happinesses that could befall you to have an occasion offered, whereby you might witness, how much you adored her Majesty's royal virtues, and how infinitely you were her Servant, ready to receive law from her, whensoever by the least syllable of her blessed Lips or Pen, she should please to impose it. And this I did (as on the one side to gratify my Colleague, who would be infinitely sensible of the disgrace he apprehends in the miss of the Ribbon, being thus brought upon the Stage for it) as also to help to mesnage that your Gracious favour which Mounsieur de Fiatts to my Lord represents unto him, by giving you means withal to oblige this sweet & blessed Queen, who hath your Lordship in a very high account, and would be glad to find occasions how she may witness it. The mention of my Lord of Carlisle upon this occasion refreshed her remembrance of the late falling out betwixt the Cardinal and him; and though she were sufficiently informed of the particulars by the Cardinal himself, yet she would needs have a relation from me, who in a merry kind of fashion obeyed her command, and salved every thing the best I could. She would needs know my opinion of the Cardinal, who so magnified to her his wisdom, his courage, his courtesy, his fidelity to her service, his affection to our business as pleased her not a little. Neither did my heart and my tongue differ, for I esteem him such. This discourse she left to fall upon a better subject, the Prince, concerning whose voyage into Spain, the censure of Italy (she said) was, that two Kings had therein committed two great errors. The one in adventuring so precious a pledge to so hazardous an enterprise, the other in badly using so brave a guest. The first, Madam, (answered I) may be excused from the end, the common good of all Christendom, which then standing upon desperate terms, had need of a desperate remedy. The second had need of a better advocate than I, to put any colour of defence upon it. But his Highness had observed as great a weakness and folly as that, in that after they had used him so ill, they would suffer him to departed, which was one of the first speeches he uttered after he was entered into the ship. But did he say so? said the Queen. Yes Madam I will assure you (quoth I) from the witness of my own ears. She smiled, and replied, Indeed I heard he was used ill. So he was (answered I) but not in his entertainment, for that was as splendid as that country could afford it, but in their frivolous delays, and in the unreasonable conditions, which they propounded, and pressed (upon the advantage they had of his Princely Person.) And yet (smilingly added I) you here (Madam) use him far worse. And how so? presently demanded she? In that you press (quoth I) upon that most worthy, and Noble Prince, (who hath with so much affection to your Majesty's service, so much passion to Madam sought this Alliance.) The same, nay more unreasonable conditions than the other, and what they traced out for the breaking of the match you follow, pretending to conclude it very unseasonablely in this Conjuncture of time, especially when the jealousies, that such great changes in state, are apt to beget, are cunningly fomented by the Spanish Ambassador in England, who vaunts it forth, that there is not so great a change in La Vievilles particular person, as there is in the general affections, which did but follow before the stream of his Greatness and credit. Thus casting in the King's mind the seed of doubts, whereunto the Conde de Olivares in Spain hath been willing to contribute by this braving speech to our Royal Master's Ambassador there, That if the Pope ever granted a dispensation for the match with France, the King of Spain would march with an army towards Rome and sack it. Vrayement nous l'en empescherous bien (promptly answered She) Car nous lui taglierous assez de besongne ailleurs. Mais qu'est-ce qui vous presse le plus. I represented unto her the unfitness of the seventh Article (even qualified by that interpretationt, hat it is) and the impossibility of the last which requires, and prescribes an oath. And desired that the honour of the Prince (with whom she pretended a will to match her Daughter) might be dearer to her, then to be balanced with that, which could add nothing to their assurance. I also humbly besought her to employ her Credit with the King her son, her authority to the Ministers for a reformation of those two Articles especially, and a friendly, and speedy dispatch of all. And if we must come to that extremity, that more could not be altered, then already was, yet at least she would procure the allowance of this protestation by the King our Master, when he should swear them, that he intended no further to oblige himself by that oath, then might well stand with the safety, peace, tranquillity, and conveniency of his State. This she thought reasonable, and promised to speak with the King and Cardinal about it. And if you speak as you can (replied I) I know it will be done, Though when all is done, I know not whether the King my Master will condescend so far yea, or no. Here I entreated I might weary her Majesty no further, but take the liberty she had pleased to give me in entertaining Madam with such Commandments as the Prince had charged me withal to her. She would needs know what I would say. Nay then (smiling quoth I) your Majesty will impose upon me the like Law that they in Spain did upon his Highness. But the case is now different (said she) for there the Prince was in person, here is but his Deputy. But a Deputy (answered I) that represents his person. Mais pour tout cela (dit elle) qu' est ce que vous direz? Rien (dis-re) qui ne Soit digne des oreilles d'vne si vertueuse Princess. Mais qu' est ce? redoubled she? Why then Madam (quoth I) if you will needs know, it shall be much to this effect; That your Majesty having given me the liberty of some freer Language than heretofore, I obey the Prince his Command, in presenting to her his service, not by way of Compliment any longer, but out of passion, and affection, which both her outward, and her inward beauties (the virtues of her mind) so kindled in him, as he was resolved to contribute the uttermost he could to the Alliance in question, and would think it the greatest happiness in the world, if the success thereof might minister occasion of expressing in a better, and more effectual manner his devotion to her service; with some little other such like amorous Language. Allez, Allez, Il n'y a point de danger en tout cela (smilingly answered she) je me fie en vous, je me fie en vous. Neither did I abuse her trust, for I varied not much from it, in delivering it to Madam, save that I amplified it to her a little more, who drank it down with joy, and with a low Courtesy acknowledged it to the Prince; adding, that she was extremely obliged to his Highness, and would think herself happy in the occasion, that should be presented of meriting the place she had in his good Graces. After that, I turned my speech to the old Ladies that attended, and told them, That sigh the Queen was pleased to give me this liberty, it would be henceforth fit for them to speak a suitable Language. I let them know that his Highness had her Picture, which he kept in his Cabinet, and fed his eyes many times with the sight, and contemplation of it; sigh he could not have the happiness to behold her person. All which and other such like speeches, she (standing by) took up without letting any one fall to the ground. But I fear your Lordship will think I gather together too much to enlarge my Letter thus far: but it is, that by these Circumstances your Lordship may make a perfect judgement of the issue of our negotiation, which I doubt not but will succeed to his Majesties, his Highness, and your Lordship's contentment: And so yield matter of triumph to you, and infinite joy to me Your Lordship's Most most humble, most obliged, and most obedient servant, Kensington. The Lord Kensington to the Duke. My most dear Lord, THis Bearer your Cousin's going is in such haste, as what you receive from me must be in very few words. I was yesterday with the marquis de Vieville, whom I find cordial to do good offices between ours, and this Kingdom; and he assures me by all the promises and protestations that may be, he will ever use his credit and power to do so, knowing these Kingdoms can (as the King of Spain's power and ambition increases) have no true safety and good, unless we join in friendship and alliance. He is very free to me, telling me, That to prevent this, the King of Spain offers now the largest conditions of satisfaction and friendship that can be imagined, but their thoughts here are wholly bend towards us; And although as yet, the King cannot with honour or wisdom say more than he hath done, yet we may be assured when we are free, to be satisfied in all we can desire. This day I understand the Earl of Argile is like lightning passed by for Spain, and by a special Command from the King it is to put us in more terror; That he will use his service in Scotland, where I believe he hath little credit and power to offend us. But howsoever they omit nothing that may dishearten us, but we are of too noble and constant a temper, either to fear their cunning or power. My Lord, give me leave to beseech you, not to defer our business, for never can this State be found so rightly and truly inclined in love and affection towards us. And the rather hasten it, because all the art that may be is daily used from Spain to prevent us, and if we go not roundly and clearly with them here, they may have jealousies and discouragements that may change them: Take them therefore now, when I dare promise they are free, very free from those thoughts. My Lord, pardon the haste of this Letter, that hath no more time given me but to tell you, that you never can have any servant more devotedly yours, then is Your Grace's Most obliged and most humble servant, Kensington. The Earl of Holland to the Duke. My dearest Lord, WE have made a final conclusion of this great Treaty. Upon what terms the dispatch at large will show your Grace: We have concluded honourably, that which we could not do safely; for to receive words, that obliged not, would have appeared an unwise, and unperfect Treaty of our part, and no way worthy of the greatness of our Master, nor the passion of his Highness, the which now hath a brave expression, since his Mistress is only considered, and desired, and the only object of our Treaty. But I must tell you, that since we have proceeded thus, they say, they will outgo us in the like bravery, doing ten times more than we expect, or they durst promise, fearing the World would conceive all their do conditionally; the which would be dishonourable for Madam. But that being safe, they now say their interest is greater than ours for the recovering of the Palatinate, and they will never abandon us in that action. I hope we shall shortly have the honour and happiness to see your Grace here; where you will be (as justly you deserve) adored. You must make haste, for we are promised our sweet Princess within six weeks. I beseech you let me know your resolution, that I may contrive which way I may best serve you against your coming. I have carefully laboured according unto your Commands in that which the marquis de Fiat. You may assure him of a speedy and good success in it, the which he will more fully understand, when Mounsieur de la Ville-aux-Cleres shall be in England. He gins his journey from hence within 3. days. He is worthy of the best reception that can be given him, having throughout all this Treaty carried himself discreetly and affectionately. I beseech you put the Prince in mind to send his Mistress a Letter: And though I might as the first Instrument employed in his amours, expect the honour to deliver it; yet will I not give my Colleague that cause of envy. But if his Highness will write a private Letter unto Madam, and in it express some particular trust of me: And that my relations of her, have increased his passion, and affection unto her service, I shall receive much honour, and some right, since I only have expressed what concerned his passion and affection towards her. If you think me worthy of this honour, procure a Letter to this purpose, and send it me to deliver unto her, and likewise your Commands, the which I will receive for my greatest comforts: living in unhappiness until I may by my services express how infinitely, and eternally I am Your Grace's Most humble, and most obliged and devoted servant, Holland. Postscript. THe Presents that the Prince will send unto Madam, I beseech you hasten. The Earl of Holland to his Majesty. May it please your most excellent Majesty, WE are in all the pain that may be, to know what to answer to the malicious and continual complaints made by Blanvile of wrongs and violences done him, even to the assaulting of him in his own lodging, the which he hath represented with so much bitterness, as it took great impression here in the hearts of all, especially of the Queen Mother, whom yesterday I saw in the accustomed privilege hath ever been given me, to have at all times my entrance free into the Lowre. And I the rather went, because I would not shrink at all their furies and clamours, and it came to such a height, as Petitions were given by Madam de Blanvile, that she might for the injuries done to her husband his Ambassador, have satisfaction upon our persons. But she was (as she deserved) despised for so passionate a folly, yet was it in consideration (as I suspect) by a word that the Queen Mother uttered in her passion to me, who with tears before all the World, being accompanied by all the Princesses and Ladies, told me, (but softly) That if your Majesty continued to affront, and suffer such indignities to be done to the Ambassador of the King her Son, your Majesty must look that your Ambassadors shall be used a la pareylie. I confess this stirred me so much, as I told her, That if the intentions of your Majesty were no better considered by the King here, your Majesty commanding us for the good and happiness of his Kingdom, to endeavour to bring, and give him (the which we have done) the greatest blessing in this World, Peace in his Country, then to be balanced with a person, that in requital hath stirred up, and daily desires to do it, disputes, and jars, even between your Majesty, and the Queen, we had reason to believe your Majesty most unjustly, and most unworthily requited. And it might take away upon any such occasion, the care, that otherwise you would have had to do the like. And for my part, it took from me all desire ever to be employed upon any occasion hither, where our Actions, that their acknowledgements have been acceptable but a few days past, are now of so little consideration, as we are of no more weight, than the unworthiest Minister that ever was employed. Upon that I found, she was sorry for having expressed so much. But this day we had from her a more favourable audience, and from the King the effects and circumstances of that which we have in our Dispatch presented unto my Lord Conway. Sir, the malice of this Blanvile is so great unto your worthy servant my Lord Duke, as he hath written a private Letter unto the King, the which I saw by the favour of a friend, that he is in a condition of danger to be ruined by the fury and power of the Parliament. And to confirm him in that opinion, hath sent all the passages amongst them that concern my Lord Duke; adding to that, of great factions against him at the Council Table, and naming some Lords, the which makes me see, he hath intelligence with all those, that he believes may contribute any thing towards the mischieving of him. But those that know the magnanimity and nobleness of your Majesty's heart, know that so noble a vessel of honour and service as he is, shall never be in danger for all the storms that can threaten him: when it is in your Majesty's hands not only to calm all these tempests, but to make the Sun, and beams of your favour to shine more clearly upon his deservings then ever, the which upon this occasion your courage and virtue will no doubt do, to the encouragement of all deserving, and excellent servants, and to his honour and comfort that is the most worthy that ever Prince had: And so affectionate, that the world hath no greater admirations, than the fortunes that the Master and servant have run together. And certainly our good God will ever preserve that affection, that in so many accidents, and one may say afflictions, hath preserved your Persons. Sir, this boldness, that I take, proceeds not from the least doubt these foolish rumours give me of changes, but out of a passionate meditation of those accidents, that your courage and fortune hath carried you through, blessing God for your prosperity, the which will be by his grace most glorious, and lasting, according to the prayers of Your Majesty's Most humble, and most obedient Subject, and servant, Holland. Parish 1/13. March, 1625. The Earl of Holland to the Duke. My dear Lord, THis Messenger is so rigid, and such an enemy to all Jantileise, as by him I will not send any news in that kind; but when the little Mercury comes, you shall know that which shall make you joy, and grieve that you cannot enjoy what your fate and merit hath so justly destined unto you. We have such daily alarms here out of England from Blanvile, of the beating of his servant, and at the last the danger, that of late he himself hath been in, of being assassinated in his own house; for the first word that his servant said unto the King, and the whole Court was, The Ambassador had run such a hazard of his life, as no man that heard him believed he had escaped with less than 5. or 6. wounds. Insomuch as your friend Bouteve asked, Fait un belle fine: And this hath so animated this Court, being (as your Lordship knows) apt upon all occasions to be fired, and stirred up, as the King hath been moved to forbid us our entries, and liberties here. And yesterday Madam de Blanvile did openly petition the King to imprison us for the wrongs and injuries done unto her husband, and his Ambassador, that she feared was by this time dead. But that had no other effect but to be laughed at. I never (I confess) saw the Queen Mother in so much distraction and passion, for she never speaks of her Daughter but with tears, and yesterday with some heat and bitterness to me about it: the Circumstances I have taken the boldness to present unto his Majesty. That which distracts me infinitely, is to hear, that they do traduce you, as the cause of all these misfortunes, and that you stir up the King to these displeasures. And so much impression it hath made into the Queen Mother, as this day at the audience she told me, That you had made the marriage, and were now, as she imagined, and was informed, resolved to destroy your work. I asked her what particularity could make her say, and believe so against the general, and continual actions and endeavours, that the whole world ought to be satisfied of your infinite care, and affection, to fasten and tie together a good, and constant intelligence and friendship between these Crowns. She told me, that you entreated Madam de St. George to do some service for you to the Queen, the which she did, and instead of giving her thanks, you threatened the sending of her away. I told her, Though I had as yet heard nothing of this particularity, yet I knew your nature to be so generous, as you would never do any action unjust. I told her, that she must distinguish between what you say as Commanded by the King, and what you say of yourself: for if it be his pleasure to make the instrument to convey his will upon any occasion of his displeasure, you are not to dispute, but to obey his Command in that, and in all other things. I told her farther, that I saw the continual malice of the Ambassador, that invents daily injuries and falsehoods of your Lordship, to unload himself from his insolences and faults; but I hoped that nothing should light upon your Lordship, but what you deserved, the which to my knowledge was more value and esteem, than any man in the world could, or can ever merit from this Kingdom. And I desired her, not to entertain the belief of these things too hastily, until we had news out of England, that we knew would contradict all these malicious discourses. And I must tell your Grace, that by a friend (whom I am tied not to name) I was showed the private Lettter that Blanvile wrote to the King, in the which he sent him the whole proceed of the Parliament; and concludes they will ruin you, naming great factions against you, and as it were a necessity to destroy you. But I hope he, and the whole world here will fall, before any misfortunes should fall upon so generous, and so noble a deserver of his Master, and so excellent a friend and Patron unto Your Grace's Most humble, and most obedient servant, Holland. Postscript. THough the Ambassador deserves nothing but contempt and disgrace as Blanvile, yet I hope as Ambassador he shall receive (for public Honours and accustomed respect to Ambassadors) all possible satisfaction, and it will be conceived a generous action. My dearest Lord, ALL the joy I have, hath such a flatness set upon it by your absence from hence, as I protest to God, I cannot relish it as I ought; for though beauty and love I find in all perfection and fullness, yet I vex, and languish to find impediments in our designs and services for you: first in the business, for I find our mediation must have no place with this King concerning a Peace. We must only use our power with those of the Religion, to humble them to reasonable Conditions, and that done, they would as far as I can guess have us gone, not being willing that we should be so much as in the Kingdom, when the Peace is made, for fear the Protestants may imagine, we have had a hand in it. For our Confederation, made by you at the Hague, they speak so of it, as they will do something in it, but not so really or friendly as we could wish. But for these things, you allow me, (I trust) to refer you to the general Dispatch: I come now to other particulars; I have been a careful Spy how to observe intentions, and affections towards you. I find many things to be feared, and none to be assured of a safe and real welcome. For the fleur-de-lis (?) continues in his suspects, making (as they say) very often discourses of it, and is willing to hear Villains say, That heart heart hath infinite affections, you imagine which way. They say there is whispered amongst the foolish young Bravadoes of the Court, That he is not a good Frenchman that suffers anchor anchor to return out of France, considering the reports that are raised, many such bruits fly up and down. I have since my coming given Queen Mother by way of discourse occasion to say somewhat concerning your coming, as the other night when she complained to me, That things were carried harshly in England towards France; I then said, That the greatest unkindness and harshness came from hence, even to forbid your coming hither, a thing so strange, and so unjust, as our Master had cause, and was infinitely sensible of it. She fell into discourse of you, desiring you would respect, and love her daughter; and likewise that she had, and would ever command her to respect you above all men, and follow all your Counsels (the matter of her Religion excepted) with many professions of value and respect unto your Person; but would never either excuse what I complained of, or invite you to come upon that occasion. But though neither the business gives me cause to persuade your coming, nor my reason for the matter of your safety; yet know you are the most happy, unhappy man alive, for heart heart is beyond imagination right, and would do things to destroy her fortune, rather than want satisfaction in her mind. I dare not speak as I would, I have ventured I fear too much, considering what practices accompany the malice of the people here. I tremble to think whether this will find a safe conveyance unto you. Do what you will, I dare not advise you; to come is dangerous, not to come is unfortunate. As I have lived with you, and only in that enjoy my happiness, so I will die with you, and I protest to God for you, to do you the least service, etc. Postscript. HAve no doubt of the party that accompanied me, for he is yours with his soul, and dares not now (as things go) advise your coming. Mr. Lorkin to the Duke, the 30. of August, 1625. May it please your Grace, FRom an honest and truly devoted heart, to receive the sacrifice of most humble thanks, which come here offered for that excess of favour, which I behold in those gracious lines, that you are so nobly pleased to honour me withal; and which derive unto me farther, the height of all contentment, his Majesty's gracious acceptance of my poor endeavours; which howsoever they cannot shoot up to any high matter from so low an earth, yet (in their greatest force) are eternally vowed (with the price of my dearest blood) as to his Master's faithful service in the first place, so to your Graces in the next; who have received I doubt not ere this, what my former promised in the Savoyard Ambassadors behalf, and that as well from his own pen, as mine. But this State is very Euripus, that flows, and reflowes 7. times a day, and in whose ways is neither constancy, nor truth. The changes your Grace will find in my Letters to my Lord Conway, whereunto I therefore make reference, because I suppose, there will be but one Lecture thereof to his Majesty, and yourself. Therein likewise your Grace will see a sudden commandment laid upon Mounsieur de Blanvile premire Gentilhome de la chambre du Roy speedily to provide himself to go extraordinary Ambassador into England. The cause thereof I rove at in my dispatch, taking my aim from two dark speeches to Queen Mother, and the Cardinal. I have since learned the interpretation of the riddle, not from the Cardinal's lips (who yet being sounded by me, pretended a further end then Ville-aux-cleres had done, viz; to entertain good intelligence betwixt the Queen of England, and your Grace, and to do you all the best offices, and services that are possible;) but from the Duke de Chevereux, who (whatsoever pretexts may be taken) makes the true ends of that Voyage to be, first, to try whether this man can mend what (they conceive here) the Duke hath marred, in showing himself more a servant to the King of England, then to his own King and Master. Secondly, to spy and discover what he can; and (according as he shall find cause) to frame Cabals, and factions, whereunto he is esteemed very proper, being charactarized with the marks of a most subtle, prying, penetrating, and dangerous man. And therefore as an Antidote against the poison he brings, the Duke gives this Caveat aforehand, That every one keep close, and covert towards him, and avoid familiarity with him, though (otherwise) he wishes a kind and honourable entertainment. Thus much I received from the Dukes own lips yesternight; (Bonocil being witness, perhaps Counsellor of all that passed) he promised a memorial in writing this day, which I have attended till this evening, and even now receive it. I have not touched the least syllable hereof to my Lord Conway, because I think both your Graces, and the Duke de Chevereuxes will may concur in this, that these things be not subject to many eyes. Even now the Savoyard Ambassador sends an express Messenger unto me to hasten to Fountain-Bleau. Perhaps it may be to facilitate the Treaty with Rochel, by either some Letter, or Journey of mine thither. But upon the conference I have had with the Duke de Chevereux, I shall temporise, till I hear his Majesty's pleasure, or see good evidences of generous effects like to ensue. Being desirous to shape my course so, as may be most acceptable to his Majesty, and pleasing to your Grace, whose virtues I adore, in quality of Your Grace's Most humble, most faithful, and most obedient servant, Tho. Lorkin. Postscript. THe Duke de Chevereux expects the cipher from your Grace, if I be not deceived. Mr. Lorkin to the Duke 17. September, 1625. May it please your Grace, TO read and consider two contrary advertisements; the one given me on Monday evening by des Porches, who repeating what he had told me before, (D'avoir destrompé la Royne mere en mil, et mil choses) assured me, that her thoughts were now so far changed from what they were, as she remitted every thing to his Majesty's pleasure to do what he list, (provided, that he attempted not upon the conscience of the Queen her Daughter, which was the only point she was tender in, and scrupulous) that she had written a very sharp Letter, full of good lessons, and instructions to her, that she had as clear a heart to your Grace, as was possible; had sent for Blanvil expressly to alter his instructions, and that howsoever he (like a hollow-hearted man) had uttered in confidence to a friend of his, That he would persuade the Queen of England to put on a reconciled countenance for a time, till the way should be better prepared to give your Grace a dead lift, yet the Queen Mother's intentions were assuredly sincere and good. The Savoyards Ambassadors voyage was not then resolved, but his Secretary prepared to make it in his room. Of whom Pocheres (by the way) gave this touch, That there was a great correspondence between Madamoiselle de Truges, and him (contracted upon occasions of frequent visits, that had passed betwixt her Mother, and the Ambassador) and that therefore a careful eye was to be had of him. Another (who must be nameless) sent for me yesterday in the forenoon to tell me, that Poor Berule's errand hither was only to make out-cries against the decree, or proclamation against the Catholics, and to accuse your Grace as the Principal, if not the only author, who was now of a seeming friend become a deadly foe. That the Earl of Arundel had (out of his respect unto this State) purposely absented himself, that he might not be guilty of so pernicious a Council. That your Grace and my Lord of Holland, had both but very slippery hold in his Majesty's affections; that if this King would employ his credit as he might, it would be no hard matter to root you both out thence, that there were good preparatives for it already, and that my Lords Arundel, and Pembroke would join hands and heads together to accomplish the effect. Whereupon Blainville was sent for back to be more particularly instructed in the ways how to compass it; and would speedily post away in diligence. The same party added, that the propositions which the marquis de Fiatt had made 'bout the League, and Fleet, were before Brule's arrival somewhat well tasted, but since slighted, as those, that became cheap (by their offer to divers others, as well as them) that the said marquis should have visited Blainville at Paris, and sounded him about his errand after this manner. First, whether he had order to disnestle Madam de St. George? Whereto the answer was, No; and that it was against all reason of State so to do; and when the other replied, that the world was come to a bad pass, if reason of State descended as low as her, Blainville remained silent. Secondly, whether he had commission to introduce the Duchess of Buckingham and the Countess of Denbigh into the Queen's bedchamber. Answer was made, that it was a nice, and tender point, and if that were once condescended to, they would be continually whispering in the Queen's ear, how dear she would be to the King her Husband, how plausible, and powerful among the people, how beloved of all, if she would change her religion, against which they were in conscience here bound to provide, and therefore conclude with a refusal of that likewise. Thirdly, whether he carried any good instructions about an offensive, or defensive league whereunto the negative was still repeated; but that he carried brave offers for the entertainment of Mansfelt. And when the marquis replied, that if that were all the contentment he carried, he feared she would find but a very cold welcome; the other added, that perhaps he might be an Instrument to make the Queen and Duke friends. This were good (quoth the marquis) if the Queen had not as much need of the Duke's friendship, as the Duke of hers, and upon these terms they parted. The same lips that utterred all this, gave caution likewise against the Savoyard Ambassador, as a cunning, deep, hollow-hearted man. And being felt by me, how his pulse beat towards Porcheres, told me he was a mercenary man, and no ways to be trusted. In the issue of all this, his Council was, That your Grace would consider well your own strength, and what ground you have in his Majesty's favour, If it be solid, and good, than a Bravado will not do amiss (may be powerful here, to make them to see their own error, and to walk upright) so it end with a good close: but if your station be not sure, than he Counsels to prevent the storm; for to break with all Spain, France, Puritans, Papists, were not wisdom; And desires that by any means you instantly dispatch a Currier to me to represent the true state of things at home, and how you desire matters should be ordered for your service here abroad, so that there may be fabriqued a more solid contentment to your Grace whose, hands I most humbly kiss in quality of Your Grace's Most humble, most faithful, most obeent, and most obliged Servant, Tho. Lorkin. Postscript. IF my stay be intended long, it will be necessary that I use a cipher, which I humbly beseech your Grace to send me, or to give me leave to frame one as I can. As I was closing up my Letter, Mr. Gerbier arrived, who hath been somewhat indisposed in his health by the way, but now is reasonably well God be thanked. His coming is very seasonable, and I assure myself will be useful. By the discourse, I have had with Mr. Gerbier, I see a little clearer into the state of things here, and think Porcheres his advertisement may be truer, as being perhaps grounded upon knowledge, the other springing only upon conjecture, built upon Berule's clamours, and overtures, and the sudden sending for Mounsieur Blanville back. Your Grace will see day in all shortly. But assuredly the latter advice comes from a heart that is affectionately devoted to your Grace's service. This Bearer will kiss your Grace's hands from the Author, and thereby you will know his name, which he stipulated might not come in writing. The Lord Herbert to his Majesty. My most Gracious Sovereign, NOw, that, I thank God for it, his Highness according to my continual prayers, hath made a safe, and happy return, unto your Sacred Majesty's presence, I think myself bound by way of Complete obedience to these Commandments I received from your Majesty, both by Mr. Secretary Calvert, and my Brother Henry, to give your Majesty an account of that sense, which the general sort of people doth entertain here concerning the whole frame and Context of his Highness' voyage. It is agreed on all parts, that his Highness must have received much contentment, in seeing two great Kingdoms, and consequently in enjoining that satisfaction, which Princes, but rarely, and not without great peril, obtain. His Highness' discretion, diligence, and Princely behaviour every where likewise is much praised. Lastly, since his Highness' journey hath fallen out so well, that his Highness is come back, without any prejudice to his person, or dignity, they say the success hath sufficiently commended the Council. This is the most common censure (even of the biggest party, as I am informed) which I approve in all, but in the last point, in the delivery whereof I find something to dislike, and therefore tell them, that things are not to be judged alone, by the success, and that, when they would not look so high as God's providence, without which no place is secure, they might find even in reason of State, so much, as might sufficiently warrant his Highness' person, and liberty to return. I will come from the ordinary voice to the selecter judgement, of the Ministers of State, and more intelligent people in this Kingdom, who, though they nothing vary from the above recited opinion, yet as more profoundly looking into the state of this long treated of Alliance betwixt your Sacred Majesty, and Spain, in the persons of his Highness, and the Infanta, they comprehended their sentence thereof (as I am informed) in three Propositions. First, that the protestation which the King of Spain made to his Highness upon his departure, whereby he promised to chase away, and disfavour all those, who should oppose this marriage, doth extend no further, then to the said King's Servants, or at furthest, not beyond the temporal Princes, his Neighbours, so that the Pope being not included herein, it is, though his consent must be yet obtained, and consequently, that the business is in little more forwardness than when it first began. Secondly, that the Pope will never yield his consent, unless your Sacred Majesty, grant some notable privileges and advantage to to the Roman Catholic religion in your Sacred Majesty's Kingdoms. Thirdly, that the said King of Spain would never insist, upon obtaining those privileges, but that he more desires, to form a party in your Sacred Majesty's Kingdoms, which he may keep always obsequious to his will, then to maintain a friendly correspondence between your Sacred Majesty, and himself. I must not in the last place omit to acquaint your Sacred Majesty, very particularly, with the sense which was expressed by the bons Francois, and body of those of the Religion, who hearty wish, that the same Greatness which the King of Spain doth so affect over all the world, and still maintains even in this country, which is to be Protector of the Jesuited, and Bigott party, your Sacred Majesty would embrace, in being defender of our faith. The direct answer to which, though I evade, and therefore reply little more, then that this Counsel was much fit, when the union in Germany did subsist, then at this time? Yet do I think myself obliged to represent the affection they bear unto your Sacred Majesty. This is as much as is come to my notice, concerning that point, your Sacred Majesty gave me in charge, which therefore I have plainly laid open, before your Sacred Majesty's eyes, as understanding well, that Princes never receive greater wrong, then when the Ministers, they put in trust, do palliate and disguise those things, which it concerns them to know. For the avoiding whereof let me take the boldness to assure your Sacred Majesty, that those of this King's Council here, will use all means they can, both to the King of Spain, and to the Pope (In whom they pretend to have very particular interest) not only to interupt, but if it be possible to break off you Sacred Majesty's Alliance with Spain. For which purpose the Count de Tilliers hath strict command, to give all punctual advice, that accordingly they may proceed. It rests, that I most humbly beseech your Sacred Majesty to take my free relation of these particulars in good part, since I am of no faction, nor have any passion, or interest; but faithfully to perform that service, and duty which I own to your Sacred Majesty, for whose perfect health, and happiness, I pray with the devotion, of Your Sacred Majesties most obedient, most Loyal, and most affectionate Subject and Servant, Herbert. From Merton Castle the 31. of October, 1623. Still No. Mr. Edward Clark to the Duke. May it please your Grace, I Have been hitherto very unfit (by reason of my sickness) to give your Lordship any account of my time at Madrid. So that without your Lordship's favourable construction, I may be thought forgetful of the trust committed to my charge, and the rather, in that as yet your Lordship hath only heard what I have done, but not why. I presume I have faithfully followed the Prince's direction, and on such probable inducements, as will I hope both in your Highnesses and your Lordship's opinion plead my excuse at least. The very day the Prince arrived at St. Anderaet, my Lord of Bristol, seeing me very weak, told me he was very sorry, I was not able to perform the journey for England, for that now there was an extraordinary occasion of a dispatch, not only in respect of the ratification come the night before; but because also they were almost come to a final conclusion of all articles, which were to be engrossed, and signed the next day. Hereupon I was inquisitive to know what assurance he had the Ratification was come: He answered, that, that very day, he had been summoned to attend the Junto, and that there they had earnestly pressed him, that the Articles might be speedily drawn up, and signed, since they had now received full warrant to authorise them to proceed; And that the next day was appointed accordingly. Thereupon unwilling to omit the present opportunity, conceiving withal the purpose of the Prince's Letter to be, either to express his Highness further pleasure before the meeting of the Junto, or to prevent the concluding of some other particular Article they might otherwise fall upon: I delivered his Letter to his Lordship (pretending it came to my hands amongst other Letters that same day) I found him exceedingly troubled in reading it, nor did he forbear to tell me, it must for a time be concealed; for he feared, if they should come to the knowledge of it they would give order to stay the Prince. Upon these motives, and in this manner I parted with it, wherein I humbly submitting myself to his Highness' Construction, I remain Your Grace's humblest servant to command, Ed. Clark. Madrid, 1. Octob. 1623. Mr. Edward Clark to the Duke. My Lord, THe Infanta's preparation for the Disposorio was great, but greater sorrow (good Lady) to see it deferred. It hath bred in them all some distraction. The multitude know not what to conjecture, what to say, but cry Piden el Palatinato. They confess the demand just, but unseasonable, and do publish, that (the Disposorio passed) the Infanta on her knees should have been a suitor to the King to restore it, making it thereby her act, and drawing the obligation wholly to her. I must confess, I want faith to believe it, and the rather, because I see it reflect secretly, and maliciously upon your Lordship, who are made the author of all the impediments that happen, not by your enemies only, but by those that should suppress it. Which troubles me so much, that I hasten all I can my return, since I know no other than to be Your Grace's faithful servant, Edw. Clark. Madrid, 6. Sept. 1623. Sir Anthony Ashley to the Duke. May it please your good Lordship, IF any thing had happened worth your knowledge, I had either come or sent to Theobalds' in your absence, being ascertained that your Lordship had been already particularly informed of what passed in the Higher House betwixt the Earl of A. and the L. S. which is the only thing of note, and is thought will beget some novelty. Your Lordship may be most assured, that your Adversaries continue their meetings and conferences here in Holborn, how to give his Majesty some foul distaste of you, as making you the only author of all grievances and oppressions whatsoever for your private ends. And I hope to be able within few days (if promise be kept) to give you good overture of a mutual oath taken to this purpose amongst them. The rumour lately spread touching his Majesty's untimely pardon of the late Lord Chancellors Fine and Imprisonment, with some other favours intended towards him, (said to be procured by your Lordship's only intimation) hath exceedingly exasperated the rancour of the ill affected, which albeit it be false, and unlikely, because very unseasonably; It doth yet serve the present turn, for the increase of malice against you. I can but inform your Lordship of what I understand, you may please to make use thereof as yourself thinketh best. I most humbly entreat your good Lordship to keep Letters of this nature either in your own Cabinet, or to make Heretics of them: for I am well acquainted with the disposition of some Penmen in Court. Upon Message even now received of my poor Daughters sudden dangerous sickness, I am constrained unmannerly to post unto her, being the only comfort I have in this world, and do purpose God willing a speedy return. In the mean time, and even with my hearty prayer I commend your good Lordship to God's merciful and safe keeping. This 12th. of May, 1621. Your honourable good Lordships faithfully devoted, A. A. Sir Wa. Raleigh to the Duke, 12. Aug. IF I presume too much, I humbly beseech your Lordship to pardon me, especially in presuming to write to so great and worthy a person, who hath been told that I have done him wrong. I heard it but of late, but most happy had I been, if I might have disproved that villainy against me, when there had been no suspicion, that the desire to save my life, had presented my excuse. But my worthy Lord, it is not to excuse myself that I now write: I cannot; for I have now offended my Sovereign Lord: for all past, even all the world, and my very enemies have lamented my loss, whom now if his Majesty's mercy alone do not lament, I am lost. Howsoever, that which doth comfort my soul in this offence is, that even in the offence itself, I had no other intent than his Majesty's service, and to make his Majesty know, That my late enterprise was grounded upon a truth, and which with one Ship speedily set out, I meant to have assured, or to have died; being resolved (as it is well known) to have done it from Plymouth, had I not been restrained. Hereby I hoped not only to recover his Majesty's gracious opinion, but to have destroyed all those malignant reports which had been spread of me. That this is true, that Gentleman whom I so much trusted, (my Keeper) and to whom I opened my heart, cannot but testify, and wherein if I cannot be believed living, my death shall witness: Yea that Gentleman cannot but avow it, that when we came back towards London, I desired to save no other Treasure, than the exact description of those places in the Indies. That I meant to go hence as a discontented man, God I trust, and mine own Actions will dissuade his Majesty. Whom neither the loss of my estate, thirteen years' imprisonment, and the denial of my pardon could beat from his service, nor the opinion of being accounted a fool, or rather distract, by returning as I did, balanced with my love to his Majesty's person, and estate, had no place at all in my heart. It was that last severe Letter from my Lords for the speedy bringing of me up, and the impatience of dishonour, that first put me in fear of my life, or enjoying it in a perpetual imprisonment, never to recover my reputation lost, which strengthened me in my late, and too late lamented resolution, if his Majesty's mercy do not abound: if his Majesty do not pity my age, and scorn to take the extremest and utmost advantage of my errors: if his Majesty in his great charity do not make a difference between offences proceeding from a life-saving-natural impulsion, without all ill intent, and those of an ill heart; and that your Lordship, remarkable in the world for the Nobleness of your disposition, do not vouchsafe to become my Intercessor, whereby your Lordship shall bind an hundred Gentlemen of my kindred to honour your memory, and bind me for all the time of that life which your Lordship shall beg for me, to pray to God that you may ever prosper, and over-bind me to remain Your most humble servant, W. Raleigh. Sir Henry Yeluerton to the Duke, 15. March, 1623. May it please your Grace, MY humble heart and affection hath wrote many lines, and presented many Petitions to your Grace before this time, though none legible but one sent by my Lord Rochfort, within five days after your most welcomed arrival from Spain. I have learned the plain phrase of honest speech. My Lord, I have honoured your name long, and your own virtue much. I never found misfortune greater than this, that still sailing after you in all humble desires of duty, I was still cast behind you. I excuse nothing, wherein your Grace may judge me faulty, but will be glad to expiate my errors at any price. Your noble heart (I hope) harbours no memory of what did then distaste you. Your own merits which have so much ennobled you, will be the more complete, if I may but merit your forgetfulness of wrongs past. If I seek your Grace before I deserve it, enable me I beseech you to Deserve, that I may seek. If any, on whom you have cast your eye most, endear himself more to your service, than I shall; let me not follow the vintage at all. Till this day I feared the relish of sour Grapes, though I have sought you with many broken sleeps. But this Noble Earl, whose honour for this work shall ever with me be second to yours, hath revived me, with the assurance of your gracious pardon, and liberty to hope, I may be deemed your servant. I protest to God, it is not the affluence of your honour makes me joy in it, nor the power of your Grace, that trains me on to seek it, but let the trial of all your fortunes speak thus much for me, that I will follow you, not as Cyrus his Captains and Soldiers followed him, the one for spoil, the other for place: but if with safety to your Grace, though with peril to myself, I may serve you, let me die if I do it not, rather than want any longer, what my humble love ever led me to, and I still affect the honour To be yours, Henry Yeluerton. Sir John Eliot to the Duke, 8. Novemb. 1623. Right Honourable, WIth what affection I have served your Grace, I desire rather it should be read in my actions, than my words, which made me sparing in my last relation to touch those difficulties, wherewith my Letters have been checked, that they might the more fully speak themselves. I shall not seek to gloss them now, but as they have been, leave them to your Grace's acceptance, which I presume so noble, that scandal or detraction cannot decline it. It were an injury of your worth, which I dare not attempt, to insinuate the opinion of any merit by false colours, or pretences, or with hard circumstances to endear my labours, and might beget suspicion, sooner than assurance in your credit, which I may not hazard. My innocence I hope needs not these, nor would I shadow the least error under your protection. But where my services have been faithful, and not altogether vain, directed truly to the honour and benefit of your place, only suffering upon the disadvantage of your absence, I must importune your Grace to support my weakness, that it may cause no prejudice of your rights and liberties, which I have studied to preserve, though with the loss of mine own. My insistance therein hath exposed me to a long imprisonment, and great charge, which still increaseth, and threatens the ruin of my poor fortunes, if they be not speedily prevented. For which, as my endeavours have been wholly yours. I most humbly crave your Grace's favour both to myself, and them; In which I am devoted Your Grace's thrice-humble Servant, J. Eliot. The Earl of Oxford to the Duke. My Lord, I Cannot but believe that I have had some undeserved ill offices done me unto your Lordship, otherwise I should not find this difficulty in being preferred, if not afore, at least equally in balance with my Accusers. It is common unto all men's understanding, that it is not the guilt of the accused, but the legal and just proceeding, which clears the King's honour, and this I do, and ever will acknowledge to have been held towards me. Neither was it ever known, that the King's Grace, the more it came sweetened with his favour, did lessen or diminish his honour, but rather seemed as a lustre to make his goodness shine brighter, and oblige the Receiver in a more strict Tye of gratitude. My Lord, it cannot wrong you to oblige me to your service, nor add reputation to you throw me upon Rocks. I appeal to the King, and your own Conscience, whether ever I have harboured any treasonable thoughts, either against his Majesty, or his issue, that should make me uncapable of receiving his grace, without imputation to those faithful and dutiful respects, with which I have ever served his Majesty; If it shall please him to line me out my path to death (the period whither we must all travel to) by imprisonment, I shall be far from repining at the sentence, but with all humbleness, will undergo it, and employ my heartiest prayers for the long continuance of his honour and happiness. I beseech your Lordship receive my Character of what I am, and have ever been towards you, not from Conjectures and reports of others, but from my own mouth, and actions. For yet I have reason to suspect your opinion of me, else sure I should have found better fruits of your power. I was always (as much as lay in me) desirous to outstrip, rather than come short of any in doing you service, and the same affections still remain with me, of the truth of which I pray you be confident. To this only I will add one request more, which is, That since your Lordship is pleased to mediate with his Majesty for my freedom, you will procure it so free from rubs, as that my obligation may be the greater, which I will ever willingly and faithfully pay unto your Lordship in all respects, like him, who truly is Your Lordships, etc. H.O. The Lady Purbeck to the Duke. My Lord, THough you may judge what pleasure there is in the conversation of a man in the distemper you see your Brother in; yet the duty I own to a husband, and the affection I bear him, (which sickness shall not diminish,) makes me much desire to be with him, to add what comfort I can to his afflicted mind, since his only desire is my Company. Which if it please you to satisfy him in, I shall with a very good will suffer with him, and think all but my duty, though I think every wife would not do so. But if you can so far dispense with the Laws of God, as to keep me from my Husband, yet aggravate it not by restraining from me his means, and all other contentments, but which I think is rather the part of a Christian, you especially ought much rather to study comforts for me, then to add ills to ills, since it is the marriage of your Brother makes me thus miserable. For if you please but to consider not only the lamentable estate I am in, deprived of all Comforts of a husband, and having no means to live of: besides falling from the hopes my fortune then did promise me, for you know very well I came no beggar to you, though I am like so to be turned off. For your own honour, and Conscience sake, take some course to give me satisfaction, to tie my tongue from crying to God, and the world for vengeance for the unworthy dealing I have received. And think not to send me again to my Mothers, where I have stayed this quarter of a year, hoping (for that my Mother said you promised,) order should be taken for me, but I never received penny from you. Her confidence of your Nobleness made me so long silent; but now believe me, I will sooner beg my bread in the streets to all your dishonours, than any more trouble my friends, and especially my Mother, who was not only content to afford us part of the little means she hath left her, but whilst I was with her, was continually distempered with devised Tales, which came from your Family, and withal lost your good opinion, which before she either had, or you made show of it; but had it been real, I cannot think her words would have been so translated, nor in the power of discontented servants Tales to have ended it. My Lord, if the great honour you are in, can suffer you to have so mean a thought as of so miserable a creature as I am, so made by too much Credulity of your fair promises, which I have waited for performance of almost these five years: And now it were time to despair, but that I hope you will one day be yourself, and be governed by your own noble thoughts, and then I am assured to obtain what I desire, since my desires be so reasonable, and but for mine own. Which whether you grant or no, the affliction my poor husband is in (if it continue) will keep my mind in a continual purgatory for him, and will suffer me to sign myself no other, but Your unfortunate Sister, F. Purbeck. Dr. Donne to the marquis of Buckingham, 13th. Septemb. 1621. My most honoured Lord, I Most humbly beseech your Lordship to afford this rag of paper a room amongst your evidences. It is your evidence not for a Manor, but for a man. As I am a Priest it is my sacrifice of prayer to God for your Lordship; and as I am a Priest, made able to subsist, and appear in God's service by your Lordship, it is a sacrifice of myself to you. I deliver this paper as my Image; and I assist the power of any Conjurer, with this imprecation upon myself, that as he shall tear this paper, this picture of mine, so I may be torn in my fortune, and in my fame, if ever I have any corner in my heart, dispossessed of a zeal to your Lordship's service. His Majesty hath given me a royal Key into your Chamber, leave to stand in your presence, and your Lordship hath already such a fortune, as that you shall not need to be afraid of a suitor, when I appear there. So that I protest to your Lordship, I know not what I want, since I cannot suspect, nor fear myself for ever doing, or leaving undone any thing by which I might forfeit that title, of being always Your Lordships, etc. J. D. Dr. Donne to the Duke. My Honoured Lord, ONce I adventured to say to the Prince his Highness, That I was sure he would receive a book from me, the more graciously, because it was dedicated to your Grace: I proceed justly upon the same confidence, that your Grace will accept this, because it is his by the same title. If I had not overcome that reluctation, which I had in myself of representing devotions, and mortifications to a young and active Prince, I should not have put them into your presence, who have done so much, and have so much to do in this world, as that it might seem enough to think seriously of that. No man in the body of story, is a full precedent to you, nor may any future man promise himself and adaequation to his precedent, if he make you, his. King's have discerned the seeds of high virtues in many men, and upon that Gold, they have put their stamp, their favours upon those persons: But then those persons have laboured under the jealousy of the future Heir; And some few, have had the love of Prince, and King, but not of the Kingdom, and some of that too, and not of the Church; God hath united your Grace so to them all, that as you have received obligations from the King, and Prince, so you have laid obligations upon the Church and state. They above, love you out of their judgement, because they have loved you: and we below, love you out of our thankfulness, because you have loved us. God's privy Seal is the testimony of a good conscience, and his broad-Seal is the outward bessings of this life. But since his Pillar of fire, was seconded with a Pillar of Cloud, and that all his temporal blessings have some partial Eclipses, and the purest consciences some remorses: so though he have made your way to Glory, Glory; and brought you in the arms and bosom, of his Vicegerent, into his own arms and bosom, yet there must come a minute of twilight in a natural death. And as the reading of the actions of great men, may assist you for great actions, so for this one necessary descent of dying, (which I hope shall be the only step of Lownes, that ever you shall pass by, and by that late) you may receive some Remembrances, from the Meditations and Devotions of Your Grace's Devoutest Servant, J. Donne. Sir John Hipsley to the Duke. My Noble Lord, I Find that all my Lord of Bristols actions are so much extolled, that what you command me to say is hardly believed. I will say no more in it, but leave the rest to Mr: Greihams, only this, that you have written much to the King in some man's behalf, and Mr. Gresley hath a 100 a year given him during his life, all which I think is without your knowledge; And Mr. Killigrew hath the like, that came for your sake after the other was granted. Mr. Greihams can tell you how that came. My Lord of Southampton hath offered his son to marry with my Lord Treasurer's Daughter, and tells him this reason, that now is the time he may have need of friends, but it is refused as yet; the event I know not what that will be. I have spoken to the King of all that you gave me in command, and he doth protest, that what he hath done, was merely for your sake, and indeed he is very careful of all your business, as if you were here yourself; but yet for God's sake make what haste you may home for fear of the worst. For the carriage of Captain Hall, I will not trouble you till you come home, only this by the way, that my Lord Treasurer hath it; but upon what terms I know not nor indeed desire you should be troubled with it. Sir George Goring came home but this last night, and is gone to the Court, and desires to be excused for writing to you. My Lady Hatton, and my Lady Purbeck came home with him from the Hague. My Lord of Arundel hath not been at Court since the death of his son. I fear the news, that Charles Gleman did show you was true. For I can assure you marquis Hamilton was much troubled till I had spoken with him. There be some have done no good offices betwixt you. Pray have a care of the Letter, I mean the man Mr. Gleman did show you, and keep as many friends as you may. I have spoken with no man, but my Lord Keeper who is yours, or not his own as he swears. And Mr. secretary Conway is yours body, and soul; I never heard of the like of him, for he flies at all men, that be not yours. Here is much admiration, that they hear not from you, but I thank God, the King is not troubled at it, for I do assure him, that it is the better, that he hears not from you: for now he may be confident, that you keep your day in coming away, which doth much please him. I will write nothing of my own business, though there be nothing done in it, but do hope, that you will not see your Servant perish. If I be too tedious, I pray pardon me, it is my love that makes me so, and yet I have an humble suit unto you, which is to beg at your hands for patience; for now is the time to show it or never; for all the eyes of the world are upon you and this is the time to win Honour, and fame; and for Gods-sake carry the business with patience betwixt my Lord of Bristol, and you; for here be those that do laugh in their sleeves at you both. I beseech you let me hear from you, what you will command me, for I will do nothing (as near as I can) but what will give content: For you have that power in me, that you need but say, and it is done (if it lie in my power) so shall you ever command Your faithful, and obedient Servant, till death, Jo. Hipsley London 1. Septemb. 1623. Sir Dudley Carleton to the marquis of Buckingham. Right Honourable, BY the dispatch of the fourteenth of this present (which I sent by Jonson the Post) I advertised your Honour at large in the two several Letters of the occurrents of these parts, and therewith sent a copy of my second proposition which I made the day before in the Assembly of the State's General touching the business of Cleves, and Juliers in conformity to your Honour's Letters of the 30th. of the last. The answer thereunto was deferred until yesterday, and then brought me only by word of mouth from the States by Mounsieur Magnus of Zealand, and Mounsieur Zulestein of Vtrecht, and was to this effect, That the States having sent my former proposition of the third of December to their several provinces, from which this latter did differ in substance, save only in respect of the time for the restitution of the Towns, which was prolonged for the space of a month, all they could do according to the constitution of their government, was to send this my second proposition likewise unto their provinces, which they had done the day after I made the same, and until they receive more express order from their principals, they were to rest upon their former answer. Wherein they declared their good intentions to accommodate this business, so it might be with safety to themselves, and satisfaction of their neighbours. And herein they were to expect the resolution of the Elector of Brandenbergh, from whom the time did not yet serve to know his mind. Mean while they humbly beseech his Majesty to make a gracious construction of their proceed. I was the day before with Mounsieur Barnevelt, (who is Precedent this week) to solicit their answer, who excused himself upon the smallness of their number, many of the States being absent, and of two Provinces all the Deputies: So as to give a determinate resolution according as was required, they could not: And to make answer in general terms, since his Majesty rested not satisfied with the former, he doubted another of the same kind would not please him. So as it seems this Message in place of an answer in writing, proceeded of his Council. By discourse both with him, and those which came unto me, upon this subject, I find their diffidence of the purpose of the Spaniard rather increased then otherwise, upon the news of Levies intended on the Archduke's side, to the number of 9000 foot, and 1000, or 1200 horse; and their delay in taking a determinate resolution, no way dissuaded, but rather counselled by all other Princes, who have interest in this business. Their Ambassador at Paris having advertised them by reiterated Letters, That Don Pedro di Sarmientoes his offer to his Majesty touching the execution of the Treaty of Zanten is absolutely disavowed by both the Kings of France and Spain. And this French Ambassador Mounsieur du Maurier, having made it appear unto them, that at Brussels they have the same conceit of it, as a thing done without authority. Besides, the Princes of the Union have written lately express Letters to the States, wherein they persuade them to extraordinary vigilance upon the Spaniards, and particularly in this business of Cleves, and Juliers, the translated Copies of which Letters, I send your Honour herewith. And the Prince of Brandenbergh being young himself, and having his Council divided in opinion, doth nothing absolutely without reference to this State, and he when I put them in mind, how they themselves were the authors and framers of the Treaty of Zanten, they stick not to say plainly, Tempora mutantur, et nos: so as I am daily more and more confirmed in my former opinion, That there is no way left to accommodate this business, but by a private agreement between the Prince's Pretendents. But Strickius, the Agent of Brandenbergh, being absent at Cleves, I do not hear how this Negotiation proceeds. Amongst the particularities which passed in discourse between Mounsieur Magnus, and myself, I insisting upon restitution of the Towns, as the means to prevent an imminent war upon the quarrel, He asked to whom they should restore them, unless the Princes were agreed, and that they might know, which of the Princes should receive him, and whom they should have for their neighbour. Whereby it appears, this course will on this side remove all difficulties. It is advertised hither, by Mounsieur Langrack, the State's Ambassador at Paris, that the apprehension they had in the Court, to have this business ended without the French Kings intervention, caused Mounsieur de Refuges to be summoned to make an other journey expressly hither, in regard he had formerly the managing thereof, Notwithstanding thta Mounsieur de la Nove was already named for this extraordinary Embassage: But Refuges excusing himself upon his indisposition, sent all his memorial of what passed, when he was here in the treaty of Zanten, with his private opinion upon the whole matter to serve as an instruction to la Nove. By the other Letters of the 28. of this present Still No. Mounsieur Langrack hath given this State many important advertisements, as first, that he hath obtained of the French Kng a continuance of the succours of the 3. Regiments of foot, and 2. Troops of horse of that Nation for one year longer, notwithstanding the opposition of the Spanish, and Arch-duke's Ambassadors, who advised the recalling of them upon occasion of the present troubles in France. That there is order given and assignation for 120000 Crowns towards the arrearages of their pay. That a resolution is taken in that Court by the advice of the new Counsellors, contrary to the opinion of the old, to prosecute the Princes by war, and maintain the King's authority henceforward by force. That to this effect the King desires the State should perform their promises of sending towards the river of Bordeaux 5. men of war. That he likewise requires of them in conformity of the last treaties betwixt the Crown, and this Star, an assistance of men to the number of the French, which are here in service, under some good Commander; But the French themselves, the King will not have, for fear, when they shall come into France, of their revolting to the Princes. That he demands free passage through these Countries down the Mause, and the Rhine of 3000. Soldiers, with their arms, which are leaived by the Count John Giacomo Belioyosa in Luke-Land, and thereabouts, and shipping to transport them into France. All these particulars were moved unto him (as he writes) by the Marshal de Anchre, to which he adds, That the King is so much incensed against the Duke of Bovillon, for seeking to this State for protection, by these Letters whereof I advertised your Honour in my last, that there is a resolution taken to declare him Criminel de lese Majestate. These Grants are so scanty (the continuance of the French Troops in the service of the State, being but for a year only, and the payment of them arriving only to the tenth part of what is already due) that they here interpret them to proceed from the Marshal de Ancre Pour tenir (as they say) le be en Leave, and the demands are so large and extravagant, that they are thought iniquum petere, ut aequum ferant; Whereby on the one side to keep this State in devotion to the French King, and on the other to prevent the like requests of the Princes: for there is small appearance, they will give passage to so many men through their Countries armed, and commanded by an Italian, who hath born arms against them, and is married into the Arch Duke's Country. And when it comes to question of sending forces of their own thither, it is like they will find as good excuses for that point, as they have hitherto done for the sending of the ships, now three months since promised, and still solicited: For howsoever the chief Persons here have been long particularly interested and engaged (as your Honour knows) by near dependence on this Crown, I find them of late very much alienated in consideration that it is so much governed by Spain, which in the end they apprehended will turn to the ruin of this State. In France they are jealous of this coldness, and have of late expostulated the matter with Mounsieur Langrack, as if they here did incline to the Princes, there being, a bruit raised in Paris, that Count Maurice would go in Person to their assistance; whereof the Queen Regent was very sensible; but I do not find here, that there was any ground for that report. Here hath been lately a fame spread, and nourished by such as desire to weaken the correspondence betwixt his Majesty and this State, that his Majesty is in near terms of matching our Prince with Spain. Which report is now the more credited, by an adviso out of Spain from a secret Minister, this State entertains, under colour of soliciting Merchants causes. That this match hath been there, by order of the King of Spain debated in the inquisition, and judged necessary in regard it would serve for introduction of Popery into England. This I find to be the Remora of my chief affairs with this State, my pressing the restitution of the Towns in Cleves and Juliers being thought by many of these jealous people to hang on this thread, as a thing very acceptable, and agreeable at this time to the King of Spain, and much advantageous in this present conjuncture to his affairs; and my insisting upon sending of Commissioners to his Majesty in the business of our Merchants, they apply the same way, as if the opinion which would be conceived of this Embassage, (howsoever Merchants affairs were pretended, the chief intent was to play Davus in Comaedia) should according to the use of Nitimur in Vetitum, rather kindle, then quench the desire of the Spaniard, and draw the match to a more speedy conclusion. At my last being with Mounsieur Barnevelt, I did expostulate the States delay of sending Commissioners to his Majesty upon this occasion, as neither answereth to Sir Noel Caron's word and promise to his Majesty, nor to that, which from his mouth, I did advertise your Lordship of the State's inclination in general, and the resolution in particular of those of Holland. To which he answered me, That with much difficulty and opposition, he had obtained the assent of Holland, and that now the matter rested with Zealand, but he doubted, that his Majesty's restoring the old Company of Merchants, would make a stay of any farther proceeding, as now less requisite, howsoever, that Sir Noel Carone had advertised, that notwithstanding this change, he thought the sending of Commissioners very necessary. The Questions here about Religion, rest in the same state as I advertised your Lordship in my last, the Assembly of Holland being separated until the end of February still. no. when they are to meet again. Mean while a provisional order is taken, that the Contra-Remonstrants shall continue their preaching in our English Church, which they have accommodated with Scaffolds, to make it more capable of their number. There was much question in this Assembly, whether his Excellency should be present, or no: but in the end he was called by the major part of voices, contrary to Mounsieur Barnevelt's opinion, and his authority over-swayed the matter in favour of the Contra-Remonstrants for the continuance of their preaching, which it was proposed to hinder by some violent Courses. By example of this place, there is the like provisional order taken for preaching at the Brill, and Rotterdam, and certain of the Burghers are established in Tergow, who were put from their Trade and Commerce, for their expostulating with the Magistrate upon this quarrel. I have been spoken unto by divers particular persons well affected in this cause, to procure a Letter from his Majesty to his Excellency, whereby to comfort and encourage him in his Zeal for the maintenance of the true doctrine, and the professors thereof, against these novelists and their opinions. Which I most humbly refer to his Majesty's wisdom, (in case he judge this office necessary) whether it be sit to be done by Letter or Message, the former of which, will be of greater virtue, but the latter less subject to cross construction of the Arminian faction, which your Honour knows how potent it is here amongst those who have chief rule in this State. Thus I humbly take leave, ever resting Your Lordship's most faithfully to be commanded, Dudley Carleton. Hague this 24. Febr. 1616. Still. Vet. Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke of Buckingham. My most honourable Lord, IMmediately upon receipt of your Lordship's Letter concerning Sir John Ogle, I moved the Prince of Orange not only for his leave for Sir John to go into England, but likewise for his Letters of recommendation, whereby to give your Lordship subject, upon some such testimonies of his Excellencies good satisfaction, to set him upright in his Majesty's favour, both which he granted unto me: though against the first, he alleged the absence of all the English Colonels; and touching the latter, he called to mind old matters; which notwithstanding (upon what I undertook for Sir John's future intentions) he was content to forget. I did once again upon Sir John's instance, put his Excellency in mind of his dispatch, wherein I found no difficulty. Since I find Sir John hath changed his purpose of going, and his excuse will be made at his entreaty by his Excellency, who hath since let me know, Though he would not deny me his leave, yet he is better content (in regard he is so slenderly accompanied with Colonels, in a time when the State hath need of their service with his stay. So as Sir John hath the obligation to your Lordship of a favourable recommendation and for his not prevailing himself of his leave when it was granted, I must leave to himself to render a reason. For my part, having accomplished what I find by your Lordship's Letter, to be agreeable both to his Majesty's pleasure, & your Lordships, I thought it my duty to advertise, That there is an ancient difference between Sir Horacio Vere, and Sir Edward Cecyl, about the extent of their Commands; whereupon followeth a great inconveniency to the dishonour of our Nation, (which as it appears when they were last in the field before Reez) are divided hereby, and march, and lodge in several bodies, and quarters. Much endeavour hath been formerly used in these parts to reconcile them, but all in vain, by reason of some ill Instruments, who wrought upon both their discontents to set them farther asunder. Now, they are both in England, and are both written for, to come over; It were a work worthy of your Lordship to make them understand one another better, and what they will not yield to of themselves, to overrule by his Majesty's authority. I may not conceal from your Lordship, that I am entreated by the Prince of Orange himself to do this office, both with his Majesty, and your Lordship, wherein he would not be seen himself, because having dealt between them fruitlessly heretofore, he doubteth of the like success now. But when their agreement shall be made, he will acknowledge his obligation to your Lordship, and for the better proceeding therein, I sent your Lordship a Copy of an order formerly set down betwixt them, with the translate of Sir Horacio Vere's Commission, (both which I had of his Excellency) and likewise the beginning, and proceeding of their difference, as I have collected the same in brief out of other men's reports. The projects I sent your Lordship with my last, of a West-Indian Company having been proposed to the States of Guelderland for their ratification (who have the leading voice in the Assembly of the States general, end were ever least forward in that business) hath thus far their allowance, that they will concur therein with the rest of the Provinces. But withal I do understand, they have given their Deputies secret charge not to give way thereunto, in case they find it prejudicial to the Truce. Which makes the matter evident, that the project of the Company (though it be never so advanced) will stand or fall, according to the proceeding of the Truce. The expiration whereof approaching so near, and here being advertisements from Paris, that a French Gentleman one Belleavium (who was lately employed hither to the Prince of Orange about the difference betwixt him, and the Prince of Conde) had secret instructions to sound the States, how they stood affected to the renewing thereof. I have used all diligence to know how far he went; and am well informed, he hath done nothing therein of Consideration: only this past between him, and his Excellency. He telling his Excellency from Mounsieur Desdiguieres, and some of the French Kings Council, how acceptable the extraordinary Embassage intended from hence will be in that Court and thereupon persuading a speedy embracing the opportunity. From whence (said his Excellency after his round manner) cometh this alteration? To speak plainly (said he) they fear in France you will renew the Truce without them, and therefore by your Ambassadors, they would interpose themselves. Here are good advertisements both from Brussels and Paris, that the Spaniards intent is not to renew the Truce, but to have a Peace proposed with these plausible conditions; That the King of Spain will pretend nothing in the Regiment of these United Provinces, nor require any thing of them in the point of Religion, but leave all in terms as it now stands, with recognition only of some titular Sovereignty, which he cannot in honour relinquish. This is already proposed to France, as a glorious work to establish a settled Peace in these parts of the world, but with this condition, That if it be not embraced here, than France shall refuse to give this State any further support, or countenance, of which it is here believed, that Spain hath already obtained a firm promise in that Court. And that either the like overture is already made, or will be within few days to his Majesty. Under which doth lie hidden many mysteries much to the advantage of the Spaniard, and prejudice of this State: for the very proposition of a new Treaty will distract them here very much, in regard of their unsettledness, and aptness upon any dispute to relapse into faction, besides many Considerations of importance belonging properly to the Constitution of their Government, but the acceptation of the old, by renewing of the Truce upon the former terms, for so many years, more, or less, as shall be thought sitting, will (in my poor opinion (which notwithstanding is not slenderly grounded) take place, without much difficulty. The importance of this business, hath made me give your Lordship this trouble, and your Lordship may be pleased to let his Majesty understand as well that little as is done by Mounsieur Belleavium, as what they here conceive to be further intended by the Spaniard. So I most humbly take leave, ever resting Your Lordship's Most faithful servant, Dudley Carleton. Hague this 10th. of June, 1620. Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. Most Honourable, NOt to give your Lordship the trouble of often Letters, I render an account of his Majesty's Commandments by the same hand I usually receive them. One I had lately by an express Letter from his Majesty, accompanied with another from your Lordship, touching my Lord of Buckleugh, to demand full satisfaction of the States, for all his Lordship's pretensions, and to that effect to procure Instructions and Commission to be sent to Sir Noel Carone to end this business. To which effect I have moved both his Excellency and the States, and whilst they were treating thereof, Colonel Brogue arrived here out of Scotland: with whom they are now handling to put him to Pension, and to give my Lord the Command of his Regiment in lieu of his Pretensions. Which when they come to calculate, my Lord will find a short reckoning of them, and to send accounts out of their accountants hands, and refer them to others, they will never be moved. Wherefore if the course they now take can be gone thorough with (which Colonel Brogue doth most unwillingly hear of) it will be then in my Lord's choice, whether he will remain satisfied, or not. And within few days I hope to return my Lord's Secretary with advertisement of what is done. Mean time I assure your Lordship nothing is omitted in my endeavours to procure him that, which may be most to his contentment. In the present condition of public affairs, your Lordship knoweth well how at this instant we have all buone Parolle out of Spain, and Cattivi-fatti of all the rest of the House of Austria. In so much as these low-country Troops under the governance of the Infanta, assist in the blocking up of a poor town, all which remains of his Majesty's only Daughters Jointure in the Palatinate. And the Emperor not content with having chased her Husband out of the Empire, in the Proposition of the Diett of Ratisbone, makes this one Article, to make war upon these Provinces, because (amongst other quarrels) they give refuge to the Prince Palatine. Where will this persecution cease? And what place in the world to which they are driven from hence (and is easily guessed in all their extremity, whither they will be forced to fly) is not subject to the same quarrel? within this week that I now write (betwixt Sunday, and Sunday) we were here in that state, if God had not prevented it, this Country had been too hot for them to remain in, and it had been a happiness for them, if they could have got a poor skeveling boat to have transported them elsewhere. This Bearer my Nephew will inform your Lordship more particularly thereof. Now, de agendis, there rests no more, than question of maintaining the Army of Mansfelt, and Brunswick, which is lodged at the present in a place, out of which, it can hardly match, and more hardly be removed. If it have pay, and countenance, it may do good service in Germany; if not, I will tell your Lordship what I conceive may be the consequence. It will be hedged into East-Friseland by Tillie, (whose Troops already draw that way) Cordova and Anholt, against which keeping itself within that Country, it will be able to make resistance, as the poor Peasants thereof did heretofore against the Spanish Army, by reason of the difficulty of access. From this State it will have all assistance, and though it be kept in by land, it will have the Sea open betwixt Griett and Norden, (both which places are in Mansfelts possession) a Haven fit for a Fleet of Galleons. If by that means they, with correspondency with this State may support themselves, it will be very ill for many important consequences. If they and this State, (which will be forced to run a fortune together) be overcome, much worse; for what can keep the rest of Europe from subjection to the Austriaci? We see how in Terra firma, the Walloons joined to Spaniards, both make and maintain their Conquests. Join the Hollanders to them by Sea, they will reap the like service by them. The fruit we have reaped heretofore of the shipping of these Provinces, both for defence in the year 88 and offence in the Cadiz journey, showeth what a strong addition this is to a greater power. My most honourable Lord, I am so full of such like speculations, that these have broken out ex Plentitudine Cordis, surcharged with grief to see in Plenitudine temporis, that to come to effect in the public affairs which was discovered long since, by the Emperor's intercepted letters sent by the Capuchin into Spain, and to hear the judgement made every where, that the public opposition of the Spanish Ambassador (D'Ognates) words to the Emperor's proceeding the facto, is but a patelinage, with secret understanding to abuse his Majesty's goodness. Of which it lieth yet in his Majesty's power to vindicate himself; but there is no time to spare. I humbly crave pardon for this liberty of discourse I use with your Lordship, who am Your Lordships, most humble, and most faithful Servant, Dudley Carleton. Hague, 31. Jan. 1622. Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. Most Honourable, I Observe in such Letters from the Prince elector to her Highness, with the sight of which, she is pleased sometimes to favour me, a misunderstanding betwixt him, and his Uncle the Duke of Bovillon, who groweth weary of his Guest, doubting least in his Consideration some danger may be drawn upon his Town of Sedan; And the jealousy the Prince conceiveth, what may be done with him in case of a Siege; (against which, that is no place to make long resistance) besides the discomforts of living in another man's house, and being ill looked on, makes him wish himself any where else; but chief here, where he is as much desired, as miss by her Highness, his children, and Family: And where the Prince of Orange, and the States (apprehending very well his present danger, and incommodity) will give him very willingly his wont welcome. Your Lordship may be pleased to make thus much known to his Majesty: And if your Lordship can so dispose of the matter, that with his Majesty's good liking, he may return hither again, I know nothing your Lordship can do more agreeable to her Highness, though she doth wholly submit her affections and desires to his Majesty's pleasure. The wars were never warmer than they are already, and now likely more and more to kindle in these parts: The Siege of Ostend, by those which were present there and are now in Berghem, being esteemed sport in comparison of the fury is used in disputing the outworks of that Town. Where on Monday last in the night an assault was given, and maintained six hours by the Spaniards upon a half Moon kept by the Dutch on the North side; out of which they were three several times repulsed, with the loss of betwixt 3. and 400 men of their best, and on this side under 40. All that they gained being (after the same manner as their former attempt on the other side wherein Colonel Hynderson was slain) to lodge in the foot of the work. Two of our old Captains, Sir Michael Everard, and Lovelace (hurt in that, and the like assault given on that side within few days after) are both dead of their wounds within these two days. One at Dort, the other at Rotterdam, whither they were retired to be cured: which is imputed by the Surgeons to some malignity is used to the bullets: but that is not to be believed amongst Christians, yet I have seen some brought hither shot by the Enemy, sufficient to break all quarter. We shall have now questionless many and sharp encounters in the field; Count Mansfelt being on his way hitherwards with his Army, much weakened during his abode in the Frontiers of France; but of strength sufficient to march through the open Countries of Henault, and Brabant. Which course he takes directly with intention to come to Breda. And where by computation, he should be by Monday, or Teusday next at the farthest, unless he be overtaken by Don Conzales de Cordova, or met with by the Count Henric Vandenbergh, or the marquis Spinola, in any of which there is small appearance. Cordova going forward at leisure with 16. pieces of Canon, and the 18th. of this present, when Mansfelt passed a bridge at Marpent over the Sambre in Henault (which was the only passage of difficulty, and that as our advertisements here say, he crossed without resistance) being some hours March behind him, who having three field pieces only, and small store of baggage, and in effect his whole Army on horseback, may make great expedition. If Vandenbergh stir, he will be followed by the Prince of Orange. And the marquis Spinola cannot go strong enough to encounter him without raising his Siege at Berghen, which though he should do, the Campaigne is large enough, and Mansfelt lightly laden to take, and leave at pleasure, it being in his power, (if his way to Brdea be stopped) to fall down towards such places, the State hold in Flanders. The States furnish him with 6000 Florins for the time of three months, they entertain him and his Army. In which space, the service they hope to draw from him, is, the raising the Siege of Berghen, by cutting off the Convoys betwixt Antwerp, and the Spanish Leaguer, which can no longer continue in the place it now remains, than it can keep the way of Antwerp open, by which only their victuals and Munition is conducted. This time of three months expired, there is small appearance of longer entertainment of Mansfelt by this State, who doth then purpose to retire to the Duke Christien of Brunswick's old Quarter at Lipstadt: Where they intent to winter their Army, and augment the same against the next Spring, to return again into Germany, if the Peace of those parts be not concluded, or some mischance do not happen in the mean time. Which resolution of theirs, for such it is (as I am very well informed) deserves the more to be cherished, by how much the more disrespect is showed his Majesty's Ambassador in the Palatinate, by burning and spoiling her Highness' Jointure even in his view, (as Don Gonzales did whilst he remained in those parts) and since besieging his Majesty's Garrison Heidelbergh; before which place, we understand here by Letters of the 14th. from Frankford, that Baron Tillie began his approaches the 12th. of this present. I have not heard what is the issue of Captain Brett's business, but hope the best. Colonel Hynderson's Regiment was given upon the first news of his death to Sir Francis Hynderson by the Prince of Orange, with which the States are much displeased, as contrarying their Act. And I have lamented myself to them, as a wrong done my Lord of Buckleugh, and his Majesty, in his behalf: which they promise me to repair, as they possibly may be able. And I press them to it by those means which your Lordship will find contained in an abstract of a Letter I wrote lately to his Excellency, chief to this purpose. Her Highness having received a fair Present from the Prince her Brother, doth render his Highness' thanks by the enclosed. I know not so great a Lady in the world, nor ever did, though I have seen many Courts) of such natural affections: An obedient Daughter; A loving Sister; And a tender Wife, whose care of her Husband doth augment with his misfortunes. Your Lordship cannot therefore show your care of her more, then by bringing them again together with the soon. Of which I beseech your Lordship, that with the soon I may know what hope there is, and that (if your Lordship please) by Mr. Ashburnham, whose return with a favourable dispatch is daily expected. Thus I most humbly take leave, Your Lordship's Most humble, and most devoted Servant, Dudley Carleton. Hague 23. August. 1622. Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. May it please your Grace, THe general knowledge the Queen of Bohemia received from your Grace, by my Nephew, of the disposition of our affairs at home, since his Highness, and your Graces return out of Spain, upon the true understanding you have bred in his Majesty of the Spanish proceed, being more particularly both for the state of the matter, and the manner fit to be held here in disposing these men to such overtures as are necessary, expressed unto me by Sir George Goring with special caution of secrecy and celerity. I have thought fit to set down at large (whilst it is fresh in my memory) an opportunity as properly given unto me this day by the Prince of Orange, who is the only person of power and confidence we have here to treat withal) as I hope your Grace will judge it seasonably taken. And that was an occasion of business concerning a mutiny at Breda, which drew the Council of State, (where I have my Scance) to the States general, with whom we found the Prince. That business ending in good time, gave him a long hours leisure with me afterwards in his Garden, which he himself desired of me, because somewhat was farther to be digested betwixt us concerning the English Troops, which shown themselves most in this Mutiny: And hereupon the consideration of the necessity of this State, and impossibility of giving their Troops full contentment, gave us subject of further discourse, both of the means of better payment they have here at home, and the helps they might conceive from abroad, which making appear unto me to be coldest from England, as long as our Match with Spain is still in treaty, he asked me bluntly (after his manner), Qui at'il de vostre Marriage? I told him, it was now at a stay upon this point, That the restitution of the Palatinate must be first concluded. And that the Queen of Bohemia was not only well comforted with this assurance, but pleased herself with a further conceit, that the opportunity was never fairer for this State to regain the King her Father's favour, and return to the ancient support of his Crowns, which by the way of gratitude for her good usage, since she had her refuge into these parts, she could not but admonish his Excellency of, and advise him not to let it slip. This he did not so suddenly lay hold of, as not first to cast many misdoubts, as if the alienation were too great, and his Majesty too much wedded in affection, if not in Alliance to new friends, to be so soon reconjoyned to his old, as their necessities did require. Here I took occasion to play my own Part, and to remember unto him how things had passed within the compass of my experience from the beginning; letting him know what friendship his Majesty had showed this State, in the making their Truce; what sincerity in rendering their Cautionary Towns according to contract, when they were demanded; what affection in supporting their affairs during their late domestic disputes; what care in settling our East-Indian differences: finally, what Patience in conniving at all the misdemeanours, and insolences of their Seamen, without seeking revenge. And hereupon concluded, that I found them here in the same error as men are, which put first from Land to Sea, and believe the Land passes from them, not they from the Land, in that the Alienation, which hath long been nourished betwixt his Majesty and this State, sprang originally from them. First, by Barnevelt and his faction of Arminians carrying the State to new Alliances, with the Hans-Townes, and otherwise by themselves, refusing so much as the knowledge of them to my Predecessor in this place, Sir Ralph Wynwood, with much scorn, and contempt. Next, by a harsh and peremptory stile, used in all we had then to do with them, savouring rather of Pride and presumption, than any due respect or desire of friendship. Lastly, by a precipitate course taken at Sea by their ships of war and Merchants against his Majesty's Subjects, making prize of some, shouldering others out of their places of trade, and entering in the East-Indies into open hostility, avowed by a public Act of the State's General. This ill course begun and pursued for some year's continuance, breeding a deserved distaste in his Majesty on this side; and on the Spanish part fair overtures of friendship, being continually made, and confirmed by the tender of a Match of a potent Prince, None can marvel that his Majesty did embrace the same, unless it should be expected of him, that for love of this State how ill soever deserving, he should lend a deaf ear to all other friendships, that did not concur with the interest of this State. And the remembrance of these things not being so old as to be worn out, they might here very well conceive, that the suspicion of Alienation and disaffection, is as strong on our side for their giving the cause of our leaning another way, as on theirs for the effect which hath since followed. And now the cause is removed, the effect may possibly cease in like manner, if we may have good assurance, that breaking with our new friends upon the occasions now presented, we might fasten after the wont manner with an old: and the King be satisfied in such doubts, he may upon good reason cast, and know certainly what to trust to. To this conclusion he answered (confessing first their many obligations to his Majesty, both for his favour, and sufferance,) that nothing could be more certain, than the affection of this State to a Prince embracing their cause of opposition to Spain. And if his Majesty could take that resolution, he might dispose of them, their lives and their fortunes. I told him, that more (in a case of this importance, when there was question of alteration of the whole course of a great Princes affairs) would be required then bare professions and protestations, and the rather, because he knew I was not ignorant, how many Billets, and Papers have been heretofore brought hither by * An old Popish Gentlewoman of this town, who by passport on both sides trots so often to and fro betwixt this and Brussels, (where she hath private access to the Infanta) that she is known by the title of la Maquerelle de la Tresur. Madam Serclaus, and others, tending to Truce, or peace, and how much such a matter was thirsted after by their Frontier Provinces; which being free for them to take, or leave, after their own humours, it was not likely his Majesty would discharge them of their burden, to pull it upon his own Shoulders; But to enter into the common cause of defence, and add a powerful hand in supporting them, might be faisable in the present conjuncture, upon good assurance, he should never be left single in the quarrel. Whereunto he answered, that true it was, the woman I named, and divers others, had been tampering heretofore about such Treaties, & that he had continually put their Papers into his Pocket, and so suppressed (them with consent of some of the States, of whom he was most confident) lest such propositions, being brought into their public Assemblies, might have driven them into distraction, and dispute one with another according to their several affections, either to Peace, or War, and thereby slacken their Contributions, wherewith they pay their Army, and by consequence expose them to the mercy of the enemy. And that this course of his being finally discovered by the Merquesse Spinola, and Peckius, their purpose now was (as he is privately advertized from Brussels) to steal over some person hither by the usual means of Passports for Merchants and Travellers, to make some such like Proposition at the several Assemblies of the States of these united Provinces: which it should be his study to prevent, because of the mischief may be bred thereby amongst them; And this he assured me for conclusion, That as their affections and affairs now stand, nothing but despair can bring these Provinces to Peace, or Truce with Spain. To this I yielded, but said, That was not enough because of such changes, to which the world was daily subject. Neither did Queen Elizabeth undertake their protection upon such bare presumptions, wherefore some further assurance must be thought on; which he consented unto, as a thing requisite on both sides, and joined issue with me in this point, That when the King would be to this State, as Queen Elizabeth was; this State would be to him, as it was to Queen Elizabeth. This being opus unius diei, not unlike the first day of the Creation of the world in distinguishing light and darkness, I will give your Grace this further light, of what belongs to negotiation with this State. The present opportunity of the Prince of Orange's good affection and strength of these Provinces both by Sea and Land, as it yet stands, (but not possible so long to continue) being seasonably laid hold of, his Majesty may have with this State a firm and fruitful alliance. But if the Prince of Orange should die, (as he is much broken, and the last year at this time, we did not think he could live till May) or the enemy break into the borders of this State, (as this last Summer, if the Imperialists had joined with the Spaniards, they had undoubtedly done; and unless some Change or Alteration happen, as is feared will do this next year) the best link we have for a bond of friendship would fail, and as much difference be betwixt this State, as it now is, and what it is like to be upon any such ill accident, (as was now feared, and still hangs over them) as betwixt a strong Staff, and a broken Reed. So I cease to give your Grace any further trouble. Your Grace's Most humble, and most faithful servant, Dudley Carleton. Hague, 9 Decemb. 1623. Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. May it please your Grace, WHat Comfort and Contentment the Queen of Bohemia receives in your Grace's Message and Letter by my Nephew, I leave to her own expression, which never fails her, when her heart goeth with her hand, as I can assure your Grace, it doth in this subject. And this I will say more, who can say nothing but truth, I never knew your Grace ill with this good and gracious Princess; but now you are so well settled in her good opinion and favour, that I know none hath more interest therein. And this use your Grace may make thereof to his Majesty's service, that now this King and Queen are both of them no less confident of your affection, than they are of your sincerity; what you advise them in their affairs will be of much weight to sway them in the balance of their judgement. Which now a Proposition is made unto them, on which their whole estate doth depend as well for themselves, as their posterity, full of doubtful circumstances on both sides, (the choice not being, as they conceive, betwixt one thing certain, and another uncertain; but betwixt two unequal uncertainties) it is hard to say which way they incline: but if they be left to themselves, I perceive they will rather stand to the hazard of the latter, with preservation of their honour and lawful pretensions, then submit themselves to the former with shame and disgrace, and no assurance of better dealing then was used to the deported House of Saxe, by a better Emperor than this accounted, of which we have the Heir (one of the worthiest Princes in Germany) here in hard Conditions amongst us. And he serves as a spectacle to these Princes of their fortunes by the same way as his Predecessors took, of submission. Yet other things being before agreed of, and settled in that sort as his Majesty hath always assured these Princes to be his full intention of restitution to their Patrimonial Honours and estate; This King I find will conform himself, to what his Majesty shall think fit, touching a due submission. But this being a matter of ceremony, the other of substance, he judgeth, that if this precede, (that is, the Submission) the other of restitution will never follow. Neither can it be well seen, how in possibility it may be effected, considering that (whilst things have been held sometimes in terms, always in talk of accommodation) the Electoral is given to Bavier by the Emperor, and avowed by a Congratulatory Embassage from Brussels: the upper Palatinate settled in his possession, with some portion to Newburgh for his Contentation, and engagement. A principal part of the lower Palatinate (the Bergstrate) given to the Elector of Mentz, with the consent of those of Brussels, (where he was lately in person to obtain it) though they grossly dissemble it, and promises of parts of the rest made to other Princes. So as what is now pretended (I must deal plainly with your Grace) is no otherways interpreted, then as experience doth teach of these three former years' proceed: Ever new Overtures in Winter, and new Ruptures in the Summer. And as of two former Treaties with this Prince, which passed my hands, (one a Consent to a Submission sent to Vienna, the other a Ratification of a Suspension oftentimes sent to Brussels) no other use was made, but with the first to accelerate Bethlem Gabor in his Treaty of Peace with the Emperor as then on foot, and with the second to intimidate both the Electours Saxe, and Brandenburg, with the Princes of the Nethes, Saxe, and Creyes from entering into Arms, to which they were well disposed, upon the discontentment they received of the preposterous courses that were taken in the Diet at Ratisbone; (and to this effect Copies of the very projects of the said Treaties were dispersed by the Imperialists, before the Instruments themselves were perfected,) so it is here believed, that now Gabor is again in arms, and other Princes ready to embrace any good occasion of redress of affairs, time is only sought to be gained by this new Overture, and the King of Bohemin's Credit, with his friends and well wishers in Germany to be weakened, if not lost; for if once he submit himself allowing the translation of the Electoral, he shall thereby avow the Emperor's undue proceedings in that cause (which have been protested against by Saxe, and Brandenbergh, and all the other German Princes, excepting those only of the Catholic league) and by whom afterwards upon any ill dealing can he expect to be befriended, who forsakes himself and his own cause? This is the discourse of these Princes upon this occasion; but when they are asked, What then can you trust unto? their recourse is to his Majesty, who they hope knoweth the means to effect in their behalf, what he hath so long, and so constantly undertaken for them. And though for these three or four years past, affairs on this side have gone in a continual decadence, and now threaten a final ruin, unless it be withstood by some Princely Resolution; (not of petty, but of great Princes) yet here is no such discouragement: but that it is thought there is yet strength and vigour enough left in the good Party, not only to subsist, but to rise and flourish again as well as ever. And in this cogitation the King and Queen remain, not prescribing any thing to his Majesty, nor willing to submit themselves anew to the same rod, with which they have been so often scourged. Your Grace was lately invited with my Lord of Richmond to christian their young Son, which being excused by my Lord of Richmond in both your names, And the King of France undertaking that office, it was performed by that King, and the King of Swede yesterday was seven-night (represented by the French Ambassador here resident, and the Prince of Orange) in the same manner, and the same Church, as the Princess Lovise, bearing the same name, was christened the last year: when the Duke Christien of Brunswick being invited to be Godfather, though absent, and for some respects of precedence could not have a Deputy, was understood notwithstanding to be one of the Parrins; and so do the King and Queen hold both your Grace, and my Lord of Richmond. I must now render your Grace my humble thanks for your manifestation of your favour to myself, which you are pleased to do in such ample manner, as to tell me farther for my Comfort who are my friends; And a farther effect of friendship, I could not expect of them, then to procure me the assurance I now receive from your Grace, who have won the reputation by your Constancy to those you take into your Care, that your word is taken for your deed. And though that, which I thought fittest for myself fails me, if your Grace can think me fit for any thing else towards the amendment of my poor fortune, I shall attend the same with much patience of mind, though great extremity otherwise, by reason of a small estate charged with great debts, (which are no small burden to an honest mind,) And ever remain Your Grace's Most faithful devoted servant, Dudley Carleton. Hague, 13th. Decemb. 1623. Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. May it please your Grace, THe Queen of Bohemia desirous to draw the Prince of Orange to more than general professions of service to his Majesty, hath sometimes in my presence, when I waited on her highness, given occasion of discourse herself, and at other times I have spoken in her name with his Excellency to the like effect, as in my former Letter to your Grace: which caused his Excellency to take three of the States, such of whom he is most confident (one of Guelderland, another of Holland, the third of Zealand) unto him, to strengthen himself by their concurrence in that, which is his own inclination, of carrying this State to a strict alliance with his Majesty, in which he told them, That first their minds must be known, and next such assurance thought of, as not only must give his Majesty present Contentment, but likewise free him from all misdoubt for the future, that either upon offers from Spain to these Provinces, or any sinister accidents of War, they should be induced to make Peace or Truce without his Majesty's consent. Whereunto they answered him, (as I have it from himself this day) That nothing could be more agreeable to their affections, and Interests in all respects, then to be under his Majesty's protection: And for assurance of their remaining constant to that course, they doubted not, but when the matter should be treated of, the Provinces would willingly condescend to what should be necessary to that purpose. His Excellency in relation hereof unto me went so much further, as to instance in their new resolution here, now finally put in practice of making Voyages into the West-Indies after the same form, as they have done into the East; both which joined together, make them irreconcilable with Spain. Yet if his Majesty will have a further tye on them, they will not refuse it; but he saith, The States will expect that such obligation be mutual, and that they in like manner may rest assured, when they put themselves wholly under his Majesty's wings, his Majesty will not fly from them, and make his peace without them. I told him the case was not equal betwixt his Majesty, and them, they being actually in War, his Majesty in Peace: so as to come to a conjunction, his Majesty must change condition, not they, and therefore hath the more reason to look before he leap out of Peace into War. And so did Queen Elizabeth, who had reigned 27 years before she openly took upon her the protection of these Countries; but after continued her War in their Cause to her dying day. This he confessed, but remembered withal, That there was a Treaty of Burburck, with which the States were much startled, and he thought that when this business should be more particularly scanned amongst them, as they would willingly give, so they would expect to receive good assurance. In this point of declaration of their affection, and willingness to warrant his Majesty sufficiently, I asked him, How far I might go not to be disavowed: so as if his Majesty should take any sudden resolution, according as affairs require, he might confidently build upon the concurrence of this State. He answered me, That a resolution in this kind would require a further proceeding, then was fit, until his Majesty would be content to make his mind known, by such private means as might seem best to his own wisdom, and then according to his own liking, they would enlarge this matter here, to more men's knowledge, than the small circle, in which it hitherto walked, and guide it in that manner as may be fit for the form of it to his Majesty's honour, and for the substance to his full contentment. Which he offered to do now if I would press him to it; but withal told me his opinion, that it would raise nothing but bruit and noise without effect, when we had here no better ground to work upon, and therefore wished the business might expect a return from his Majesty, if he could be content it should be proceeded in. In these terms remains this business, not free from many Cautions, and nice Circumstances; and yet on this side, (I can assure your Grace) full of good affection; but these are the true reasons of their coming on no faster. They hold it for a maxim, That Spain will never match with his Majesty for love, but either for hope, or fear. If Spain can entertain hope of reducing these Provinces to obedience by the Match, or fear, that unless the Match proceed, his Majesty will join with these Provinces in opposition to Spain: They hold in either of these Cases the Match as made. And therefore lest some use should be made of their presentations of themselves, to their own prejudice, they are thus shy, and circumspect. Besides, as they have had some help of money out of France this last year, so they are entertained with hopes of more against the next: which they fear would be excused upon any offer they should make of themselves towards his Majesty, and therefore are loath to adventure the exchange of a substance, for that which appears unto them hitherto, no better than a shadow; And they are indeed very umbragious; for they suspect, that Tentatives of this kind, of which some have been made heretofore amongst them, tend to no other end, then to endear our Merchandise with Spain, and let the Ministers of that Crown know, that we refuse in their Contemplation. But when his Majesty shall resolve in his own heart, and be pleased to make himself so understood, it will be no hard matter by his Excellency's means (who is a Prince full of good intentions and real affections to his Majesty, and his royal Family) to make these men lay by their Jealousies, and be as true to his Majesty, and the support of his Crowns, as his own Kingdoms. Which is no more than they own for the protection which these that are now in Government had of his Majesty, when they were lately sinking under the burden of a contrary faction; and no more than upon a good knowledge of their Interests and affections I can undertake for them, they will really and readily pay, if the matter be well managed. In which the confidence and freedom I have used with this Noble Gentleman, Sir George Goring, may give your Grace some further light, as any doubts shall arise concerning the business. So I most humbly take leave, Your Graces Most humble, and most faithful servant, Dudley Carleton. Hague, 18. Decemb. 1623. Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. May it please your Grace, THe business of strict conjunction betwixt his Majesty, and this State (touching which the Queen of Bohemia hath received his Highness, and your Grace's Letters, and I your Graces of the 9th. of this present) goeth on the right foot (according as your Grace will see more particularly by my Letters to Mr. Secretary Conway, and as the matter is here embraced with much affection, so for the manner I doubt not but it will be well ordered in that sort, as will be for his Majesty's honour, and contentment. But in regard of jealousies towards us, and emulations amongst these men in matters of employment, (to which all men are subject, especially in good and advantageous businesses, some time, will be required, to set all in the right way, yet no illimited time; for I hope within a week all will be resolved of, and within a a few days more, put in execution fully to expectation. Sir Noel Charon writes, a league offensive and defensive will be embraced by his Majesty, if it be proposed from hence, with offer of assurance; And I assure myself both the overture, and offer will be made and really effected, if it be answered on our side with good correspondence. That which busieth my cogitations is, that tempus agendi may be lost Consultando; and therefore seeing how both his Majesty, and this State stand affected, I will take the liberty to give your Grace two advertisements in matters of action, which will be of exceeding fruit, if they be thought of in time, and for which there is no time to spare. One is, that your Grace doth inquire after in your Letter to the Queen of Bohemia (who excuseth writing either to his Highness, or your Grace till the States have resolved of their sending) that is the State's preparation for the West-Indies, which way, the company for those parts newly erected in these, hath set out one Fleet of 32. Sail now already at Sea, with some Land men amongst them, to put on ground and fortify as they shall find occasion; for which they have men for the purpose, and all materials ready embarked with them. A second Fleet they are now preparing against April next, about which all their Admiralties and some of the Deputies of this new West-Indian Company are here at this present. And the design is, for the Admiralties to set out at the charge of the generality twelve good ships of war, besides they have already on the coast of Spain and in the narrow Seas, which they will still continue. To these 12. ships they require the West-Indian Company to join 12. more, which will make a good Fleet, and this they intent shall be ready (as I said) in April next, to attend the coming of the Spanish West-Indian Fleet, which here they understand is put into the Havana, with intention there to winter as it did the last year. Now if his Majesty will give leave to his subjects to erect a Company for the West-Indies, and join with these men in those Parts, as they do in the East, (and upon more equal conditions, since the business is but now in the beginning) it will be here gladly embraced. And if he will frame a Fleet betwixt his own ships and his Merchants to join with the State's Fleet prepared for April next to intercept the Spanish West-Indian Fleet, nothing more will be desired by these men, and there is nothing of which for the present they promise themselves greater fruit: for either they hope to take, or to stop the silver of those parts (both which are good services, considering the need of money, the Spaniards have in these), or else they resolve with the ships which belong to the company to pursue their voyage of the West-Indies. The second is a Truce with the Pirates of Algiers, such an one as this State hath made in conformity to their peace with the Grand Signior, which will be no more observed for unmolesting all, and every one of our Merchant's ships as they are stragglingly lighted on, than it is with these men, who suffer many losses in particular; but those are recompensed in the General. For the Spaniards are much amazed with this correspondence; And the men of War of this State, or such Merchants, as can make any reasonable defence are most meddled withal. Besides, in any matter of offence they concur together; And even now a proposition is made from Algiers to the Prince of Orange, (which I have from his own mouth to acquaint your Grace therewith) that in case this State against the beginning of next summer will set out twenty Sail of ships upon any good service against the Spaniards, they will join unto them 60. Sail to pursue the design, whatsoever it shall be of this State. The acceptation of which offer being now in deliberation, it will be suspended till it be seen, how this unexpected business with his Majesty may proceed; And then they will here do nothing but that, as may concur with our common Interests. But because the negotiation of this matter with those of Algiers (that is a Truce betwixt his Majesty's subjects, and those men) will require time, your Grace may provisionallie move his Majesty (if the matter be well liked) to use such endeavours as may conduce thereunto. Here they use to write, and send through France by Marseilles to the Consul they have continually at Algeir, by whose means (if no better present itself) any thing may be proposed, his Majesty shall find fitting. Other things, I will within few days remonstrate to your Grace for his Majesty's service in this change of affairs, which require all possible industries, and diligences to be used both far and near; And those not neglected, I doubt not, but they who have so grossly abused his Majesty's friendship, will soon repent themselves, and by their harms see their own errors. Thus I most humbly take leave; Your Graces Most humble, and most faithful Servant, Dudley Carleton. Hague 24. January, 1625. Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. May it please your Grace, ACcording as I advertised your Grace the 24. of the last of the disposition of the Prince of Orange, and such of the States, as he called unto him to Council, they procured the rest soon after to resolve of an Embassage to his Majesty, and now they have dispatched the same with as much expedition, as could possibly be used. The Persons are Aersens of Holland, and Joachim of Zealand, both able, and well affected Persons, and both sufficiently known to his Majesty by former employments. They go amply authorised for what they shall treat: but that as yet is an Embryo only which must receive form, and life from his Majesty, in whose hands it lieth to preserve this State, and dispose for ever of the whole strength thereof for his own service, and his royal Families. Which after more debates, and distastes, then have passed with all the world besides, I am glad I can say upon good warrantise: whereof this is one proof, that when his Majesty is constrained by the necessity of affairs to send, and seek to his other friends, he is sent and sought, and sued to from hence. I doubt not but it will be objected (as hath been formerly) that it is for their own Interest, and that they would gladly engage his Majesty in their quarrel, which it were a folly to deny: but there is always the friendship strongest when the interests are most conjoined. And if that which is principally for one man's benefit, turn likewise to another man's advantage, Hoc non facere (saith an old School-book) summae est imprudentiae. The affairs of these parts for matter of Action (which have been more then ordinarily succeeds in this cold season, but have been more coldly pursued then was feared) I refer to this Bearer my Nephew's report, who having the honour to be his Majesty's servant, I employ him the more willingly, as able to give Account of such particularities, either of this Negotiation, or otherwise, of which his Majesty, and your Grace may require knowledge. And I humbly beseech your Grace to give him encouragement by your accustomed noble favour. So rests Your Grace's Most humble, and most devoted servant, Dudley Carleton. Hague, 16. February, 1625. Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. May it please your Grace, IT were a sin against the public service, in which your Grace doth employ yourself so much to the common good, and your own honour, to molest you with Letters in this busy time: which must serve me for excuse of silence, since the beginning of the Parliament. What I writ now is by Commandment of the Queen of Bohemia concerning this Bearer Captain Gifford an old Seaman of our Nation, who having a private suit to the States, hath made a journey over hither with recommendation to me from our two Secretaries for advancement thereof, but with a further purpose to be employed by the Queen against the Spaniard in a matter of no less moment, then taking of a Gallion, which usually bringeth the treasure over the Gulf of Mexico, from Nova Spagna to the Havana. Which he designs after this manner: To go out with two Ships and a Pinnace, only fitted for fight, without more in number, because of the Alarm would be taken at a greater Fleet, and to lie under Covert of a small Island in the entry of the Gulf of Mexico: where the Gallion coming usually alone, unless it be accompanied with some Merchant's ships, which he sets light by, and which encumbered with goods and Passengers, he thinks may be mastered, and taken, building upon the security in which that Gallion, with the rest of that Nova Spagna Fleet, do sail scattering in the Gulf, till they meet with the Fleet of Terra Firma at the Havana, where he having been heretofore a prisoner made this observation, and doth now offer himself to put the design in execution, with a demand of betwixt 10000 and a 11000 l. for the whole equipage. The Queen in recompense of his good will returns him with this address to your Grace as a man fit for employment, for so he is generally reputed; but for the particularity of the Exploit, she doth not entertain any thought thereof, but refers it wholly to your Grace's Consideration, and to the opportunity according as affairs shall succeed betwixt his Majesty, and Spain. Here are come Letters from some of the King and Queen's servants on that side, and one to myself from a private friend, advertising, That there is a readiness in divers of his Majesty's Subjects of good abilities, to put to Sea with Letters of Mart in the name of this King and Queen against the Spaniard, and of a likelihood, that if such Commissions were given by these Princes, they would not be ill understood by his Majesty. Mounsieur Aertsens hath likewise written hither in a private Letter to the Prince of Orange, that he hath been spoken with to move the States to increase the number, he and his Colleague have mentioned of 10 or 12 Ships to join in any good occasion with his Majesty's Fleet to 20: And that the purpose is to set out 50 sail on that side, and that both shall go under the name of the King and Queen of Bohemia. Wherein though the motion be not directly made, yet the Prince of Orange hath discoursed enough, that when it shall come to issue, they will stretch themselves to furnish to the full what is required on this side. In both these businesses, as well the granting Letters of Mart by these Princes, as their lending their names to any greater Action, they intent to govern themselves only as they shall understand to concur with his Majesty's pleasure, and therefore hope they shall receive advice from his Highness, and your Grace, what is fit for them to contribute to such occasions as they see much to their Comforts, you advance with so great care and vigilance. Thus I most humbly take leave, Hague 16. April, 1624. Your Grace's most humble, and most devoted Servant, Dudley Carleton. Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. May it please your Grace, SUch Commandments as I received from your Grace by double Dispatches of the 4th. of the last, by way of provision whilst Sir William Saintleiger lay sick, were prevented by his own presence. He bringing the first of those Packets with him, and thereby had Commodity to assist at the breaking of the business to the States, by virtue of his Majesty's Credence given him, and my Lord General Cecil: which since, he hath solicited both at the Camp, and in this place with all possible care and industry, and I have not failed of my utmost endeavours. But the unsettledness of this Government, which still continueth since the late change of Governors, hath bred delay to some, and direct impediments to other points we had in charge: which we have endeavoured to supply by other means. And now in what state he leaves the whole business, he will relate to your Grace. Such Patents as your Grace required from the King and Queen of Bohemia, I have committed to his delivery in divers forms, with a Blank signed and sealed, wherein to frame such an one as may be better to your minds: But if your Grace make no use of it, you may please to return it to me again, to the end I may restore it. What concerns myself, I absolutely remit and submit to your Grace; only I will renew the request I made to your Grace by my Nephew, That your Grace will not prefer any before me in your formerly intended favour, out of belief, that any can be more, than I resolve to rest whilst I live a touttes Espreves, Humbly and faithfully devoted to your Grace's person and service, Dudley Carleton. Hague, 20. June, 1625. Sir Dudley Carleton to the Duke. May it please your Grace, AFter long attendance the wind is come good for Plymouth, which I hope will carry thither speedily and safely the States whole Fleet, though in 3. parts; 12 Ships with the Admiral de Nassau, who hath long waited in the Tessel; 4 but newly ready provided by those of Zealand at Amsterdam, and 4 which have lain sometimes before the Brill; whereof one is to land the Marshal Chatillon in passing by Calais; the other three to Convoy the English men: And Arms I send in 10. other Ships I have hired at Rotterdam: before which place they have lain 20 days a Shipboard, by reason of contrary winds, with some impatiency, but no disorder: which what course I took to prevent, as likewise what may happen in their Voyage, my Lord Conway (to whom I give a particular account of all) will inform your Grace. I have obtained leave for Sir John Proud to go the Voyage according to his Majesty's Letter, though it was somewhat stood upon by the States, and he hath taken his passage by Zealand. When I call to mind, what Patents I procured of the King of Bohemia, and sent your Grace by Sir William Saint Lieger, (amongst which was one of submission to any accommodation his Majesty shall at any time like well of for the King of Bohemia) I think it necessary to advertise your Grace, that knowledge being come hither of the Infanta's sending the Count Shomburgh to the King of Denmark with a fair Message, and the Count Gondomar's overtures to Mr. Trumbal tending to reconcilement, and restitution of the Palatinate, it is so willingly harkened unto by the King of Bohemia, that there is no doubt of his Consent: but withal he well considers, that if Treaty alone be trusted unto, and thereupon Arms now levied by his Majesty, and his Friends be laid aside, all will prove as fruitless as formerly. For howsoever the King of Spain (for more free prosecution of other quarrels, or designs) may be induced to quit what he possesseth in the Palatinate, the shares, the Emperor, the Duke of Bavier, and the two Electours Majenct, and Trevers, with a great rabble of Popish Priests and Jesuits have therein, will require more than bare negotiation, to wring it out of their hands; and nothing but Victory, or at least a well armed Treaty can serve that turn. The time seems long both to the King and Queen, and grows very irksome every day more than other of their abode here in this place: which indeed doth prove in all respects very uncomfortable; and that your Grace will gather out of Mr. Secretary Morton's report, and my Letters to my Lord Conway. In this very Consideration, I beseech your Grace be the more mindful of Your Grace's Most humble, and most devoted servant, Dudley Carleton. Hague, 20th. of August, 1625. FINIS. The Table of things most remarkable. A. ADmiral of England his Office, p. 102 of Castille takes place of the Imperial Ambassador, 165 Aerscus', 342 Algiers Voyage, 143, 144 Allegiance Puritans will not swear it, 121 Alps when passable, 186 Anchre Marshal of France. 320 Archbishop of Canterbury shoots a Keeper by mischance, 12. see tit. James King, etc. for the Palsgraves' accepting the Bohemian Crown, 169, 170 Archbishop of York against Toleration of Popery, blames the Voyage into Spain, 13 Argile Earl, 291 Arminians chief in the Dutch State, 322 Arundel Earl Marshal, no friend to the Bishop of Lincoln, 62, 63, 74, 302, 307, 316. Ashley Sir Anthony, gives the Duke of Buckingham intelligence of Plots against him, 308 Aston Sir Walter will not consent that the Prince Palsgrave should be brought up in the Emperor's Court, 17 see Bristol Earl. Concurs with the Earl of Bristol in prefixing a day for the Deposorio's, without making certain the restitution of the Palatinate, which is heinously taken by the Prince, 35. in danger for it to be called off, there, 36, 37. His Care to discover Plots against his Master's Crowns, 49, 51, 53. of the Merchants, 168. see Merchants. Prosecutes the marquis of Ynoiosa, in defence of the honour of England, 52. sues to return home, 52, 54. will not see the Archduke in Spain, and why, 166 AustrianVsurpation, 191. See tit. Spain. B. BAcon Viscount St. Alban Lord Chancellor declines all Justification of himself, 5, 6. Casts himself upon the Lords, 6 Discontents the marquis of Buckingham, 8. his ways to make the Kingdom happy, 9 advices King James concerning his revenues, devises a book of his estate, there-how he carried himself when a Counsellor, and otherwise, how esteemed, 10. Never took bribe to pervert Justice, 11. his pardon, 60, 82 Barnevelt, 318 factious, no friend to the English, an Arminian, 331 Bavaria Duke offers to depend wholly on Spain, 167. see Palatinate. Beaumont Lord fined in the Star-Chamber, 16. E. 2. 58 Bergen besieged, 328 Bergstrate given the Archbishop of Mentz, 335 Blanvile the French Ambassador an enemy to the Duke of Buckingham, holds intelligence with the Duke's English enemies, 295. his Character by the French. 300. See 274, 296, 197, 302. Blundel Sir George, 129 Book of Common Prayer translated into Spanish, and why, 73. See Spaniards. Borgia, Cardinal, 178 Bovillon Duke, 165. seeks the protection from the States united, 320. weary of the Palsgrave, 327 Brandenburg Elector, 317, 336 Bret, a Peusioner in disgrace, 204 Bristol Earl first mover in the Spanish Match, negotiates in it, 16. Earnest to conclude it, 24, 25, 26, 306 ohidden by the King Charles for giving the Spaniards hopes of his inclination to a change in Religion, for his manage of things concerning the Match, and undervaluing the Kingdom of England, 16, 17. Consents that the Prince Palsgrave shall be bred in the Emperor's Court which the King Charles takes ill, 17. Proffered by the King the favour of the general pardon, or to put himself upon his trial, 18. under restraint for his errors in Spain, 19 removed from his offices, forbidden the Court, denied his Parliament Writ, there. Justifies himself, 19, 20. to King James, 30. Differs in opinion from the Duke of Buckingham concerning the Match, 21. Seeks the Duke of Buckingham his savour, 28. charged to be his enemy, his wisdom and power at Court 161, 162. Conde of Olivarez offers him a blank paper, signed by the King, bids him choose what was in his Master's power— he refuses, 42 Brule Peter his practices, 302 Buckingham Duke his carriage and esteem in Spain, 16, 22. See Olivarez. contemns the Earl of Bristol, 22. See Bristol. an enemy to him, 231 The Spaniards will not put the Infanta into his hands, 22 thought an enemy to the Match with Spain, 32, 92, 159, 218, 219, 222, 237, 243, 248, Censured, 159, 160, 218, 219, 221, 222, 263, 210. Forgives wrongs, 58 Steward of Westminster, 69 Haughty to the Prince of Wales. 78 Used to sit when the Prince stood, etc. 221 falls from his affection to William's Lord Keeper. 87. See Don Francisco. his power, 91 King James his words of him on Don Francisco's relation 92 Mediates for the Earl of Suffolk, 125 No audience of Ambassadors without him 216. taxed to King James freely, 218,, 219, 220, 221, 223. defended, 224, 225, 226, 227. a faithful servant, 229 Charge against him in Parliament, 228, 229, 230 Procures graces for the Nobility and Gentry, 231 Breaks the Spanish Designs and Party, 265 for the Match with France, 291 A Confederacy by Oath against him, 307, 308 The Queen of England had need of his friendship, 303 Dares submit the judgement of his Actions to any trial, 87 Buckingham Countess, 254, 302 Buckleugh Lord, 327, 329 Button Sir Thomas in the Voyage of Algiers, 143, 144. C. CAlcedon, a titulary Roman Bishop in England, 81 Calvert Sir George, 202. See 304. Carlisle Earl Viscount Doncaster loves not the Bishop of Lincoln, 74, 89. See 180, 182. persuades King James to feed his Parliament (so he) with some crumbs of the Crown, 270. refuses, See 288. Count Mansfelts Commission for Colonel to his son, 273 Carlos, Archduke in Spain, 165 Calderon Don Rodrigo Marquesse de las Siete Iglesias his Riches, confined, 208 Carleton Sir Dudley Ambassador, in the Low-Countries, 317. writes to reconcile Sir Horatio Vere, and Sir Edward Cecyl, 323. his prudence to reunite England and the States, 331, 332 Carone Sir Noel, Ambassador in England from the Low-Dutch, 321-325 Cavendish, 97 Cecyl Sir Edward, General, 128, 345. sues for Command, will save the King in Expenses, 128. a loser by his service, 129. see 345. See Vere Sir Horatio. Viscount Wimbledon commands in chief at Sea, neglected, maliciously accused, examined, 135, 137, 138 Charles Prince of Wales, King of England after, how entertained and honoured in Spain, 14, 15, 16. Not to be shaken in Religion, contrary to Conde Gondomar's Information to his Master, 15. got the love of all men in Spain, 16, 22, 159 Will not proceed in the Match without restitution of the Palatinate and Electoral dignity. 17, 35, 36 Displeased with the Earl of Bristol for raising an opinion among the Spaniards; of his willingness to become Roman Catholic, and his offers of seducing that way. 17 will not be bargained with for future favours, 18. will not be drawn to things but freely, 18 His affability, patience, constancy, 22 his civil and wise Reply to the Pope's Letter, 215 No lover of women. 237 Defends the Duke of Buckingham's actions, as done out of politic Compliance for the Palatinate cause, 228, 229, 230 will favour as he pleases, will grant the Lords and Commons all things fair and honest, 230 Ill used by delays in Spain, his Voyage thither censured, 288, 289, 3●4 Chevereux Duke, a servant of the Prince of Wales, 277, 278, 230. See 300, 301. Chichester Sir Arthur disinherited by the Duke, 243 his conference with the Ambassadors of Spain, 244, 245 Chidley a Sea Captain, 141 Churchman an homicide, 12, 55, 56 Church of England Reform, 116 Church differences, Judges of them, 117 Clerk Edward, 306, 307 Cleves and Juliers the succession of them pretended to, 317 Coborn, a Captain of the Duke of Brunswick, 283 Contracts ever before Marriage, where, 106, 107 Coke Sir Edward, 104, 122 Conde imprisoned, 176 Conference betwixt Don Francisco and the Lord Keeper, 86, 87. betwixt Sir Arthur Chichester and the Spanish Ambassadors, 244. the Earl of Nithisdail and them, 247 Confession of Don Pedro concerning the Armada of 88 259 Conway Lord, Secretary, advises the Earl of Bristol, 19 estranged from the Lord Keeper Lincoln, 89 a Martial Secretary, 198 enough the Duke's servant. 316 Cordova Don Gonzales, 328, 329 Corona Regia. See Libel. Cottington Sir Francis. 23, 81 Council Table of King James somewhat too much pressing upon the King, 75 Courtenvant marquis, 286 Cox King Edward the sixth his Schoolmaster, Master of Requests, and Privy Councillour, enters Orders. 68 Cromwell Lord, Counsels the Duke, 263. D. DEnbigh Countess, 302 Denmark King his offers, 190, 191. Dispensation with a Layman to hold cure of souls cannot be, 66, 67 Dominican Friar turns to the English Church, 79 Don Francisco's Discourse to the Lord Keeper, 86, 87, 90, 91, 92, 93 His cunning to speak with King James, 90. Accuses the Duke of Buckingham, 90, 91 Donato a Venetian Ambassador, gives the lie to the Duke of Savoy, an enemy to Paul the Father of Venice. 187 banished once at Venice, twice in England. 192 Don Doctor, 314. presents the Duke with a book of devotions, ibid. E. ELiot Sir John imprisoned, 311 Elvis Sir Gervas' his posterity restored in blood and estate, 3 Most guilty of the death of Sir Thomas Overbury, 3 Emperor Ferdinand the third deals unworthily with King James, 166. and against his own Letter, 234 changes the Germane Customs, 171 his proceeding against the Palsgrave protested against, 336 Elizabeth Queen of England her Speech to her Army at Tilbury, 260 Restrains the Papists, and why, 258 protects the Low-Countries, and upon what terms, 333, 338 England alone happy in its Religion, 112 inclined to popularity. 228, 229 not what it hath been, 261 Episcopacy gone what will follow, 117 Essex Earl commanded to fight the Spanish Ships, let's them escape, 135 F. FEria Duke, 168 Fiat marquis, 293, 302, 288 Finch Lady created Viscountesse of Maidstone, 79 Fleet of Spain, 43, 53 Plate Fleet, 48, 49. part cast away, 208 of Portugal, 53. for Brasil, 167 Of the Spaniard's, Venetians, and Turks, 186, 207. of the Low-Countries for the West-Indies. 341, 346 Frenchman burnt in Spain for contempt to the host, 51 Frenchmen use the English basely, 149 their Contract for the English Ships, 150 French King falls upon those of the Religion, 164, 177 France governed by the Queen Mother at the proposals of the Match with Madam, which she is earnest for, but will do nothing till the Treaty with Spain be broke, 274, to 277. The French not much solicitous for the English Recusants, 275, 284, 285 Richness of their habits at a Masque in honour of the English, 278, 279 fear the Spanish greatness, 281 desirous of the English alliance, 282, 283, 287 articles of the Match disliked by the English, 289 endeavour to break the Spanish Treaty, 305 Give precedency to the English, 254 G. GAbor Bethlem, 335 Gage employed about the Dispensation, 233, 238 Gear Sir Michael. 135 Gerard Sir Thomas seized, upon suspicion of designs against the King, 272 Gifford, a Sea Captain, his design upon a Gallion in the Gulf of Mexico, 343 Gondomar, his false relations of the Prince of Wales, 15 Commanded again for England, 54 Goodness ever most easily betrayed, 270 Goring Sir George, 96, 200, 330, 316 339 Grandees of Spain severally present their King with sums of moneys to relieve his wants, 168 Grandmont French Mounsieur, 285 Gregory the 15. tempts the Prince of Wales to change Religion, 212, 213 tries to make the Duke of Buckingham, 216 Greiham, 316 Gresley, ibid. Gelderland States have the leading voice in the united Netherlands, 323 Goring Sir George, 200 Guicciardines Judgement of Venice, 8 H. HAlberstat Christian Duke of Brunswick, 240 Hamilton marquis, 316 Hartford Earl's Petition, 89 Harton Sir Christopher, 226 Haughton Sir Gilbert complains of the Lord Keeper Williams his servants, 74 Henderson Colonel slain at Bergen, 328 Henderson Sir Francis, 329 Henrietta Maria of France, after Queen of England, 253. beautiful, discreet, and full of respect to the Prince of Wales, 276, 277. See 278, 290 sends privately for his picture, 280 Herbert Lord, of no faction, his Informations to King James from France, 304, 305 Holland Earl Lord Kensington in France, when the Treaty for the Match there was beginning for it, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279. received by the French King, 278. speaks to him concerning the Match, 282. with the Queen Mother, 289. with Madam, 290. allowed at all times free entrance into the Lowre, 294 Howard Sir Robert, 103, 104. I. JAniville Prince for the Queen Mother, 176. forwards the alliance with France, 279 James King of England famous for wisdom, mercy, etc. 7 Appoints Commissioners to inquire of the Archbishop of Canterbury's Case, 12. See Archbishop of Canterbury. his promises to William's Lord Keeper, 56. Never breaks his word, 77 Protector of the Protestants, 110, 111 sought to, to be declared Head and Protector of that faith; as the Spaniard would be taken to be of the Roman, 305 Protector of the Venetians owned so by them; conservation of the public tranquillity relies upon him, 179, 280 Aids the Savoyard— joins in the cause of Cleve, 170 Promises not to draw his severity to Donato the Venetian Ambassador into example, 192 sought to by the Spaniards to join against the Pirates, 207 writes to the Pope, 211 aims at the universal peace of Christendom, 270 what a friend to the Low-Countries, slighted and ingratefully dealt with by them, 331 The German Princes rely upon him, 336 Infanta of Spain, 15, 16, 21, 22. her virtues and beauty, she loved the Prince of Wales, 26 her portion, 27 Ingram, 226 Inquisitor General presents a consulta to the Spanish King to procure a Jubilee, 51. See Jubilee. is the first who offers toward the King's necessities, 168 Joachim of Zealand, 342 Irish raise aspersions in Spain of persecutions in England, 15 practices of their Priests there. 49 Isabel Clara Eugenia her Compliment to the Bavarian, 240. See 167, 335 Jubilee from Rome to expiate for the Contempt done to the Host, 51 Junto of Divines to consider of the Spanish King's Oath, by which he would undertake for the King of England's performance of Articles, 15 Jurisdiction Episcopal used in England without the King's consent, against Common Law, 81 K. KEeper of the Seal where questionable, 76 Killigrew, 316 Kings Gods shadows, 12 yielding to demands, must deny nothing, 227 L. LAken Nicholas his discoveries concerning Corona Regia, 151, 152 Lamb Dr. of Law favoured by the Bishop of Lincoln, 56, 62 Langrack Dutch Ambassador at Paris, his advertisements of affairs, 318, 319 Landaffe Bishop sues for preferment, troubled, 119, 120 Laud Bishop of St. David's sues to be a Commissioner, and why, 113 Lawyers mischievous in Parliaments, 226 Le grand professes service to the Prince of Wales, 277 Leicester the Favourite, 226. refuses to be Admiral for the Lord Steward's place, 102. no man in Parliaments durst touch him, 226 Letters of Mart against the Spaniard, 344 Libel against King James by the Papists, called Corona Regis, 151, 152 Liberty of a free Subject, 19 a pretence, 229 Of Kings invaded by the Spaniard, 191 Of Westminster impeached by the Lord Steward and Earl Marshal 68, 69 where Liberties are to be impleaded, 69 Liege, King of Spain raises a Fort there, 279 Offered protection by the French King, 283 Lieutenants of Counties chosen, 76 Londoners deceive the King in his Customs, undo all other Towns, transport silver, enemies to the Duke, 226 Low-Countries, offers of those States to Sir Edward Cecyl, 130 their proceed in affairs, 317, to 320 how much bound to England, 339 Jealous of the English, their courses for Religion, 321. carry themselves strangely to the English, 331 apt to fall into faction, 324 desire the King of England's protection, 337 why they haste not to conclude, 339 Send Ambassadors into England to treat. 342 Lude, Count, 285 Luines, the great French Favourite, 176, 177. M. MAconel Sir James, a fugitive Scot, seeks to be entertained in Spain, 209 Magnus of Zealand, 317 Malcontents of King James and King Charles their Reigns, 225 Mansel Sir Robert b fore Argier Commands against the Turks, 140, 141, 142. Mansfelt Earl hates the house of Austria, entertained by the Venetians, how obedient to the Palsgrave, 189. In the Low Countries, 328, 329 Maqueda Duke a Pirate, 166 Marriages of Princes of different Faiths, in what manner, 106 Marshal of England his office, power, etc. once hereditary— Marshal of the King's house, 63, 64 Masques in France, 278, 279 Master of the Horse to the King, 102 Mathewes Sir Toby. 251, 252, 253. Match with the Infanta of Spain, the proceed, 15. See Infanta. Many things yielded to for it, 236 The Portion and all the temporal Articles were settled, 23, 25 Difficulties in it from Rome and Spain, 233, 234, 236, 238, 239. The Proxy, 106, 107 Betwixt the Prince of Wales and Madam of France, 275-279. Concluded, 292, 53 agitated betwixt the Emperor's Son and the Infanta Donna Maria, 167 Isabel Clara Eugenia moves for the Prince of Poland, 167 Betwixt the Emperor's Daughter, and Palsgraves' Son, 170, 171 Maurice of Nassaw Prince of Orange, a blunt Prince, 324, 331 against the novelists, 321, 322 would reconcile Sir Horatio Vere, and Sir Edward Cecyl, 323 he and the Prince Conde differ, ibid. gives away Colonel Hyndersons Regiment contrary to an act of the States, 329 desires the protection and friendship of King James, 331, 332, 337, 338 Melon seeds sent out of Italy to King James by Sir Henry Wotton, 195 Merchants of England denied the free entrance of their Commodities in Spain, 46, 47. the order of prohibition stayed, 52, 168 ill used there, 48 Michael Sir John, sues injustly in Chancery, 83, 84 Middlesex Earl sues to the King for grace, 203 fined, 204 will not consent to any diminution of the Crown revenues, 266 begs time for his defence, 268 Medena Duchess, 188 Mole, an Englishman in the Inquisition, concerning King James his Book for Allegiance, 194 Montague after Bishop of Chichester imprisoned by the House of Commons, who (so he) had nothing to do with him, 115 Requires the Papists to prove certain questions, 115, 116 Three Bishops defend him, 116, 117, 118. and his Book Appello Caesarem, so much disliked by the Puritans, 116. 118 Montgomery Earl taxed, 27. See 302. Murray Schoolmaster to the Prince of Wales, a Puritan, preferred to be Provost of Eton, 66, 67, 68 N. NEcessity only drives men to Sea, 102 Newburgh Duke in Spain, 165, 166 shares in the Palatinate, 335 Nithisdail Earl his Conference with the Spanish Ambassadors, 247 Nove Mounsieur, 319 O. OFfice of the Originals, 70 Ogle Sir John gives Extracts of the Duke and Ambassadors Letters, 137. See 322. Olivarez Conde the Favourite of Spain, his and the Duke of Buckingham's farewell, 16 his protestation to the Earl of Bristol, 40 saves the marquis of Ynoiosa from the prosecution of Sir Walter Aston, 52 his Rodomontade, 289 The Contessa of Olivarez prays for the Duke of Buckingham, 33 Opinions of some in the Church dangerous, 117 Ornano Colonel Monsieur of Orleans his Governor, 286 Ossuna Duke, Vice Roy of Naples, counterfeits madness to cover his disloyalty, 182 Threatens the Venetians because they would not be rob by him, 183 Confirmed in his Government, avoids the Spanish trap, 184 Oxford Earl, 22, imprisoned, 209 seeks to the Duke of Buckingam, but gallantly, 312 P. PAlatinate of the Rhine cause of breach in the Spanish Match, 17, 35, 38, 234, 235, 307. mangled by the Emperor by jousts, 335 difficulties in the restitution of it, 171, 172, 346 Ever beaten upon, 245. 248 the upper settled on the Bavarian, 335 Pardon of the Lord of St. Alban, 60 Parma Duke, 186. imprisons his bastard son, 188 Parliament of England— House of Commons not where before Henry the 1. thwart the King, their privileges graces of Kings, 65 grown in the late Reigns tumultuous and licentious, 224 private grudges made public business, 230 what men dangerous in Parliaments, 215 See 226. Of Spain grant their King 60. Millions of Ducats which the Gyves will not ratify, 45 Palsgrave a desperate enemy to the Emperor, 172. promised restitution conditionally, 241. content to submit, 337 Passages betwixt the Keeper Lincoln, and Don Francisco a Spaniard, concerning Peace or war betwixt England and Spain, upon breach of the Match, 77 Paul the Father of Venice, 187 Peckius, 333 Peers Judges in Parliament, 6 Bennington Sir John, 141. will not deliver up the King's Ship for the French service, 147, 148 his advice concerning the Contract of the French for the use of some English Vessels, 150 Persian Ambassador his suit to King James, 12 Philibert of Savoy Viceroy of Sicily, his good affection to King James, 158 at Messina, 182 dares not fight the Turkish Fleet which he finds too strong for him, 186 Philips Sir Robert. 264 mediates with the Duke for the Earl of Bristol, 265 Pirates of Algiers, 142 Of the Levant seek for pardon, 156 formidable, 158 infested the Coasts of Spain, 206, 207 Popes their arts, 172 Porcheres, 301, 303 Portland Earl. See Weston Sir Richard. Presents given on both sides in Spain, 16 Prisoners in the Fleet, and the damned in Hell compared by the Keeper Lincoln, 65 Privileges of Parliament, 65 made a colour, 227 Procession upon the Jubilee in Spain by the King, Queen, etc. 51 Proclamation concerning the signature of Bills, 82 Protestants of all parts beholding to King James, 110, 111 Provost of Eton, hath cure of souls, must be in Orders, 66, 67 Purbeck Lady (so she) much affects her husband, 313 Complains highly of the Duke and his Family, 313, 314. Puritans, see Allegiance, haters of the Government, begun in Parliaments, fall upon the Counsellors of State, willing to clip the King. 225 Putcan had a hand in Corona Regia the Libel. 152 Q. Queen of Bohemia her virtues, 329, 337 Queen Mother of France. 176. for the Match with England, 290, 296 young Queen shows great respect to the English Prince, and is earnest for the Match with Madam, 277 not Spanish, though a sister of Spain, 278 R. RAwleigh S'r Walter, insolent, 226 his Western Voyage, had described those Countries, makes the Duke of Buckingham his Intercessor, 308, 309 Records of the Order of the Garter, 221 Reformation of Justice, rules for it, 6, 7. Refuges Monsieur, 319 Religious life, entering into it after betrothing, 24 Richlieu Cardinal, when first of the Cabinet Council, 287 Richmond Duke Lord Steward, 100, 101. See 336. Richmond Duchess gives 1600 l. the year for a house to sleep in, 106 Rochel so straight blocked up in November, 1625. no intelligence could be had from thence, 272 Rochfort Viscount his generosity, 209 su●s for the Earl of Oxford's Liberty, 210. See 310. Rochfoulcaut Cardinal. 282 Ro● Sir Thomas frees 13. English from the Spanish Galleys, by the favour of Philibert of Savoy, 158 Roman Catholics favoured in England, because of the Spanish Match, and to comply with the Articles, 80, 81 Bishop of Lincoln his advice concerning it, ibid. titular Bishop of Chalcedon in England, see tit. Williams. Complain of persecution in England, 95 238 to the Spanish Ambassador, turbulent, 105 King James his Clemency to them disliked, what that was, 110, 111, 112. and why, 233, 236, 242 Jesuits stir up the French King against the Calvinists, because King James executes his Laws against the Papists, 111. their practices in Parliament against the King, 225, 229 Imprisoned in the time of the Queen; and why, 258 Contrive tumults, disarmed by the King, their insolency, 271, 272 S. ST. George Madam, 296, 302 Saint-Leger Sir William, 334, 335 Sandys Sir Edwin, 76 Santa Croce marquis, 178 Sarmientoes Don, 318 Savil Sir Henry, Provost of Eton, 67 Savoyard Ambassador, 275, 299, 300, 301, 303. Savoy Duke, 168 a friend to the Palsgrave, disinherited by the Spaniards, 185 defeats them, 208 Say Viscount a Malcontent, 225, 307 Saxony Duke, a friend to King James, and the Palatine Family, 167 Scor Doctor described by the Bishop of Lincoln, 99, 100, 101 Scotch Masters confiscated in Spain, and sentenced to the Galleys, 50 Scultetus at the Synod of Dort, 173 Serclaus a Dutch Gentlewoman, trotting on both sides betwixt the Dutch and Spamnish, 332 Shipwreck of the Plate Fleet, 48, 49 Ships attempted to be fired, 135 Sibrandus a furious Calvinist at the Synod of Dort, 174 Soissons Count, a Prince of the Blood of France, would marry Madam of France, 282 his incivility to the Earl of Holland, 285 altered, 286 Somerset Earl sues to the King for his life and estate, rise upon his Father's Merits, 1, 2, 3 4 southampton Earl confined to his own house, 57 hardly dealt with, but without the King's Order, 61. See 316. Spanish King gives precedency to the Prince of Wales, 14 Much sought to by the English Papists, 252 aims at the universal Monarchy, 274, 281 Spaniards committed many errors in the Match 23 forward to give any security to the accomplishing it, 24, 25 Cautelous in their proceeding, 243, 247 arm, the Grandees summoned, and the Battalon, 51. for the Sea, 166 Sleight and wrong the English, 54 Seize the Venetian Vessels in the Ports of Naples, arm in all their Dominions, 178, 179, 182 their subleties, they rob the Venetians, 183. their plots upon the States united, 333. Complain they cannot obtain free audience, 246 Spanish Rodomontades, 289, 248 Intended with their Armada to have rooted out the English Nation, 259 by the Match to have form a party here, 305. See 338, 339. Get more by their policies then Swords, 261. no peace can be with them— there. would make peace with the Dutch, 327 will not believe the English had either Faith, Church or Liturgy, 79. See Book of Common-Prayer. burn the Princess Palatines Jointure in sight of the English Ambassador, 329 Spinola, 328, 333 Star-Chamber an ancient Court, 58 held Pleas of restitution of Ships and goods, 75 State, when the word came first over hither, 226 Steward of the house, 63 Office of Lord Steward, what, 101, 102 Success things not to be judged by it, 304 Suffolk Earl his Staff of Treasurer taken away, 126 sentenced in the Star-chamber, 122 will not persuade his sons to leave the Court, delivered from the Tower, 123, 124, 125 Synod of England, 117 of Dort, passages of it, 173, 174, 175 of no authority with us, 117 T. TIlley count besieges Heidelbergh, 234, 329 Tilliers Count, 305 Toirax, 286, 287 Treasurer of England accuses the Lord Keeper of Lincoln, 72, 73 Treasure ill managed, 122 Tresham of the Powder Treason preserved his estate, 3 Truger Madamoiselle, 301 Trumbal an Agent at Brussels for King James, his care to find out the Author of Corona Regia, 152, 153 Turkish kindness to the Venetians, 186 Tyrconnel Page to the Queen of Spain, 49 V. VAlette marquis, 285 Vandenbergh grave Henric, 328 Vaux Lord committed to the Fleet for resisting the King's commands, 271 Venetians in danger of the Spaniard, seek to King James, 178, 179 sue to him to forbid exportation of Artillery, etc. 180 refuse Turkish aids against Christians, 186. incivil to the Duke of Savoy, 187 Velville marquis, 274, 284, 286, 287, 289. Vere Sir Horatio slighted unreasonably by Sir Edward Cecyl, as inferior in birth and worth, 134, 323 Viceroy of Portugal, 45 Ville-aux Cleres, 293, 300 Vorstius questioned for blasphemous propositions, 175 Uproars in Naples, Milan, etc. 188 W. Wake Sir Isaac employed in Savoy, his prudence, 180, 181, 186. governs himself according to his instructions, 184 not supplied with moneys, 189 War the most prosperous hath misfortune enough in it to make the author unhappy, 33 knowledge of it the highest of humane things, 133 preparation of things shows experience what war is lawful, 258 Weston Sir Richard Earl of Portland, 198, 199. a fit Minister, 234 treats for the Palatinate at Brussels, cannot prevail, 201, 234. accused to the Duke, 202 Intercedes for the Earl of Middlesex, 203 Wilford Sir Thomas sinks a Turkish man of war, 141 Williams Dean of Westminster, Lord Keeper, and Bishop of Lincoln, after sues for the Bishopric of London, 54 his Ecclesiastical promotions, 55 advanced by the Duke of Buckingham, 62, 70. his opinion of the Archbishop of Canterbury's mischance, where his ambition is visible, 56 Will serve the Earl of Southampton while he makes good his professions to the Duke, 58 loves the Earl of Bristol at this rate, 23 sits in the Common Pleas. 61 Will not seal the Lord St. Alban pardon, and why, 61, 62, 81. nor Sir Richard weston's Patent, 93 nor an order for a Papist Priests liberty, 62. nor the Earl of Arundels' Patent for the Earl Marshal's place, 68 An enemy to the Lord Treasurer, 62 To the Earl of Arundel, 62, 63, 64. Will not discharge a prisoner for contempt of a Decree in Chancery, 65 seems to advise King James to dissolve the Parliament of 1621. to find out other ways to supply his wants, and acquaint the Kingdom with the undutifulness and obstinacy of the Commons, 66 accused by the Lord Treasurer, of making injust advantages of his place, vindicates himself. 71, 72, 74. forbidden the Court, 78 Will not seal the King's Patent of honour, without knowledge of the Duke's good pleasure, 79 against the Council Table, 75 Dislikes prohibiting execution of Statutes against the Papists, 80 His advice to hang the titulary Bishop of Chalcedon, 81 Would have all honours and offices derived from the Duke, 83, 84 Is his vassal, 85, 100, 101, 103 Lives not but in the Duke's favour, 107 Loves and hates as the Duke does, 84, 88, 94 does equal Justice, 83 Wants, 85 Would not be overtopped, 94 charged by the Duke to run Courses dangerous to his Country, and to the cause of Religion, betrays the Duke, esteemed by him a firebrand, and not worthy of trust, 87, 88 his Reply, 89, 96. Writes unworthily of King James to the Duke, 94 sues to the Duke for the Countess of Southampton, 96 Would have the Duke to be Lord Steward, 101, 102 Mercy with Sir Edward Coke, 104 advices concerning the Proxies and Marriage with France, 106, 107 In disgrace, the Seal taken away, excuses himself to King Charles, 108 suspected as a Malcontent, and willing to imbroil, 225 Wimbledon Viscount. See Cecyl Sir Edward, etc. Wotton Sir Henry, 193, 194. sends rare Pictures to the Duke, 195 Complains that after his long service his Embassage should be given another, and himself left naked without any rewards, or provision for his subsistence, 196, 197 too bashful, 199 Wynwood Sir Ralph, Ambassador in the Netherlands, how contemned there. 331. Y. YElverton Sir Henry, 310 Ynoiosa marquis, Ambassador in England, his ill Offices here, and false informations, 40, 41, 50. endeavours to slain the Prince of Wales his honour, 52. 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Supplementum Lucani, Thomae May Anglo: in Duodecimo. Jackson's Evangelical temper; in duodecimo. Maran-Atha, the second advent, or Christ coming to Judgement. A Sermon preached before the Honourable Judges of Assize, at Warwick, July 25. 1651. by Wil Durham, B. D. late Preacher at the Rolls, now Pastor of the Church of Tredington, in Worcester shire; in Quarto. Steps of Ascension unto God, or a ladder to heaven, containing prayers and meditations for every day of the week, and for all other times and occasions, by 〈◊〉 Edward Gee, Dr. of Divinity: in quarto. The Devils an Asso, a Comedy, acted in the year 1616, by his Majesty's Servants, the Author Ben. Johnson: in folio. The Marriage of the Arts, by Barten Holliday; in Quarto. Michaelmas Term, in Qu●●to. Fine Companion; in Quarto. The Phoenix; in Quarto. The Just General, by Cosmo Manuche; in Quarto. The Courageous Turk; in Quarto. by T. Goffe. Christ Church in Oxford. The Tragedy of Orestes; in Quarto. by T. Goffe. 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Lambert's Archeion; or Comments on the High Courts of Justice; in Octavo. powel's search of Records: in Quarto. The Laws, and Resolutions of women's Rights: in quarto. Reformatio Legum, Ecclesiasticarum: in quarto. The Parson's Law, Collected out of the whole body of the Common Law, and some late Reports: in Octavo. The Court keepers Guide; A plain and familiar Treatise, useful for the help of those that are employed in keeping Law days, or Courts Baron; wherein is largely and plainly opened, the Jurisdiction of those Courts, with the learning of Manors, Coppy-holds, Rents, Herriots, and other services and advantages belonging to Manors, to the great profit of Lords of Manors, and owners of these Courts. The third Edition enlarged, the Author William Shepard Esquire: in Octavo. Reliquiae Wottonianae, or a Collection of Lives, Letters and Poems, with characters of sundry personages, and other Incomparable pieces of Language, and Art, by the Curious pencil, of the ever Memorable, Sir Henry Wotton Knight, late Provost of Eton: in Duodecimo. The Lady's Cabinet enlarged, and opened; Containing many rare Secrets, and rich Ornaments, of several kinds, and different uses: comprised under three general Heads, viz. 1. Preserving, Conserving, Candying, etc. 2. Physic and Chirurgery. 3. Cookery and Housewifery. With sundry Experiments and Extractions of Waters, Oils, etc. Collected and practised by the late Right Honourable and learned Chemist, the Lord RUTHUEN; in Duodecimo. Calendarium Pastorale, sive Eglogae Duodecim, totidem Anni mensibus Accomodatae, Anglicè olim scriptae, ab Edmundo Spencero, Anglorum Poetarum Principe, nunc autem Eleganti Latino Carmine donatae, à Theodoro Bathurst Aulae Pembrokianae, apud Cantabrigiensis, aliquando socio. And the same in English, against the Latin; in Octavo. The Combat of Love and Friendship; A Comedy, as it was formerly presented by the Gentlemen of Christ-Church in Oxford; by Robert Mead, sometime of the same College: in Quarto. Miscellanea spiritualia, or devout Essays, by the Honourable Walter Montague Esquire, the second Part: in Quarto. The End. SCRINIA SACRA; Secrets of Empire, IN LETTERS Of illustrious Persons. A SUPPLEMENT OF THE CABALA. IN WHICH Business of the same Quality and Grandeur is contained: With many famous Passages of the late Reigns of K. HENRY 8. Q. ELIZABETH, K. JAMES, and K. CHARLES. LONDON, Printed for G. Bedel, and T. Collins. and are to be sold at their Shop at the Middle-Temple-gate in Fleetstreet. 1654. THE STATIONERS To the READER. WE cannot suppose here that words will be needed to raise opinion; yet it may be expected we should give some account of what we have done, and we will do it. Not long ago we printed that excellent collection of Letters known by the name of Cabala, which the world has seen and approved. Since, another volume of Letters hath come to our hands; a volume which may justly be called a second Cabala, not unworthy to keep that company, a part which must add much to the other, as illustrious in its titles, as considerable and as weighty for the matter. In which, besides not a few noble monuments of the former years from the deserting of the Roman Church by our great Henry downward, of his daughter the most glorious virgin Queen's life and government recorded, some of the same great actions are begun, many continued; much of the policy, contrivances, and workings of the same succeeding Princes and their Ministers, of the carriage of the same things farther prosecuted, and more fully discovered. Like sister-twins of lovely faces they have both apart their native sweetness, their several worths and graces; yet they are not so fully taking, so perfectly beautiful, as where they are drawn together in one frame. In the new more is discovered, not only of the foreign affairs in Germany, Italy, France, Spain, and other Countries whither the interest of the late Reigns engaged the Sovereign actors; but of our home-Councels, Orders, and provisions both for the Church and Commonwealth, enough to show the prudence, judgement, and foresight of those who swayed in chief then, and to let us know now the Ages past have had the honour to be governed by men, who did not permit all things to fortune; who if they could not assure themselves of the events, yet they could command, design, and understand: Their designs and counsels (which will be admirable to some, but ridiculous to others) being ever directed and ruled by equity and justice, ever aiming at honest ends, such as may venture abroad, such as will appear fair and handsome in the light: whereas if we cast our eyes upon the Popes in the same leaves, we shall find nothing but combustions, nothing but fire, brimstone and alarms to war and blood. If upon the French, nothing but inhuman cruelty and violence upon the conscience too. If upon the Imperialists and Spaniards, nothing but artifice, nothing but cunning perfidiousness; all their plots and consultations, their cheating Treaties, tending merely to the advancement of the Austrian house, without any respect to piety and justice, faith or honour. A taste of which unworthiness we find in this second Part, where the Spanish Match is first moved by the Duke of Lerma, the grand Minion in Philip the 3. his reign; this Duke damns himself in oaths for his sincerity and reality toward the Match, which Olivarez, the present King's Favourite, tells his Master here was never intended. It would be too tedious but to touch in passing by, upon the generals in these Letters; upon the calamities and miseries of the Palatine Germans, of the Hugonots, the siege and taking in of Rochel, etc. Heresy and Superstition every where triumphing over truth. To speak of the spirit and worthiness of our Hero's were impossible; we might cull out some Letters here, of which (were there no more) might be said, — An hand or eye By Hyliard drawn, is worth a History. Of these Letters we may safely be believed, though they come out thus late, and are so little known, their merit will easily weigh down the age and fame of those which have gone before. Temple-Gate, May 1. 1654. G. B. T. C. ERRATA. Pag. 13. movendis for moventib. p. 16. l. 13. deal Statute of usus. l. 17. d. port-corn. p. 21. d. a few days before my departure. p. 20. l. 22. d. opera. p. 33. l. 22. put in not. p. 50. taglaes, r. tailles. 61. tain, r. retain. 75. Quadruials, r. Quadrivials. 77. in, r. in. 80. r. cartel. 81. Lo, r. Lee. 83. nos, r. eos. p. 85. l. 14. put in no less. l. 17. Claudius, r. Clodius. 88 temeriti, r. emeriti. 93. Fintons, r. Fenton. 98. Almonte, r. Ayamonte. 105. d. nimis. l. 13. vel quod in villa villae & in incolorum, etc. l. 17. distata, r. dilatata, tenenda, r. tenendae. aucupandam, r. aucupanda. obstrictam & reverentiam, r. obstricta est reverentia. vetera, r. veteri. 124. Briston, r. Digby. 130. l. ult. add requires. 145. r. ewig & einig. 153. Inijosa, r. Ynoyosa. p. 202. d. Mook or. 229. sacrum & sacrum, r. sacrum & saxum. eadem, r. iter. 241. solely, r. fully. A Table of the Letters contained in this COLLECTION. KIng Henry 8. to the Clergy of the Province of York, An. 1533. touching his title of Supreme head of the Church of England. P. 1 Q. Anne of Bullen to K. Henry from the Tower, May 6. 1536. P. 9 Q. Elizabeth's Letter to the Lady Norris upon the death of her son. P. 10 Thomas Duke of Norfolk to Queen Elizabeth. P. 11 A Defiance sent by the Grand-Seignieur to Maximilian the second. P. 12 Sir John Perrots Commission for Lord Deputy of Ireland. P. 13 The whole Contents of the Commission for the Lord Deputy. ibid. The Queen's Warrant to the Lords etc. of Ireland for ministering the Oath, and delivery of the sword to him, Jan. 31. 1583. P. 14 Another for his Entertainment there. P. 15 The Queen's Instructions to him. ibid. Sir John Perrot to the Lords of the Council, Jan. 31. 1583. P. 16 Earl of Desmond to the Earl of Ormond, June 5. 1583. P. 18 Sir Henry Wallop to the Queen, Aug. 12. 1583. P. 19 The Earl of Essex to Mr. Secretary Davison. P. 20 Again to Secretary Davison. P. 21 Again to Secretary Davison, July 11. 1589. P. 22 Again to Secretary Davison, ibid. E. of Essex to K. James concerning Secretary Davison, April 18. 1587. P. 23 Earl of Essex to Mr. Secretary Davison. P. 24 Again to Secretary Davison, upon the death of Secretary Walsingham. P. 25 Earl of Essex to the Queen. ibid. Again to the Queen. P. 26 Sir Tho. Egerton L. Chancellor to the Earl of Essex. P. 27 The Earls Answer. P. 29 Two Letters framed, one as from Mr. Anthony Bacon to the Earl of Essex, the other as the Earls answer. P. 31. & 34 Lord Mountjoy to the Earl of Essex. P. 35 Sir Robert Cecil, after Earl of Salisbury, to the Lord Burleigh his father, from France, Feb. 26. 1597. P. 36 Sir Francis Walsingham Secretary to Mr. Critoy Secretary of France. P. 38 Sir Fr. Bacon to the Earl of Essex, when Sir Ro. Cecil was in France. P. 42 Sir Fr. Bacon to the Earl of Essex concerning the Earl of Tyrone. P. 43 Another to the Earl before his going to Ireland. P. 45 Another to him after his enlargement. P. 48 Sir Fr. Bacon to Sir Ro. Cecil, after defeat of the Spaniards in Ireland. ib: Considerations touching the Queen's service in Ireland. P. 49 Sir Fr. Bacon to the L. Treasurer, touching his Speech in Parliament. P. 54 Sir Francis Bacon to the Earl of Northampton. P. 55 To the Lord Kinloss, upon the entrance of King James. P. 56 To King James. ibid. To the Earl of Northumberland, concerning a Proclamation upon the King's entry. P. 58 To the Earl of Southampton. ibid. To the Earl of Northumberland. P. 58 To Sir Edward Coke, expostulatory. P. 60 To the same after L. Chief Justice, and in disgrace. ibid. To Sir Vincent Skinner, expostulatory. P. 66 Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Chancellor. P. 71 To King James. P. 72 Mr. Edmond anderson's Letter to Sir Francis Bacon. P. 73 Sir Thomas Bodeley to Sir Francis Bacon, upon his new Philosophy. P. 74 Mr. George Brook to a Lady in Court. P. 79 To his Wife. P. 80 King James to the Major and Aldermen of London, after he was proclaimed, Mar. 28. 1603. P. 81 The Roman Catholics Petition to King James for Toleration. P. 82 Sir Walter Raleigh to King James before his Trial. P. 85 Sir Walter Raleigh to Sir Robert Car, after Earl of Somerset. P. 86 Sir Tho Egerton Chancellor, after L. Ellesmere, to the E. of Essex. P. 87 Lord Chancellor Ellesmere to King James. ibid. Again to the same King. P. 88 Sir Francis Norris to King James. P. 89 A Patent for the Admiralty of Ireland. P. 90 A Commission to divers Lords, etc. for the delivery of Flushing, Brill, etc. May 14. Jac. 14. P. 92 A Commission to Visc. Lisle Governor, to deliver them up, May 22. J. 14. P. 93 Countess of Nottingham to the Danish Ambassador. P. 94 Sir Charles Cornwallis Lieger in Spain, to the Spanish King, July 23. 1608. ibid. Again to the Spanish King, Jan. 16. 1608. P. 98 Again to the Spanish King, P. 100 & 101 K. James to the University of Cambridge, Mar. 14. 1616. P. 105 Mr. Ruthen to the Earl of Northumberland, P. 106 Sir Henry yelverton's submission in the Star-chamber, P. 107 Ferdinand the second, Emperor, to the Catholic King, P. 109 Ferdinand Emperor to Don Balthasar de Zuniga, Octob. 15. 1621. P. 110 K. James to Ferdinand Emp. concerning the Palatinate, Nou. 12. 1621. P. 113 His Imperial Majesty to King James Jan. 14. 1621. P. 116 Earl of Bristol to King James, P. 117 Ab ignoto to Conde Gondomar, concerning the death of Philip 3. P. 125 K. James to the Earl of Bristol Ambassador in Spain, Octob. 3. 1623. P. 127 Earl of Bristol to King James, Octob. 21. 1622. P. 129 K. Philip the third of Spain to the Conde of Olivarez, P. 133 Conde Olivarez his answer to the King, ibid. K. James to the Earl of Bristol, Octob. 8. 1623. P. 136 Earl of Bristol in answer to King james Octob. 9 1623. P. 137 Again to King james, Novemb. 1. 1623. P. 141 King james to the Palsgrave, P. 143 The Palsgraves' answer to King james, P. 145 Ab Ignoto from Madrid, P. 151 A Memorial to the King of Spain, by Sir Walter Ashton Ambassador in Spain, Aug. 29. 1624. P. 152 The Petition of Francis Philips to King james, for the release of Sir Robert Philip's prisoner in the Tower, P. 155 Oliver St. John to the Major of Marlborough, against the Benevolence. P. 159 The Justices of Peace in Com. Devon to the Lords of the Council. P. 182 The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishops, concerning K. James his Directions for Preachers, with the Directions, Aug. 14. 1622. P. 183 King James his Instructions to the Archbishop of Canterbury, concerning Orders to be observed by Bishops in their Dioceses, 1622. P. 187 Bishop of Winchester to his Archdeacon to the same effect, P. 189 The Bishop of Lincoln Lord Keeper, to the Bishop of London concerning Preaching and Catechising. P. 190 Instructions for the Ministers and Churchwardens of London, P. 193 Mons. Bevayr Chancellor of France, discharged to the French King. ibid. Mons. Richere forced, recants his opinions against the Papal supremacy over Kings, P. 196 Car. Richlieu to the Roman Catholics of Great Britain, Aug. 25. 1624. P. 197 Mons. Balsac to the Cardinal de la Valette, ibid. Mons. Balsac to the King Lovis, P. 200 Mons. Toyrax to the Duke of Buckingham, P. 201 Ab ignoto, concerning the estate of Rochel after the surrender, P. 202 The Protestants of France to Charles King of Great-Britain, P. 204 The Duke of Rohan to his Majesty of Great-Britain, Mar. 12. 1628. P. 208 Pope Greg. 15. to the Inquisitor-general of Spain, April 19 1623. P. 210 Pope Urban to Lewis the 13. Aug. 4. 1629. P. 211 The Duke of Buckingham, Chancellor Elect, to the University of Cambridge, june 5. 1626. P. 213 King Charles to the University of Cambridge, in approbation of their election, june 6. 1626. P. 214 The University of Cambridge its answer to the Duke, june 6. 1626. P. 215 The University of Cambridge its answer to the King, P. 216 A Privy-Seal for transporting of Horse, june 6. 1624. P. 217 The University of Cambridge to the Duke, P. 218 The Duke's answer, P. 219 The Vicechancellor of Cambridge to the King upon the Duke's death, ib. King Charles to the University of Cambridge for a new election, P. 220 The Earl of Holland to the University, P. 221 The Vnimersity of Cambridge to the King, P. 222 An Order made at Whitehall betwixt the University and Town of Cambridge, Decemb. 4. 1629. P. 223 The University of Cambridge to the Archbishop of York, P. 224 The University of Cambridge to the Earl of Manchester, P. 225 The University of Cambridge to Sir Humphrey May, P. 226 Instructions by K. Charles to the Vicechancellor and Heads of Cambridge for Government, etc. Mar. 4. 1629. P. 127 The University of Cambridge to the Lord chief justice Richardson, P. 228 The Bishop of Exeter to the Lower-House of Parliament, P. 229 King Charles to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, P. 230 A Councel-Table Order against hearing Mass at Ambassadors houses, March 10. 1629. P. 232 The King of Spain to Pope Urban, Sept. 11. 1629. P. 234 The Council of Ireland to King Charles, in defence of the Lord Deputy Faulkland, Aug. 28. 1629. P. 235 Ab ignoto, Of the affairs of Spain, France, and Italy, June 5. 1629. P. 239 The Lords of the Council of England, to the Lords of the Council of Ireland, Jan. 31. 1629. P. 240 The Lord faulkland's Petition to the King, P. 242 The Duke of Modena to the Duke of Savoy, July 30. 1629. P. 243 Sir Kenelm Digby to Sir Edward straddling, P. 244 Mr. Gargrave to the Lord Davers, P. 253 A Declaration of Ferdinand Infanta of Spain, July 5. 1636. P. 257 FINIS. King HENRY the 8. to the Clergy of the Province of York, An. 1533. Touching his Title of Supreme Head of the Church of England. RIght Reverend Father in God, Right trusty and well-beloved, We greet you well, and have received your Letters dated at York the 6. of May, containing a long discourse of your mind and opinion concerning such words as hath passed the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury in the Proem of their Grant made unto us, the like whereof should now pass in that Province. Albeit ye interlace such words of submission of your Judgement, and discharge of your duty towards us with humble fashion and behaviour, as we cannot conceive displeasure nor be miscontent with you, considering what you have said to us in times passed in other matters, and what ye confess in your Letters yourself to have heard and known, noting also the effect of the same; We cannot but marvel at sundry points and Articles, which we shall open unto you, as hereafter followeth. First, ye have heard (as ye say ye have) the said words to have passed in the Convocation of Canterbury, where were present so many learned in Divinity and Law, as the Bishops of Rochester, London, S. Assaph, Abbots of Hyde, S. Bennets, and many other; and in the Law the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Bath; and in the Lower House of the Clergy so many notable and great Clerks, whose persons and learning you know well enough. Why do ye not in this case with your self as you willed us in our great matter, conform your conscience to the conscience and opinion of a great number? Such was your advice to us in the same (our great matter) which now we perceive ye take for no sure counsel; for ye search the grounds, not regarding their say. Nevertheless forasmuch as ye examine their grounds, causes and reasons, in doing whereof ye seem rather to seek and examine that thing which might disprove their do, then that which might maintain the same, We shall answer you briefly without long discourse to the chief points of your said Letters: wherein taking for a ground, that words were ordained to signify things, and cannot therefore by sinister interpretation alter the truth of them, but only in the wits of perverse persons that would blind or colour the same, by reason whereof to good men they signify that they mean only doing their office, and to men of worse sort they serve for maintenance of such meaning as they would imagine: so in using words we ought only to regard and consider the expression of the truth in convenient speech and sentences, without overmuch scruple of super-perverse interpretations, as the malice of men may excogitate: wherein both overmuch negligence is not to be commended, and too much diligence is not only by daily experience in men's writings and laws shown frustrate and void; insomuch as nothing can be so clearly and plainly written, spoken and ordered, but that subtle wit hath been able to subvert the same; but also the Spirit of God, which in his Scripture taught us the contrary, as in the places which ye bring in & rehearse:— if the Holy Ghost had had regard to that which might have been perversely construed of these words, Pater major me est; and the other, Ego & Pater unum sumus: there should have been added to the first humanitas, to the second substantia. And wherefore doth the Scripture call Christ primogenitum? whereupon, and the Adverb donec, was maintained the error contra perpetuam virginitatem Mariae. Why have we in the Church S. Paul's Epistle, which S. Peter writeth to have been the occasion of errors? Why did Christ speak of many words, which the Jews drew ad calumniam, and yet reform them not? as when he said, Solvam Templum hoc, etc. meaning of his body, where Templum with them had another signification; And such other like? There is none other cause but this, Omnia quae scripta sunt, ad nostram doctrinam scripta sunt. And by that Learning we ought to apply and draw words to the truth, and so to understand them as they may signify truth, and not so to wrest them as they should maintain a lie. For otherwise as Heretics have done with the holy Scripture, so shall all men do with familiar speech; and if all things shall be brought into familiar disputation, he that shall call us Supremum & unicum Dominum, by that means, and as goeth your argument, might be reproved: For Christ is indeed unicus Dominus & Supremus, as we confess him in the Church daily; and now it is in opinion that Sancti be not Mediators: The contrary whereof ye affirm in your Letters, because of the Text of S. Paul, Vnus est Mediator Deum & hominum. And after that manner of reason which ye use in the entry, if any man should say, This Land is mine own, and none hath right in it but I; he might be reproved by the Psalm, Domini est terra: For why should a man call terram aliquam only his, whereof God is the chief Lord and Owner? Why is it admitted in familiar speech to call a man dead, of whom the soul which is the chief and best part yet liveth? How is it that we say this man or that man to be founder of this Church, seeing that in one respect God is only founder? We say likewise that he is a good man to the Church, a special benefactor of the Church: and that the Church is fallen down, when the stones be fallen down, the people preserved and living. And in all this manner of speech when we hear them, it is not accustomed ●e used to do as ye do, that is to say, to draw the word Church to that sentence wherein the speech may be a lie, but to take it in that wherein it signifieth truth. Which accustomed manner if ye had followed, you should not have needed to have laboured so much in the declaration of the word Ecclesia, in that signification wherein it is most rarely taken, and cannot without maintenance of too manifest a lie be applied to any man. For taking Ecclesia in that sense ye take it, S. Paul wrote amiss writing to the Corinthians, saying, Ecclesia Dei quae est Corinthi: for by your definition, non circumscribitur loco Ecclesia. In the Gospel where Christ said Dic Ecclesiae, must needs have another interpretation and definition than ye make de Ecclesia in your said Letters, or else it were hard to make complaint to all Christendom, as the case in the Gospel requireth. Sed est candidi pectoris verba veritati accommodare, ut ipsam referre quod torum officium est non corrumpere videantur. Furthermore the Lawyers that writ how Ecclesia fallit & fallitur, what blasphemy do they affirm, if that definition should be given to Ecclesia which you writ in your Letters, wherein albeit ye writ the truth for so far, yet for as much as ye draw that to the words spoken of us to the reprobation of them, yet ye show yourselves contrary to the teaching of Scripture, rather inclined by applying a divers definition to make that a lie which is truly spoken, then genuino sensu addita & candida interpretatione to verify the same. It were nimis absurdum, Us to be called Caput Ecclesiae representans corpus Christi mysticum, & Ecclesiae quae sine ruga est & macula quam Christus sibi Sponsam elegit, illius partem vel oblatam accipere vel arrogare. And therefore albeit Ecclesia is spoken of in these words, touched in the Proem, yet there is added, Et Cleri Anglicani: which words conjoined restraineth by way of interpretation the word Ecclesiam, and is as much to say as the Church, that is to say the Clergy of England. Which manner of speaking in the Law ye have professed ye many times find, and likewise in many other places. But proceeding in your said Letter, ye have showed Christ to be Caput Ecclesiae, ye go about to show how he divided his power in earth after the distinction temporalium & spiritualium, whereof the one ye say he committed to Princes, the other Sacerdotibus; for Princes, ye allege Texts which showeth and proveth obedience due to Princes of all men without distinction, be he Priest, Clerk, Bishop, or Layman, who make together the Church: and albeit your own words make mention of temporal things, wherein ye say they should be obeyed; yet the Texts of Scripture which ye allege having the general words obedite & subditi estote contain not such words, whereby spiritual things should be excluded; but whatsoever appertaineth to the tranquillity of man's life is of necessity included, as the words plainly import, as ye also confess; wherefore Gladium portat Prince ps not only against them that break his Commandment and Laws, but against him also that in any wife breaketh God's Law; For we may not more regard our Law then God, ne punish the breach of our Laws, and leave the transgressor of God's Laws unreformed: so as all spiritual things by reason whereof may arise bodily trouble and inquietation, be necessarily included in Prince's Power, and so proveth the Text of Scripture by you alleged: and also the Doctors by you brought in, confirm the same. After that ye intent to prove, which no man will deny, the ministration of spiritual things to have been by Christ committed to Priests to Preach and minister the Sacraments, them to be as Physicians to men's souls; but in these Scriptures neither by spiritual things so far extended, as under colour of that vocabule be now adays, ne it proveth not that their office being never so excellent, yet their persons, acts and deeds, should not be under the power of their Prince by God assigned, whom they should knowledge as their Head; the excellency of the matter of the Office doth not always in all points extol the dignity of the Minister. Christ who did most perfectly use the Office of a Priest, & nihil aliud quam vere curavit animas, gainsaid not the authority of Pilate upon that ground; and St. Paul executing the Office of a Priest, said, ad tribunal Caesaris sto, ubi me judicari oportet: And commanded likewise indistinctly all others to obey Princes, and yet unto those Priests being as members executing that Office, Princes do honour, for so is God's pleasure and commandment; wherefore howsover ye take the words in the proheme, we indeed do show and declare that Priests and Bishops preaching the word of God, ministering the Sacraments according to Christ's Law, and refreshing our people with ghostly and spiritual food, we not only secure and defend them for tranquillity of their life, but also with our presence, and otherwise do honour them as the case requireth, for so is God's pleasure: Like as the husband, although he be head of the wife, yet saith S. Paul, Non habet vir potestatem sui corp●ris, sed mulier, and so is in that respect under her: And having our Mother in our Realm, by the commandment of God we shall honour her, and yet she for respect of our dignity shall honour us by God's commandment likewise: And the Minister is not always the better man, sed cui ministratur; the Physician is not better than the Prince, because he can do that the Prince cannot, viz. curare morbum. In consecration of Archbishops, do not Bishops give more dignity by their ministration than they have themselves? The Doctors ye bring in, taking for their Theme to extol Priesthood, prefer it to the dignity of a Prince; after which manner of reasoning it may be called dignius imperare affectibus quam populis, and so every good man in consideration of every dignity to excel a King not living so perfectly as he doth. And why is a Bishop better than a Priest, seeing and considering in the matter of their office Episcopus etiam si administret plura, non tamen administrat majora. Emperors and Princes obey Bishops and Priests as doers of the message of Christ, and his Ambassadors for that purpose: which done, statim fiunt privati, and in order and quietness of living knowledge Princes as head. For what meant Justinian the Emperor to make Laws de Episcopis & Clericis, and such other spiritual matters, if he he had not been persuaded Illi esse curam Ecclesiae à Deo mandatam? This is true, that Princes be filii Ecclesiae, that is to say, illius Ecclesiae which ye define: wherewith it may agree that they be nevertheless Suprema Capita of the Congregations of Christian men in their Countries; like as in smaller number of Christian men, Non est absurdum vocare Superiores capita, as they be called indeed, and may be called Primi & Supremi, in respect of those Countries. And why else doth the Pope suffer any other besides himself to be called Archbishop, seeing that he himself indeed challengeth to be Princeps Apostolorum & Episcoporum in Peter's stead, which the name of an Archbishop utterly denieth. But by addition of the Country they save the sense: whereunto in us to be called Ecclesiae Anglicanae ye at the last agree, so that there were added in temporalibus; which addition were superfluous, considering that men being here themselves earthly and temporal, cannot be head and Governor to things eternal, nor yet spiritual, taking that word spiritual not as the common speech abuseth it, but as it signifieth indeed: For, quae spiritu aguntur, nulla lege astringuntur, as the Scripture saith, Quae Spiritu Dei aguntur libera sunt. And if ye take Spiritualibus for Spiritual men, that is to say, Priests, Clerks, their good acts and deeds worldly, in all this both we and all other Princes be at this day chief and heads, after whose ordinance either in general or in particular they be ordered and governed. For, leaving old stories, and considering the state of the world in our time, is there any Convocation where Laws be made for the order of our Clergy, but such as by our authority is assembled? And why should not we say as justinian said, Omnia nostra facimus quibus à nobis impartitur aucthoritas? Is any Bishop made but he submitteth himself to us, and acknowledgeth himself as Bishop to be our subject? Do not we give our Licence and assent to the election of Abbots? And this is concerning the Persons and Laws spiritual. As touching their goods, it is in all men's opinions learned in our Laws, Extra controversiam, that debate and controversy of them appertaineth to our decision and Order. And as for the living of the Clergy, some notable offences we reserve to our correction, some we remit by our sufferance to the Judges of the Clergy; as murder, felony and treason, and such like enormities we reserve to our examination; other crimes we leave to be ordered by the Clergy; not because we may not intermeddle with them, for there is no doubt but as well might we punish adultery and insolence in Priests, as Emperors have done, and other Princes atethis day do; which ye know well enough; so as in all those Articles concerning the persons of Priests, their Laws, their Acts and order of living, forasmuch as they be indeed all temporal, and concerning this present life only, in those we (as we be called) be indeed in this Realm Caput; and because there is no man above us here, be indeed supremum Caput. As to spiritual things, meaning by them the sacraments, being by God ordained as instruments of efficacy & strength, whereby grace is of his infinite goodness conferred upon his people; forasmuch as they be no worldly nor temporal things, they have no worldly nor temporal head but only Christ that did institute them, by whose ordinance they be ministered here by mortal men, elect, chosen and ordered as God hath willed for that purpose, who be the Clergy; who for the time they do that, and in that respect tanquam ministri versantur in his quae hominum potestati non subjiciuntur, in quibus si male versantur sine scandalo Deum ultorem habent si cum scandalo hominum cogniti● & vindicta est. Wherein, as is before said, either the Prince is chief doer, rhis authority proceeded to the execution of the same; as when by sufferance or privilege the Prelates intromit themselves therein; wherefore in that which is derived from the Prince at the beginning, why should any obstacle or scruple be to call him Head from whom that is derived? Such things as although they be amongst men, yet they be indeed Divina, quoniam supra nos sunt nihil ad nos.— And being called Head of all we be not in deed nor in name to him that would sincerely understand it head of such things being not spiritual as they be not temporal, and yet to those words spoken of us adevitandam illam calumniam, there is added quantum per legem Christi licet; for interpretation of which Parenthesis your similitude added of homo immortalis est quantum per naturae legem licet, is nothing like; for naturae lex is not immortality, as is lex Christi to superiority: for lex naturae ne speaketh, ne can mean of any immortality at all, considering that the law of Nature ordaineth mortality in all things; but Christ's law speaketh of superiority, admitteth superiority, showeth also and declareth obediendum esse Principibus, as ye do allege. Wherefore if the law of God permitteth superiority, and commandeth obedience: to examine and measure modum obedientiae & superioritatis, there can to no other thing so good a relation be made. For as ye understand the Scripture, though it say nay to part, it saith not nay to the whole, whereas nature denieth utterly all immortality; and so though in speaking of immortality of man it were superfluous to say quantum per naturae legem licet; yet is not so speaking de superioritate & modo Principatus, referring the certain limits to the law of Christ, ad cujus normam quicquid quadrat planum & rectum est, quicquid non quadrat pravum & iniquum. And as touching the doubt and difficulty you make to give a single answer yea or no, for that the question propounded containeth two things, whereof the one is true th' other false, as ye say, meaning as ye writ, that in temporalibus we be Caput, and in spiritualibus we be not. It seemeth that neither your example agreeth in similitude with that ye bring it in for, nor is there in learning or common speech used the scrupulosity in answers ye writ of Truth it is, that the question in plain words containeth two parts expressly, whereof the one is true, th'other false; our yea or nay cannot be answered, for there should appear a manifest lie, which Gods law detesteth, and naturally is abhorred: as if it should be asked Us, if We were King of England and of Denmark, our nay or yea should not suffice: But it is fare otherwise both in matters of Learning and common speech, where the words in the question may by divers interpretations or relations contain two things, and yet in expression contain but one: As if a man should ask Us, An filius & pater unum sunt? We would not doubt to answer and say, Yea, as the Scripture saith, for it is truly answered, and to make a lie is but Sophistication, drawing the word unum to person, wherein it is a lie. If one were asked the question, Whether the man and wife were one, he might boldly and truly say, Yea, and yet it is distinctione corporum naturalium a lie, and to the question, Vtrum Ecclesiam constet ex bonis & malis; Yea, and yet as ye define Ecclesiam it it is a lie. The reason of diversityiss this, for that it is not supposed men would abuse words, but apply them to signify truth, and not to signify a lie, wherein the Arrians offending, took occasion of heresies. For that which is in Scripture written is a most certain truth; and as it is there written, so and no otherwise would Christ have answered, if the question had been asked An Pater esset major illo? he would have said yea, as it is written. And if the Arrians would have taken for a truth that of him that is truth, and speaketh truth, and from whom proceedeth but truth, they would have brought a distinction with them to set forth truly, and not disprove that it was truly written, by sophistication of the word. When S. James wrote, Fides sine operibus mortua est, he wrote truth; and so did S. Paul, Quod fides justificat absque operibus legis: which it could not do, if it were mortua. Either of these made a single asseveration of a sentence, by interpretation containing two; trusting that the Reader would pio animo so understand them, as their say might, as they do indeed, agree with truth. It is never to be thought men will willingly & without shame lie; And therefore the sense, if any may be gathered true, or like to be true, is to be taken, and not that which is a lie. And when we writ to the Pope Sanctissimo, we mean not holier than S. Peter, though it sound so; and he that in our Letters should object that, should be thought ridiculous. He that should say he road beyond the sea, were not conveniently interrupted in his tale by him that would object sailing upon the sea, where he could not ride at all. And rather than men would note a lie when they know what is meant, they will sooner by allegory or methaphor draw the word to the truth, then by cavillation of the word note a lie. Hath not the Pope been called Caput Ecclesiae? and who hath put any addition unto it? Have not men said that the Pope may dispense cum Jure divino, and yet in a part Juris divini, viz. moralis & naturalis, the same men would say he might not dispense: wherefore if in all other matters it was never thought inconvenient to speak absolutely the truth without distinction, why should there be more scruple in our case? The truth cannot be changed by words: that we be, as God's law suffereth us to be, whereunto we do and must conform ourselves. And if ye understand, as ye ought to understand Temporalibus for the passing over this life in quietness, ye at last descend to agree to that which in the former part of your Letters you intent to impugn; and sticking to that, it were most improperly spoken to say, We be illius Ecclesiae Caput in temporalibus, which hath not temporalia. Queen Anne of Bullen to King Henry from the Tower, May 6. 1536. SIR, YOur Grace's displeasure and my imprisonment are things so strange unto me, as what to write or what to excuse I am altogether ignorant. Whereas you send unto me (willing me to confess a truth, and so to obtain your favour) by such a one whom you know to be my ancient professed enemy, I no sooner received this message, than I rightly conceived your menning: And if, as you say, confessing a truth indeed may procure my safety, I shall with all willingness and duty perform your command; but let not your Grace ever imagine that your poor wife will ever be brought to acknowledge a fault, where not so much as a thought ever proceeded: And to speak a truth, never Prince had wife more loyal in all duty and in all true affection, than you have ever found in Anne Bullen: with which name and place I could willingly have contented myself, if God and your Grace's pleasure had so been pleased. Neither did I at any time forget myself in my exaltation, or received Queenship, but that I always looked for such an alteration as now I find, the ground of my preferment being on no surer foundation than your Grace's fancy, the least alteration whereof I knew was fit and sufficient to draw that fancy to some other subject. You have chosen me from a low estate to be your Queen and Companion, far beyond my desert or desire. If then you find me worthy of such honour, Good your Grace let not any light fancy or bad council of my Enemies withdraw your Princely favour from me; neither let that stain, that unworthy stain of a disloyal heart towards your good Grace ever cast so foul a blot on your most dutiful wife, and the Infant-Princess your daughter. Try me, good King, but let me have a lawful trial, and let not my sworn enemies sit as my accusers and Judges: yea let me receive an open Trial, for my truths shall fear no open shames: then shall you see either my innocence cleared, your suspicion and conscience satisfied, the ignominy and slander of the world stopped, or my guilt openly declared. So that whatsoever God or you may determine of me, your Grace may be freed from an open censure; and my offence being so lawfully proved, your Grace is at liberty both before God and man, not only to execute worthy punishment on me as an unfaithful wife, but to follow your affection already settled on that party for whose sake I am now as I am, whose name I could some while since have pointed to, your Grace being not ignorant of my suspicion therein. But if you have already determined of me, and that not only my death, but an infamous slander must bring you the enjoying of a desired happiness, than I desire of God that he will pardon your great sin herein, and likewise my enemies the instruments thereof, and that he will not call you to a strict account for your unprincely and cruel usage of me at his general Judgment-seat, where both you and myself must both shortly appear, and in whose just judgement I doubt not, whatsoever the world may think of me, my innocence shall be openly known and sufficiently cleared. My last and only request shall be, That myself may bear the burden of your Grace's displeasure, and that it may not touch the innocent souls of those poor Gentlemen who as I understand are in straight imprisonment for my sake. If ever I have found favour in your sight, if ever the name of Anne Bullen have been pleasing in your ears, let me obtain this last request, and I will so leave to trouble your Grace any further, with my earnest prayers to the Trinity to have your Grace in his good keeping, and to direct you in all your actions. From my doleful prison in the Tower, this sixth of May. Your most loyal and faithful wife, ANNE BULLEN. Queen Elizabeth's Letter to the Lady Norris upon the death of her Son. ALthough we have deferred long to represent unto you our grieved thoughts, because we liked full well to yield you the first reflections of our misfortunes, whom we have always sought to cherish and comfort; yet knowing now that necessity must bring it to your ears, and nature consequently must move many passionate affections in your heart, we have resolved no longer to smother either our care for your sorrow, or the sympathy of our grief for his death; wherein if society in sorrowing work diminution, we do assure you by this true messenger of our mind, that Nature can have stirred no more dolorous affections in you as a mother, for a dear son, than the gratefulness and memory of his services past hath wrought in Us his Sovereign, apprehension of the miss of so worthy a servant. But now that nature's common work is done, and he that was born to die hath paid his tribute; let that Christian discretion stay the flux of your immoderate grieving, which hath instructed you both by example and knowledge, that nothing of this kind hath happened but by God's providence; and that these lines from your loving and gracious Sovereign, serve to assure you, that there shall ever appear the lively characters of you and yours that are left, in our valuing rightly all their faithful and honest endeavours. More we will not write of this subject, but have dispatched this Gentleman to visit both your Lord, and condole with you in the true sense of your love, and to pray you, that the world may see, that what time cureth in weak minds, that discretion and moderation may help in you in this accident, where there is so opportune occasion to demonstrate true patience and true moderation. Thomas Duke of Norfolk to Queen Elizabeth. O Most dear and dread Sovereign and Lady Queen, and most gracious Mistress, when I consider with myself how far I have transgressed my duty to your most gracious Majesty, I dare not now presume to look up or hope for your gracious favour, I confess myself so far unworthy thereof: but again, when I look into your Highness manifold merciful and most pitiful nature, of which so many have so abundantly tasted of since your Majesty's most prosperous reign, I am emboldened with penitent and sorrowful heart, to make my trembling hand to offer unto your Highness my most rueful & lowly submission, having none other means to ease my oppressed mind, I am for my sins and disobedience to ask pardon, that is, of Almighty God, and of your most excellent Majesty: the first I have done to Almighty God, and so I by the grace of him will continue with a new heart and full mind of amendment, not doubting but ask mercy, to receive it, according to the Scripture, he that knocketh at the door shall have it opened unto him. Now do I prostrate myself at your Highness most gracious feet, my poor children, and all that I have, hoping more in your Majesty's most gracious clemency, then in any of mine unadvised deserts; I seek to excuse myself no way, but wholly submit myself to what shall please your most merciful heart like a most gracious Queen to a man that hath been astray, who finding mercy hath afterwards with bad service oftentimes redoubled his former folly. O most noble Queen, it is in your most gracious power to make of my wretched mould what it pleaseth you, my faith and religion reserved to my Saviour, my body being already to your Highness' subject, and imprisoned for my most just desert, I dedicate my mind and heart to be hereafter as it shall please your Majesty to direct it; I do not seek favour at your Majesty's hands in respect of my former good service, I confess undutifulness hath now blotted the same out, neither dare I remember which heretofore was my greatest comfort, because I deserve not that honour which was that it hath pleased your Highness to account me indeed your unworthy kinsman. woe wretch that day when I entered into that matter which hath made such alteration of your Majesty's most gracious favour unto me, and hath heaped upon myself these intolerable troubles. O unworthy that I am, that in all the days of my life counting upon nothing but a quiet life, I take God to witness, whatsoever some have judged the contrary of me, I was so unhappy to give ear to that which hath done, and ever was like to bring me to the contrary. A Defiance sent by the Grand Seignieur to Maximilian the second. BY the sufferance of the great God, We Solyman, God in earth, great and high Emperor of all the world, Patron and Distributer of all Christians, We send and declare unto thee Maximilian, all wrath and ill fortune and infidelity, and to all thy Princes, subjects and helpers, We give it known unto thee, That We by the sufferance of the great God, named the Perpetual and Universal God in earth, most mighty Emperor, Sultan in Babylon, Lord of Armenia, the most mightiest in Persipolis and Numidia, the great helper of God, Prince from the Road of Barbary unto the mountains of Achaia, King of Kings from the Meridian to the Septentrian of the earth, from the rising place of the Sun to the setting of it, the first and chiefest, placed in the Paradise of Mahomet, the destroyer of all Christendom, and of all Christians, and that do profess Christianity, the keeper and defender of the Sepulchre of thy God crucified, the only victorious and triumphant Lord of all the world, and of all Circuits and Provinces thereof: Thou Maximilian, which writest thyself King of our Kingdom of Hungary, which is under our Crown and obeisance, We will visit thee for that cause, and also persuade thee that with our strength and force of thirteen Kingdoms with might and strength, to the number of one hundred thousand as well Horsemen as Footmen prepared for war, with all the power and strength of Turkish munition, and with such power as thou nor none of thy servants have seen, heard, or had knowledge of, even before thy chief City Vienna, and the Country thereabouts: We Solyman, God on earth, against thee with all thy assisters and helpers, with our Warlike strength, do pronounce & protest your uttermost destruction and depopulation, as we can by all means possible devise it. And this we we will signify unto thee, to the which thou and thy miserable people may prepare yourselves. With us it is determined, with our men appointed, thee and all thy Germane Kingdoms and Provinces altogether to spoil: This misery we have consented unto against thee and thy Princes, and have thou no doubt but we will come. Dated in the City of Constantinople, out of the which we did expulse your predecessors, their wives, children and friends, and made them most miserable slaves and captives, the year of our reign forty seven. Sir John Perrots Commission for Lord Deputy of Ireland. ELizabetha Dei gratia etc. omnibus ad quos presentes literae pervenerint, salut. Sciatis quod nos certis urgentibus causis & considerationibus nos specialiter movendis, de provida circumspectione & industria praedilecti & fidelis nobis Johannis Perrot milit. plenius confidentes dejadvisamento Concilii nostri assignavimus, fecimus, ordinavimus, constituimus & deputavimus, & per praesentes assignavimus, etc. eundem Johannem Perrot milit. Deputat. nostrum Generalem Regni nostri Hiberniae, habend. tenend. gaudend. exercend. & occupand. officium praedict. eidem Johanni Perrot milit. durante beneplacito nostro dantes & concedentes eidem Deputat. nostro Generali plenam tenore praesentium potestatem ad pacem nostram ac ad leges & consuetudines regni nostri praedict. custodiend. & custodiri faciend. & ad omnes & singulas leges nostras, etc. The whole Contents of the Commission for the Lord Deputy. TO conserve the peace, to punish offenders; to make Orders and Proclamations, to receive offenders to grace, to give pardons and impose fines, to levy forces, to fight and make peace, to dispose Rebels lands, to pardon all treasons saving touching the Queen's person, and counterfeiting of coin; to give offices, saving the Chancellor, Treasurer, two chief Justices, chief Baron and Master of the Rolls; to dispose of Ecclesiastical live, except Archbishops and Bishops; to receive homage and the oath, to make provision for his household according to the ancient custom; to assemble the Parliament with her Majesty's privity, to receive the account of Officers, saving the Treasurers, to exercise martial law. The Queen's Warrant to the Lords, etc. of Ireland for ministering the Oath, and delivery of the Sword to him, 31 jan. 1583. RIght Reverend Father in God, right trusty & well-beloved, and trusty and right well-beloved, we greet you well: Whereas upon the departure from thence of our right trusty and well-beloved the Lord Grace of Wilton, late our Deputy there, we thought it meet for our government there, to appoint you jointly to have the place of our Justices, until such time as we should resolve to send another thither to be our Deputy there; We let you wit, that meaning now no longer to burden you with such a charge; wherein you have, according to the trust imposed in you, very wisely behaved yourselves, greatly to our contentation, we have chosen and appointed our right trusty and well-beloved Sir Jo. Perrot Knight, this bearer, to be our Deputy of that our said Realm, & that for that purpose to send him presently thither: Wherefore our will and pleasure is, and by virtue of these our Letters we authorise you, upon the view of our letters Patents made and delivered unto him in that behalf, both to minister unto him the oath accustomed to be given unto the Deputy there, & also to deliver unto him the Sword, as heretofore hath been used. And further, that you communicate unto him amply the present estate of that our Realm, and of all our affairs there for his better instruction, at his entrance into that Government, and the advancement of our service. And these our Letters shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge in this behalf Given under our Signet, etc. the last of January 1583. the 26 year of our reign. Another for his Entertainment there. TRusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Whereas we have now appointed our right trusty and well-beloved Sir John Perrot Knight to be our Deputy in that our Realm of Ireland, for which Office allowance aswell of diets as of entertainments for certain Horsemen is to be given him: These be therefore to let you wit, that we allow unto him for his ordinary diet one hundred pounds sterling, according to the last Establishment in March 1589. and for his Retinue fifty Horsemen and fifty Footmen, with such wages for every Horsman and Footman and for their Officers, as was allowed to Sir William Fitzwilliams and Sir Henry Sidney Knights, in the late times of their Governments in that Realm. After which rates as well for his own diet, as for the said fifty Horsemen and fifty Footmen, and for their Officers, We will and command you to make payment to him during his employment and service in that place, from the date of our Letters-Patents authorising him to that government; And these our Letters shall be sufficient Warrant as well to you as to any Treasurer or Vice-treasurer there for the time being, and to your and their Substitutes, as also to the Auditor or his Deputies, and to all other Commissioners to be appointed over your Accounts, to pass and allow the same payments to you accordingly. Given etc. the fourth of April 1583. in the 26. year of our Reign of England, etc. The Queen's Instructions to him. YOU shall see immediately upon your arrival into that Realm assembled our Council there, and confer with them what course of Government upon due consideration had of the present estate of the said Realm may be held, so as Justice may take place, our Charges be lessened, our Revenues increased, and our Subjects there not oppressed. You shall also consider what Forces are meet to be continued in pay, and how the rest chargeable unto us and burdensome unto the Country may be discharged; and also how the Horsemen and Footmen serving there may be reduced to their old pay, which by reason of the general Rebellion in that Realm (the Country being wasted) we were driven to increase: And therefore we see no reason but the Band residing in those Countries that are not wasted may live well enough of the old pay, especially being victualled by us; and for the ease and diminishing of our charges in that behalf, We do think it meet that you should treat with those Countries that are not wasted, as well in Munster or elsewhere in that Realm, to see if you can draw them with good contentment to contribute something towards the finding of that Garrison, at Carberrie heretofore hath done. And for that our Subjects in that Realm, etc. To advise of the inhabiting of Munster, the attainted Lands to be let out at easy rents. Survey, certify what States, Statute of Vsus. 5. Port-Corn. 6. Th' attainted Lands to be bestowed in reward upon Servitors. 7. Younger Brothers of Noblemen, Diminish Pensioners. 9 Review former Instructions. 10— 11. Renewing of forfeited Leases for three years: Beef, Port-Corn, Remittal of Arrearages. 12. Reversion of Lands to the Governors. 13. Lands of the attainted to be appointed to house-keeping. 14. Reservation of Timber-woods. 15. Residence of Officers. 16. Report to the State outrages of disloyal Subjects. 17. Profits of Customs, Escheats, etc. 19 Establishment for Connaught. 20. Precedent for Munster, allowance begin at May, Transportation. 21. Councillors, B. of Meath, John Norris, Richard Bi●gham, Tho. Strange. 22. Refer the choice of a person to the Chancellor and others. 23. Certificate of the last Treasurer's Receipts and Expenses. Every one of these Articles doth contain half a side of Paper, and therefore I have rather thought fit to abbreviate them then to transcribe them at large, the whole Contents being contained in this Abbreviation. Sir John Perrot to the Lords of the Council. Jan. 31. 1585. May it please your good Lordships, ALthough I and this Council have by our joynt-Letters truly declared unto you the dutiful state of things here, and the causes both foreign and domestical whereupon we gather it; and withal have showed our extreme wants, and what supplies are desired: Yet understanding thence, but not from your Lordships, (for I have had no kind of advertisements, answer, or resolution from the same these twelve months) that there is a great preparation made by the Spanish King against the Realm, and that your Lordships have intelligence thereof; I cannot but as one whose chief charge and care it is, importune your Lordships to cast your eye more carefully this way, humbly praying you to consider what case we are in to try with a most mighty Prince, whether this Realm shall be still her Majesties or his, if there be any such matters (as your Lordships know best) than I beseech your Lordships to think whether it be more safety to say that we have sent provision to encounter the danger, or else you will send when perhaps it will be too late. And withal for mine own discharge, if I shall tarry, and have nothing wherewith: I have but a life to yield for her Majesty and my Country; for the loss thereof I grieve not, but rather for the harm that through defects I fear may come to her Majesty and the State, and the shame I shall leave behind me. This foreign preparation, if there be any such thing, is likely to be spent against Munster, to seize upon and to spoil the Cities and Towns of the same, which in truth are very weak. If I shall go thither, what for the late wars, and this last bad season, there is not so much to be had there as will maintain that one Band of 200. that is under Mr. Thomas Norris the Vice-President there, but that I am enforced to shift them from Town to Town, who by reason of their extreme penury do receive them with great grief and grudge. And though I had men sufficient to encounter the Enemy that should come, yet for want of victuals I should be driven to abandon the place with danger and shame, where they that are to come over are like to bring their provision with them, and to settle it in some Town that they will soon seize upon for that purpose: whereof what may ensue amongst this unconstant people naturally delighting in change, your Lordships may soon gather. Besides this that I have said of the bare estate of Munster, where there is not so much to be had as will serve for mine own family, or yet to feed my horses till grass grow, I refer you to understand not only the same more fully, but also the great wants of the rest of the Realm by the declaration here enclosed, which as Beverley the Victualler maketh it, so I know it to be true. And therefore I most humbly beseech your Lordships to send speedy order, that such a Staple of victuals may be provided and be sent over, as your Lordships shall think requisite to serve as well for the numbers here already, as also for those that are to be sent over to encounter such an accident as may fall out. And herein I would wish your Lordships to consider the winds and weather, how untowardly they have framed this year: for as some have lain at Chester nine weeks to come over hither, so hath there been no passage since this six weeks. Moreover if there be such purposes in hand, it were good some shipping were dispatched for the guard of the Coasts. And to all these and other difficulties, may I with your Lordship's favour add one more to be considered of, How weakly I am seconded, if need fall out by those foreign attempts, whereof I would say little for any other cause: The Marshal is old, and not able either to ride or go; the Master of the Ordnance is both absent, and old, and I wish there were a more sufficient man in his place: The Lord President and Sir William Stanley, who are men of good conduct, are drawn away: Sir H. Harrington, Mr. Edward Barkley, and the Senescal Dantry are suffered to remain still there; but I humbly pray they may be sped away, together with all other that are Servitors by any manner of pay there. And so having herein discharged my duty, I humbly end. From the Castle of Dublin, the last of January 1585. Your Lordship's most humble at commandment, JOHN PERROT. Earl of Desmond to the Earl of Ormond, june 5. 1583. My Lord, GReat is my grief when I think how heavily her Majesty is bend to disfavour me; and howbeit I carry the name of an undutiful Subject, yet God knoweth that my heart and mind are always most lowly inclined to serve my most loving Prince, so it may please her Highness to remove her heavy displeasure from me. As I may not condemn myself of disloyalty to her Majesty, so cannot I excuse my faults, but must confess that I have incurred her Majesty's indignation; yet when the cause and means which were found and devised to make me commit folly shall be known to her Highness, I rest in an assured hope that her most gracious Majesty will both think of me as my heart deserveth, and also of those that wrung me into undutifulness, as their cunning device meriteth. From my heart I am sorry that folly, bad counsels, sleights, or any other thing hath made me to forget my duty: And therefore I am most desirous to get conference with your Lordship, to the end I may open and declare to you how tyrannously I was used, humbly craving that you will vouchsafe to appoint some time and place where and when I may attend your Honour, and then I doubt not to make it appear how dutiful a mind I carry, how faithfully I have at mine own charge served her Majesty before I was proclaimed, how sorrowful I am for my offences, and how faithfully I am affected ever hereafter to serve her Majesty. And so I commit your Lordship to God, the 5. of June 1583. Subscribed GIRALD DESMOND. Sir Henry Wallop to the Queen, 12. Aug. 1583. IT may please your Majesty, a rumour hath been raised not long since at Dublin (I know not how, nor by what particular person, but strongly confirmed since the last passage out of England) (neither doth your service now in hand upon this Northern border, suffer me to examine it) that your Majesty conceived some hard opinion of me, from which your Highness is not yet removed; but what the offence is, or how conceived, is neither by the reporters published, nor secretly revealed unto me: And like as it is easy to judge what effects this may work in the service of your Majesty, or to a man in public office, as I am, in such a government as this is, where the obedience for the most is constrained, and all reputation with the people either growing or diminishing as your Majesty graceth or disgraceth your Officers; so how much this quiet burden over-presseth my most devoted and dutiful mind towards your Majesty, I feel to my exceeding grief and discomfort. In examining myself in what root this your judgement should spring, I confess Madam, I have viewed in myself many imperfections, some in nature, others perhaps for lack of ability and sufficiency to be a cooperator or an assistant in so great and so ticklish a government & charge, into which not ambition in me, but your Majesty's will & commandment hath intruded me. But in all that my memory can hitherto present unto me, I find my loyalty in your service, and my sincerity in employing your Majesty's treasure according to your intent, so unspotted and direct, as I cannot but comfort myself in opposing my innocency to the envy of the informer, or to any other his hard construction whatsoever: yet since in general consideration I cannot feel such a particular error, as might settle in your Majesty's grave judgement, an offence meriting your disfavour, I am most humbly to beseech your Majesty, that by knowing my fault I may either purge myself by a just denial, or by confessing it crave pardon of your Highness, and reform myself. If therefore it shall stand with your Majesty's good pleasure to declare to my honourable good friend Mr. Secretary Walsingham, commanding him to charge me with it, I will thereupon simply answer, even as before the Lord God, without concealing any matter of truth any wise, for mine own defence. This grace the sooner I shall obtain, the apt I shall be found for your other services, from which I find myself distracted, because the end of my travels is none other but to purchase that grace and favour which I may now fear to be alienated from me till my cause be better explained. And so I humbly end, praying the Lord to bless you with a long and prosperous reign. At your town of Dundalk, August 11. 1583. Your Majesty's most humble servant and subject, HENRY WALLOP. The Earl of Essex to Mr. Davison. IF this Letter do not deliver you my very affectionate wishes, and assure you that I am both careful to deserve well, and covetous to hear well of you, it doth not discharge the trust that I have committed unto it. My love to your worthy Father, my expectation that you will truly inherit his virtues, and the proof that I have seen of your well spending your time abroad, are three strong bands to tie my affection unto you; to which when I see added your kindness to myself, my reason tells my heart, it cannot value you, or affect you too much: you have laid so good a foundation of framing yourself, as if now you do not perfect the work, th'expectation you have raised will be your greatest adversary: slack not your industry in thinking you have taken great pains already, Nusquam enim nec opera sine emolumento, nec emolumentum sine impensa opera est: Labour voluptasque dissimilia natura, societate quadam naturali inter se conjuncta sunt. Nor think yourself at any time so rich in knowledge or reputation, as you may spend on the stock: For as the way to virtue is steep and craggy, so the descent from it is headlong. It is said of our bodies, that they do lente augescere & cito extinguntur, it may be as properly said of our minds. Let your virtuous Father, who in the midst of his troubles and discomforts, hath brought you by his care and charge to what you are now in, you receive perfect comfort & contentment; Learn virtutem ab illo, fortunam ab aliis. I writ not this as suspecting you need be admonished, or as finding myself able to direct; but as he that when he was writing, took the plainest and naturallest stile of a friend truly affected to you: Receive it therefore I pray you as a pledge of more love than I can now show you. And so desiring nothing more than to hear often from you, I wish you all happiness, and rest, Whitehall, Jan. 8. Your affectionate and assured friend, R. ESSEX. Earl of Essex to Secretary Davison. SIR, AS I have ever loved you, so now taking leave of my good friends, I cannot forget you of whose love I desire to be ever assured, and whom I would desire to satisfy in all things that I shall do. If you be troubled with the suddenness of my unlooked for journey, let my resolute purpose to perform it, which could not be without secrecy, excuse me: if you call it rashness, I will better allow it to be heresy then error; for many months ago it was resolved: if you doubt of the success or event thereof, I say, that the same God who hath given me a mind to undertake, may according to his good pleasure make me in it, or it with me to prosper or die, as it shall seem best unto him. And so purposing that you shall see me return happy, or never, I take my leave a few days before my departure. Let me be commended to your good self, and such other of my good friends, as in my absence you find I am beholding to, especially to Sir Drew Drury, and Sir Edward Waterhouse. Your assured friend, R. ESSEX. Earl of Essex to Secretary Davison, july 11. 1589. SIR, AS at my departure, so upon my return, I must needs salute you, as one whom then, and now, and ever, I must love very much. I would gladly see you, but I am tied here a while; when I may have occasion to show my love to you, I will do more than I now promise. In the mean time wishing you that happiness which men in this world ought to seek, I take my leave At the Court this 11. of July 1589. Your assured Friend R. ESSEX. Again to Secretary Davison. SIR, I Had speech with her Majesty yesternight after my departure from you, and I find that the success of my speech (although I hoped for good) yet did much overrun my expectation. To repeat many speeches and by-matters, as of my acquaintance with you, and such like, it will be fit for such a time when I shall have conference with you. But in effect, our end was thus: I made her Majesty see, what in your health, in your fortune, and in your reputation with the world you had suffered since the time that it was her pleasure to commit you; I told her how many friends and wellwishers the world did afford you, and how for the most part, throughout the whole Realm her best subjects did wish that she would do herself the honour to repair for you, and restore to you that state which she had overthrown; your humble suffering of these harms, and reverend regard to her Majesty, must needs move a Princess so noble and so just, to do you right; and more I had said, if my gift of speech had been any way comparable to my love. Her Majesty seeing her judgement opened by the story of her own actions, shown a very feeling compassion of you, she gave you many praises, and among the rest, that which she seemed to please herself in, was, that you were a man of her own choice. In truth she was so well pleased with those things that she spoke and heard of you, as I dare (if of things future there be any assurance) promise to myself that your peace will be made to your own content, and the desire of your friends, I mean in her favour and your own fortune, to a better estate then, or at least the same you had, which with all my power I will employ myself to effect. And so in hast I commit you to God. Your friend most assured, R. ESSEX. Earl of Essex to King James concerning Secretary Davison. April 18. 1587. MOst excellent King, for him that is already bound for many favours, a stile of thankfulness is much fit than the humour of suing; but so it falls out, that he which to his own advantage would have sought nothing in your favour, but your favour itself, doth now for another become an humble petitioner to your Majesty: your Majesty cannot be such a stranger to the affairs of this Country, but as you know what actions are done in this place, so you understand the minds of the men by whom they are done. Therefore I doubt not, but the man for whom I speak, is somewhat known to your Majesty, and being known, I presume of greater favour, Mr. Secretary Davison fallen into her Majesty's displeasure and disgrace; beloved of the best and most religious of this land, doth stand as barred from any preferment or restoring in his place, except out of the honour and nobleness of your own Royal heart, your Majesty will undertake his cause. To leave the nature of his fault to your Majesty's best judgement, and report of your own servant, and to speak of the man, I must say truly, that his sufficiency in Council, and matters of State, is such, as the Queen herself confesseth, in her Kingdom she hath not such another; his virtue, religion and worth in all degrees is of the world taken to be so great, as no man in his good fortune hath had more general love than this Gentleman in his disgrace: And if to a man so worthy in himself, and so esteemed of all men, my words might avail any thing, I would assure your Majesty would get great honour, and great love, not only here amongst us, but in all places of Christendom where this Gentleman is any thing known, if you should now be the author of his restoring to his place, which in effect he now is, but that as a man not acceptable to her Majesty, he doth forbear to attend. I do in all humbleness commend this cause to your Majesty, having the warrant of a good conscience, that I know to be both honourable and honest; and your Majesty to the blessed protection of that mighty God, to whom will pray for your Majesty's happy and prosperous estate, He that will do your Majesty all humble service, Greenwich April 18. R. ESSEX. Earl of Essex to Mr. Secretary Davison. SIR I Have as I could, taken my opportunity since I saw you, to perform as much as I promised you; and though in all I have been able to effect nothing, yet even now I have had better leisure to solicit the Queen then in this stormy time I did hope for. My beginning was, as being amongst others entreated to move her in your behalf: my course was to lay open your sufferings and your patience; in them you had felt poverty, restraint and disgrace, and yet you shown nothing but faith and humility, faith, as being never wearied nor discouraged to do her service; humbleness, as content to forget all the burdens that had been laid upon you, and to serve her Majesty with as frank and willing a heart as they that have received greatest grace from her. To this I received no answer but in general terms, that her honour was much touched, your presumption had been intolerable, and that she could not let it slip out of her mind. When I urged your access, she denied it, but so as I had no cause to be afraid to speak again. When I offered in them both to reply, she fell into other discourse, and so we parted. So all that I have done you know; what I shall do ye shall prescribe. If you hear any man's else— I pray you let me know, for so I shall perceive whether she will open her heart more to me then them, which being known I may deal accordingly. And so I commit you to God. Windsor, Octob. 2. Your most assured friend, R. ESSEX. Again to Mr. Secretary Davison, upon the death of Mr. Secretary Walsingham. SIR, Upon this unhappy accident, I have tried to the bottom what the Queen will do for you, and what the credit of your Solicitor is worth. I urged not the comparison between you and any other: But in my duty to her, and zeal to her service, I did assure her that she had not any other in England that would for these three or four years know how to settle himself to support so great a burden. She gave me leave to speak, heard me with patience, confessed with me that none was so sufficient, and could not deny but that which she lays to your charge was done without hope, fear, malice, envy, or any respect of your own, but merely for her safety both of state and person. In the end she absolutely denied to let you enjoy that place, and willed me to rest satisfied, for she was resolved. Thus much I writ to let you know, I am more honest to my friends, then happy in their cases. What you will have me do for your suit, I will as far as my credit is any thing worth. I have told most of the Council of my manner of dealing with the Queen; my Lord Chamberlain tells me he hath dealt for you also, and they all say they wish as I do; but in this world that is enough. I will commit you to God for this time, and rest Your constant and true friend, R. ESSEX. Earl of Essex to the Queen. MY dutiful affections to your Majesty always overweighed all other worldly respects; that seeking in all particulars to manifest my truth, I have maimed my estate in general, as I dare in the heat of my thoughts compare with the greatest that ever vowed for faithful service, so is there not the meanest that hath overslipped me, I will not say in recompense, but in some gracious estate of service. Thus whilst my faith wrestleth with my fortune, the one wins breath to beat th' other down. Though I have no hope to repair the ruins of my oversight, yet I cannot but presume your Majesty will suffer me to preserve them from blowing up; and what youth and forward belief hath undermined in mine estate, providence by a retired life may underlay. In which discontinuance from Court there shall be added (if any thing be added) increase of loyalty: Nor so solitary shall be my course, as it shall seem to proceed of discontentment, but of necessity; and all actions both with living and my life so forward, as though some may have overrun me in fortunes, none shall in duty. Next my allegiance to your Majesty, which shall be held most sacred and inviolable, the report of mine Honour challengeth chief interest; which that I may preserve in my wont state, reason draws me to stay myself slipping from falling. That of late (by what secret and venomous blow I know not) my faith hath received some wounds, your Majesty's wont grace withdrawn assures me: But truth and my patience in this case were one with me, and time in your Princely thoughts did wear it out from me. Let time be Judge; I will leave you with as great lothness as I were to lose what I love best. But your favour failing, in which I have placed all my hopes, and myself less graced after seven years then when I had served but seven days, may be a reason to excuse, if there were no other reason. These things pressed out of a distressed mind, and offered in all humility, I hope it shall not be offensive if I choose this wearisome course, rather to be retired then tired. If any of envy take advantage of absence, seeking by cunning to draw me into suspicion of discontentment, my conscience is settled in your never erring Judgement, that if he come with Esau's hands and Jacob's voice, your Highness will censure it a wrought malice under such simplicity. It is true that grief cannot speak; but this grief hath made me write, lest when I leave you I should so far forsake myself as to leave this unsaid. To your gracious acceptance I commit it, and with all humble and reverend thoughts that may be, rest ever to be commanded to die at your Majesty's feet, RO. ESSEX. Again to the Queen. FRom a mind delighting in sorrow, from spirits wasted with passion, from a heart torn in pieces with care, grief and travel, from a man that hateth himself and all things that keepeth him alive, what service can your Majesty expect, since your service past deserves no more than banishment or prescription in the cursed'st of all other Countries? Nay, nay, it is your Rebel's pride and success that must give me leave to ransom my life out of this hateful prison of my loathed body: which if it happen so, your Majesty shall have no cause to mislike the fashion of my death, since the course of my life could never please you. Your Majesty's exiled Servant, RO. ESSEX. Sir Thomas Egerton Lord Chancellor to the Earl of Essex. My very good Lord, IT is often seen, that he that stands by seethe more than he that playeth the game; and for the most part every one in his own cause standeth in his own light, and seethe not so clearly as he should. Your Lordship hath dealt in other men's causes, and in great and weighty affairs with great wisdom and judgement; now your own is in hand, you are not to contemn or refuse the advice of any that love you, how simple soever. In this order I rank myself among others that love you, none more simple, and none that love you with more true and honest affection; which shall plead my excuse, if you shall either mistake or mistrust my words or meaning: but in your Lordship's honourable wisdom I neither doubt nor suspect the one nor the other. I will not presume to advise you, but shoot my bolt and tell you what I think. The beginning and long continuance of this so unseasonable discontentment you have seen and proved, by which you aim at the end: If you hold still this course, which hitherto you find to be worse and worse, (and the longer you go, the further you go out of the way) there is little hope or likelihood the end will be better: You are not yet gone so far, but that you may well return: The return is safe, but the progress is dangerous and desperate in this course you hold. If you have any enemies, you do that for them which they could never do for themselves: Your friends you leave to scorn and contempt, you forsake yourself and overthrow your fortunes, and ruinated your honour and reputation: You give that comfort and courage to the foreign enemies, as greater they cannot have; for what can be more welcome and pleasing news then to hear that her Majesty and the Realm are maimed of so worthy a Member, who hath so often and so valiantly quailed and daunted them? You forsake your Country, when it hath most need of your Council and aid: And lastly you fail in your indissoluble duty which you own unto your most gracious Sovereign, a duty imposed upon you not by nature and policy only, but by the religious and sacred bond wherein the divine Majesty of Almighty God hath by the rule of Christianity obliged you. For the four first, your constant resolution may perhaps move you to esteem them as light; but being well weighed, they are not light, nor lightly to be regarded. And for the four last, it may be that the cleverness of your own conscience may seem to content yourself, but that is not enough; for these duties stand not only in contemplation or inward meditation, and cannot be performed but by external actions, and where that faileth, the substance also faileth. This being your present state and condition, what is to be done? what is the remedy, my good Lord? I lack judgement and wisdom to advise you, but I will never want an honest true heart to wish you well; nor being warranted by a good conscience, will fear to speak that I think. I have begun plainly, be not offended if I proceed so. Bene cedit qui cedit tempori: and Seneca saith, Cedendum est fortunae. The medicine and remedy is not to contend and strive, but humbly to yield & submit. Have you given cause, and yet take a scandal unto you? then all you can be is too little to make satisfaction. Is cause of scandal given unto you, yet policy, duty and religion enforce you to sue, yield and submit to our Sovereign, between whom and you there can be no equal proportion of duty, where God requires it as a principal duty and care to himself, and when it is evident that great good may ensue of it to your friends, yourself, your Country, and your Sovereign, and extreme harm by the contrary. There can be no dishonour to yield; but in denying, dishonour and impiety. The difficulty (my good Lord) is to conquer yourself, which is the height of true valour and fortitude, whereunto all your honourable actions have tended. Do it in this, and God will be pleased, her Majesty (no doubt) well satisfied, your Country will take good, and your Friend's comfort by it; and yourself (I mention you last, for that of all these you esteem yourself least) shall receive honour; and your Enemies (if you have any) shall be disappointed of their bitter sweet hope. I have delivered what I think simply and plainly, I leave you to determine according to your own wisdom: if I have erred, it is error amoris, and not amor erroris. Construe and accept it, I beseech you, as I meant it; not as an advice, but as an opinion to be allowed or canceled at your pleasure. If I might conveniently have conferred with yourself in person, I would not have troubled you with so many idle blots. Whatsoever you judge of this my opinion, yet be assured my desire is to further all good means that may tend to your Lordship's good. And so wishing you all happiness and honour, I cease. Your Lordship's most ready and faithful, though unable poor Friend, Tho. Egerton, Cust. Sigil. The Earls Answer. MY very good Lord, though there is not that man this day living whom I would sooner make Judge of any question that might concern me, than yourself; yet you must give me leave to tell you, that in some cases I must appeal from all earthly Judges: And if in any, then surely in this, when the highest Judge on earth hath imposed upon me the heaviest punishment without trial or hearing. Since than I must either answer your Lordship's Arguments, or else forsake mine own just defence, I will force mine-aking head to do me service for an hour. I must first deny my discontentment (which was forced) to be an humorous discontent; and in that it was unseasonable, or is so long continuing, your Lordship should rather condole with me then expostulate: natural seasons are expected here below, but violent and unreasonable storms come from above: There is no tempest to the passionate indignation of a Prince, nor yet at any time so unseasonable as when it lighteth on those that might expect an harvest of their careful and painful labours. He that is once wounded must needs feel smart till his hurt be cured, or the part hurt become senseless. But cure I expect none, her Majesty's heart being obdurate; and be without sense I cannot, being of flesh and blood. But you may say, I may aim at the end: I do more than aim, for I see an end of all my fortunes, I have set an end to all my desires. In this course do I any thing for mine enemies? when I was present I found them absolute, and therefore I had rather they should triumph alone, then have me attendant upon their Chariots: Or do I leave my friends? When I was a Courtier I could sell them no fruit of my love, and now that I am an Hermit, they shall bear no envy for their love to me. Or do I forsake myself, because I do not enjoy myself? Or do I overthrow my fortunes, because I build not a fortune of paper-walls, which every puff of wind bloweth down? Or do I ruinated mine honour, because I leave following the pursuit, or wearing the false mark or the shadow of honour? Do I give courage or comfort to the enemies, because I neglect myself to encounter them, or because I keep my heart from business, though I cannot keep my fortune from declining? No, no, I give every one of those considerations his due right, and the more I weigh them, the more I find myself justified from offending in any of them. As for the two last objections, that I forsake my Country when it hath most need of me, and fail in that indissoluble duty which I own to my Sovereign: I answer, That if my Country had at this time any need of my public service, her Majesty that governeth it, would not have driven me to a private life. I am tied to my Country by two bonds; one public, to discharge carefully and industriously that trust which is committed to me; the other private, to sacrifice for it my life and carcase, which hath been nourished in it. Of the first I am free, being dismissed by her Majesty: Of the other nothing can free me but death, and therefore no occasion of performance shall sooner offer itself, but I will meet it half way. The indissoluble duty I own unto her Majesty, the service of an Earl and of Marshal of England, and I have been content to do her the service of a Clerk; but I can never serve her as a villain or a slave. But you say I must give way to time. So I do, for now that I see the storm come, I have put myself into harbour. Seneca saith, we must give way to Fortune: I know that Fortune is both blind and strong, and therefore I go as far as I can out of the way. You say the remedy is not to strive: I neither strive nor seek for remedy. But you say, I must yield and submit: I can neither yield myself to be guilty, nor this my imprisonment lately laid upon me, to be just; I owe so much to the Author of Truth, as I can never yield Truth to be Falsehood, nor Falsehood to be Truth. Have I given cause, you ask, and yet take a scandal? No, I gave no cause to take up so much as Fimbria his complaint: for I did totum telum corpore accipere, I patiently bear and sensibly feel all that I then received when this scandal was given me. Nay, when the vilest of all indignities are done unto me, doth religion enforce me to sue? Doth God require it? Is it impiety not to do it? Why? cannot Princes err? Cannot subjects receive wrong? Is an earthly power infinite? Pardon me, pardon me, my Lord, I can never subscribe to these principles. Let Solomon's fool laugh when he is stricken; let those that mean to make their profit of Princes, show to have no sense of Prince's injuries; let them acknowledge an infinite absoluteness on earth, that do not believe an absolute infiniteness in heaven. As for me, I have received wrong, I feel it; my cause is good, I know it; and whatsoever comes, all the powers on earth can never show more strength or constancy in oppressing, than I can show in suffering whatsoever can or shall be imposed upon me. Your Lordship in the beginning of your Letter makes me a Player, and yourself a looker on; and me a player of my own game, so you may see more than I; but give me leave to tell you, that since you do but see, and I do suffer, I must of necessity feel more than you. I must crave your Lordship's patience to give him that hath a crabbed fortune, leave to use a crooked stile. But whatsoever my stile is, there is no heart more humble, nor more affected towards your Lordship, then that of Your Lordship's poor friend, ESSEX. Two Letters framed, one as from Mr. Anthony Bacon to the Earl of Essex, the other as the Earls answer. My singular good Lord, THis standing at a stay doth make me in my love towards your Lordship jealous lest you do somewhat, or omit somewhat that amounteth to a new error: For I suppose that of all former matters there is a full expiation; wherein for any thing which your Lordship doth, I for my part (who am remote) cannot cast or devise wherein my error should be, except in one point, which I dare not censure nor dissuade: which is, that as the Prophet saith, in this affliction you look up ad manum pertutientem, and so make your peace with God. And yet I have heard it noted, that my Lord of Leicester, who could never get to be taken for a Saint, yet in the Queen's disfavour waxed seeming religious. Which may be thought by some, and used by others as a case resembling yours, if men do not see, or will not see the difference between your two dispositions. But to be plain with your Lordship, my fear rather is, because I hear how some of your good and wise friends, not unpractised in the Court, and supposing themselves not to be unseen in that deep and unscrutable Centre of the Court, which is her Majesty's mind; do not only toll the bell, but even ring out peals, as if your fortune were dead and buried, and as if there were no possibility of recovering her Majesty's favour; and as if the best of your condition were to live a private and retired life, out of want, out of peril, and out of manifest disgrace. And so in this persuasion to your Lordship-wards, to frame and accommodate your actions and mind to that end, I fear (I say) that this untimely despair may in time bring forth a just despair, by causing your Lordship to slacken and break off your wise, loyal, and seasonable endeavour and industry for reintegration to her Majesty's favour, in comparison whereof all other circumstances are but as Atomies, or rather as a Vacuum without any substance at all. Against this opinion it may please your Lordship to consider of these reasons which I have collected; and to make judgement of them, neither out of the melancholy of your present fortune, nor out of the infusion of that which cometh to you by others relation, which is subject to much tincture, but ex rebus ipsis, out of the nature of the persons and actions themselves, as the truest and less deceiving ground of opinion. For though I am so unfortunate as to be a stranger to her Majesty's eye, much more to her nature and manners, yet by that which is extant I do manifestly discern that she hath that character of the Divine nature and goodness, as quos amavit, amavit usque ad finem; and where she hath a creature, she doth not deface nor defeat it: insomuch as if I observe rightly in those persons whom heretofore she hath honoured with her special favour, she hath covered and remitted not only defections and ingratitudes in affection, but errors in state and service. 2. if I can Scholarlike spell & put together the parts of her Majesty's proceed now towards your Lordship, I cannot but make this construction, That her Majesty in her Royal intention never purposed to call your do into public question, but only to have used a cloud without a shower, and censuring them by some restraint of liberty and debarring from her presence. For both the handling the cause in the Star-chamber was enforced by the violence of libelling and rumours, wherein the Queen thought to have satisfied the world, and yet spared your appearance: And then after, when that means which was intended for the quenching of malicious bruits, turned to kindle them, because it was said your Lordship was condemned unheard, and your Lordship's Sister wrote that private Letter, than her Majesty saw plainly that these winds of rumours could not be commanded down without a handling of the Cause by making you party, and admitting your defence. And to this purpose I do assure your Lordship, that my Brother Francis Bacon, who is too wise to be abused, though he be both reserved in all particulars more than is needful, yet in generality he hath ever constantly and with asseveration affirmed to me, That both those days, that of the Star-chamber, and that at my Lord Keepers, were won of the Queen merely upon necessity and point of honour, against her own inclination. 3. In the last proceeding I note three points which are directly significant, that her Majesty did expressly forbear any point which was irrecuperable, or might make your Lordship in any degree uncapable of the return of her favour, or might fix any character indelible of disgrace upon you: For she spared the public places, which spared ignominy; she limited the Charge precisely not to touch disloyalty, and no Record remaineth to memory of the Charge or Sentence. 4. The very distinction which was made in the sentence of Sequestration from the places of service in State, and leaving to your Lordship the place of Master of the Horse, doth in my understanding point at this, that her Majesty meant to use your Lordship's attendance in Court, while the exercises of other places stood suspended. 5. I have heard, and your Lordship knoweth better, that now since you were in your own custody, her Majesty in verbo Regio, and by his mouth to whom she committeth her Royal grants and Decrees, hath assured your Lordship she will forbid, and not suffer your ruin. 6. As I have heard her Majesty to be a Prince of that magnanimity, that she will spare the service of the ablest Subject or Peer, where she shall be thought to stand in need of it; so she is of that policy, as she will not blaze the service of a meaner than your Lordship, where it shall depend merely upon her choice and will. 7. I held it for a principle, That those diseases are hardest to cure, whereof the cause is obscure; and those easiest, whereof the cause is manifest. Whereupon I conclude, that since it hath been your errors in your lowness towards her Majesty which have prejudiced you, that your reforming and conformity will restore you, so as you may be Faber fortunae propriae. Lastly, Considering your Lordship is removed from dealing in Causes of State, and left only to a place of Attendance, methinks the Ambition of any which can endure no Partners in State-matters may be so quenched, as they should not laboriously oppose themselves to your being in Court. So as upon the whole matter, I cannot find neither in her Majesty's person, nor in your own person, nor in any third person, neither in former precedents nor in your own case, any cause of peremptory despair. Neither do I speak this, but that if her Majesty out of her resolution should design you to a private life, you should be as willing upon the appointment to go into the wilderness as into the land of promise; only I wish that your Lordship will not despair, but put trust (next to God) in her Majesty's grace, and not be wanting to yourself. I know your Lordship may justly interpret, that this which I persuade may have some reference to my particular, because I may truly say testante non virebo, for I am withered in myself; but manebo, or tenebo, I should in some sort be, or hold out. But though your Lordship's years and health may expect return of grace and fortune, yet your Eclipse for a time is an ultimum vale to my fortune: And were it not that I desired and hope to see my Brother established by her Majesty's favour, as I think him well worthy for that he hath done and suffered, it were time I did take that course from which I dissuade your Lordship. Now in the mean time I cannot choose but perform those honest duties unto you, to whom I have been so deeply bound, etc. The Earl of Essex his Answer to Mr. Anthony Bacon's Letter. Mr. Bacon, I Thank you for your kind and careful letter; it persuadeth that which I wish for strongly, and hope for weakly, that is, possibility of restitution to her Majesty's favour: Your arguments that would cherish hope, turn into despair: You say the Queen never meant to call me to public censure, which showeth her goodness; but you see I passed it, which showeth others power. I believe most steadfastly, her Majesty never intended to bring my cause to a public censure; and I believe as verily, that since the sentence she meant to restore me to tend upon her person: but those which could use occasions (which it was not in me to let) and amplify and practise occasions to represent to her Majesty a necessity to bring me to the one, can and will do the like to stop me from the other. You say, my errors were my prejudice, and therefore I can mend myself. It is true; but they that know that I can mend myself, and that if I ever recover the Queen, that I will never lose her again, will never suffer me to obtain interest in her favour: and you say, the Queen never forsook utterly where she hath inwardly favoured; but know not whether the hourglass of time hath altered her, but sure I am, the false glass of others informations must alter her, when I want access to plead mine own cause, I know I, ought doubly, infinitely to be her Majesties both jure creationis, for I am her creature; and jure redemptionis, for I know she hath saved me from overthrow. But for her first love, and for her last protection, and all her great benefits, I can but pray for her Majesty; & my endeavour is now to make my prayers for her and myself better heard. For thanks be to God, that they which can make her Majesty believe I counterfeit with her, cannot make God believe that I sergeant with him; and they that can let me from coming near to her, cannot let me from drawing nearer to him, as I hope I do daily. For your brother, I hold him an honest Gentleman, and wish him all good much rather for your sake; yourself I know hath suffered more for me and with me, than any friend that I have: But I can but lament freely, as you see I do, and advise you not to do that I do, which is to despair. You know Letters what hurt they have done me, and therefore make sure of this: and yet I could not, as having no other pledge of my love, but communicate openly with you for the ease of my heart and yours. Your loving friend, R. ESSEX. Lord Mountjoy to the Earl of Essex. MOst noble Lord, the Queen is now removing towards a Progress; wherein, after I have somewhat waited upon her, I shall have a desire to write to your Lordship of some things more at large, which I will do as safely as I can; your Lordship's virtue, and your clear conscience must be your own brazen wall: for we that are not of the Council do see no hope to keep long together this State from assured ruin. I pray God the Queen may with all prosperity outlive their negligence, and your care, to be a just Judge, if not a rewarder thereof. In the mean time you own unto her, and your own virtue, extraordinary patience. Your Lordship's mind (I do protest) cannot labour more in the storm wherein you are, then mine doth in this dangerous and miserable calm. For it is some comfort to perish doing somewhat; and yet, my Lord, why should we despair, since there is a Providence that looks beyond, and concludes contrary to the practices of the world; which Providence hath showed us ways, how rugged soever they be, which will bring unto true happiness; and though we lose these mortal Barks we sail in, yet he will assuredly save the passengers. Noble Lord, in respect of that great Haven, contemn these tempests and shipwrecks at sea. Your Lordship's servant Mr. Bushel, doth fear to have you impute his slow dispatch unto any want of his diligence, and hath showed his fear in exceeding sorrow that it could not be sooner, and with as much care by all his best means to effect it. I much thank your Lordship for your favour to Sir Charles Blunt, of whom (if he be not thankful) I shall not only be deceived, but also revenged. I will pray continually for your Lordship's prosperity,— and that it shall be impossible to make me otherwise then Your Lordship's most honest and faithful servant, MOUNTJOY. Sir Robert Cecil, after Earl of Salisbury, to the Lord Burleigh his Father, from France. Febr. 26. 1597. MY duty humbly remembered to your Lordship: Having lately made dispatches from Diep, and having made little way in France, by reason of Sir Thomas Wilks indisposition, your Lordship can expect little from me; especially having joined with my associates in a letter to your Lordship: Nevertheless, because love and duty will find easily occasion to express themselves, I am bold to yield your Lordship some more trouble by my private Letter. I have met here with the premier Precedent of Rouen, a man of great credit and reputation, one that until mere necessity did force him, kept much hold here for this King: he afterward retired, and kept the Parliament at Caen; he is learned, grave, of good person, good discourse, & well affectionate to England, his name is Claude Grollart; he is now next the Duke Monpencier, the stay of all those quarters, insomuch that when the King will be merry with him, he calls him one of the petty Dukes in Normandy: he did visit me with great respect, and fell into familiar discourse with me of your Lordship, whom he had known in England many years since, and hath had correspondency with your Lordship by letters in Mr. Secretary Walsinghams' time: And being talking thereof, he desired me to tell your Lordship by occasion, that when these troubles were like to grow by the League, you writ him a letter of advice to stick fast to the King, and not to be doubtful though he saw difficulties; for you did hold it for a true Oracle, That the Kings on earth are like the Sun, and that such as do seek to usurp are like falling Stars: For the Sun, although it be eclipsed and obsuscated with mists and clouds, at length they are dispersed, where the other are but figures of stars in the eyes view, and prove no more but exhalations, which suddenly dissolve and fall to the earth, where they are consumed. Because I have little else to fill my paper, I presume to trouble your Lordship thus far, to whom I think it cannot be offensive to hear that for your sake I am by many the better used, and that by your own wisdom you are by men of place and gravity both honoured and remembered. The marriage of the Duke of Tremoville to the Count Maurice his sister, hath drawn the Duke of Bovillon towards Britain, where I am informed by this Precedent, that he meaneth to stay, and to attend the King, to whom he will clear himself if he take any knowledge of any jealousy; and the rather because he is there well fortified in a Country full of those that are of the religion. It shall behoove me being there to carry myself tenderly towards him. The King's prosperity in Britain, hath already made his Catholics begin to quarrel with the Accord which hath been made at the Assembly: For the persons that were appointed to frame the Articles into an Edict, have varied upon some principal points, only to trifle out the time, thereby to discover whether the King may need their assistance or no. But the Duke of Bovillon hearing inkling of it, made more, haste, and hath been with the King, and doth return forthwith to him as soon as he hath been at the marriage of the Lady Tremoville. Your Lordship knows the circumstances of my journey are not such as can afford me any means to judge; but this your Lordship may assure, that by that time I have spoken to the King, things will break out one way other so far as it will appear whether it be worth the tarrying to treat or no; after once the King has been dealt with, to which I will address myself with all speed, and not tarry for the States, who may be come to Paris by that time I do return: for I believe they will be content to treat any where. I shall have a miss of Sir Thomas Wilks, were it not we were well instructed; and surely, he was grown very heavy of late, and dull: If I should stay here to attend his recovery, it would comsume me to no purpose. I have written a Letter to the Queen of some such gathering as I have gotten, and of the speeches between me and the Precedent, because her Majesty may not be offended that I writ not particulatly to herself of something. Although the Spaniards from Calais have spoilt Base-Bologne, yet it is not holden here that the Cardinal will sit down before any Town speedily, for he will not be able. Nevertheless the Constable is come into Picardy, to give stay to the Province; if that be the fruit of the Treaty, we shall have less need to dissuade the King. I much fear Sir Tho. Wilks to be in a Lethargy. Since your Lordship's Letter of Feb. 15. which found me at Dover a little before my embarking, the wind hath not served to bring me any Letter out of England. The Lord of heaven send me tidings of your Lordship's health, for whom I will daily pray. I received also a Letter from the Earl of Essex of the 16. and did embark the 17. I humbly take my leave, and rest Feb. 26. 1597. Your Lordship's humble and obedient Son, RO. CECIL. Sir Francis Walsingham Secretary, to Monsieur Critoy Secretary of France. SIR, WHereas you desire to be advertised touching the proceed here in Ecclesiastical causes, because you seem to note in them some inconstancy and variation, as if we sometimes inclined to one side, sometimes to another, and as if that clemency and lenity were not used of late, that was used in the beginning; all which you impute to your own superficial understanding of the affairs of this State, having notwithstanding her Majesty's doing in singular reverence, as the real pledges which she hath given unto the world of her sincerity in Religion, and of her wisdom in Government well meriteth: I am glad of this occasion to impart that little I know in that matter to you, both for your own satisfaction, and to the end you may make use thereof towards any that shall not be so modestly and so reasonably minded as you are. I find therefore her Majesty's proceed to have been grounded upon two principles. 1. The one, That consciences are not to be forced, but to be won and reduced by the force of truth, with the aid of time and the use of all good means of instruction and persuasion. 2. The other, That the Causes of Conscience wherein they exceed their bounds, and grow to be matter of faction, lose their nature; and that Sovereign Princes ought distinctly to punish the practice in contempt, though coloured with the pretence of Conscience and Religion. According to these principles, her Majesty at her coming to the Crown, utterly disliking the tyranny of Rome, which had used by terror and rigour to settle commandments of men's faiths and consciences, though as a Prince of great wisdom and magnanimity she suffered but the exercise of one Religion, yet her proceed towards the Papists was with great lenity, expecting the good effects which time might work in them: And therefore her Majesty revived not the Laws made in the 28. and 35. of her Father's reign, whereby the Oath of Supremacy might have been offered at the King's pleasure to any Subject, though he kept his conscience never so modestly to himself; and the refusal to take the same oath without further circumstance was made Treason. But contrariwise her Majesty not liking to make windows into men's hearts & secret thoughts, except the abundance of them did overflow into overt and express acts or affirmations, tempered her Laws so as it restraineth every manifest disobedience in impugning and impeaching advisedly and maliciously her Majesty's supreme power, maintaining and extolling a foreign jurisdiction. And as for the Oath, it was altered by her Majesty into a more grateful form, the hardness of the name and appellation of Supreme Head was removed, and the penalty of the refusal thereof turned only into disablement to take any promotion, or to exercise any charge, and yet with liberty of being reinvested therein if any man should accept thereof during his life. But after when Pius Quintus had excommunicated her Majesty, and the Bulls of Excommunication were published in London, whereby her Majesty was in a sort proscribed; and that thereupon as upon a principal motive or preparative followed the Rebellion in the North: yet because the ill humours of the Realm were by that Rebellion partly purged, and that she feared at that time no foreign invasion, and much less the attempt of any within the Realm not backed by some potent succour from without, she contented herself to make a Law against that special case of bringing and publishing of any Bulls or the like Instruments, whereunto was added a prohibition upon pain not of treason, but of an inferior degree of punishment against the bringing in of Agnus Dei, hallowed bread, and such other merchandise of Rome, as are well known not to be any essential part of the Romish religion, but only to be used in practice as Love-tokens to inchant the people's affections from their allegiance to their natural Sovereign. In all other points her Majesty continued her former lenity: but when about the 20. year of her reign she had discovered in the King of Spain an intention to invade her Dominions, and that a principal point of the plot was to prepare a party within the Realm that might adhere to the Foreigner; and that the Seminaries began to blossom and to send forth daily Priests and professed men, who should by vow taken at Shrift reconcile her Subjects from their obedience, yea & bind many of them to attempt against her Majesty's sacred person; and that by the poison which they spread, the humours of most Papists were altered, and that they were no more Papists in conscience and of softness, but Papists in faction; then were there new Laws made for the punishment of such as should submit themselves to such reconcilements or renunciations of obedience. And because it was a Treason carried in the clouds, and in wonderful secrecy, and came seldom to light, and that there was no presuspition thereof so great as the Recusants to come to Divine Service, because it was set down by their Decrees, that to come to Church before reconcilement was absolutely heretical and damnable: Therefore there were added Laws containing punishment pecuniary against such Recusants, not to enforce Conscience, but to enfeeble and impoverish the means of those of whom it resteth indifferent and ambiguous whether they were reconciled or no. And when notwithstanding all this provision this poison was dispersed so secretly, as that there was no means to stay it but by restraining the Merchants that brought it in; then lastly there was added another Law, whereby such seditious Priests of new erection were exiled, and those that were at that time within the Land shipped over, and so commanded to keep hence upon pain of Treason. This hath been the proceeding, though intermingled not only with sundry examples of her Majesty's grace towards such as in her wisdom she knew to be Papists in conscience, and not in faction and singularity, but also with an ordinary mitigation towards the offenders in the highest degree committed by Law, if they would but protest that in case this Realm should be invaded with a foreign Army by the Pope's authority for the Catholic cause, as they term it, they would take party with her Majesty, and not adhere to her enemies. For the other part which have been offensive to this State, though in other degree, which named themselves Reformers, and we commonly call Puritan, this hath been the proceeding towards them a great while: When they inveighed against such abuses in the Church, as Pluralities, Nonresidence, and the like; their zeal was not condemned, only their violence was sometimes censured: When they refused the use of some Ceremonies and Rites as superstitious, they were tolerated with much connivency and gentleness; yea when they called in question the Superiority of Bishops, and pretended to bring a Democracie into the Church, yet their Propositions were heard, considered, and by contrary writings debated and discussed. Yet all this while it was perceived that their course was dangerous and very popular: As because Papistry was odious, therefore it was ever in their mouths, that they sought to purge the Church from the relics of Popery, a thing acceptable to the People, who love ever to run from one extreme to another. Because multitudes of Rogues, and Poverty were an eyesore and dislike to every man, therefore they put it into the People's head, that if Discipline were plaintive, there should be no Beggars nor Vagabonds; a thing very plausible. And in like manner they promise the people many other impossible wonders of their Discipline. Besides they opened the People a way to Government by their Consistory & Presbytery, a thing though in consequence no less prejudicial to the liberties of private men then to the sovereignty of Princes, yet in the first show very popular. Nevertheless this (except it were in some few that entered into extreme contempt) was borne with, because they pretended but in dutiful manner to make Propositions, and to leave it to the Providence of God, and the authority of the Magistrate. But now of late years, when there issued from them a Colony of those that affirmed the consent of the Magistrate was not to be attended; when under pretence of a Confession to avoid slanders and imputations they combined themselves by Classes and Subscriptions; when they descended into that vile and base means of defacing the Government of the Church by ridiculous Pasquil's; when they began to make many Subjects in doubt to take an Oath, which is one of the fundamental points of Justice in this Land and in all places; when they began both to vaunt of their strength and number of their partisans and followers, and to use the communications that their Cause would prevail, though with uproar and violence; than it appeared to be no more zeal, no more conscience, but mere faction and division: And therefore though the State were compelled to hold somewhat a harder hand to restrain them then before, yet it was with as great moderation as the peace of the Church and State could permit. And therefore to conclude, consider uprightly of these matters, and you shall see her Majesty is no Temporizer in Religion. It is not the success abroad, nor the change of servants here at home can alter her; only as the things themselves alter, so she applied her religious wisdom to correspond unto them, still retaining the two rules before mentioned in dealing tenderly with consciences, and yet in discovering Faction from Conscience. Farewell. Your loving Friend, Francis Walsingham. Sir Francis Bacon to the Earl of Essex, when Sir Robert Cecil was in France. My singular good Lord, I Do write because I have not yet had time fully to express my conceit, nor now to attend you, touching Irish matters, considering them as they may concern the State, that it is one of the aptest particulars that hath come, or can come upon the stage for your Lordship to purchase honour upon, I am moved to think for three reasons: Because it is ingenerate in your House in respect of my Lord your Father's noble attempts; because of all the accidents of State at this time, the labour resteth most upon that; and because the world will make a kind of comparison between those that set it out of frame, and those that shall bring it into frame: which kind of honour giveth the quickest kind of reflection. The transferring this honour upon yourself consisteth in two points: The one, if the principal, persons employed come in by you, and depend upon you; the other, if your Lordship declare yourself to undertake a care of that matter. For the persons, it falleth out well, that your Lordship hath had no interest in the persons of imputation: For neither Sir William Fitz-Williams, nor Sir John Norris was yours: Sir William Russel was conceived yours, but was kerbed: Sir Coniers Clifford, as I conceive it, dependeth upon you, who is said to do well; and if my Lord of Ormond in this interim do accommodate well, I take it he hath always had good understanding with your Lordship. So as all things are not only whole and entire, but of favourable aspect towards your Lordship, if you now choose well: wherein in your wisdom you will remember there is a great difference in choice of the persons, as you shall think the affairs to incline to composition or to war. For your care-taking, popular conceit hath been, that Irish causes have been much neglected, whereby the very reputation of better care will be a strength: And I am sure her Majesty and my Lords of the Council do not think their care dissolved, when they have chosen whom to employ; but that they will proceed in a spirit of State, and not leave the main point to discretion. Then if a Resolution be taken, a Consultation must proceed; and the Consultation must be governed upon Information to be had from such as know the place and matters in fact: And in taking of information I have always noted there is a skill and a wisdom. For I cannot tell what account or inquiry hath been taken of Sir William Russel, of Sir Ralph Bingham, of the Earl of Tomond, of Mr. Wilbraham: but I am of opinion much more would be had of them, if your Lordship shall be pleased severally to confer, not obiter, but expressly upon some Caveat given them to think of it before; for, bene docet qui prudenter interrogat. For the points of opposing them, I am too much a stranger to the business to deduce them: but in a— Topique methinks the pertinent interrogations must be either of the possibility and means of Accord, or of the nature of the War, or of the reformation of the particular abuses, or of the joining of practice with force in the disunion of the Rebels. If your Lordship doubt to put your sickle in others men's harvests, yet consider you have these advantages. First, Time being fit to you in Mr. Secretary's absence: Next, Vis unita fortior: Thirdly, ●he business being mixed with matters of war, it is fittest for you: Lastly, I know your Lordship will carry it with that modesty and respect towards aged Dignity, and that good correspondency towards my dear Ally and your good friend now abroad, as no inconveniency may grow that way. Thus have I played the ignorant Statesman, which I do to no body but your Lordship, except I do it to the Queen sometimes when she trains me on. But your Lordship will accept my duty and good meaning, and secure me touching the privateness of that I writ. Your Lordships to be commanded, FR. BACON. Sir Francis Bacon to the Earl of Essex, concerning the Earl of Tyrone. THose advertisements which your Lordship imparted to me, and the like, I hold to be no more certain to make judgement upon, than a Patient's water to a Physician: Therefore for me upon one water to make a judgement, were indeed like a foolish bold Mountebank or Doctor Birket. Yet for willing duties sake, I will set down to your Lordship what opinion sprung in my mind upon that I read. The Letter from the Council there leaning to distrust, I do not much rely upon for three causes. First, because it is always both the grace, and the safety from blame of such a Council, to err in caution: whereunto add, that it may be they or some of them are not without envy towards the person who is used in treating the Accord. Next, because the time of this Treaty hath no show of dissimulation, for that Tyrone is now in no straits, but like a Gamester that will give over because he is a winner, not because he hath no more money in his purse. Lastly, I do not see but those Articles whereupon they ground their suspicion, may as well proceed out of fear as out of falsehood for the retaining of the dependence of the protracting the admission of a Sheriff, the refusing to give his son for hostage, the holding from present repair to Dublin, the refusing to go presently to accord without including O Donell and others his associates, may very well come of a guilty reservation, in case he should receive hard measure, and not out of treachery, so as if the great person be faithful, and that you have not here some present intelligence of present succours from Spain, for the expectation whereof Tyrone would win time. I see no deep cause of distrusting the cause if it be good. And for the question, her Majesty seemeth to me a winner three ways: First, her purse shall have rest: Next, it will divert the foreign designs upon that place. Thirdly, though her Majesty is like for a time to govern Precario in the North, and be not in true command in better state there then before, yet besides the two respects of ease of charge, and advantage of opinion abroad before mentioned, she shall have a time to use her Princely policy in two points: In the one to weaken by division and disunion of the heads; the other by recovering and winning the people by justice, which of all other causes is the best. Now for the Athenian question you discourse well, Quid igitur agendum est, I will shoot my fools bolt, since you will have it so. The Earl of Ormond to be encouraged and comforted above all things, the Garrisons to be instantly provided for: For opportunity makes a thief, and if he should mean never so well now, yet such an advantage as the breaking of her Majesty's Garrisons, might tempt a true man. And because he may as well waver upon his own inconstancy as upon occasion, and wont of variableness is never restrained but with fear, I hold it necessary he be menaced with a strong war, not by words, but by Musters and preparations of forces here, in case the Accord proceed not; but none to be sent over lest it disturb the Treaty, and make him look to be overrun as soon as he hath laid down Arms. And but that your Lordship is too easy to pass in such cases from dissimulation to verity, I think if your Lordship lent your reputation in this case, it is to pretend that if not a defensive war as in times past, but a full reconquest of those parts of the Country be resolved on, you would accept the charge, I think it would help to settle him, and win you a great deal of honour gratis. And that which most properly concerneth this action, if it prove a peace, I think her majesty shall do well to cure the root of the disease, and to profess by a commission of peaceable men chief of respect and countenance, and reformation of abuses, extortions, and injustices there, and to plant a stronger and surer government than heretofore for the ease and protection of the subject; for the removing of the sword or government in Arms from the Earl of Ormond, or the sending of a Deputy which will eclipse it if peace follow, I think unseasonable. Lastly, I hold still my opinion, both for your better information, and your fuller declaration of your care, and meddling and meriting service, that your Lordship have a set conference with the persons I named in my former writing. I rest, At your Lordship's service FR. BACON. Another to the Earl before his going to Ireland. MY singular good Lord, your note of my silence in your occasions hath made me set down these few wand'ring lines, as one that would say somewhat and can say nothing touching your Lordship's intended charge for Ireland; which my endeavour I know your Lordship will accept graciously and well, whether your Lordship take it by the handle of th'occasion ministered from yourself, or of th' affection from which it proceedeth, your Lordship is designed to a service of great merit and great peril; and as the greatness of the peril must needs include no small consequence of peril if it be not temperately governed: for all immoderate success extinguisheth merit, and seareth up distaste and envy, the assured forerunner of whole changes of peril. But I am at the last point first, some good spirit leading my pen to presage to your Lordship's success: wherein it is true, I am not without my Oracle and Divinations, none of them superstitious, and yet not all natural: For first, looking into the course of God's providence in things now depending, and calling into consideration how great things God hath done by her Majesty, and for her collect he hath disposed of this great dissection in Ireland, whereby to give an urgent occasion to the reduction of that whole kingdom, as upon the rebellion of Desmond there ensued the reduction of that Province. Next, your Lordship goeth against three of the unluckiest vices of all other, Disloyalty, Ingratitude, & Insosolence: which three offences in all examples have seldom their doom adjourned to the world to come Lastly, he that shall have had the honour to know your Lordship inwardly, as I have had, shall find bona extra, whereby he may better ground a divination of good, then upon the dissection of a Sacrifice. But that part I leave; for it is fit for others to be confident upon you, & you to be confident upon the cause; the goodness & justice whereof is such, as can hardly be matched in any example, it being no ambitious war of Foreigns, but a recovery of subjects, and that after lenity of conditions often tried; and a recovery of them not only to obedience, but to humanity and policy from more than Indian Barbarism. There is yet another kind of divination familiar in matters of State, being that which Demosthenes so often relieth upon in his time, where he saith, That which for the time past is worst of all, is for the time to come the best, which is, that things go ill, not by accident, but by error; wherein if your Lordship have been a waking Censor, but must look for no other now but Medice cura teipsum: And although your Lordship shall not be the blessed Physician that cometh to the declination of the disease, yet you embrace that condition which many Noble Spirits have accepted for advantage, which is, that you go upon the greater peril of your fortune, and the less of your reputation; and so the honour countervaileth the adventure: of which honour your Lordship is in no small possession, when that her Majesty known to be one of the most judicious Princes in discerning of spirits, that ever governed, hath made choice of you merely out of her Royal judgement (her affection inclining rather to continue your attendance) into whose hands & trust to put the commandment & conduct of so great forces, the gathering in the fruit of so great charge, the execution of so many Counsels, the redeeming of the defaults of so many former Governors, and the clearing of the glory of so many happy years reign only in this part excepted. Nay further, how far forth the peril of that State is interlaced with the peril of England; and therefore how great the honour is to keep and defend the approaches of this kingdom, I hear many discourse; and indeed there is a great difference whether the Tortoise gather herself into her shell hurt or unhurt: And if any man be of opinion, that the nature of an enemy doth extenuate the honour of a service, being but a Rebel and a Savage, I differ from him; for I see the justest Triumphs that the Romans in their greatest greatness did obtain, and that whereof the Emperors in their styles took additions and denominations, were of such an enemy, that is, people barbarous and not reduced to civility, magnifying a kind of lawless liberty, prodigal of life, hardened in body, fortified in woods and bogs, placing both justice and felicity in the sharpness of their swords. Such were the Germans and ancient Britain's, and divers others. Upon which kind of people whether the victory be a Conquest, or a Reconquest upon a rebellion or revolt, it made no difference that ever I could find in honour. And therefore it is not the enriching predatory war that hath the pre-eminence in honour; else should it be more honour to bring in a Carrock of rich burden, than one of the twelve Spanish Apostles. But then this nature of people doth yield a higher point of honour (considering in truth and substance) than any war can yield which should be achieved against a civil enemy, if the end may be Pacique imponere morem, To replant and refound the policy of that Nation, to which nothing is wanting but a just and civil Government. Which design as it doth descend to you from your noble Father, who lost his life in that action, though he paid tribute to nature, and not to fortune; so I hope your Lordship shall be as fatal a Captain to this war, as Africanus was to the war of Carthage, after that both his Uncle and his Father had lost their lives in Spain in the same war. Now although it be true, that these things which I have writ (being but representations unto your Lordship of the honour and appearance of success of the enterprise) be not much to the purpose of my direction, yet it is that which is best to me being no man of war, and ignorant in the particulars of Estate: for a man may by the eye set up the white right in the midst of the But, though he be no Archer. Therefore I will only add this wish, according to the English phrase, which termeth a wel-willing advice a wish, That your Lordship in this whole action looking forward set down this Position, That merit is worthier than same; and looking back hither would remember this text, That obedience is better than sacrifice. For designing to fame and glory, may make your Lordship in the adventure of your person to be valiant as a private Soldier rather than as a General; it may make you in your commandments rather to be gracious then disciplinary; it may make you press action in the respect of the great expectation conceived, rather hastily then seasonably and safely; it may make you seek rather to achieve the war by force, then by intermixture of practice; it may make you (if God shall send you prosperous beginnings) rather seek the fruition of that honour then the perfection of the work in hand. And for your proceeding like a good Protestant (upon warrant, and not upon good intention) your Lordship knoweth in your wisdom, that as it is most fit for you to desire convenient liberty of instruction, so it is no less fit for you to observe the due limits of them, remembering that the exceeding of them may not only procure (in case of adverse accident) a dangerous disadvow, but also (in case of prosperous success) be subject to interpretation, as if all were not referred to the right end. Thus I have presumed to write these few lines to your Lordship in methodo ignorantiae, which is, when a man speaketh of any subject not according to the parts of the matter, but according to the model of his own knowledge. And most humbly desire your Lordship, that the weakness thereof may be supplied in your Lordship by a benign acceptation, as it is in me by my best wishing. FR. BACON. Another to him after his enlargement. My Lord, NO man can expound my do more than your Lordship, which makes me need to say the less, only I humbly pray you to believe that I aspire to the conscience and commendation of Bonus Civis and Bonus Vir, and that I love some things better I confess than I love your Lordship; yet I love few persons better, both for gratitude's sake and for virtues, which cannot hurt but by accident. Of which my good affection it may please your Lordship to assure yourself of all the true effects and offices that I can yield: for as I was ever sorry your Lordship should fly with many wings, doubting Icarus fortune; so for the growing up of your own feathers, be they Ostriches or other kind, no man shall be more glad; and this is the Axletree, whereupon I have turned and shall turn. Which having already signified unto you by some near means, having so fit a Messenger for mine own Letter, I thought good to redouble also by writing. And so I commend you to God's protection. From Gray's Inn, etc. FR. BACON. Sir Francis Bacon to Sir Robert Cecil after defeat of the Spaniards in Ireland. It may please your Honour, AS one that wisheth you all increase of Honour, and as one that cannot leave to love the State, what interest soever I have, or may come to have in it, and as one that now this dead Vacation time have some leisure ad aliud agend. I will presume to propound unto you that which though you cannot but see, yet I know not whether you apprehend and esteem it in so high a degree, that is, for the best action of importation to yourself, of sound honour and merit of her Majesty and this Crown, without ventosity or popularity, that the riches of any occasion, or the tide of any opportunity can possibly minister or offer. And that is the Causes of Ireland, if they be taken by the right handle: For if the wound be not ripped up again, and come to a festered sense by new foreign succours, I think that no Physician will go on much with letting blood in declinatione morbi, but will intent to purge and corroborate. To which purpose I send you mine opinion without labour of words in the enclosed; and sure I am that if you shall enter into the matter according to the vivacity of your own spirit, nothing can make unto you a more gainful return: For you shall make the Queen's felicity complete, which now as it is incomparable: and for yourself, you shall make yourself as good a Patriot, as you are thought Politic; and to have no less generous ends, then dexterous delivery of yourself towards your ends; and as well to have true arts and grounds of government, as the facility and felicity of practice and negotiation; and to be as well seen in the periods and tides of estates, as in your own circle and way: then the which I suppose nothing can be a better addition and accumulation of honour unto you. This I hope I may in privateness write, either as a Kinsman that may be bolder, or as a Scholar that hath liberty of discourse without committing of any absurdity. If not, I pray your Honour to believe I ever loved her Majesty and the State, and now love yourself; and there is never any vehement love without some absurdity, as the Spaniard well saith, De suario con la calentura. So desiring your Honour's pardon, I ever continue, etc. FR. BACON. Considerations touching the Queen's service in Ireland, by Sir Francis Bacon. THe Reduction of the Country as well to Civility and Justice, as to Obedience and Peace, which things as th'affairs now stand I hold to be unspeakable, consisteth in four points. 1. The extinguishing of the Relics of War. 2. The Recovery of the hearts of the People. 3. The removing of the root and occasions of new troubles. 4 Plantation and buildings. For the first, concerning the places, times and particularities of further prosecution in fact, I leave it to the opinion of men of war, only the difficulty is to distinguish and discern the propositions which shall be according to the ends of the State here, that is, final and summary towards the extirpation of the trouble, s from those, which though they pretend the public ends, yet may refer indeed to the more private and compendious ends of the Council there, or other particular Governors or Captains. But still as I touched in my letter, I do think much letting blood in declinatione morbi, is against method of cure and that it will but exasperate necessity and despair, and per case discover the hollowness of that which is done already, which none blazeth to the best show: For Taglaes, ●nd proscription of two or three of the principal Rebels, they are, no doubt jure Gentium lawful, in Italy usually practised upon the Banditi, best in season when a side goeth down, and may do good in two kinds; the one if it take effect, the other in the distrust which followeth amongst the Rebels themselves. But of all other points (to my understanding) the most effectual is, the well expressing or impressing of the design of this State, upon that miserable and desolate kingdom, containing the same between these two lists or boundaries: the one, that the Queen seeketh not an extirpation of the people, but a reduction; and now that she hath chastised them by Royal power and Arms, according to the necessity of the occasion, her Majesty taketh no pleasure in effusion of blood, or displanting of ancient generations; the other, that her Majesty's Princely care is principally and intentionally bend upon that action of Ireland; and that she seeketh not so much the ease of charge, as the Royal performance of her Office of Protection, and reclaim of those her Subjects: And in a word, that the case is allowed as far as may stand with the honour of the time past, which it is easy to reconcile, as in my last note I showed. And again I do repeat, that if her Majesty's design be ex professo to reduce wild and barbarous people to civility and justice, as well as to reduce Rebels to obedidience, it maketh weakness true Christianity, and conditions turn graces, and so hath a sineness in turning utility upon point of honour of these times. And besides, if her Majesty shall suddenly abate the lists of her Forces, and shall do nothing to countervail it in the point of reputation of a public proceeding, I doubt things may too soon fall back into the state they were in. Next to this, adding reputation to the cause by imprinting an opinion of her Majesty's care and intention upon this action, is the taking away the reputation from the contrary side, by cutting off the opinion and expectation of foreign succours: to which purpose this enterprise of Algiers, if it hold according to the advertisement, and if be not wrapped up in the period of this Summer, seemeth to be an opportunity Coelitus demissa. And to the same purpose nothing can be more fit than a Treaty, or a shadow of Treaty of a Peace with Spain, which methinks should be in our power to fasten, at lest rumore tenus, to the deluding of as wise a people as the Irish. Lastly, for this point that the Ancients called potestas facta redeundi ad sanitatem, and which is but a mockery when the Enemy is strong or proud, but effectual in his declination; that is, a liberal Proclamation of grace and pardon to such as shall submit and come in within a time prefixed, and of some further reward to such as shall bring others in, that our sword may be sharpened against another's, as a matter of good experience; and now I think will come in time. And per case though I wish the exclusions of such a Pardon exceeding few, yet it will not be safe to continue some of them in their strength, but to translate them and their generation into England, and give them recompense and satisfaction here for their possessions there, as the King of Spain did by divers families of Portugal. The effecting of all the which fall within the points aforesaid, and likewise those which fall within the divisions following: Nothing can be in priority either of time or matter precedent to the sending of some Commission of the continuance ad res inspiciendas & componendas. For it must be a very significant demonstration of her Majesty's care of that Kingdom, a credence to any that shall come in and submit, a bridle to any that have their fortunes there, and shall apply their propositions to private ends, and an evidence of her Majesty's politic courses without neglect or respiration; and it hath been the wisdom of the best examples of Government. Towards the recovery of hearts of the people, there be but three things in natura rerum. 1. Religion. 2. Justice and Protection. 3. Obligation and reward. For Religion, to speak first of Piety, and then of Policy. All Divines do agree, that if Consciences be to be enforced at all whereby they differ, yet two things must precede their enforcement; th'one means of information, th'other time of operation: Neither of which they have yet had. Besides till they be more like reasonable men than they yet are, their society were rather scandalous to true Religion then otherwise, as pearl cast before swine: For till they be cleansed from their blood, incontinency, and theft, and which are now not the lapses of particular persons, but the very laws of the Nation, they are incompatible with Religion form with Policy. There is no doubt but to wrestle with them now, is directly opposite to their reclaim, and cannot but continue their alienation of mind from this government. Besides, one of the principal pretences whereby the heads of the Rebellion have prevailed both with the people and the Foreigner, hath been the defence of the Catholic religion; and it is that likewise hath made the Foreigner reciprocally more plausible with the Rebel. Therefore a Toleration of Religion for a time not definite, except it be in some principal Towns and Precincts, after the manner of some French Edicts, seemeth to me to be a matter warrantable by Religion, and in Policy of absolute necessity; and the hesitation of this, I think, hath been a great casting back of the affairs there. Neither if any English Papist or Recusant shall for liberty of his conscience transfer his person, family and fortunes thither, do I hold it a matter of danger, but expedient to draw on undertaking, and to further population. Neither if Rome will cousin itself by conceiving it may be some degree to the like Toleration in England, do I hold it a matter of any moment, but rather a good mean to take off the fierceness and eagerness of the humour of Rome, and to stay further Excommunications and Interdictions of Ireland. But there would go hand in hand with this some course of advantage. Religion indeed, where the people is capable of it, is the sending over of some good Preachers, especially of that sort which are vehement and zealous persuaders, and not Scholastical, to be resident in the principal Towns, endowing them with some stipend out of her Majesty's revenues, as her Majesty hath most religiously and graciously done in Lancashire; and the recontinuing and replenishing the College begun at Dublin, the placing of good men Bishops in the Sea there; the taking care of the versions of Bibles, Catechisms, and other books of Instruction into the Irish language, and the like religious courses, both for the honour of God, and for the avoiding of scandal and insatisfaction here, by a toleration of Religion there. For instance, the Barbarism and desolation of the Country considered, it is not possible they should find any sweetness at all of it, (which hath been the error of times passed) formal and fetched far off from the State, because it will require running up and down for process of polling and exactions by fees, and many other delays and charges: And therefore there must be an interim in which the Justice must be only summary, the rather because it is fit and safe for a time the Country do partioipate of Martial government. And therefore I do wish in every principal Town or place of habitation there were a Captain or a Governor, and a Judge, such as Recorders and learned Stewards are here in Corporations, who may have a Prerogative-Commission to hear and determine secundum sanam discretionem, and as near as may be to the Laws and Customs of England, and that by Bill or Plaint without Original Writ, reserving from their sentence matter of Freehold and Inheritance to be determined before a superior Judge itinerant, to be reversed if cause be, before the Council of the Province to be established with fit Informations. For obligation and reward, it is true no doubt which was anciently said, That a State is contained in two words, Praemium & Poena: And I am persuaded, if a penny in the pound which hath been spent in poena, a chastisement of Rebels, without other fruit or emolument of this State, had been spent in praemio, that in rewarding, things had never grown to this extremity. But to speak forwards: The keeping of the principal Irish persons in term of contentment, and without particular complaint, as generally the carrying of an even course between the English and the Irish, whether it be in competition, or whether it be in controversy, as if they were one Nation, without the same partial course which hath been held by the Governors and Councillors, that some have favoured the Irish, and some contrary, is one of the best medicines for that State. And as for other points of governing their Nobility as well in this Court as there, of Knighthood, of Education of their Children, and the like points of comfort and allurement, they are things which fall into every man's consideration. For the extirpating of the seeds of troubles, I suppose the main roots are but three: The first, the ambition and absoluteness of the chief of the Families and Sects; the second, the licentious idleness of their Kerns and Soldiers that lie upon their Country by sesses and such oppressions; the third, the barbarous customs in habits of apparel, in these Poets or Heralds that inchant them in savage manners, and sundry other such dregs of Barbarism and Rebellion, which by a number of politic Statutes of Ireland meet to be put in execution are already forbidden, unto which such additions may be made as the present time requireth. But the reducing of this branch requireth a more particular notice of the state and manners there then falls within my compass. For Plantations and buildings, I do find it strange, that in the last plot for the population of Munster, there were limitations how much in Demesnes, and how much in Farm and Tenantry, how many buildings should be erected, how many Irish in mixture should be admitted; but there was no restraint that they might not build sparsim at their pleasure, much less any condition that they should make places fortified and defensible, the which was too much secureness to my understanding. So as for this last point of planta●ions and buildings, there be two considerations which I hold most material; th' one of quickening, th' other for assuring: The first is, that choice be made of such persons for the government of Towns and places, and such undertakers be procured as be men gracious and well-beloved, and are like to be well followed; wherein for Munster it may be because it is not Res integra, but that the former undertakers stand interessed there, will be some difficulty; but surely (in mine opinion) either with agreeing with them, or by overruling them by a Parliament in Ireland (which in this course of a politic proceeding, infinite occasions will require speedily to be held) it will be fit to supply fit qualified persons for underakers. The other, that it be not left as heretofore, to the pleasure of the undertakers and adventurers, where and how to build and plant, but that they do it according to a prescript or formality. For first, the places both Maritine and Inland, which are fittest for Colonies or Garrison, as well for doubt of Foreigners, as for keeping the Country in bridle, would be found surveighed and resolved upon; and than that the Patentees be tied to build those places only, and to fortify as shall be thought convenient. And lastly, it followeth of course in Countries of new populations, to invite and provoke inhabitants by ample liberties and Charters. FR. BACON. Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Treasurer touching his speech in Parliament. It may please your good Lordship, I Was sorry to find by your Lordship's speech yesterday, that my last speech in Parliament delivered in discharge of my conscience, my duty to God, her Majesty, and my Country, was offensive: if it were misreported, I would be glad to attend your Lordship to disavow any thing I said not; if it were misconstrued, I would be glad to expound my words to exclude any sense I meant not; if my heart be mis-judged by imputation of popularity, or opposition, I have great wrong, and the greater because the manner of my speech did most evidently show, that I spoke most simply, and only to satisfy my conscience, and not with any advantage or policy to sway the cause, and my terms carried all signifification of duty, and zeal towards her Majesty and her service. It is very true, that from the beginning, whatsoever was a double Subsidy, I did wish might for precedents sake appear to be extraordinary, and for discontents sake might not have been levied upon the poverty; though otherwise I wished it as rising as I think this will prove, or more. This was my mind, I confess it: and therefore I most humbly pray your good Lordship, first to continue me in your own good opinion, and then to perform the part of an honourable good friend towards your poor servant, and all in drawing her Majesty to accept of the sincerity and simplicity of my zeal, and to hold me in her Majesty's favour, which is to me dearer than my life. And so, etc. Your Lordship's most humble in all duty, FR. BACON. Sir Francis Bacon to the Earl of Northampton. May it please your good Lordship, AS the time of sowing of a seed is known, but the time of coming up and disclosing is casual, or according to the season; so I am witness to myself, that there hath been covered in my mind a long time, a seed of affection and zeal towards your Lordship, sown by the estimation of your virtues, and your particular honours and favours to my brother deceased, and to myself; which seed sti l springing now bursteth forth into this profession. And to be plain with your Lordship, it is very true, and no winds or noises of evil matters can blow this out of my head or heart, that your great capacities and love towards studies and contemplations of an higher and worthier nature than popular, a matter rare in the world, & in a person of your Lordship's quality almost singular, is to me a great and chief motive to draw my affection & admiration towards you: and therefore, good my Lord, if I may be of any use to your Lordship, I humbly pray your Lordship to hold me your own: and therefore withal, not to do so much disadvantage to my good mind, as to conceive that this commendation of my humble service proceedeth out of any straits of my occasions; but merely out of an election, and indeed the fullness of my heart. And so wishing your Lordship all prosperity, I continue yours, etc. FR. BACON. To the Lord Kinloss, upon the entrance of K. James. My Lord, THe present occasion awaketh in me a remembrance of the constant amity and mutual good offices which passed between my Brother deceased and your Lordship, whereunto I was less strange than in respect of the time I had reason to pretend; and withal I call to mind the great opinion my Brother (who seldom failed in judgement of a person) would often express to me of your Lordship's great wisdom and soundness both in head and heart towards the service and affairs of the Lord our Sovereign King. The one of those hath bred in me an election, and the other a confidence to address my good will and sincere affection to your good Lordship, not doubting in regard that my course of life hath wrought me not to be altogether unseen in the matters of the Kingdom, that I may be in some use both in points of service to the King and your Lordship's particular: And on the other side I will not omit to desire humbly your Lordship's favour in furthering a good conceit and impression of my most humble duty and true zeal towards the King, to whose Majesty words cannot make me known, neither mine own nor others, but time will to no disadvantage of any that shall forerun his Majesty's experience by their humanity and commendations. And so I commend your Lordship to God's protection. Your etc. FR. BACON. From Grays-inn, etc. To King James. MAy it please your most excellent Majesty: It is observed upon a place in the Canticles by some, Ego sum Flos Campi & Lilium Convallium; that it is not said, Ego sum flos horti & lilium montium: because the Majesty of that Person is not enclosed for a few, nor appropriate to the great. And yet notwithstanding this Royal virtue of access, which nature and judgement hath placed in your Majesty's mind as the portal of all the rest, could not of itself (my imperfections considered) have animated me to have made oblation of myself immediately to your Majesty, had it not been joined to a habit of like liberty which I enjoyed with my late dear Sovereign Mistress, a Princess happy in all things, but most happy in such a Successor. And yet further and more nearly I was not a little encouraged, not only upon a supposal that unto your Majesty's sacred ears (open to the air of all virtues) there might have come some small breath of the good memory of my Father, so long a principal Councillor in your Kingdom, but also by the particular knowledge of the infinite devotion and incessant endeavours beyond the strength of his body, and the nature of the times, which appeared in my good Brother towards your Majesty's service, and were on your Majesty's part through your singular benignities by many most gracious and lively significations and favours accepted and acknowledged, beyond the thought of any thing he could effect: All which endeavours and duties for the most part were common to myself with him, though by design between brethren dissembled. And therefore, most high and mighty King, my most dear and dread Sovereign Lord, since now the cornerstone is laid of the mightiest Monarchy in Europe, and that God above, who is noted to have a mighty hand in bridling the floods and fluctuations of the seas, and of people's hearts, hath by the miraculous and universal consent (the more strange, because it proceedeth from such diversity of causes) in your coming in, given a sign and token what he intendeth in the continuance; I think there is no Subject of your Majesty, who loveth this Island, and is n●● hollow and unworthy, whose heart is not on fire not only to bring you Peace-offerings to make you propitious, but to sacrifice himself as a Burnt-offering to your Majesty's service: Amongst which number no man's fire shall be more pure and fervent; but how far forth it shall blaze out, that resteth in your Majesty's employment. For since your fortune, in the greatness thereof, hath for a time debarred your Majesty of the fruitly virtue which one calleth the principal, (Principis est virtus maxima nosse suos) because your Majesty hath many of yours which are unknown unto you, I must leave all to the trial of further time; and thirsting after the happiness of kissing your Royal hand, continue ever Your etc. FR. BACON. To the Earl of Northumberland, concerning a Proclamation upon the King's entry. It may please your Lordship, I Do hold it a thing formal and necessary for the King to forerun his coming, be it never so speedy, with some gracious Declaration for the cherishing, entertaining, and preparing of men's affections. For which purpose I have conceived a draught, it being a thing to me familiar in my Mistress her times to have my pen used in politic writings of satisfaction. The use of this may be in two sorts: First properly, if your Lordship think convenient to show the King any such draught, because the veins and pulses of this State cannot but be known here; which if your Lordship should, than I would desire your Lordship to withdraw my name, and only signify that you gave some heads of direction of such a matter to one of whose stile and pen you had some opinion. The other collateral, that though your Lordship make no other use of it, yet it is a kind of pourtraicture of that which I think worthy to be advised to the King, to express himself according to those points which are therein conceived, and perhaps more compendious and significant then if I had set them down in Articles. I would have attended your Lordship, but for some little Physic I took. To morrow morning I will wait on you. So I ever continue, etc. FR. BACON. To the Earl of Southampton. It may please your Lordship, I Would have been very glad to have presented my humble service to your Lordship by my attendance, if I could have foreseen that it should not have been unpleasing unto you. And therefore because I would commit no error, I chose to write, assuring your Lordship how credible soever, yet it is as true as a thing that God knoweth, that this great change in me hath wrought no other change towards your Lordship then this, that I may safely be now that which I was truly before: And so craving no other pardon then for troubling you with this letter, I do not now begin to be, but continue to be Your Lordship's most humble and devoted, FR. BACON. To the Earl of Northumberland. It may please your Lordship, I Would not have lost this journey, and yet I have not that I went for: For I have had no private conference to purpose with the King, no more hath almost any other English; for the speech his Majesty admitteth with some Noblemen, is rather matter of grace then matter of business: with the Attorney he spoke, urged by the Treasurer of Scotland, but no more than needs must. After I had received his Majesty's first welcome, and was promised private access, yet not knowing what matter of service your Lordship carried, for I saw it not, and knowing that priviness in advertisement is much, I chose rather to deliver it to Sir Thomas Hoskins then to let it cool in my hands, upon expectation of access. Your Lordship shall find a Prince the furthest from vainglory that may be, and rather like a Prince of the ancient form then of the latter time; his speeches swift an cursory, and in the full Dialect of his Nation, and in speeeh of business short, in speech of discourse large: he affecteth popularity by gracing them that are popular, and not by any fashions of his own; he is thought somewhat general in his favours; and his virtue of access is rather because he is much abroad, and in press, then that he giveth easy audience: he hasteneth to a mixture of both kingdoms and nations, faster perhaps than policy will well bear. I told your Lordship once before my opinion, that methought his Majesty rather asked counsel of the time past, then of the time to come. But it is yet early to be found in any settled opinion. For other particularities I refer to conference, having in these generals gone further in these tender arguments than I would have done, were not the bearer hereof so assured. So I continue your, etc. FR. BACON. To Sir Edward Coke expostulatory. Mr. Attorney, I Thought best once for all to let you know in plainness what I find of you, and what you shall find of me To take to yourself a liberty to disgrace and disable my Law, experience, discretion: what it pleases you, I pray think of me. I am one that know both mine own wants and other men's, and it may be perchance that mine may mend when others stand at a stay: And surely I may not in public place endure to be wronged, without repelling the same to my best advantage to right myself. You are great, and therefore have the more enviers, which would be glad to have you paid at another's cost. Since the time I miss the Solicitors place, the rather I think by your means, I cannot expect that you and I shall ever serve as Attorney and Solicitor; but either to serve with another upon your remove, or to step into some other course. So as I am more free than ever I was from any occasion of unworthy conforming myself to you, more than general good manners, or your particular good usage shall provoke: And if you had not been unbiased in your own fortune (as I think) you might have had more use of me; but that tide is past. I writ not this to show any friends what a brave Letter I have writ to Mr. Attorney, I have none of those humours: but that I have written is to a good end, that is, to the more decent carriage of my Master's service, and to our particular better understanding one another. This Letter, if it shall be answered by you in deed, and not in word, I suppose it will not be worse for us both; else it is but a few lines lost, which for a much smaller matter I would adventure. So this being to yourself, I for my part rest Your etc. FR. BACON. To the same after L. Chief Justice, and in disgrace. My very good Lord, THough it be true, that who considereth the wind and the rain, shall neither sow nor reap, Eccles. 9.15. yet there is a season for every action: And so there is a time to speak, and a time to keep silence; there is a time when the words of a poor simple man may profit: and that poor man in the Preacher which delivered the City by his wisdom, found, that without this opportunity, the power both of wisdom and eloquence lose but their labour, and cannot charm the deaf Adder. God therefore, before his Son that bringeth mercy, sent his servant the Trumpeter of repentance to levelly a very high hill, to prepare the way before him, making it smooth and straight. And as it is in spiritual things, where Christ never comes before his Way-maker hath laid even the heart with sorrow and repentance, since self-conceited and proud persons think themselves too good and too wise to learn of their inferior, and therefore need not the Physician: so in the rules of earthly wisdom it is not possible for nature to attain any mediocrity of perfection, before she be humbled by knowing herself and her own ignorance. Not only knowledge, but also every other gift (which we call the gifts of fortune) have power to pull up earthly— Afflictions only levelly these Molehills of pride, plough the heart, and make it fit for Wisdom to sow her seed, and for Grace to bring forth her increase. Happy is that man therefore both in regard of heavenly and earthly wisdom, that is thus wounded, to be cured; thus broken, to be made strait; thus made acquainted with his own imperfections, that he may be perfected. Supposing this to be the time of your affliction, that which I have propounded to myself is, by taking this seasonable advantage, like a true friend (though far unworthy to be counted so) to show you your true shape in a glass, and that not in a false one to flatter you, nor yet in one that should make you seem worse than you are, and so offend you, but in one made by the reflection of your own words and actions, from whose light proceeds the voice of the people, which is often not unfitly called the voice of God: but therein (since I purposed a truth) I must entreat liberty to be plain, a liberty that at this time I know not whether or no I may use safely, I am sure at other times I could not: yet of this resolve yourself, it proceedeth from love, and a true desire to do you good, that you knowing the general opinion, may not altogether neglect or contemn it, but mend what you find amiss in yourself, and tain what your judgement shall approve; for to this end shall truth be delivered as naked as if yourself were to be anatomised by the hand of opinion. All men can see their own profit, that part of the wallet hangs before. A true friend (whose worthy office I would perform, since I fear both yourself and all great men want such, being themselves true friends to few or none) is first to show the other, and which is from your eyes. First therefore behold your errors: In discourse you delight to speak too much, not to hear other men; this some say becomes a pleader, not a Judge: for by this sometimes your affections are entangled with a love of your own arguments though they be the weaker, and rejecting of those which when your affections were settled, your own judgement would allow for strongest. Thus while you speak in your own Element, the Law, no man ordinarily equals you; but when you wander, (as you often delight to do) you then wander indeed, and give never such satisfaction as the curious time requires. This is not caused by any natural defect, but first for want of election, when you having a large and fruitful mind, should not so much labour what to speak, as to find what to leave unspoken; rich soils are often to be weeded. Secondly, you cloy your auditory when you would be observed, speech must either be sweet or short. Thirdly, you converse with Books, not men, and Books specially humane, and have no excellent choice with men, who are the best Books: for a man of action and employment you seldom converse with, and then but with your underlings, not freely, but as a Schoolmaster with his Scholars, ever to teach, never to learn. But if sometimes you would in your familiar discourse hear others, and make election of such as know what they speak, you should know many of these tales you tell to be but ordinary, and many other things which you delight to repeat and serve in for novelties, to be but stolen. As in your plead you were wont to insult over misery, and to inveigh bitterly at the persons (which bred you many enemies whose poison yet swelleth, and the effects now appear) so are you still wont to be a little careless in this point to praise or disgrace upon slight grounds, and that sometimes untruly, so that your reproofs or commendations are for the most part neglected and contemned; when the censure of a Judge (coming slow, but sure) should be a brand to the guilty, and a crown to the virtuous. You will jest at any man in public, without respect of the persons dignity or your own. This disgraceth your gravity more than it can advance the opinion of your wit, and so do all actions which we see you do directly with a touch of vainglory, having no respect to the true end. You make the Law to lean too much to your opinion, whereby you show yourself to be a legal Tyrant, striking with that weapon where you please, since you are able to turn the edge any way. For thus the wise Master of the Law gives warning to young Students, that they should be wary lest while they hope to be instructed by your integrity and knowledge, they should be deceived with your skill armed with authority. Your too much love of the world is too much seen, when having the living of 10000 l. you relieve few or none. The hand that hath taken so much, can it give so little? Herein you show no bowels of compassion, as if you thought all too little for yourself; or that God had given you all that you have (if you think wealth to be his gift, I mean that you get well, for I know sure the rest is not) only to that end you should still gather more, and never be satisfied, but try how much you could gather to account for all at the great and general Audit-day. We desire you to amend this, and let your poor Tenants in Norfolk find some comfort, where nothing of your estate is spent towards their relief, but all brought up hither to the impoverishing of your Country. In your last, which might have been your best piece of service to the State, affectioned to follow that old rule which giveth Justice leaden heels and iron hands, you used too many delays, till the Delinquents hands were loosed, and yours bound. In that work you seemed another Fabius, here the humour of Marcellus would have done better: What needed you have sought more evidences then enough? While you pretended the finding out of more, (missing your aim) you discredited what you had found. This best Judgements think, though you never used such speeches as are fathered upon you, yet you might well have done it, and but rightly: For this crime was second to none but the Powder-plot: That would have blown up all at one blow, a merciful cruelty; this would have done the same by degrees, a lingering, but a sure way; one might by one be called out, till all opposers had been removed. Besides, that other Plot was scandalous to Rome, making Popery odious in the sight of the whole world: This hath been scandalous to the truth of the whole Gospel, and since the first nullity to this instant, when Justice hath her hands bound, the Devil could not have invented a more mischievous practice to our State and Church then this hath been, is, and is like to be. God avert the evil. But herein you committed another fault, that you were too open in your proceed, and so taught them whereby to defend themselves; so you gave them time to undermine Justice, and to work upon all advantages both of affections and honour, and opportunity, and breach of friendship: which they have so well followed, sparing neither pains nor cost, that it almost seemeth an offence in you to have done so much indeed, then that you have done no more: you stopped the confessions & accusations of some, who perhaps had they been suffered, would have spoken enough to have removed some stumbling-blocks out of your way: and that you did not this in the favour of any one, but of I know not what present unadvised humours, supposing enough behind to discover all, which fell not out so. Howsoever, as the Apostle saith in another case, you went not rightly to the truth, and therefore though you were to be commended for what you did, yet you were to be reprehended for many circumstances in the doing; and doubtless God hath an eye in this cross to your negligence, and the briers are left to be pricks in your sides, and thorns in your eyes. But that which we commend you for, are those excellent parts of Nature, and knowledge in the Law, which you are endued withal; but these are only good in their good use: wherefore we thank you hearty for standing stoutly in the Commonwealths behalf, hoping it proceedeth not from a disposition to oppose Greatness (as your enemies say) but to do justice, and deliver truth indifferently without respect of persons; and in this we pray for your prosperity, and are sorry that your good actions should not always succeed happily. But in the carriage of this you were faulty, for you took it in hand in an evil time, both in respect of the present business which it interrupted, and in regard of his present sickness whom it concerned, whereby you disunited your strength, and made a gap for the enemies to pass out at, and to return and assault you. But now, since the case so standeth, we desire you to give way to power, and so to fight that you be not utterly broken, but reserved entirely to serve the Commonwealth again, and do what good you can, since you cannot do all the good you would; and since you are fallen upon this work, cast out the goods to save the bottom, stop the leaks and make towards land, learn of the Steward to make friends of the unrighteous Mammon. Those Spaniards in Mexico who were chased of the Indians, tell us what to do with our goods in our extremities, they being to pass over a r●ver in their flight, as many as cast away their gold swum over safe; but some more covetous, keeping their gold, were either drowned with it, or overtaken and slain by the Savages: you have received, now learn to give. The Beaver learns us this lesson, who being hunted for his stones, bites them off: You cannot but have much of your estate (pardon my plainness) ill got, think how much of that you never spoke for, how much by speaking unjustly or in unjust causes. Account it then a blessing of God if thus it may be laid out for your good, and not left for your heir to hasten the wasting of much of the rest, perhaps of all; for so we see God oftentimes proceeds in judgement with many hasty gatherers: you have enough to spare, being well laid, to turn the Tide, and fetch all things again. But if you escape (I suppose it worthy of an if) since you know the old use, that none called in question must go away uncensured; yet consider that accusations make wounds, and leave scars; and though you see your tale behind your back, yourself free, and the Covert before, yet remember there are stands, trust not reconciled enemies, but think the peace is but to secure you for further advantage, expect a second and a third encounter, the main battle, the wings are yet unbroken, they may charge you at an instant, or death before them: walk therefore circumspectly; and if at length by means of our good endeavours and yours, you recover the favour that you have lost, give God the glory in action, not in words only, and remember us with sense of your past misfortune, whose estate hath, doth, and may hereafter lie in the power of your breath. There is a great mercy in dispatch, delays are tortures wherewith we are by degrees rend out of our estates: do not you (if you be restored) as some others do, fly from the service of virtue to serve the time, as if they repent their goodness, or meant not to make a second hazard in God's House; but rather let this cross make you zealous in God's cause, sensible in ours, and more sensible in all, which express thus. You have been a great enemy to Papists, if you love God, be so still, but more indeed then heretofore: for much of your zeal was heretofore wasted in words: call to remembrance that they were the persons that prophesied of that cross of yours long before it happened, they saw the storm coming, being the principal contrivers and furtherers of the plot, the men that blew the coals, heat the Iron, and made all things ready, they own you a good turn, and will, if they can, pay it you, you see their hearts by their deeds, prove then your faith so too. The best good work you can do, is to do the best you can against them, that is, to see the Law severely, justly, and diligently executed. And now we beseech you, my Lord, be sensible both of the stroke, and hand that striketh: learn of David to leave Shimei, and call upon God, he hath some great work to do, and he prepareth you for it, he would neither have you faint, nor yet bear this cross with a Stoical resolution. There is a Christian mediocrity worthy of your greatness I must be plain, perhaps rash. Had some notes which you have taken at Sermons, been written in your heart to practise, this work had been done long ago, without the envy of your enemies: But when we will not mind ourselves, God (if we belong to him) takes us in hand; and because he seethe that we have unbridled stomaches, therefore he sends outward crosses, which while they cause us to mourn, do comfort us, being assured testimonies of his love that sends them: to humble ourselves therefore before God, is the part of a Christian; but for the world, and our enemies, the counsel of the Poet is apt, Tune cede malis, sed contra andentior ito. The last part of this counsel you forget, yet none need be ashamed to make use of it, that so being armed against casualties, you may stand firm against the assaults on the right hand and on the left. For this is certain, the mind that is most prone to be puffed up with prosperity, is most weak and apt to be dejected with the least puff of adversity. Indeed she is strong enough to make an able man stagger, striking terrible blows; but true Christian wisdom gives us armour of proof against all assaults, and teacheth us in all estates to be content: for though she cause our truest friends to declare themselves our enemies, though she give heart then to the most cowardly to strike us, though an hours continuance countervail an age of prosperity, though she cast in our dish all that ever we have done, yet hath she no power to hurt the humble and wise, but only to break such as too much prosperity hath made stiff in their own thoughts, but weak indeed and fitted for renewing, when the wise rather gather from thence profit and wisdom by the example of David, who said, Before I was chastised, I went wrong. Now then, he that knoweth the right way, will look better to his footing. Cardan saith, That weeping, fasting, and sighing, are the chief purgers of griefs. Indeed naturally they help to assuage sorrow; but God in this case is the only and best Physician: the means he hath ordained are the advice of friends, the amendment of ourselves: for amendment is both Physician and Cure. For friends, although your Lordship be scant, yet I hope you are not altogether destitute; if you be, do but look on good books, they are true friends, that will neither flatter nor dissemble; be you but true to yourself, applying what they teach unto the party gtieved, and you shall need no other comfort nor counsel. To them, and to God's holy Spirit directing you in the reading of them, I commend your Lordship, beseeching him to send you a good issue out of these troubles, and from henceforth to work a reformation in all that is amiss, and a resolute perseverance, proceeding, and growth in all that is good, and that for his glory, the bettering of yourself, this Church and Commonwealth, whose faithful servant whilst you remain, I remain a faithful servant to you. To Sir Vincent Skinner, expostulatory. Sir Vincent Skinner, I See that by your needless delays this matter is grown to a new question: wherein for the matter itself, if it had been stayed at the beginning by my Lord Treasurer and my Lord Chrncellor, I should not so much have stood upon it: For the great and daily travels which I take in his Majesty's service either are rewarded in themselves, in that they are but my duty, or else may deserve a much greater matter. Neither can I think amiss of any man, that in furtherance of the King's benefit moved the doubt, that I knew not what warrant you had: But my wrong is, that you having had my Lord Treasurers and Mr. Chancellors warrant for payment above a month since, you (I say) making your payments belike upon such differences as are better known to yourself, then agreeable to due respect of his Majesty's service, have delayed all this time, otherwise than I might have expected either from our ancient acquaintance, or from that regard as one in your place may owe to one in mine. By occasion whereof there ensueth to me a greater inconvenience, that now my name in sort must be in question amongst you, as if I were a man likely to demand that that were unreasonable, or to be denied that that is reasonable: And this must be, because you can pleasure men at pleasure. But this I leave with this, that it is the first matter wherein I had occasion to discern of your friendship: which I see to fall to this, That whereas Mr. Chancellor the last time, in my man's hearing, very honourably said that he would not discontent any man in my place, it seems you have no such caution. But my writing to you now is, to know of you where now the stay is, without being any more beholden to you, to whom indeed no man ought to be beholden in those cases in a right course. And so I bid you farewell, FR. BACON. To Mr. Toby Matthews. Mr. Matthews, DO not think me forgetful, or altered towards you: But if I should say I could do you any good, I should make my power more than it is. I do fear that which I am right sorry for, that you grow more impatient and busy then at first; which makes me exceedingly fear the issue of that which seemeth not to stand at a stay. I myself am out of doubt, that you have been miserably abused when you were first seduced; and that which I take in compassion, others may take in severity. I pray God, that understands us all better than we understand one another, continue you, as I hope he will, at least within the bounds of loyalty to his Majesty, and natural piety to your Country. And I entreat you much to meditate sometimes upon the effect of Superstition in this last Powder-Treason, fit to be tabled and pictured in the chambers of Meditation as another Hell above the ground; and well justifying the censure of the Heathen, that Superstition is far worse than Atheism: by how much it is less evil to have no good opinion of God at all, than such as are impious towards his divine Majesty and goodness. Good Mr. Matthews, receive yourself back from these courses of perdition. Willing to have written a great deal more, I continue Your etc. FR. BACON. To the Lord Treasurer, concerning the Solicitors place. AFter the remembrance of my humble duty, though I know by late experience how mindful your Lordship vouchsafeth to be of me and my poor fortune; and since it pleased your Lordship during your indisposition, when her Majesty came to visit your Lordship, to make mention of me for my employment and preferment: yet being now in the Country, I do presume that your Lordship, who of yourself had an honourable care of the matter, will not think it a trouble to be solicited therein. My hope is this, that whereas your Lordship told me her Majesty was somewhat gravelled upon the offence she took at my Speech in Parliament, your Lordship's favourable endeavour, who hath assured me that for your own part you construe that I spoke to the best, will be as a good tide to remove her from that shelf: And it is not unknown unto your good Lordship, that I was the first of the ordinary sort of the lower House that spoke for the Subsidy; and that which I after spoke in difference, was but in circumstance of time, which methinks was no great matter, since there is variety allowed in Council as a Discord in Music to make it more perfect. But I may justly doubt her Majesty's impression upon this particular, as her conceit otherwise of my insufficiency and unworthiness: which though I acknowledge to be great, yet it will be the less, because I purpose not to divide myself between her Majesty and the causes of other men, as others have done, but to attend her business only; hoping that a whole man meanly able, may do as well as half a man better able: And if her Majesty thinketh that she shall make an adventure in using one that is rather a man of study then of practice and experience, surely I may remember to have heard that my Father (an example I confess rather ready then like) was made Solicitor of the Augmentation (a Court of much business) when he had never practised, and was but 27 years old: And Mr. Brograve was now in my time called Attorney of the Duchy, when he had practised little or nothing, and yet hath discharged his place with great sufficiency. But those and the like things are as her Majesty shall be made capable of them: wherein knowing what authority your Lordship's commendations hath with her Majesty, I conclude with myself that the substance of strength which I may receive will be from your Lordship. It is true, my life hath been so private, as I have had no means to do your Lordship service: but yet, as your Lordship knoweth, I have made offer of such as I could yield. For as God hath given me a mind to love the public, so incidently I have ever had your Lordship in singular admiration, whose happy ability her Majesty hath so long used to her great honour and yours. Besides, that amendment of state or countenance which I have received hath been from your Lordship: And therefore if your Lordship shall stand a good friend to your poor Ally, you shall but tueri opus which you have begun; and your Lordship shall bestow your benefit upon one that hath more sense of obligation, then of self-love. Thus humbly desiring pardon of so long a Letter, I wish your Lordship all happiness. Your Lordships in all humbleness to be commanded, FR. BACON. June 6. 1595. To the Earl of Salisbury concerning the same. It may please your Lordship, I Am not privy to myself of any such ill deserving towards your Lordship, as that I should think it an impudent thing to be a Suitor for your favour in a reasonable matter, your Lordship being to me as (with your good favour) you cannot cease to be: but rather it were a simple and arrogant part in me to forbear it. It is thought Mr. Attorney shall be Chief Justice of the Common-Place; in case Mr. Solicitor rise, I would be glad now at last to be Solicitor: chief because I think it will increase my practice, wherein God blessing me a few years, I may mend my state, and so after fall to my studies and ease, whereof one is requisite for my body, and the other serveth for my mind: wherein if I shall find your Lordship's favour, I shall be more happy than I have been, which may make me also more wise. I have small store of means about the King, and to sue myself is not fit; and therefore I shall leave it to God, his Majesty, and your Lordship: for I must still be next the door. I thank God, in these transitory things I am well resolved. So beseeching your Lordship not to think this Letter the less humble, because it is plain, I rest, etc. FR. BACON. Again to the Earl of Salisbury. It may please your good Lordship, I Am not ignorant how mean a thing I stand for, in desiring to come into the Solicitors place: For I know well it is not the thing it hath been, time having wrought alteration both in the profession, and in that special place. Yet because I think it will increase my practice, and that it may satisfy my friends, and because I have been voiced to it, I would be glad it were done. Wherein I may say to your Lordship, in the confidence of your poor Kinsman, and a man by you advanced, In idem fer opem qui spem dedisti: For I am sure it was not possible for a man living to have received from another more significant and comfortable words of hope: your Lordship being pleased to tell me during the course of my last service, That you would raise me; and that when you were resolved to raise a man, you were more careful of him then himself; and that what you had done for me in my marriage, was a benefit for me, but of no use to your Lordship, and therefore I might assure myself you would not leave me there, with many like speeches: which I know too well my duty to take any other hold of, than the hold of a thankful remembrance: And I know, and all the world knoweth, that your Lordship is no dealer of Holywater, but noble and real; and on my part on sure ground, that I have committed nothing that may deserve any alteration; and if I cannot observe you as I would, your Lordship will impute it to my want of experience, which I shall gather better when I am once settled. And therefore my hope is, your Lordship will finish a good work, and consider that time groweth precious, and that I am now vergentibus annis; and although I know your fortune is not to want an hundred such as I am, yet I shall be ever ready to give you my best and first fruits, and to supply, as much as in me lieth, a worthiness by thankfulness. FR. BACON. Sir Fr. B●con to the Lord Chancellor. It may please your Lordship, AS I conceived it to be a resolution both with his Majesty, and among your Lordships of his Council, that I should be placed Solicitor, and the Solicitor to be removed to be the King's Sergeant; so I most humbly thank your Lordship's furtherance and forwardness therein, your Lordship being the man that first devised the mean: wherefore my humble request unto your Lordship is, That you would set in with some strength to finish this your work, which (I assure your Lordship) I desire the rather; because, being placed, I hope for your many favours, to be able to do you some better service: for as I am your Lordship cannot use me, nor scarcely indeed know me; not that I vainly think I shall be able to do any great matters, but certainly it will frame me to use a more industrious observance and application to such as I honour so much as I do your Lordship, and not, I hope, without some good offices, which may deserve your thanks. And herewithal, good my Lord, I humbly pray your Lordship to consider that time groweth precious with me, and that a married man is seven years older in his thoughts the first day: And therefore what a uncomfortable thing it is for me to be unsettled still. For surely were it not that I think myself born for to do my Sovereign service, and therefore in that station will I live and die; otherwise for mine own private comfort, it were better for me that the King should blot me out of his book, or that I should turn my course to endeavour to serve him in some other kind, then for me to stand thus at a stop, and to have that little reputation which by my industry I gather, to be scattered and taken away by continual disgraces, every new man coming in before me; and sure I am I shall never have fairer promises and hope from all your Lordships, and I would believe you in a far greater matter; and if it were nothing else, I hope the modesty of my suit deserveth somewhat: for I know well the Solicitors place is not as your Lordship left it, time working alteration somewhat in the profession, much more in that special place. And were it not to satisfy my wife's friends, and to get myself out of being a common gaze, and a speech (I protest before God) I would never speak word for it. But to conclude, as my honourable Lady was some mean to make me to change the name of another: so if it please you to help me, as you said, to change mine own name, I cannot be but more and more bounden to you. And I am much deceived, if your Lordship find not the King well inclined; as for my Lord of Salisbury, he is forward and affectionate. Yours, etc. FR. BACON. To King JAMES. It may pleaase your excellent Majesty, HOw honestly ready I have been, most gracious Sovereign, to do your Majesty humble service to the best of my power, and in a manner beyond my power as I now stand, I am not so unfortunate but your Majesty knows; both in the Commission of Union the labour whereof for men of my profession, rested most upon my hands; and this last Parliament for the Bill of Subsidy, both body and preamble. In the Bill of Attainders; of Tresham, and the rest; in the matter of Purveyance, in the Ecclesiastical Petitions, in the grievances, and the like, as I was ever careful not without good success, sometime to put forward that which was good, sometime to keep back that which was worse: so your Majesty was pleased kindly to accept of my services, and to say to me, such conflicts were the wars of peace, and such victories the victories of peace; and therefore such servants as obtained them, were by Kings that reign in peace, no less to be esteemed then Conquerors in the wars. In all which nevertheless I can challenge to myself no sufficiency, that I was diligent and reasonably happy to execute those directions which I received either immediately from your Royal mouth, or from my Lord of Salisbury. At that time it pleased your Majesty also to assure me that upon the remove of the then Attorney, I should not be forgotten, but be brought into ordinary place: and this was after confirmed unto me by many of my Lords. And towards the end of the last Term, the manner also in particular spoken of, that is, that Mr. Solicitor should be made your Majesty's Sergeant, and I Solicitor, for so it was thought best to sort with both our gifts and faculties for the good of our service. And of this resolution both Court and Country took notice. Neither was this any invention or project of mine own, but moved from my Lords, I think first from my Lord Chancellor: whereupon resting, your Majesty well knoweth I never opened my mouth for the greater place, although I am sure I had two circumstances that Mr. Attorney that now is could not allege: the one, nine years' service of the Crown; the other, the being Cousin-german to my Lord of Salisbury; for of my Father's service I will not speak. But for the less place, I conceive it was never meant me: but after that Mr. Attorney Hubbard was placed, I heard no more of any preferment, but it seemed to be at a stop, to my great disgrace and discontentment. For, gracious Sovereign, if still when the waters be stirred, another shall be put in before me, your Majesty had need work a miracle, or else I shall be a lame man to do your services. And therefore my most humble suit unto your Majesty is, That this which seemed to me intended, may speedily be performed, and I hope my former service shall be but as beginnings to better when I am better strengthened. For sure I am, no man's heart is fuller, I say not but many may have greater hearts, but I say, not fuller of love and duty towards your Majesty and your children, as I hope time will manifest against envy and detraction, if any be. To conclude, I humbly crave pardon for my boldness, etc. Your, etc. FR. BACON. Mr. Edmond anderson's Letter to Sir Francis Bacon. Noble Sir, THere is ever a certain presumption to be had of the favour of great men, so as there be a reason added to accompany their justice; mine, that gives boldness to call upon your succour, is, that I am fallen more under the malignity of rumour, than severity of laws, though that hath ever set mine offence at the blackest mark: to force this latter cloud away, none can but the breath of a King: th'other which threatneth and oppresseth more, every good Spirit may help to disperse. In this name, honourable Sir, I beseech your goodness to spend some few words to the putting of false fame to flight, which hath so often endangered even the innocent: And if the saving of a poor penitent man may come to be part of your care, let it ever be reckoned to your virtue, that you have not only assisted to preserve, but create a person so corrected by necessity, as the example of his repentance was not worthy to be lost, who will live and die thankfully yours, EDMOND ANDERSON. Sir Thomas Bodeley to Sir Francis Bacon upon his new Philosophy. Sir, AS soon as the Term was ended, supposing your leisure was more than before, I was coming to thank you two or three times, rather choosing to do it by word then letter; but I was still disappointed of my purpose, as I am at this present upon an urgent occasion, which doth tie me fast to Fulham, and hath made me now determine to impart my mind in writing. I think you know I have read your Cogitata & visa, which I protest I have done with great desire, reputing it a token of your singular love, that you joined me with those your friends, to whom you would commend your first perusal of your draught: for which I pray you give me leave to say but this unto you, First, that if the depth of my affection to your person and spirit, to your works and your words, and to all your ability, were as highly to be valued as your affection is to me, it might walk with yours arm in arm, and claim your love by just desert; but there can be no comparison where our states are so uneven, and our means to demonstrate our affections so different, insomuch as for mine own I must leave it to be prized in the nature that it is, and you shall evermore find it most addicted to your worth. As touching the subject of your Book, you have set afoot so many noble speculations, as I cannot choose but wonder, and I shall wonder at it ever, that your expense of time considered in your public profession, which hath in a manner no acquaintance with Scholarship or Learning, you should have culled forth the quintessence and sucked up the sap of the chiefest kind of Learning. For howsoever in some points you do vary altogether from that which is and hath been ever the received doctrine of our Schools and was always by the wisest (as still they have been deemed) of all Nations & Ages adjudged the truest, and yet it is apparent that in those very points, in all your proposals and plots in that book, you show yourself a Master workman. For myself, I must confess, and I speak it Ingenuè that for the matter of learning I am not worthy to be reckoned in the number of smatterers; and yet because it may seem that being willing to communicate your Treatise with your friends, you are likewise willing to listen to whatsoever I or others can except against it: I must deliver unto you for my private opinion, that I am one of the crew that say there is, and we profess a greater holdfast of certainty in your Sciences, than you by your discourse will seem to acknowledge: For where at first you do object the ill success and errors of practitioners of Physic, you know as well they do proceed of the Patient's unruliness: for not one of an hundred doth obey his Physician in their own indisposition, for few are able in that kind to explicate themselves, or by reason their diseases are by nature incurable, which is incident, you know, to many sorts of maladies, or for some other hidden cause which cannot be discovered by course of conjecture; Howbeit I am full of this belief, that as Physic is ministered nowadays by Physicians, it is much to be ascribed to their negligence or ignorance, or other touch of imperfection that they speed no better in their practice: for few are found of that profession so well instructed in their Art, as they might by the precepts which their Art doth afford, which though it be defective in regard of such perfection, yet for certain it doth flourish with admirable remedies, such as tract of time hath taught by experimental effects, and are the open highway to that knowledge that you recommend. As for Alchemy and Magic, some conclusions they have that are worthy the preserving: but all their skill is so accompanied with subtleties and guiles, as both the Crafts and the Crafts-masters are not only despised, but named with derision. Whereupon to make good your principal assertion, methinks you should have drawn the most of your examples from that which is taught in the liberal Sciences, not by picking out cases that happen very seldom, and may by all confession be subject to reproof, but by controlling the generals, and grounds, and eminent Positions and Aphorisms which the greatest Artists and Philosophers have from time to time defended: for it goeth for currant among all men of learning, that those kind of Arts which Clerks in times past did term Quadruials, confirm their propositions by infallible demonstrations. And likewise in Trivials, such lessons and directions are delivered unto us, as will effect very near, or as much altogether, as every faculty doth promise. Now in case we should concur to do as you advise, which is to renounce our common notions, and cancel all our Theorems, Axioms, Rules and Tenants, and so to come babes ad regnum naturae, as we are willed by Scriptures to come ad regnum coelorum. There is nothing more certain in my understanding, then that it would instantly bring us to Barbarism, and after many thousand years leave us more unprovided of Theorical furniture, than we are at this present: For that were indeed to become Tabula rasa, when we shall leave no impression of any former principles, but be driven to begin the world again, to travel by trials of actions and sense, (which are your proofs by particulars) what to place in intellectu for our general conceptions, it being a Maxim of all men's approving, In intellectu nihil esse quod non prius fuit in sensu. And so in appearance it would befall us, that till Plato's year be come about, our insight in learning would be of less reckoning then now it is accounted. As for that which you inculcate of a knowledge more excellent than now is among us, which experience might produce if we would but essay to extract it out of Nature by particular probations, it is no more upon the matter, but to incite us unto that which without instigation by a natural instinct men will practise of themselves: for it cannot in reason be otherwise thought, but that there are infinite in all parts of the world, (for we may not in this case confine our cogitations within the bounds of Europe) which embrace the course which you propose, with all diligence and care, that any ability can perform. For every man is born with an appetite of knowledge, wherewith he cannot be glutted, but still as in a dropsy thirst after more. But yet why men should hearken to any such persuasions, as wholly to abolish those settled opinions, and general Theories to which they have attained by their own and their Ancestors former experience, I see nothing yet alleged to induce me think it. Moreover, I may speak as I suppose with good probability, that if we should make a mental survey what is like to be effected all the world over, those five or six inventions which you have selected, and imagined to be but of modern standing, would make but a slender show among so many hundreds of all kinds of natures which are daily brought to light by the enforcement of wit or casual events, and may be compared or partly preferred above those that you have named. But were it so here, that all were admitted that you can require for the augmentation of our knowledge, and that all our Theorems and general Positions were utterly extinguished with a new substitution of others in their places, what hope may we have of any benefit of learning by this alteration? Assuredly as soon as the new are brought ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Inventors and their followers by an interchangeable course of natural things, they will fall by degrees in oblivion to be buried, and so in continuance to perish outright; and that perchance upon the like to your present pretences by proposal of some means to advance all our knowledge to an higher pitch of perfectness; for still the same defects that antiquity found, will reside in mankind, and therefore other issues of their actions, devices and studies, are not to be expected then is apparent by Records were in former time observed. I remember here a note which Paterculus made of the incomparable wits of the Grecians and Romans in their flourishing state, that there might be this reason of their notable downfall in their issue that came after, because by nature, Quod summo studio petitum est ascendit in summum, difficilisque imperfecto mora est: insomuch that men perceiving that they could not go further, being com● to the stop, they turned back again of their own accord, forsaking those studies that are most in request, & betaking themselves to new endeavours, as if the thing they sought had been by prevention fore-prized by others. So it fared in particular with the eloquence of that age, that when their successors found that hardly they could equal, by no means excel their predecessors, they began to neglect the study thereof, and speak for many hundred years in a rustical manner, till this later revolution brought the wheel about again by inflaming gallant spirits to give the onset afresh, with straining and striving to climb unto the top and height of perfection, not in that gift alone, but in every other skill in any part of learning. For I do not hold it any erroneous conceit to think of every science, that as now they they are professed, so they have been before in all precedent ages, though not alike in all places, nor at all times alike in one and the same; but according to the changes and turning of times with a more exact and plain, or with a more rude and obscure kind of teaching. And if the question should be asked what proof I have of it, I have the doctrine of Aristotle, and of the deepest learned Clerks of whom we have any means to take any notice, That as there is of other things, so there is of Sciences ortus & interitus: which is also the meaning (if I should expound it) of nihil novum sub sole, and is as well to be applied ad facta as ad dicta; ut nihil neque dictum neque factum, quod non est dictum aut factum prius. I have further for my warrant that famous complaint of Solomon to his son against the infinite making of books in his time, of which in all congruity great part were of observations and instructions in all kind of literature, and of those there is not now so much as one Pamphlet (only some parcels of the Bible excepted) remaining to posterity. As then there was not in like manner to be found any footing of millions of Authors that were long before Solomon, and yet we must give credit to that which he affirmed; that whatsoever was then or before, it could never be truly pronounced of it, Behold this is new. Whereupon I must for my final conclusion infer, Seeing all the endeavours, study and knowledge of mankind in whatsoever art or science have ever been the same as they are at this present, though full of mutabilities according to the changes and accidental occasions of ages, and Countries and Clerks dispositions, which can never but be subject to intention and remission both in their devices and in their practices of their knowledge. If now we should accord in opinion with you, First to condemn our present knowledge of doubt and incertitude (which you confer but by averment) without other force of argument, and then to disclaim all our Axioms and Maxims, and general assertions that are left by tradition from our Elders to us, which (for so it is to be pretended) have passed all probations of the sharpest wits that ever were Abecedarii, by the frequent spelling of particulars to come to the notice of new generals, and so afresh to create new principles of Sciences, the end of all would be, that when we should be dispossessed of the learning which we have, all our consequent travel will but help us in a circle to conduct us to the place from whence we set forwards, and bring us to the happiness to be restored in integrum, which will require as many ages as have marched before us to be perfectly achieved. And this I writ with no dislike of increasing our knowledge with newfound devices (which is undoubtedly a practice of high commendation) in regard of the benefit they will yield for the present, that the world hath ever been, and will assuredly continue very full of such Devisers, whose industry that way hath been very obstinate and eminent, and hath produced strange effects above the reach and the hope of men's common capacities; and yet our Notions and Theorems have always kept in grace both with them and with the rarest that ever were named among the learned. By this you see to what boldness I am brought by your kindness, That (if I seem to be too saucy in this contradiction) it is the opinion that I hold of your noble disposition, and of the freedom in these cases that you will afford your special friend, that hath induced me to do it. And although I myself, like a Carrier's horse, cannot bawk the beaten way in which I have been trained; yet since it is my censure of your Cogitata that I must tell you, to be plain, you have very much wronged yourself and the world, to smother such a treasure so long in your coffer: For though I stand well assured (for the tenor and subject of your main discourse) you are not able to impanel a Jury in any University that will give up a verdict to acquit you of error, yet it cannot be gainsaid that all your Treatise over doth abound with choice conceit of the present state of learning, and with so worthy contemplations of the means to procure it, as may persuade with any Student to look more narrowly to his business, not only by aspiring to the greatest perfection of that which is now adays divulged in the Sciences, but by diving yet deeper as it were into the bowels and secrets of nature, and by enforcing of the powers of his judgement and wit to learn of St. Paul, Consectari meliora dona: which course would to God (to whisper so much into your ear) you had followed at the first when you fell to the study of such a study as was not worthy such a Student. Nevertheless being so as it is, that you are therein settled, and your Country sound served, I cannot but wish with all my heart, as I do very often, that you may gain a fit reward to the full of your deserts. Which I hope will come with heaps of happiness and honour. From Fulham, Feb. 19 1607. Yours to be used and commanded, THO. BODELEY. Sir, one kind of boldness doth draw on another, insomuch as methinks I should offend to signify, that before the transcript of your book be fitted for the Press, it will be requisite for you to cast a Censors eye upon the stile and the elocution; which in the framing of some periods, and in divers words and phrases, will hardly go for current, if the Copy brought to me be just the same that you would publish. THO. BODELEY. Mr. George Brook to a Lady in Court. Madam, THe message which you sent me of her Majesty's gracious purpose altered towards me, hath put me into that ecstasy, that I know not whereupon to rest myself, not having power to believe that which I am bound to know. Is it possible that you should be so weak in grace with her Majesty, as not to prevail in so small a matter for any man but of an entire reputation? or shall I believe that her Majesty, who suffers not the merit of her servants to be buried with them, should not hold me equivalent with any new Melchisedech without father or mother. I protest (Madam) I could not presage any ill success to myself, but only out of the means of my ambition, and have held it therefore superfluous to claim any favour in virtue of supererogation, esteeming it too great a derogation from myself for so poor a thing as a Spittle-house to raise the dead to speak for me, or challenge any thing more than my own. But it is neither the strangeness of the matter, nor the hardness of my belief that can alter the decree of a Prince. But I must take it in good payment, that is no less than for as great a disgrace as can outwardly befall me; yet must I ever hold myself beholding to this suit: for though I lose the Hospital, yet have I lost many errors; withal I have weighed my friends in a balance, and taken a just measure of my fortune. I must not despair, it is not impossible for a man well taught to make a retreat into himself, neither will I yet despair of my suit, only for this reason, that this change cannot proceed of her Majesty's proper motion, but must be procured by some blind practice that dares not see the light, though it may be my fortune to bring it forth blushing; howsoever it be, it shall never distemper my dutiful affection towards her Majesty, though that be for ever barred from her knowledge: for they who are able to prevent her goodness, will be ever likely to prevent my service. That the place is already meant to a Divine, cannot be true, nor my impediment: For there is no kind of her Majesty's servants and subjects so provided for, there being such store of places that fall daily both better than this in value, and more proper for their function. Your Ladyship hath been hitherto an honourable and faithful intercessor for me; Good Madam, be not weary to continue so still, as I shall do ever to acknowledge it, and if I be able, in part to deserve it. G. B. To his Wife. LEt me entreat you to read my Letter once again, and if you can find no cause of quarrel, do but then think what you have done all this time to send me such a Cartoll; you cannot be more void of fault than I of suspicion, and what you speak I cannot understand. But doth my imprisonment abridge me that I cannot give you counsel? Or have you resolved to follow the counsel of the Lady you know? Know then, as my ill fortune cannot deject me, so ought it much less to make you brave and insolent. You have your choice of two courses, let me know which you will take, that I trust not to a broken Reed. And yet what need I care, seeing that you who were my chief care, do now begin to sever yourself: I will not yet condemn you, you may see how unapt I am to entertain ill thoughts. I will yet both hold and write myself Your loving Husband, G. BROOKS. King James to the Major and Aldermen of London after he was proclaimed, March 28. 1605. To our trusty and well-beloved Robert Lo, Lord Major of our City of London, and to our well-beloved the Aldermen and Commons of the same. TRusty and well-beloved, we greet you hearty well. Being informed of your great forwardness in that just and honourable action of proclaiming us your sovereign Lord and King, immediately after the decease of our late deceased Sister the Queen; wherein you have given a singular good proof of your ancient fidelity, a reputation hereditary to that our City of London, being the Chamber of our Imperial Crown, and ever free from all shades of tumultuous and unlawful courses; We could not omit with all possible speed we might, to give you hereby a Test of our thankful mind for the same; and withal assurance that you cannot crave any thing of us fit for the maintenance of you all in general, and every one of you in particular, but it shall be most willingly performed by us, whose special care shall ever be to provide for the continuance and increase of your present happiness, desiring you in the mean time to go constantly forward in doing all and whatsoever things you shall find necessary or expedient for the good government of our said City, in execution of justice, as you have been used to do in our said dearest Sisters time, till our pleasure be known to you in the contrary. Thus not doubting but you will do, as you may be fully assured of our gracious favour towards you in the highest degree, we bid you hearty farewell. Hallyrud-House March 28. 1603. JAMES R. The Roman Catholics Petition to King James for Toleration. MOst puissant Prince, and orient Monarch! Such are the rare perfections and admirable gifts of wisdom, prudence, valour, and justice, wherewith the bountiful hand of God's divine Majesty hath endued your Majesty, as in the depth of your provident judgement we doubt not but you foresee what concerneth both the spiritual and temporal Government of all your Kingdoms and Dominions. Notwithstanding your Grace's most afflicted Subjects and devoted Servants the Catholics of England, partly to prevent sinister informations which haply may possess your sacred ears before our answer be heard, partly as men almost overwhelmed with persecutions for our consciences, we are enforced to have speedy recourse in hope of present redress from your Highness, and to present these humble lines unto your Royal person to plead for us some commiseration and favour. Alas, what allegiance or duty can any Temporal Prince desire or expect at his Vassals hands, which we are not addressed to perform? How many Noblemen and worthy Gentlemen, most zealous in the Catholic Religion, have endured, some loss of lands and live, some exile, others imprisonment, some the effusion of blood and life, for the advancement of your blessed Mother's right unto the Sceptre of Albion? Nay, whose finger did ever ache but Catholics, for your Majesty's present title and dominions? How many fled to your Court, offering themselves as hostages for their friends to live and die in your gracious quarrel, if ever adversary had opposed himself against the equity of your cause? If this they attempted with their Prince's disgrace to obtain your Majesty's grace, what will they do, nay what will they not do to live without disgrace in your Grace's favour? The main of this Realm, if we respect Religion, setting petty Sects aside, consists of four parts: Protestants, who have domineered all the Queen's days; Puritan, who have crept up apace amongst them; Atheists or Politicians, who were bred upon their brawls and contentions in matters of faith; and Catholics, who as they are opposite to all, so are they detested of all, because error was ever an enemy to truth. Hardly all, or any two of the first three can be suppressed: Therefore we beseech your Majesty to yield us as much favour, as others of contrary Religion to that which shall be publicly professed in England shall obtain at your hands: For if our fault be like less, or none at all, in equity our punishment ought to be like less, or none at all. The Gates, Arches, and Pyramids of France proclaimed the present King Pater patriae & Pacis restitutor, that is, the Father of his Country, and Restorer of their peace; because that Kingdom being well near torn in pieces with Civil wars, and made a prey to foreign foes, was by his providence, wisdom and valour acquitted in itself, and hostile strangers expelled: the which he principally effected by condescending to tolerate them of an adverse Religion to that which was openly professed. Questionless, Dread Sovereign, the Kingdom of England through the cruel persecution of Catholics, hath been almost odious to all Christian Nations: Trade and traffic is exceedingly decayed, Wars and blood hath seldom ceased, Subsidies and Taxes never so many, discontented minds innumerable. All which your Princely Majesty's connivance to your humble suppliants the afflicted Catholics, will easily redness, especially at this your Highness first ingress. Si loquaris ad nos verba levia, erunt tibi servi cunctis diebus (1 King 12.7.) that is, if you speak comfortable things unto them, or if you harken unto them in this thing, they will be servants unto you, or they will serve all their days,] say the sage Councillors of Solomon to Roboam. For, enlargement after affliction resembleth a pleasant gale after a vehement tempest; and a benefit in distress, doubleth the value thereof. How grateful will it be to all Catholic Princes abroad, and honourable to your Majesty, to understand how Queen Elizabeth's severity is changed into your Royal clemency; and that the lenity of a man re-edified what the misinformed anger of a woman destroyed; that the Lion rampant is passant, whereas the passant had been rampant. How acceptable shall your Subjects be to all Catholic Countries, who are now almost abhorred of all, when they shall perceive your Highness prepareth not pikes or prisons for the Professors of their Faith, but permitteth them Temples and Altars for the use of their Religion. Then we shall see with our eyes, and touch with our fingers that happy benediction of Isa. 14.7. in this Land, that swords are turned into mattocks or ploughs, and lances into scythes; and all Nations admiring us will say, Hi sunt semen cui benedixit Dominus, that is, these are the seed which the Lord hath blessed. We request no more favour at your Grace's hands, then that we may securely believe and profess that Catholic Religion which all your happy Predecessors professed, from Donaldus the first converted, unto your late blessed Mother martyred; a Religion venerable for antiquity, majestical for amplitude, constant for continuance, irreprehensible for doctrine, inducing to all kind of virtue and piety, dissuading from all sin and wickedness; a religion beloved by all primitive Pastors, established by all Ecumenical Counsels, upholden by ancient Doctors, maintained by the first and best Christian Emperors, recorded almost alone in all Ecclesiastical Histories, sealed with the blood of millions of Martyrs, adorned with the virtues of so many Confessors, beautified with the purity of thousands of virgins, so conformable unto natural sense and reason; and finally, so agreeable with the sacred Texts of God's Word and Gospel: The free use of this Religion we request, if not in public Churches, at the least in private houses; if not with approbation, yet with toleration without molestation. Assuring your Grace, that howsoever some Protestants or Puritans incited by moral honesty of life, or innated instinct of nature, or for fear of some temporal punishment, pretend obedience unto your Highness' Laws; yet certainly the only Catholics for conscience sake observe them: For they defending that Prince's Precepts and Statutes oblige no subject under the penalty of sin, will have little care in conscience to transgress them, which principally are tormented with the guilt of sin. But Catholics professing merit in obeying, and immerit in transgressing, cannot but in Soul be grievously tortured for the least prevarication thereof: Wherefore, most merciful Sovereign, we your loving afflicted subjects, in all dutiful subjection, protest before the Majesty of God, and all his holy Angels, as loyal obedience, and immaculate allegiance unto your Grace, as ever did faithful subjects in England or Scotland unto your Highness' Progenitors, and intent as sincerely with our goods and lives to serve you, as ever did the loyallest Israelites King David, or the trustiest Legions the Roman Emperors. And thus expecting your Majesty's customary favour and gracious bounty, we rest your devoted suppliants to him whose hands do manage the hearts of Kings, and with reciprocate mercy will requite the merciful. Your Majesty's most devoted servants the Catholics of England. Sir Walter Raleigh to King James before his trial. IT is one part of the Office of a just and worthy Prince, to hear the complaints of his vassals; especially such as are in great misery. I— know not amongst many other presumptions gathered against me, how your Majesty hath been persuaded, that I was one of them who were greatly discontented, and therefore the more likely to prove disloyal. But the great God so relieve me in both worlds as I was the contrary, and I took as great comfort to behold your Majesty, and always learning some good, and bettering my knowledge by hearing your Majesty's discourse. I do most humbly beseech your Sovereign Majesty not to believe any of those in my particular, who under pretence of offences to Kings, do easily work their particular revenge. I trust no man under the colour of making examples, should persuade your Majesty to leave the word Merciful out of your Style; for it will be no less profit to your Majesty, & become your greatness, than the word Invincible. It is true, that the Laws of England are no less jealous of the Kings then Caesar was of Pompey's wife: for notwithstanding she was cleared for having company with Claudius, yet for being suspected, he condemned her. For myself, I protest before Almighty God, and I speak it to my Master and Sovereign, that I never invented treason against him; and yet I know I shall fall in manibus eorum a quibus non possum evadere, unless by your Majesty's gracious compassion I be sustained. Our Law therefore (most merciful Prince) knowing her own cruelty, and knowing that she is wont to compound treason out of presumptions and circumstances, doth give this charitable advice to the King her Supreme, Non solum sapiens esse sed & misericors, etc. cum tutius sit reddere rationem misericordiae quam judicii. I do therefore on the knees of my heart beseech your Majesty from your own sweet and comfortable disposition, to remember that I have served your Majesty twenty years, for which your Majesty hath yet given me no reward; and it is fit I should be indebted unto my Sovereign Lord, than the King to his poor Vassal; Save me therefore, most merciful Prince, that I may owe your Majesty my life itself, than which there cannot be a greater debt. Limit me at least, my Sovereign Lord, that I may pay it for your service when your Majesty shall please. If the Law destroy me, your Majesty shall put me out of your power, and I shall have none to fear but the King of Kings. WALTER RALEIGH. Sir Walter Raleigh to Sir Robert Car, after Earl of Somerset. SIR, AFter many losses, and many years' sorrows, of both which I have cause to fear I was mistaken in their ends: It is come to my knowledge, that yourself (whom I know not but by an honourable favour) hath been persuaded to give me and mine my last fatal blow, by obtaining from his Majesty the Inheritance of my Children and Nephews, lost in Law for want of a word. This done, there remaineth nothing with me but the name of life: His Majesty, whom I never offended, (for I hold it unnatural and unmanlike to hate goodness) stayed me at the graves brink; not that I thought his Majesty thought me worthy of many deaths, and to behold mine cast out of the world with myself, but as a King that knoweth the poor in truth, hath received a promise from God that his Throne shall be established. And for you, Sir, seeing your fair day is but in the dawn, mine drawn to the setting; your own virtues and the King's grace assuring you of many fortunes and much honour: I beseech you begin not your first building upon the ruins of the innocent, and let not mine and their sorrows attend your first plantation. I have ever been bound to your Nation as well for many other graces, as for the true report of my trial to the King's Majesty; against whom had I been malignant, the hearing of my cause would not have changed enemies into friends, malice into compassion, and the minds of the greatest number then present into the commiseration of mine estate. It is not the nature of foul Treason to beget such fair passions; neither could it agree with the duty and love of faithful Subjects (especially of your Nation) to bewail his overthrow that had conspired against their most natural and liberal Lord. I therefore trust that you will not be the first that shall kill us outright, cut down the tree with the fruit, and undergo the curse of them that enter the fields of the fatherless: which, if it please you to know the truth, is far less in value then in fame. But that so worthy a Gentleman as yourself will rather bind us to you (being six Gentlemen not base in birth and alliance) which have interest therein: And myself with my uttermost thankfulness will remain ready to obey your commandments. WALTER RALEIGH. Sir Thomas Egerton Chancellor, after Lord Ellesmere, to the Earl of Essex. SIR, HOw things proceed here touching yourself, you shall partly understand by these enclosed. Her Majesty is gracious towards you, and you want not friends to remember and commend your former services. Of these particulars you shall know more when we meet. In the mean time by way of caution take this from me: There are sharp eyes upon you, your actions public and private are observed: It behoveth you therefore to carry yourself with all integrity and sincerity both of hands and heart, lest you overthrew your own fortunes, and discredit your friends that are tender and careful of your reputation and well-doing. So in haste I commit you to God, with my very hearty commendations, and rest Your assured loving Friend, THO. EGERTON, C. S. At the Court at Richmond, 21 Octob. 1599 Lord Chancellor Ellesmere to King James. Most gracious Sovereign, I Find through my great age, accompanied with griefs and infirmities, my sense and conceit is become dull and heavy, my memory decayed, my judgement weak, my hearing imperfect, my voice and speech failing and faltering, and in all the powers & faculties of my mind & body great debility. Wherefore, conscientia imbecilitatis, my humble suit to your most sacred Majesty is, to be discharged of this great Place wherein I have long served, and to have some comfortable Testimony under your Royal hand, that I leave it at this humble suit with your gracious favour. So shall I with comfort number and spend the few days I have to live, in meditation; and prayers to Almighty God, to preserve your Majesty and all yours in all heavenly and earthly felicity and happiness. This suit I intended some years past, ex dictamine rationis & conscientiae: Love and fear stayed it; now Necessity constrains me to it, I am utterly unable to sustain the burden of this great service; for I am come to St. Paul's desire, Cupio dissolvi & esse cum Christo. Wherefore I most humbly beseech your Majesty most favourably to grant it. Your Majesty's most humble and loyal poor Subject and Servant, THO. ELLESMERE Cane. Again to the same King. Most gracious Sovereign, YOur royal favour hath placed and continued me many years in the highest place of ordinary Justice in this your Kingdom, and hath most graciously borne with my many, but unwilling errors and defects, accepting in stead of sufficiency, my zeal and fidelity, which never failed. This doth encourage and stir in me an earnest desire to serve still. But when I remember St. Paul's rule, Let him that hath an office wait on his office, and do consider withal my great age and many infirmities, I am dejected and do utterly faint: For I see and feel sensibly, that I am not able to perform those duties as I ought, and the place requires; and thereupon I do seriously examine myself what excuse or answer I shall make to the King of Kings, and Judge of all Judges, when he shall call me to account; and then my conscience shall accuse me, that I have presumed so long to undergo and wield so mighty and great a charge and burden: and I behold a great Cloud of witnesses ready to give evidence against me. 1. Reason telleth me, and by experience I find, Senectus est tarda & obliviosa, & insanabilis morbus. 2. I heard the precepts and council of many reverend, sage, and learned men, Senectuti debitur otium, solve senectutem mature, etc. 3. I read in former Laws, that old men were made temeriti & rudè donati: And one severe Law that saith, Sexagenarius de ponte, whereupon they are called Depontanei. And Plato lib. 6. de legibus, speaking of a great Magistrate which was Praefectus legibus servandis, determineth thus, Minor annis 50 non admittatur; nec major annis 70 permittatur in eo perseverare. And to this Law, respecting both mine office and my years, I cannot but yield. But leaving foreign Laws, the Stat. anno 13. E. 1. speaketh plainly, Homines excedentes aetatem 70 annorum non ponantur in Assissis & Juratis. So as it appeareth that men of that age are by that Law discharged of greater painful and careful, especially Judicial Offices. 4. Besides, I find many examples of men of great wisdom, knowledge and judgement, meet and worthy to be followed; of which (leaving all other) I will remember that of William Warham Archbishop of Canterbury, and Chancellor of England, who after long service, was upon his humble suit discharged of the office of Chancellor of England in respect of his great age. Seeing then such a cloud of witnesses against me, which in my private Soliloquies and Meditations, are daily and continually represented to my view, and mine own conscience (more than a thousand witnesses) concurring with me; Pardon me, my most gracious Sovereign, to conclude with good Barzillai, Quot s●nt dies annorum vitae meae, quare servus tuus sit oneri domino nostro Regi, obsecro ut revertar servus tuus & moriar, etc. So I most humbly beseech your sacred Majesty, graciously to regard the great age, infirmity, and impotency of your most devoted, obedient, loyal and faithful servant. Let me not be as Domitius after was, Maluit deficere quam desinere. But with your Princely favour give me leave to retire myself from the careful service of this great office, and from the troubles of this world, and to spend the small remnant of this my life in meditation and prayer, & I will never cease to make my humble supplications to Almighty God to bless & prosper your Majesty, the Queen, the Prince, all your Royal issue, with all heavenly and earthly felicity, which is the last and best service your poor, aged, weak and decayed servant can do for you. THO. ELLESMERE Canc. Sir Francis Norris to King James. Most gracious Sovereign, THe advantage which mine adversary hath taken, in first presenting his complaint freely and uncontrolled, would have afflicted me greatly, had I not known that your Majesty hath given to your Judge's Injunction, Auditne alteram partem. That I entered into discourse with the Lord Willoughby in Church or Church-yard, may make it manifest, that I had no disposition at all to quarrel. The rest of the world is wide enough for men so affected. They that profane such places, trust more to the place the ntheir own worth. That I was improvidently in such a place by him surprised, muffled in my own Cloak, and treacherously buffeted, shown that I suspected no such assault as was there made upon me, and where I was so disgracefully and ignobly assaulted by the Lord Willoughby, and he in no sort by me, yet well I hope to satisfy every indifferent judgement, much more the supreme Judge, that I had nothing in my intention either towards the Master or the Man. It is true, most gracious Sovereign, that after the Lord Willoughby's dishonourable indignity by me expelled, I seeing an unknown face coming fiercely with his sword upon me for my life, (in defence whereof God himself, the law of Nature and Nations doth warrant us to contend) I was forced to have forgone it at a Ruffian's command, or by resisting to yield it up to your Majesty, to whom I have vowed it (whensoever you shall command it) to your service. This I presume to write to a King in whom rests the spirit of honour; and by that spirit I hope your Majesty will judge, that he which will run from his own defence, being injuriously assaulted, will also run from the defence of his Sovereign Master. I also presume in all humility to address myself to a Prince endued with the spirit of Justice, joined to the divine virtue of compassion; by both which I nothing doubt your Majesty will judge when you shall be truly informed, of the preceding and succeeding wrongs offered me, that I am and will be Your Majesty's most humble and loyal subject, FR. NORRIS. A Patent for the Admiralty of Ireland. RIght trusty and well-beloved Cousin and Councillor, We greet you well. Whereas we are graciously pleased, as well for the increase of our Navy and Navigators, as also for the better enabling and enriching of our subjects in our Realm of Scotland, to give way and liecnce unto our loving subjects of Scotland, and so many of them as may make a full, able, and complete company for Traffic and Merchandizing into the East Indies, to erect and set up among themselves a Company, to be called The East Indian Company of Scotland, making their first Magazine Storehouse for the said Company in some parts of our Realm of Ireland. But for that our Ports and Seas upon the Coasts of our said Realm of Ireland, have of late, and still are likely, without our special aid and assistance, to be much troubled and annoyed with Pirates, and other Sea-Robbers, to the great discouragement of our loving Subjects and Merchants passing that way: We, for the avoiding of those inconveniences, and for the better heartening of the said Company in their intended voyage and traffic, have, for reasons to us best known, resolved (notwithstanding any other employments of our Ships there) by our Letters Patents under our great Seal of England, and at the humble request and Petition of our loving Subjects of the said Company, to nominate and appoint A. B. our trusty servant, to be employed in those Seas and Coasts of Ireland, as fully and amply as our servant Sir F. H. is now for our narrow Seas. And to the end he may with more courage and less prejudice to our said servant Sir F. H. by his diligence and industry in the said employment free those Seas from the said annoyances, our pleasure is, That you by your Deed Poll do give unto our said Servant such and the like power and authority for the Irish Seas and Channel of St. George, as the said Sir F. H. hath for the Narrow Seas: So always as the power and authority of the said A. B. may begin where the power and authority of the said Sir F. H. doth end, that is to say, from our Island of Scilie in our Realm of England, unto and alongst the Coast of Ireland, and the Channel of St. George. So not doubting of your speedy effecting of what is here required for the furtherance of so good a work, We bid you hearty farewell. From our Court at, etc. A Commission to divers Lords, etc. for the delivery of Ulushing, Brill, etc. May 14. Jac. 14. JAMES by the grace of God King of England, etc. To the right Reverend Father in God, our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor George Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, and to our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor Tho. Ellesmere Lord Chancellor of England, and to our right trusty and well-beloved Cousins and Councillors Tho. Earl of Suffolk Lord Treasurer of England, Edward Earl of Worcester Lord Keeper of our Privy-Seal, Lodowick Duke of Lennox Lord Steward of our household, Charles Earl of Nottingham Lord Admiral of England, William Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain of our household, Tho. Earl of Exeter, John Earl of Mar, and Alexander Earl of Dumfermlin; and to our right trusty and right well-beloved Councillors, Tho. Viscount Fenton, Tho. Bishop of Winton, Edward Lord Zouch Lord Warden of our Cinque-Ports, William Lord Knowls' Treasurer of our household, John Lord Stanhop, and Tho. Lord Ban; and to our right trusty and well-beloved Councillors, Sir John Digby Knight our Vice-Chamberlain, Sir John Herbert Knight one of our principal Secretaries of State, Sir Fulk Grevil Knight Chancellor and Under-Treasurer of our Exchequer, Sir Tho. Parry Knight Chancellor of our Duchy of Lancaster, Sir Edward Coke Knight Chief Justice of our Bench, and Sir Julius Cesar Knight Master of our Rolls, greeting. Whereas the states-general of the United Provinces of the Low-Countries have divers times solicited us by their resident Ambassador Sir Noel Charon Knight, that we would be pleased to render into their hands the Towns of Flushing in Zealand, with the Castle of Ramakins, and of Bril in Holland, with the Forts and sconces thereunto belonging, which we hold by way of caution, until such sums of money as tney own unto us be reimbursed, upon such reasonable conditions as should be agreed on between us and them for the reimbursing and repayments of the said moneys: And whereas we have recommended the consideration of this so mighty and important an affair to the judgement and discretion of you the Lords of our Privy-Councel, and have received from you after long and mature deliberation and examination of the circumstances an advice, That as the present condition of our State now standeth, and as the nature of those Towns is mere cautionary, wherein we can challenge no interest of propriety; it would be much better for our service, upon fair and advantageous conditions to render them, then longer to hold them at so heavy a charge. Now forasmuch as in our Princely wisdom we have resolved to yield up our said Town, with the said Castle and Sconces belonging unto them, upon such conditions as shall be most for our advantage as well in point of honour as of profit, Know ye therefore that we have assigned and appointed you the said Archbishop, L. Treasurer, L. Privy-Seal, L. Steward, L. Admiral, L. Chamberlain, E. of Exeter, E. of Mar, E. of Dunfermlin, Viscount Fintons, L. Bishop of Winton, L. Zouch, L. Knowls, L. Stanhop, L. Banning, Sir John Digby, Sir John Herbert, Sir Ralph Winwood, Sir Tho. Lake, Sir Fulk Grevil, Sir Tho. Parry, Sir Edw. Coke, Sir Julius Cesar, our Commissioners, and do by these presents give full power & authority unto you or the more part of you for us and in our name to treat and conclude with the said Sir Noel Charon Knight Ambassador from the States of the United Provinces, being likewise for that purpose sufficiently authorized from the said States his superiors, touching the rendition and yielding up of the said Town of Flushing, with the Castle of Ramakins in Zealand, and of the Town of Bril in Holland, with the Forts and Sconces thereto belonging, and of the Artillery and Munition formerly delivered by the States, with the same which are now remaining in them or any of them, and have not been spent and consumed. And for the delivery of them into the hands of the said States on such terms as by you shall be thought fit for our most honour and profit; and for the manner thereof to give instructions to our said several Governors of the said Garrisons, according to such your conclusion. And this our Commission or the enrolment or exemplification thereof shall be unto you and every of you a sufficient warrant and discharge in that behalf. In witness etc. Witness ourselves at Westminster, the 31 day of May, in the 14 year of our Reign, etc. and of Scotland the 49. A Commission to Viscount Lisle Governor, to deliver them up, 22 May, 14. Jac. JAMES by the grace of God, etc. To our right trusty and welbebeloved Cousin, Robert Lord Viscount Lisle, Lord Chamberlain to our dear Consort the Queen, and our Governor of our Town of Vlushing, and of the Castle of Ramakins, greeting. Whereas we by Our Letters Patents sealed with Our great Seal of England, bearing date at Westminster the 22. day of April, in the fifth year of Out reign of England, France, and Ireland, of Scotland the 36. for the consideration therein expressed, did make, ordain, and constitute you the said Viscount Lisle, by the name of Sir Robert Sidney Knight, for Us to be the Governor and Captain of the said Town of Vlushing, and of the Castle of Ramakins in the Low-Countries, and of all the Garrisons and Soldiers that then were, or hereafter should be there placed for Our service and guard of the said Town and Castle, to have, hold, exercise and occupy the Office of the said Governor and Captain of the said Town and Castle by yourself, or your sufficient Deputy or Deputies, to be allowed by Us during Our pleasure; giving unto you full power and authority by your said Letters Patents, to take the Oath and Oaths of all Captains & Soldiers then serving, or that hereafter should serve in the same Town and Castle, as in like causes was requisite, with divers other powers therein mentioned, as by Our said Letters Patents at large appeareth. And whereas the States general of the United Provinces of the Low-Countries, have divers and sundry times for many years together solicited Us by their Resident Ambassador Sir Noel Charon Knight, that We would be pleased to render into their hands the said Town of Vlushing in Zealand, with the said Castle of Ramakins, and the Town of Brill in Holland, with the Forts & Sconces thereunto belonging, which We hold by way of Caution until such sums of money as they own unto Us, be reimbursed upon such reasonable conditions as should be agreed upon between Us & them for the reimbursing and repayment of the said moneys. And whereas thereupon We recommended the consideration of this so weighty and important an affair to the judgement and discretion of the Lords of the Privy Council, and have received from them (after long and mature deliberation and examination of Circumstances) an advice, that as the present condition of Our State now standeth, and as the nature of those towns is lying only Cautionary, wherein we can challenge no interest of propriety, it should be much better for our service upon fair and advantangious conditions to render them, then longer to hold them at so heavy a charge. Now forasmuch as in Our Princely Wisdom We have resolved to yield up Our said Towns with the said Castle, and Sconces belonging unto them, upon such conditions as shall be most sit for Our advantage, as well in point of honour as of profit: And to that end by Our Commission under Our great Seal of England, have assigned and appointed the Lords and others of Our Privy Council Our Commissioners, and thereby give full power and authority unto them, or the more part of them for Us, and in Our name to treat and conclude with the said Sir noel Charon Knight, Ambassador from the States of the United Provinces, being likewise for that purpose sufficiently authorized from the said States his superiors, touching the rendition and yielding up of the said Town of Vlushing, with the Castle of Ramakins in Zealand, and of the said town of Brill in Holland, with the Forts and Sconces thereunto belonging, and of the Artillery or Munition formerly delivered by the said States, with the same Towns, and Castles, and Forts, and which are now remaining in them, or any of them, and have not been spent or consumed. And for the delivery of the said Towns, Castle, Forts, Artillery, and Munition into the hands of the said States, upon such terms as by the said Lords, and other of our Privy Council, or the more part of them, shall be thought fit for our most honour and profit, and for the manner thereof to give instructions to our several Governors of our said Garrisons according to such their conclusion, which conclusion according to our said Commission is already made and perfected. We do therefore hereby give power and authority unto, and do charge and command you the said Lord Lisle for us and in our name to render and yield up into the hands of the said States of the United Provinces, or to such persons as shall be lawfully deputed by them, the aforesaid Town of Vlushing, and Castle of Ramakins, whereof now you have charge by virtue of our Letters-Patents aforesaid, together with the Artillery and Munition now remaining in them or any of them, heretofore delivered by the said States with the said Town and Castle, and as yet not spent or consumed; observing and performing in all points such instructions as you shall receive under the hands of the said Lords and others of our Privy-Councel, or the more part of them, concerning the rendering up and delivery of the said Town. And we do further give you full power and authority, and by these presents do charge and command you, for us and in our name to discharge and set free all the subordinate Officers, Captains and soldiers under your charge, of that oath and trust which heretofore they have taken for the keeping and preserving of that Town and Castle to our use and service; and for that purpose to make such Declaration, Proclamation, and other signification of our Royal pleasure, commandment and ordinance in that behalf, as in your wisdom you shall think fit; and these our Letters-Patents, or the enrolment or exemplification thereof shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge in that behalf. In witness, etc. Witness ourselves at Westminster, the 22 day of May in the 14 year of our reign of England, France and Ireland, and of Scotland the 49. Countess of Nottingham to the Danish Ambassador. SIR, I Am very sorry this occasion should have been offered me by the King your Master, which makes me troublesome to you for the present. It is reported to me by men of honour, the great wrong the King of the Danes hath done me, when I was not by to answer for myself: For if I had been present, I would have let him know how much I scorn to receive that wrong at his hands. I need not to urge the particular of it, for the King himself knows it best. I protest to you Sir, I did think as honourably of the King your Master, as I did of my own Prince; but now I persuade myself there is as much baseness in him as can be in any man: For although he be a Prince by birth, it seems not to me that there harbours any Princely thought in his breast; for either in Prince or Subject, it is the basest that can be to wrong any woman of honour: I deserve as little that name he gave me, as either the mother of himself or of his children; and if ever I come to know what man hath informed your Master so wrongfully of me, I should do my best for putting him from doing the like to any other: but if it hath come by the tongue of any woman, I dare say she would be glad to have companions. So leaving to trouble you any further, I rest, Your friend M. NOTTINGHAM. Sir Charles Cornwallis Lieger in Spain, to the Spanish King, july 23. 1608. YOur Majesty hath showed the sincerity of your Royal heart in applying remedy to many inconveniences and injustice offered by your Ministers to the King my master's subjects in their goods and bodies, and therein have performed not only what belongeth to your Kingly dignity, but also what might be expected from a Prince so zealous of justice and of so good intention. It resteth that now I beseech you to cast your Royal eyes upon another extreme injustice offered not only to their bodies and goods, but to their very souls; who being by your Majesty's agreement confirmed with your oath to live within these your Kingdoms free from molestation for matter of opinion and conscience, except in matters of scandal to others, are here laid hold on and imprisoned by your Majesty's Officers of Inquisition continually upon every light occasion of private information of some particular persons of their own Country, who being fugitives out of their own houses, and having according to the nature of our people removed not only their bodies, but their hearts from the soil that bred them, and from their brethren that were nourished with them, do here seek to grace themselves by professing and teaching the observations of the Romish Church; and that not out of any zeal, but as plainly appeareth by many of their actions, out of malice and envy. By the Commissioners authorized by both your Majesties for the agreeing of the Peace, it was clearly discerned, that if upon private or particular informations his Majesty's vassals here should be questioned for matter of Religion, it was not possible that they should exercise any commerce in these kingdoms, where they should be no one moment assured either of their goods or liberties. It was therefore provided that they should in no sort be impeached but in case of scandal; and that scandal, with your Majesty's favour, must be understood to grow out of some public action, not out of private opinion or single conscience; for if otherwise, very vain and inutile had been that provision. How the word scandal is in the most usual and common sense to be understood, is in no books more evident then in the Divine Scriptures themselves. Our Saviour, in regard of his public teaching of the Gospel, and the abolishing of the Law-Ceremonial, was said to be to both houses of Israel a stone of scandal. The sin of David, if it had lain covered in his own heart, or been committed in private, should not have been either published or punished as a scandal to the enemies of God. St. Paul himself declareth, that his own eating of flesh offered to Idols could not be an offence, but only his eating before others of weak conscience whereby to give the scandal. Besides, I humbly beseech your Majesty consider how fitly that of the Apostle Quis es qui judicas alienum servum, may be applied to those Officers of the Inquisition attempting to lay hands on the subjects of another Prince your Majesty's confederate, offering none offence to the Laws, or public prejudice to their profession: yea, in divers parts of your Majesty's dominions the subjects of my Master have suffered this restraint. The Inquisitor-Generall lately deceased, who in all his actions showed himself a considerate Minister, and careful in regard of your Majesty's honour of the observing of what you have capitulated, upon my complaint never failed to give the remedy that in justice I required. He being now with God, and one of my Sovereign's subjects having been long without cause detained by the Inquisitors in Lisbon, and another of good account, a man moderate and temperate in all his actions, lately apprehended by that Office in Almonte, and restrained in their prison at Sivil: I am commanded from his Majesty, and importuned by my Countrymen, who all with one voice complain and protest that they dare not longer continue their commerce without present order for remedy of so extreme and perilous an injustice, do beseech your Majesty that you will be pleased not only to give present order for the release of those that without scandal are known for the present in your prisons, but also that in time to come the true intention of that Article be observed, which is, That without known offence and scandal the King my Master's subjects be not molested. The accomplishment of this (considering how much it imports your Majesty in honour, your Majesty and the Archduke having in that Article in no other sort then in all the rest covenanted by especial words, that yourselves would provide that in no case but only in giving scandal to others, the subjects of my Sovereign should be troubled for their consciences) I cannot but expect from so just and sincere a Prince: And therefore will not trouble your Majesty with more words; but offering myself in all things within my power to your Majesty's service, I remain with a desire to be reckoned in the number of your Majesty's humble and affectionate servants, C. C. july 23 stilo novo, 1608. Sir Charles Cornwallis to the Spanish King, Jan. 16. 1608. THe largeness and liberality of your Majesty's Royal hand being such, that it hath made your Greatness and Munificence of so much note through most parts of this world; I assure myself it is far removed from the thoughts of your Princely heart to straiten in matter of Justice, that so naturally and necessarily belongeth to your Kingly Office: your Majesty hath been pleased to refer to the Constable, the Duke of Infantasque, and two of the Regent's of your Council of Arragon, the understanding and determining of the extreme and barbarous usage, outrage and spoil committed by ships set out in course under the commission, & at the charge of your Majesty's Viceroy of Sardinia, and his son-in-law Don Lewis de Calatana, and others by their procurement: those Lords and others there authorized by that Commission, very nobly and justly desiring that of the spoil committed there might be made entire satisfaction, gave order divers months since; but your Majesty's Viceroy adding to his former offence, contempt of your Majesty's authority, hath not only disobeyed in his own person, but contradicted and withstood in others the accomplishment of your commandments; it seemeth that God is pleased for the good of your Majesty's Estate and Government to disvizard that man, and make apparent to the world how unfit he is to be trusted with your command of so great importance, whose covetous and ungodly condition is come to such height, as hath drawn him not only to spoil unlawfully, and so barbarously to use the subjects of so great a King your confederate, and thereby to hazard a breach of the amity between your Majesties so necessary for both your Estates, and so utile to the whole Commonwealth of Christendom, but also to neglect and contemn the authority of your Majesty his own Sovereign to whom, besides the obligation of his natural allegiance, he is so infinitely bound for preferring and trusting him with a matter of so great consequence and dignity. By this paper enclosed your Majesty shall understand the manner of proceeding of the King my Master against such of his subjects as commit the like crimes and outrage against any of yours, and thereby conceive what my said Sovereign expecteth of your Majesty in this and the like, and what I am commanded in conformity thereof to require, which is, that there be no proceeding in so clear and plain a case, by way of process or suit in Law, which in this kingdom as by experience is known, are immortal; but that according to the sixth Article of the Peace, and the most Christian and just example showed by my Sovereign, who so punctually and conscionably in all things observeth with your Majesty, you will be pleased that there be not only an entire and immediate satisfaction to the parties, but that as well your said Viceroy, and Don Lewis his son-in-law, as all others their aiders, partners, and receivers in that crime may be criminally proceeded against, and suffer such punishment as so enorm and unlawful actions have justly deserved: The performance of this (considering with what patience the King my Master out of his love to your Majesty, notwithstanding the daily complaints and importunities of the parties, & the general exclamation of other his subjects, who hold it rather agreeable with his honour and Kingly Office, not so long to permit unsatisfied or unpunished so intolerable an outrage, hath more than three whole years attended it) I cannot but expect from so just and pious a Prince without further delay or protraction of time. Jan. 16. novo stilo. 1608. Sir Charles Cornwallis to the Spanish King. WEll knoweth your Majesty in your Royal wisdom, how necessary to Kings is the conservation of authority and respect to their Kingly dignities; as also that the greatest and most absolute precept of Justice, is to do to others what we would be done unto ourselves: How religiously & punctually the King my master hath observed these unto your Majesty, hath appeared by many demonstrations, and not the least in the denial he made to Antonio de Perez to abide in his Kingdom, or to have access to his person; only out of a conceit he had, that he came with a mind determined to disauthorize your Majesty in his speeches, or to make offer of some practice against your estates in his overtures. Your Majesties own Royal and grateful inclination I know to be such, as you are not without desire to pay my Sovereign with the like equivalent retribution: but with your Majesty's pardon and favour, duty enforceth me plainly to tell you, that the Ministers of these your Kingdoms show not the like affection; where not one, but many my of Sovereign's worst affected subjects are daily received, cherished and honoured with entertainments in your service. Were that sort of people contented only to abuse your Majesty's Kingly munificence and Christian charity, and to deceive your Ministers with their falsified genealogies, and with putting the Don upon many whose fathers and Ancestors were so base and beggarly, as they never arrived to be owners of so much as convenient apparel to cover their nakedness, it were much more tolerable: but when having here tasted the warmth of your Majesty's liberal and pious hand, they become furnished in such ample and abundant manner, as their poor and miserable ancestors durst never so much as dream of, like Aesop's serpent they turn their venomous stings towards the bosoms that gave them heat and life, and endeavour with all the force and Art they have, to give cause of distaste, and by consequence of division between your Majesty and your faithfullest and most powerful Confederate, in uneven payment for your Majesties so great and gracious favour. With generalities for the present I will not deal, as he whose cares and desires have ever been to soften, and not to sharpen. Two Irish in your Court, the one a son, as by his own Countrymen is generally reported, either to a vagabond Rhymer, a generation of people in that Country of the worst account; or to give him his best title, of a poor Mechanical Surgeon. The other descended rather of more base and beggarly parents; neglecting what by the Laws of God they owe to their own Sovereign, and as little regarding their obligation to your Majesty, who from the dust of the earth and miserable estate hath made them what they are, notwithstanding that they cannot be ignorant of the straight charge and commandments your Majesty hath given, that all due respect be had to the King my Master, and his Ministers and subjects; the first in irreverend and irrespective behaviour towards myself and some of mine; the other in obstinate defending his companions unmannerliness, delivering by way of direct asseveration, that I am an heretic, and such an one as to whom it is not lawful under the pain of deadly sin, to use any courtesy or reverence whatsoever, have of late miscarried themselves, as I hold it not agreeable either with what I owe to the King I serve, or the honour I have to represent his person, to pass over with silence, but to present it instantly to your Majesty. The names of the parties are, Magg Ogg, a Solicitor (as here is said) for the fugitive Earl of Tyrone, condemned by the verdict of his own Contreymen, besides his delict of Treason, of thirteen several murders. The other names himself Condio Mauricio, and is here (as I am informed) allowed for a— for his vagabonding Countrymen, hath put on the habit of a Priest, and hath of your Majesty thirty crowns a month in Pension. The parties and the offences I have made known unto your Secretary of State, and I cannot doubt your Majesty in conformity of what the King my master hath by so many arguments demonstrated towards your Majesty and your Ministers, will command such exemplary punishment to be made of them, as a behaviour so undecent, a slander and reproach so intolerable, and an opinion so desperate and dangerous, and so contrary to what your Majesty and all those of your Council, Nobility and Clergy do practise, do worthily merit, etc. Feb. 1608. Sir Charles Cornwallis to the Spanish King. YOur Majesty to whom God hath given so large an Empire, & so much exceeding that of other Princes, and whom he hath blessed with so great an inclination to piety, clemency, and other virtues becoming your Royal dignity and Person, will I know hold it evil beseeming so rare a greatness, to come behind any King how pious & virtuous soever, either in the observance of the laws of mutual charity and friendship, or in love or zeal to justice, which to all Kingdoms and Governments gives the assuredst foundation; and in defect whereof by the Spirit of God himself, Kingdoms are said to be translated from one Nation to another. The first King that God gave unto his people, he elected of higher stature than the rest by the shoulders upwards, signifying thereby how much Kings are to strive to exceed and excel in the height and measure of virtue and justice; also how fit it is for them to overlook with their authorities and providences the highest head of their Ministers, and to observe how they guide themselves. By the content of this paper enclosed, your Majesty shall perceive the Christian and Kingly care the King my Master hath had, not only of the observances of the Articles of Peace since the same between your Majesties were concluded; but of the punctual accomplishment of the true Laws of amity and friendship, which are more surely and expressively imprinted in Royal and Noble hearts, then possibly they can be written or charactered by any pen in paper. In your Majesty's Kingdoms (pardon I humbly beseech you if I speak plainly) much contrary to that example, the King my Master's subjects suffer all manner of spoils, oppressions and miseries, and are (as well I may term them) made a very prey to the hungry and greedy; your Viceroys and others enter their ships under cover and colour of Peace and Justice, finding them rich, they lay crimes to their charge, whereof there appears neither proof nor probability; yet serve their pretences to possess them of their goods, & to put the poor Merchants to a demand in Law: wherein were truth alone the balance they should be weighed by, (though that form of redress were far short of the immediate remedy provided by the King my Sovereign for your Majesty's subjects) yet were it much more allowable and to be endured; but having here complained two whole years without any course at all taken for redress, as in the cause with the Duke of Feria three entire years, as in that with the Viceroy of Sardinia one year and more, as in that of his Majesty's servant Adrian Thihaut, taken and spoiled by your Majesty's General Don Luis; as in that of Estry and Bispich, imprisoned and bereft of their goods by juan de Vendoza Alcalde of Madrid, we are after so long a time spent in misery and charge countervailing a great part of the value of the goods taken from us, enforced still to all punctualities and extremities of forms of law, and to abide the uttermost peril of all advantages that by the inventions, wits & tongues of Lawyers can be devised, to obscure and hid the light and right of truth. The false colour given by every of these, and the barbarous cruelty used to the parties, would require too long and tedious a declaration. It satisfieth that none of their pretences are proved; nay, which is more they are so false and fabulous as to no indifferent understanding they appear so much as probable. My humble desire is, your Majesty would be pleased to pass your own Royal eyes upon this paper; and therefore to affect all possible brevity, I will pass unto your Majesties other inferior ministers of your Ports, of which few there are (those in Biscay, and some in Portugal only excepted) where we have not divers oppressions, imprisonments, and unjust imbargements, in Sivil especially; whereof forty several suits, and as many false sentences given, raised and pursued by a man now dead, and therefore in charity left unnamed. We have hitherto in your Majesty's Council of war (where before those noble Lords all passed by the equal line of Justice) not failed in my remembrance in the overthrowing of any, save one mistaken that passed in a wrong name, and another concerning merchandise that had their manufacture in Embden, (whereof I suppose those Lords were not rightly informed) only excepted. In that Court I must acknowledge we have had redress, but yet with your Majesty's favour a miserable one; our gain being whether we shall be owners of our own or not, our expenses and charges certain, and the time without measure large, whereby many have been undone, some dead in prison in England for want of what was unjustly detained from them here. Yet neither the false Judges in Sivil nor Promoters ever chastised, or for any thing that I yet have understood, so much as ever reprehended or found fault with. I haste to a conclusion, fearing lest I should dwell too long in a matter so unsavoury and unpleasing to your Majesty's pitiful ears and Christian heart, so much of itself disposed to all clemency and piety. I will for the next resort to the ships, cordage, corn, and other victuals and provisions taken from the King my Sovereign's subjects for your Majesties own services, and the relief of the extreme necessity in your Galleys, and Garrisons of the Navy, of whom some have been enforced for want of payment of their moneys to send their ships home unfreighted, a loss extreme to poor Merchants that live by trade and time, to repair to this Court, and here remain some of them 14 months, and others two years and more, till their very charges had eaten out a great part of what was due unto them, and in the end recover only their own without any relief or recompense either for their expenses, times lost, or damages. I will only instance two, because their causes are most strange and pitiful, and yet unsatisfied; the one named Thomas Harrison, and the other Richard Morris: The first served your Majesty with his ship, till the same with one of his sons and all of his men were swallowed with the seas, and hath been here more than four years suing for his recompense and salary, recommended by the King my Sovereign, by Letters from your Majesty's Ambassadors in England, and by myself all that long time furthered with my earnest solicitation; which hath begot infinite promises, but to this day no manner of payment or performance: The other, who sometimes hath been a man of wealth and reputation, and falling into great poverty, served your Majesty with all that in the world he was worth, and all that in value above 6000 Rials. I blush I protest to think of it, and my heart is grieved to mention it to so great a King, of whose liberality and magnificence the world taketh so much notice. His right and his necessity being well known unto your Officers, he hath been more than three years and a half fed with hopes, and put off with schedules and sending from one Port to another for the receipt of his money, till he hath indebted himself the most part of the sum, and at present wanteth wherewith both to feed and cover him. Now at last he is promised payment out here of your Royal chests, but after so many ceremonies and circumstances to be performed with your Officers in other parts, as God knows hunger may end the poor man before they begin to satisfy him. By all this will plainly appear to your Majesty, that your Majesty's subjects are by the favour and Christian justice of the King my master entered into the new Testament and law of Grace, having restitution and remedy without the delays of ceremony and formality; and we still remain under the old, and tied in all things to the hand-writing of the Law, to the burdenous circumstances and intolerable dilatory formalities of proceeding in this your Kingdom, and what else your unpittifull Ministers will out of uncharitable and unsensible minds of other men's harms charge and impose upon us. Well doth your Majesty conceive, that would the King my Master wink at the like courses to be taken by his subjects and ministers with such of yours as they might meet upon the seas, the English are not of so little invention, but they could devise as good colours and pretences; nor their Lawyers of so small skill and so much conscience, but they could form and protract suits; nor the ships of England so weakened and lessened, but they could equal and surmount their losses. I have out of mine own humble affection to your Majesty, out of my general and ever continuing desire to hold firm the ancient amity so necessary for your own estates, and utile for the whole common-weal of Christendom, out of the force of duty I own to my King and Country, thus far adventured to unburthen my soul and thoughts, not doubting but your Majesty's magnanimous and Christian heart will be moved as well in desire to equal the pious and immutable example of the King my Master, as in a just compassion of a Nation now confederate with you, and that so gladly would entertain any cause to love and serve you, to give present remedy to those woeful and intolerable oppressions; and that since you have firmed and consented by your Articles of Peace of new orders (which being confirmed by your oath stand now in force of Laws) you would be pleased in like manner to give them a new form of indilatory execution, conformable to that of the King my Sovereign, etc. King James to the University of Cambridge, Mar. 4. 1616. JACOBUS Dei gratia Magnae Britanniae, Franciae & Hiberniae Rex, Fidei defensor, etc. Academiae Cantabrigiae communi salutem. SI jus civitatis impetret à nobis Cantabrigia, veremur ne aemula urbis potentia crescente minuatur Academiae securitas, sat erit apud nos metus vestri judicium fecisse, nec enim tam vobis convenit Academiae periculum deprecari quam nobis, sponte nostra quicquid in speciem illi noxium sit avertere. Glorietur urbs illa se à Majoribus nostris electam doctrinarum sedem, ingeniorum officium, sapientiae palestram. Quicquid his titulis addi potest nimis, & non honestatur plebeia Civitatis appellatione Musarum domicilium vel sane literatorum dicatur Civitas, vel quod in villa nostrae villae & in incolitarum tegitur celebritate. Haec ejus fuerint privilegia Academiae dignitatem comiter observare (cujus frequentia facta & seipsa major affluentia bonarum artium studiosos amicè excipere quorum congressu dislata est) Literatorum deinque honori ancillari unde haec illa nata est felicitas, hae artes quibus crevit tenenda, non aucupandam titulorum novitas incerti eventus facessat popularis vocabuli fastus, unde certa oriatur aemulationis necessitas quae eo turpior urbi est futura quo majori erga Academiam obstrictam & reverentiam, nolumus sacrum illum musarum asylum minuti praetoris ense temerari nec strepere tetrica edicta, ubi septem geminus vestri Chori auditur concentus satis & in vetera purpura invidiae nova pompa tam illi futura, & supervacua quam vobis suspecta. In nostra solvis tutela & post Deum opt. max. Alma scientiarum Mater nostro fovebitur sceptro indefessa illius foecunditas non abortiet ad praetorii gladii terriculum nullum honoris titulum Cantabrigiae indulgemus, qui cum Academiae sollicitudine conjunctus sit. Valete. Datum è Palatio nostro Westmonast. 4 Calend. Mar. 1616. JACOBUS REX. Mr. Ruthen to the Earl of Northumberland. My Lord, IT may be interpreted discretion sometimes to wink at private wrongs, especially for such a one as myself, that have a long time wrestled with a hard Fortune, and whose actions, words and behaviour are continually subject to the censure of a whole State; yet not to be sensible of public and Nationall disgrace, were stupidity and baseness of mind: For no place, nor time, nor State can excuse a man from performing that duty and obligation wherein Nature hath tied him to his Country and to himself. This I speak in regard of certain infamous verses lately by your Lordship's means dispersed abroad to disgrace my Country and myself, and to wrong and slain by me the honour of a worthy and virtuous Gentlewoman, whose unspotted and immaculate virtue yourself is so much more bound to admire and uphold, in that having dishonourably assaulted it, you could not prevail. But belike, my Lord, you dare do any thing but that which is good and just. Think not to bear down these things either by greatness or denial; for the circumstances that prove them are so evident, and the veil wherewith you would shadow them, is too transparent. Neither would I have you flatter yourself, as though, like another Gyges', you could pass in your courses invisible. If you own a spite to any of my countrymen, it is a poor revenge to rail upon me in verse: or if the repulse of your lewd desire at the Gentlewoman's hands, hath inflamed and exasperated your choler against her, it was never known that to refuse Northumberlands unlawful lust was a crime for a Gentlewoman deserving to have her honour called in question. For her part, I doubt not but her own unspotted virtue will easily wipe out any blot which your malice would cast upon it; and for me and my Countrymen (know my good Lord) that such blows as come in rhyme, are too weak to reach or harm us. I am ashamed in your Lordship's behalf for these proceed, and sorry that the world must now see how long it hath been mistaken in Northumberlands spirit: and yet who will not commend your wisdom in choosing such a safe course to wrong a woman & a prisoner; the one of which cannot, and the other by nature & quality of the place, may not right his own wrongs. Wherefore (setting aside the most honourable order of the Garter, and potesting that whatsoever is here said, is no way intended to the Nobility and Gentry of England in general, which I doubt not but will condemn this your dishonourable dealing, and for which both myself, and I dare truly say all my Countrymen shall be even as ready to sacrifice our bloods as for our own mother Scotland) I do not only in regard of our own persons affirm, that whatsoever in those infamous Verses is contained is utterly false and untrue, and that yourself hath dealt most dishonourably, unworthily, and basely, but this I'll ever maintain. If these words sound harshly in your Lordship's ear, blame yourself, since yourself forgetting yourself have taught others how to dishonour you: And remember that though Nobility make a difference of persons, yet Injury acknowledgeth none. PATRICK RUTHEN. Sir Henry yelverton's submission in the Star-chamber. My Lords, I Humbly beseech you to think that I stand not here either to outface the Court, or to defend this cause otherwise then justly I may; only I desire in mine own person to second the submission which hath been opened by my Council: for hitherunto hath nothing been opened unto you, but that which hath passed under the advised pen of others, and hitherto hath appeared from myself neither open nor inward acknowledgement. My Lords, it may seem strange to the hearers, that against a Bill so sharpened I should abruptly fall upon a submission or confession, whereby I may seem to bow down my neck to the stroke. But my Lords, in this I weighed not myself, but I did it to amplify the honour and mercy of his Majesty, from whom I may say Clemency springs as the blood that runs in his own veins. For, my Lords, when this Charter was sometime questioned, & divers of my Lords here present had out of their great wisdoms discovered that shame in it, (which I must here confess I did not then see) & had related the same to his Majesty, it pleased his Maj. out of his great favour to me his unworthy servant to send me this message by two great honourable persons here present, and therefore under your Lordship's favour I think not fit to hid so great a favour of his Maj. from the eyes of the people, who offered to my choice either to submit to himself in private, or defend here openly; and when I saw I fell into such faithful hands, I remember my answer then was, that the offer was gracious, and the choice was easy, and his mercy free. After came this Information against me: I took it but as trial whether I would make his Majesty King of my confidence, or not: And though there was offered unto me and my Council such a way of defence as I might have escaped, yet I protest I did reject it, because I would not distrust his Majesty's mercy to let go the anchor-hold I had thereof; and whatsoever becomes of me, I protest I shall still honour the King, though I go lame to my grave. I humbly confess the manifold errors of this Charter to your Lordships, wherein I have miscarried; and I beseech his Majesty and your Lordships to think they are rather crept in unawares, then ushered in by consent. The errors are of divers natures, some of negligence, some of ignorance, some of misprision; I mistook many things, I was improvident in some things, too credulous in all things. But I who was chosen, when I had so much provoked his Majesty by mine unexperienced years, and having since found so many favours from his Majesty's hands, and this day having served him full seven years, who this day hath translated me from a low estate unto a place whereof I enjoy now only the name, and now since hath so much quickened and enlightened me by his gracious countenance, and assured me by his daily favours to make me to depend upon him; and that I should deliberately and determinately take any flowers from his Crown to place them on the heads of others, or to betray his Majesty's interest into the hands of others, I hope his Majesty will vouchsafe me so much favour not to value me at so low a rate, as to think these things came in de industria: For if I had felt any such Echo arise in my breast, I protest I would have laid hands on myself, and judged myself unworthy of any society. My Lords, the corruption of my hands are far inferior to the corruption of the heart; and the hand that runs wilfully into error, works merely from the corruption of the heart, and that makes it the more inexcusable, as the bleeding of a wound inwardly ever becomes mortal; and were I conscious to myself, I would not have any colour of excuse I thank his Majesty's Council, that howsoever these hands were at first mistrusted, yet since they are not at all misdoubted, nor the least corruption laid to my charge. But this doth most grieve me, that my faithfulness to his Majesty should be suspected: And I humbly desire upon my knees, that his Clemency in this case may stop the issue of his Justice; that though a long time his face hath been hid, yet now at length his mercy will break through the clouds to support me that am now fallen. I lay myself at his Majesty's feet to do with me as it pleaseth him, and humbly desire his Majesty would take me to his own sentence. I never thought of myself otherwise then clay in his Majesty's hands, to mould me to honour or dishonour. When I look and behold this solemnity and spectacle about me, I make no other account of it then Pompa mortis; and such a Prince as he is, knows that Life and Reputation are equal, if the last be not the greatest. I know your Lordships have such power, and his Majesty takes such pleasure in you, you are so dear in his eyes, that he can deny you nothing, and therefore I would desire you that you would be suitors in my behalf, that his favour might once again shine upon me I know his grace and clemency sleepeth, if I be not unworthy to partake, and the rather because the River that did run another way, is now turned into the Sea again, and the Charter given up, surrendered and canceled. I know much life might be added to the sinews of my happiness by your Lordship's intercessions for me; in vouchsafing whereof I shall pledge a perpetual assurance of better service for the time to come, and shall be bound and engaged to every one of your Lordships: so that my desire is, that his Majesty might first be acquainted with this submission before you proceed into the merits of the cause, remaining still a prisoner to his Justice, knowing his Majesty may if he please, turn me to vanity. Ferdinand the second, Emperor, to the Catholic King. Most gracious King, my most loving Nephew. FAther Jacinthus comes over to your Court to negotiate with your Majesty in the Pope's name, about a business much concerning the conservation of our holy Faith, and consequently the support of our Family, as your Majesty shall understand of the said Father, to whom I refer myself, as also to Don Balthasar de Zuniga, to whom I have written more distinctly, fearing to be over-tedious to your Majesty, and being well assured how well your Majesty stands inclined to either of these points. Ferdinand the Emperor to Don Balthasar de Zuniga, October 15. 1621. To the Honourable and sincerely beloved Don Balthasar de Zuniga, Cousin and Counsellor of State to the most excellent and Catholic King of Spain. Honourable and sincerely beloved, WHat my mind and purpose is touching the translating of the Electorship to the Duke of Bavaria, according to the promise I made him, and wherefore I think that business so necessary and profitable, as for Germany in general, so particularly for securing our House from all attempts of Heretics, as his Holiness exhorts me not to be further delayed: You shall understand as well by conference with Father Jacinthus, whom his Holiness hath for that purpose addressed unto me, his Majesty of Spain my Nephew, and other Catholiqne Princes of Germany, as by these ensuing reasons, whereof the principal are, That when I repeat from the beginning the whole course of my Reign, and the difficulties through which I have attained my Kingdoms and Provinces, I behold with reverence the admirable providence of God over me, which makes me the more bound to repose my trust in him, and not to omit any occasion which may tend to the advancement of his glory, and the honour of so admirable tried providence: and therefore that I should use that most notable victory to the honour of God, and extirpation of all seditious factions, which are nourished chief among the Galvinists, and that I should withdraw myself from that judgement that the Prophet threatens to the King of Israel, Because thou hast dismissed a man worthy of death, thy Son shall be for his soul. The Palatine keeps now in Holland, exiled not only from the Kingdom which he rashly attempted, but despoiled almost of all his own Territories, expecting as it were the last cast of Fortune; whom, if by an impious kind of commiseration and subtle Petitions, I be persuaded to restore to his Electoral dignity, and nourish in my bosom as a trodden half living snake, what can I expect less than a deadly stinging? For it is in vain for me to think that he should be able to discern the greatness of such a benefit: For the Politician's saying is true, Vltionem quaesivi, gratiam oneri habere; especially since the injuries he did me are so heinous, his projects so subtle, that although I should overcome him with Christian charity, yet I should never be able to take him from the guilt of his offences, and make him sound faithful unto me; but he will always gape at all occasions whereby he may free himself from fear of his ill deservings, and cover his own prostituted honour with new attempt. Add hereunto the Calvinists institution, of whose Sect the proper genius is to hold nothing either fraud or wickedness, which is undertaken for the Religion; no sanctity of oath, nor fear of dishonour hinders them. From such an one, what caution can either the house of Austria, or other Catholic Princes with whom he is no less in enmity, because for Religion, as because they are interessed in the war, receive? The King of England will be engaged, but of the same Religion; nor is there any thing mere easy then when there is occasion of perpetrating any wickedness, to palliate it with a pretext of a breach of the League. Histories are fraughted with examples; in some there are no cautions sufficient in such a business: then to drive him where he cannot hurt, all other means are frail, and he which once believed is despised. It is likewise a consideration of no less moment, that the Palatine being restored will draw all his power and policy, as hitherto, so hereafter, where he thinks he can do most hurt, and that most easily, to wit, to Bethlem-Gabor and the Turks, whom he hath already incited to hostility against me, and will never cease hereafter to instigate the Calvinists entire hopes in them. These, until they recover breath, and recollect their forces, they endeavour to disarm and exhaust me of moneys, ranging in my territories as they have done hitherto by fire and sword. But if with them also, whom notwithstanding I cannot trust alike, I should make peace, what conditions will Gabor who remains yet unconquerd require, if I should restore the Palatine (already conquered) to his Electoral dignity? Therefore since long before God granted me that famous victory, I firmly forecast with myself, that the Palatine could not be restored to his Electoral dignity without the extreme danger of the Catholics and my house, I offered freely on my own motion, but being directed questionless by God, the Electorship to the Duke of Bavaria, a most eager Defender of the Catholic cause, whose territories on the other side lie as a Rampire between me and other Princes of Germany; and since I made so good use of his help, and so profitable in the recovery of my Kingdoms and Provinces, and continue yet to this day, time itself more than the said Duke doth cry out that I should accomplish my promise without further delay, and by translation of the Electorship take away quite all hopes from the Palatine and them that solicit us so importunately for a restitution, that we may be freed from all molestation; which thing, since it needs the help of his Majesty of Spain, although I know his Majesty be propense enough of himself to all things which appertain to the honour of God, and the security of our House, yet I thought good to admonish you of this occasion, lest this opportunity of establishing of our Religion and Family escape, which I conceive might conveniently be done by you. Neither do I suppose his Majesty to be ignorant, that it was always judged of our Ancestors, that the House of Austria, which by God's permission doth now signiorize far and near upon the earth, to have its chief foundation here in Germany, which is the more to be defended, the nearer its ruin depends thereupon. In times past this House hath had proof of many adversaries to its greatness, as the Histories under Maximilian the first, Charles the fift, Ferdinand the second, and Rodulf the second do show: the perfidiousness of Holland against his Majesty's Grandfather Philip the second, fetched her food from the Palatinate, neither can his Majesty ever reduce the rebellious Hollanders to obedience, unless his root be plucked up; which only motive, besides these which I alleged before, might justly induce him not to suffer a fallen enemy to rise and resume (as his stomach will never fail him) strength again. But albeit it is not to be dissembled that the Lutheran Princes, especially the Elector of Saxony, will not approve haply of this translation, because they fear it conduceth too much to the corroborating of the Catholic Cause: Nevertheless, since he cannot accuse that act of Charles the fifth, who for a far lighter cause deprived John Frederick of the Electorship, and conferred it on Maurice this Duke's great Uncle; and perceiving that all the Counsels of the Calvinists do aim to bring in the Turk, he will not condemn his translation: For no less is the Lutherans hatred against the Calvinists, as the Catholics and they think less danger do proceed from the later. It is to be hoped therefore, that the Elector of Saxony, and other Lutheran Princes, when they see the business brought to this point, will not so far disapprove thereof, as to put themselves in Arms; which I shall shortly understand of the most excellent Archduke Charles my brother, who is for this cause to treat with the Elector of Saxony. And these motives as they are of great consequence, so I imagine you, which are daily of his Majesty's Council, have pondered them as diligently as myself, and therefore that you will omit nothing that is pertinent to establish this business, whereby we obtain the long and wished fruit thereof, which is the propagation of the honour of Almighty God through the Empire, and the augmentation of the common safety, Family and Dignity. Beloved Don Balthasar, I understand that there was a motive of great consideration omitted in my Letter; to wit, that if we had more countenance of his Catholic Majesty than we have at this present, the Empire should always remain in the hands of Catholics, and so according to reason in our House, to whose advancement the Duke of Bavaria will willingly concur in recognition of such a benefit, being promoted by an Emperor of that House, to so eminent and high a dignity as in our letters. Vienna Octob. 15. 1621. King James to Ferdinand the Emperor concerning the Palatinate. Novemb. 12. 1621. IAmes by the grace of God King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. wisheth health and constant peace unto the most mighty and invincible Prince Ferdinando, by the same grace elected Roman Emperor, King of Germany, Hungary and Bohemia, Archduke of Austria, etc. our loving friend and cousin. Most mighty and invincible Prince, Brother, Cousin, and special loving Friend; It is not unknown unto the whole world, much less to your Imperial Majesty, how earnestly we have hitherto sought and endeavoured as well by the diligence of our Ambassadors whom we have sent, as by the intercession of the chief Germane Princes, the appeasing of those Bohemian wars ever since they first began, and with what ardent zeal and affection we have so much hunted after the desire of peace: Let it not therefore seem strange unto any man, that we take it ill, that all the very time when we were (to the uttermost of our power) treating of peace, and giving our best furtherance for the overture of wholesome means to effect it; even then notwithstanding, we found clean contrary effects to ensue thereupon; whereat we much marvelled, seeing the Treaty was in hand, and already begun on all sides: as namely among the rest, that our son-in-law was wholly despoiled and rob of his hereditary patrimony that remained unto him, excepting the lower Palatinate, which was all by commandment of your Imperial Majesty, taken and possessed by the Duke of Bavaria, according as himself confessed, with strong hand and force of Arms, and that for such reasons as are merely new, and such as the like were never hitherto once heard of. That notwithstanding it plainly appeareth by the answer given unto our Ambassador, that your Imperial Majesty had caused the suspension of that Ban or prescription in those Countries, yet did your Imperial Majesty permit the taking of Arms again in hand: which also after the same your Imperial Majesty's answer, was yet again likewise commanded to be done in the Lower Palatinate, whereby there hath therein been since raised a grievous and cruel war, and most part of the Country taken in by the Spaniards powerful strength. But as we diligently observed those things, we clearly see what great trouble and misery hath been occasioned by this our great patience and long delaying, forbearing and doubtfulness, which without all doubt may be hereafter further occasioned, and which may perhaps prove heavier than the chief reasons of this misery itself. And therefore we hold it best and most expedient that your Imperial Majesty do at length put a period to this most unhappy business: And for that end and purpose have thought good at this time to propound what we prescribe our Son in law on th'one part to perform towards your Imperial Majesty, which we have always counselled and exhorted our Son in law to do, nor will we so much as in the least once doubt of the contrary and adverse success therein, but are persuaded that your Imperial Majesty will be most graciously moved to receive our Son in law into grace and favour, to redeliver unto him his hereditary lands and titles which he had enjoyed before those Bohemian wars, and fully to restore him to his former honours and dignities. In regard whereof the Count Palatine shall perform unto your Imperial Majesty as followeth. 1. He shall for himself and his Son wholly renounce and acquit all pretence of right and claim unto the Crown of Bohemia and the incorporated Countries thereof. 2. He shall from henceforward yield all constant due devotion unto the Imperial Majesty, as do other obedient Prince's Electors of the Empire. 3. He shall upon his knee crave pardon of the Imperial Majesty. 4. He shall not hereafter any manner of way either unfittingly carry or demean himself towards the Imperial Majesty, or disturb your Kingdoms or Countries. 5. He shall upon reasonable conditions reconcile himself with other his neighbour Princes and States of the Empire, and hold good friendship with them. 6. And shall really do all other like things as is above contained, and that shall be reasonable and necessary. Which proposed Conditions if your Imperial Majesty shall please to receive and accept of, the same will be a notable testimony of your Imperial Majesty's goodness and grace: which how well and acceptable it will be unto us, shall be acknowledged and showed by our very willing service and unfeigned friendship as well towards your Imperial Majesty as towards the most renowned house of Austria. But if it shall fall out contrary to our expectation, that these our just demands and well-willed presentation shall not find acceptance, or after this our diligent endeavour you shall seek to delay us by the using some new tergiversation, and pretend to use that long council and deliberate advice of the Princes of the Empire upon these our propounded conditions, whereas notwithstanding your Imperial Majesty expressly promised in your last answer freely to declare what should be your purpose and resolution therein: So that there being no ground to the contrary (as we call God and the world to witness there is not) and being forced and constrained by the duty and natural affection which we own and bear to our Children for the preservation of their honour and welfare, we are resolved to try the uttermost of our power for their relief; especially seeing we sue for, desire, and would obtain and retain no new title of honour for our Son in law, but only to have again those of his own now lost, which he then had and enjoyed when we matched him with our dear and only daughter: For if in this distress we should leave our Children and their Partisans without council help and protection, it would be a foul stain to our honour. Let not therefore your Imperial Majesty in regard hereof blame us at all, if we with a mighty and puissant Army by force and strong hand seek to recover that which by propounded and reasonable conditions we could not obtain for the continuance of our friendship. But for as much as it is most certain this cannot be without the great hurt and prejudice of all Christendom, the breach of public peace, and the wounding of our contracted amity and friendship with the house of Austria, which we have ever hitherto by manifold testimonies uprightly, faithfully and inviolably observed: It is therefore requisite and necessary that your Majesty of your innate gracious mildness and goodness, and of that most reverend discretion wherewith you are endowed, to seek in time to meet with and prevent these so great evils likely to ensue, and use brotherly love & good will. God almighty long preserve your Imperial Majesty's life, and at last so direct your heart, that sweet peace and the concord of all Christendom now rend asunder, may be recovered and again maintained. At our Royal Residence-Town of Royston, Novemb. 12. 1621. JACOBUS REX. His Imperial Majesty to King James, jan. 14. 1621. COnstans atque eadem nobis semper fuit mens, idem desiderium, non tam verbis quam re ipsa demonstrandi quanti tranquillitatem in Imperio publicam & mutuae amicitiae cum vicinis Principibus, potissimum Serenitatis vestrae sincere colendae studium aestimaremus. Ind si praeteriti temporis successus de rebus in utroque Palatinatu tam superiore quam inferiore innovat, de quo literis ad nos datis Serenitas vestra conqueritur deflexisse videri possint, illi culpa venit omnis imputanda, quem ab improba cupiditate aliena regna captantem, nec divini nec humani juris respectus, nec supremi Domini sui reverentia, nec sacri Jus-jurandi religio, nec prudentissimi Soceri concilium cohibere potuerint; imo qui justo Dei judicio ea acie in fugam profligatus usque adeo obstinatione sua pertinaciter etiamnum inheret, ut continuis machinationibus per Jagarndorfium, Mansfeildum, aliosque crudeles pacis publicae perturbatores, Acharonta potius movere quam sanioribus acquiescere consiliis ab usurpatoque regni nostri titulo desistere (non officiis per Serenitatem vestram per quam sane diligenter interpositis, sua ex parte quid deferens) videatur, nec ullum in hanc usque horam animi poenitentis signum dederit. Itaque in tractatu de pace instituenda uti condescendamus videt Serenitas vestra, ab eis quos principaliter id concernit quam nulla nobis causa vel occasio praebeatur. Id quidem ingenue profitemur, in exulceratissimo eo negotio, cujus calamitas universum pene orbem involvit, eum Serenitatis vestrae candorem, eam animi moderationem, & equitatis justitiaeque respectum enituisse, ut nihil sit vicissim quod non ejusdem desideriis salva suprema auctoritate nostra Caesarea, salvisque Imperii legibus libenter tribuamus, qui pro innata nobis benignitate— aequisque conditionibus Arma poni & optatam afflictissimae Germaniae pacem restitui, quam legitime executiones insisti per caedes & sanguinem Christianum gloriosa nomini nostro trophaea figi nunquam non maluimus. In gratiam itaque Serenitatis vestrae, ut res ipsa deprehendat quanti nobis sit perpetuum cum eadem amicitia cultum novo fomite subinde revocari, licet hactenus prosperos militiae nostrae successus divina benignitas tribuit, acquiescimus, ut benevolo tractatu almae pacis redintigrandae rationes opportunae incantur, eumque in finem ad evitandum viarum temporumque dispendia nunc in eo sumus ut serenissimae Principi Dominae Elizabethae Clarae Eugeniae natae, Infanti Hispaniarum, Archiducissae Austriae, Ducissae Burgundiae, Stiriae, Carinthiae, Carniolae, & Wirtinburgiae, & Provinciarum Belgii Burgundiarumque Dominae, Consobrinae ac sorori nostrae charissimae, ut istic in aula sua, quorsum vestra quoque Serenitas si ita libuerit suos cum plena facultate ablegare poterit primum eumque proximum assequendae pacis gradum cessationem ab armis aequis conditionibus nomine nostro Caesari stabiliendum permittemus, prope diem expedituri Legatum nostrum virum nobilem, qui diligentissime in gravissimo hoc negotio mentem nostram plenius aperiet, atque inde ad Serenitatem vestram animum nostrum ad redintegrandae pacis studia proclivem, qui non aliter quam quibuscunque benevolentiae officiis cum Serenitate vestra certare studet magis magisque testificetur, cujus interim consilia generosa praepotens Deus publico orbis commodo in faelicissimos eventus disponat. Dat. Viennae, 14 Jan. 1621. Earl of Bristol to King James. MOst gracious Sovereign, it may please your Majesty to remember, that at my coming out of Spain I signified unto your Majesty how far the Duke of Lerma had upon several occasions intimated unto me an extraordinary desire of this King and State, not only to maintain peace and amity with your Majesty, but to lay hold of all things that may be offered for the nearer uniting of your Majesty and your Crowns; and that from this generality he had descended often to have discourse with me of a match for the Prince's Highness with the second daughter of Spain, assuring me, that in this King and his Ministers there was a forward disposition thereunto. But from me he received no other answer but to this effect, That I in the treaty of the former match for the late Prince, had received so strange and unexpected answer firom them, & that their demands seemed so improper and unworthy, that I conceived that your Majesty had little reason to be induced again to give eat to any such overture, or that I should again enter into any such treaty, much less to be the motioner thereof: Although I would confess, that if I were fully persuaded of the sincerity of their intentions, and of a possibility of having the said match effected, I know not any thing wherein I would more willingly employ my endeavours; but as the case now stood, I was certain, that if I should but make any such motion in England, I should but draw imputation of much weakness upon me there, and no whit advance the cause, for that your Majesty and your Ministers would make no other construction of the motion, but as construed to divert the Match of France; which was treated of, for that your Majesty who but the year before had received so unpleasing and unequal an answer, should now be persuaded that there was here so great a change, as that a match was really desired, there would now need more than ordinary assurance. But the Duke of Lerma continuing several times the same profession, and telling me besides that the greatest Cases might be altered by circumstances, and that the Age of this Prince was much more proper than that of his brother; I freely let the Duke know that in case I might see that it was really desired here, and that I might be able to propound unto my Master conditions of so much advantage and certainty ●s might put him and his ministers out of doubt that this overture was not again revived from, hence either for diversion or winning of time, I would then willingly intimate unto your Majesty the inclination and desire I found here of having a proposition for this match once again set on foot. The Duke told me he would have a further conference with me, and that he than no ways doubted to give such satisfaction as might well assure your Majesty and your Ministers, that they sincerely desired the match in general, and would omit nothing on their side for the accommodating of particulars that might give furtherance unto it. But the very night before the Duke had appointed a meeting with me, there came a Post dispatched out of England from the Spanish Ambassador upon the arrival of Sir Thomas edmond's into England, who brought word that the match with France was absolutely concluded, and that within few days it was to be published: Whereupon the Duke at our meeting the next morning, told me that it would be needless now to descend to any particulars in the business whereof we are to treat, since that they had newly received advertisement that the match with France was fully concluded. And thus for the present the matter rested until some five or six weeks after; about which time myself was to go into England, and so taking leave of the Duke, he asked me whether I had not received advertisement that the match with France was published. I told him no, but I had certainly heard that it was not as yet fully concluded: Whreupon he entreated me, that in case I found not the French match in such forwardness as it could not be stayed, I would let him know of it; and that if I should see any kind of possibility that the business we had spoken of might be set on foot, I would advertise him, and that thereupon he would proceed to those particulars which he formerly intended for my satisfaction. Herewith I acquainted your Majesty, and finding the Spanish Ambassador in England had notice from the Duke of our former proceed, and order to further them by all possible means he could, especially if he should understand that your Majesty were not fully resolved of the French match, I thought it fit by this means to let the Duke understand in what estate I found those businesses in England; and thereupon with your Majesty's permission, I wrote a letter unto him to this effect. That although it were true that the Match with France had been treated of with much earnestness on both sides, and with great likelihood of being concluded; yet there daily arose so many difficulties, and new cases of delay, that I judged it far from any perfect conclusion, neither did I see cause absolutely to despair of the businesses which ourselves pretended, unless the difficulty of the Conditions should make it desperate. But if those things should be expected by Spain, which in the Treaty for the late Princess were demanded, it were better by much not to renew the business, then by impossible or unfitting propositions on either side to give distaste, or lessen the friendship which now was betwixt your Majesties. And therefore except that in Spain they would be contented with such conditions as your Majesty most fittingly and conveniently might yield unto, and all other Catholic Princes were willing to content themselves with, I neither saw cause to hope for good success, or reason to set the treaty on foot. But in case I might know that the conditions in point of Religion might be such as I should see a possibility of your Majesty's condescending unto them, I should be far from despairing of some good effect; for that I knew that divers not of the meanest nor least power with your Majesty were hereunto well inclined, and would give their helping hands. Hereupon the Spanish Ambassador dispatched his Secretary into Spain, and received answer from the Duke, that he should give me all assurance that there was a great desire and inclination to the making of the Match, and that at my return into Spain they no way doubted but that I should receive such satisfaction, as should make it appear on their part there should be nothing wanting for the effecting of it. It now remaineth what hath passed herein since my last coming to this Court. I arrived here in Madrid only a day or two before Christmas; and having some six days after my audience appointed by the King, whilst I was in a with drawing chamber expecting the Kings coming forth, the Duke of Lerma came thither to bear me company; and after many respectful demands of your Majesty, and the Queens and the Prince's health, and some few compliments unto myself concerning my welcome again unto this Court, he fell to speak of the false Alarms we had in England concerning a Spanish Armado, seeming much to be displeased that any credit should be given to any thing to his Majesty's dishonour and want of fidelity (as he termed it,) But your Majesty (he said) did never believe it: And it seems he heard of some pleasant answer your Majesty should make to some one of your Ministers, that in great haste came unto your Majesty when you were a hunting, and told you that the Spanish Fleet was in the Channel. From this he entered into great protestations of the sincerity of this King's affection and intention towards your Majesty, telling me that I should now see how much they desired to work a greater nearness and uniting between your Majesties: And that of the principal business of which we had in former time spoken, meaning the Marriage, he desired to speak with me, but it must be at more leisure. I answered, that I would not fail shortly to wait upon him, and that he should find me answerable to the professions I had made, which was, that being induced thereunto by such sufficient and good grounds as might satisfy my Master both for the conveniency and fittingness of having such a Treaty set on foot, and likewise might take away all objections of their intents of entertaining and diverting your Majesty hereby, I would be as ready to do all good offices and give furtherance to the business, as any Minister the King of Spain had. And this was all that at our first meeting passed in this business. About some eight days after, I having not in all this time stirred out of my house under colour of being ill disposed, though the truth was indeed to inform myself of some particulars which concerned your Majesty's service, before I would speak with the Duke: He being (as I have since understood) something troubled that in all this time I made no means to come unto him, one morning by nine of the clock very privately came to my house, without advertising of his coming (as the custom is here) until the Coach stayed at my gate, and then he sent in a Gentleman to me, telling me that the Duke was there to speak with me. When I had conducted the Duke into a room where we were private, he fell into th'aforesaid matter, and in the manner as I shall here set down unto your Majesty, without making any other pretence or intent of his coming, or without using in the space of an hour any speech touching any other business. After some few questions of your Majesty and the Queen, he began to ask many things of the Prince, as of his age, his stature, his health, his inclination, to what sports he was chief given? And then suddenly, as it were with a passionate expression of affection, he desired God to bless him, and to make him the means by which your Majesties might be conjoined in a nearer alliance, and your Kingdoms in a perpetual amity: saying unto me, that he was out of doubt of my good inclination to this business, both by what had formerly passed between ourselves, as likewise by my proceed in England, whereof he had been fully informed by the Spanish Ambassador. And therefore he would in few words deal with me with much cleverness and freeness, assuring himself he should receive the like measure from me; and thereupon entered into a solemn protestation, how much this King desired the Match; and for himself he solemnly swore, there was no one thing in the world he more desired to see before he died, than the effecting thereof. But my Lord Ambassador (said he) you must deal as justly with me to let me understand whether you conceive the like desire to be in the King of England and his Ministers, and then I shall proceed to speak further unto you. I answered the Duke, That I ever esteemed more the reputation of a man of truth and integrity, then of skill and subtlety: which I did hope he did well perceive by what I was to say, for that I was much more desirous fairly to go off from this business, then easily to go into it. And therefore if he would have me speak my conscience, I neither conceived that either in your Majesty or any of your Ministers there was any kind of inclination thereunto; for that they having formerly given so resolute and distasteful an answer, your Majesty had just cause never again to cast so much as your thoughts this way: And though it might be alleged, that the fitness of the Prince his years, and other civil regards might cause new resolutions, yet the difference of Religion were still the same, and the same were the truths, and opinions of Divines in matter of conscience; and therefore it would not but be a thing of great difficulty to persuade your Majesty and your Ministers that a Match should be harkened unto, much less desired from hence, but upon the same terms the very thought and remembrance whereof is yet unpleasing in England. So that to deal plainly with him, I neither found in your Majesty or in the Council any kind of thought or imagination of any possibility of having any such motion again revived. But this I found not to grow from any particular dislike or want of affection in your Majesty to Spain, or that many of the greatest or the principallest person in England judged not the nearness and alliance of Spain equally valuable with any other of Christendom; but that out of a distastefulness of the former answer given from hence, all expectation of any business of this nature was absolutely extinguished, and therefore again to revive it there would need more than ordinary endeavours or ordinary assurances: But in case that they might be given, I know that this Match would neither want well-willers nor assistants; and for my own part I would freely make profession that no man more desired it then myself, nor would more willingly employ his endeavours for the furthering thereof, when by the descending to particulars I should see both in regard of the conditions and the assurances of sincere proceeding, the motion worthy and fit by a discreet and good servant to be offered to his Master; neither then should I be wholly out of hope of good success, though I would not but esteem it a business of infinite difficulty. The Duke replied, That any discourse that I thought fit herein should be condescended unto, for that all time was lost that was spent in generalities: And therefore if I so liked, he would move this King, that one or two besides himself might be appointed to have conference with me; for that if he should only retain it in his hands, by reason of his many occupations it would have a slower progress than he wished; but if I would by way of conference digest the difficulties into heads and particulars, he would as often as he might be present at our meeting: But for his own part, he said he apprehended few but what would arise out of the difference of Religion. I told the Duke, that I very well approved of the descending into particulars, neither should I refuse conference with any herein whom the King would appoint to speak with me: But if his meaning were, that these persons should be nominated or joined by way of Commission, I thought fit to let him understand that I neither had any time, nor did at present speak of this business either by order or direction, no nor so much as by your Majesty's privity, but as a Minister that desired to lay hold of all occasions for the increasing of further love & nearness betwixt his Master and the Prince to whom he is employed, I should be glad to the uttermost of my power to advance and further this cause, as that which I apprehended to be the greatest which the world now affordeth for the firm uniting of your Majesties and your estates. The Duke told me, that the King would make no scruple to declare his good inclination and desire to have this Match proceeded in; and that for the accommodating of the difficulties, he had already used divers diligences with the Pope, as likewise with the greatest Divines of this Kingdom, whereof he named some unto me, whom he said he found very well inclined to the Match: he told me also he would be glad they might speak with me, to the end I might truly understand of them all kind of scruples that could be alleged. I answered, I desired nothing more; and that I could not but approve of those courses he prescribed, as the most probable to produce a good effect, and that I hoped God would give happy success unto the business: But I should be bold in one thing to deliver my opinion, which was, No ways to interess our Masters herein, unless by the understanding and clearing the difficulties on both sides, there should be great appearances and probabilities that the business would take effect: For if their names should be herein used, and after their Treaty should not be successful, it would but exasperate and breed a greater distaste betwixt your Majesties. The Duke told me, he himself misliked not my opinion; though he said that howsoever that business succeeded, yet your Majesty should have reason to accept kindly this Kings good intention, for that if it miscarried, it should appear not to be their default, but that they had stretched as far as honour and conscience would give them leave. And thus much he said I might write unto your Majesty if I thought fit, or to my confident friends in England upon his word and assurance: and so telling me that he would presently appoint those that should confer with me in this business, we then parted. Within two days after I went to the Duke, and after that I had spoken with him about the business of Cleves according to my instruction, whereof I gave an account unto Mr. Secretary in a dispatch directed unto him, we fell again into the speech of the match. The Duke told me had well considered of that which I had said unto him, and much approved it, not to interest our Masters in the business, until we should see some likelihood of good success. And for that he supposed the difference of Religion like to prove the only difficulty of consideration, he thought it fit that it should be first cleared; and therefore he would break the matter with the Cardinal of Toledo, & the King's Confessor, and with them he joined another learned man, one Father Frederick, who since I understand is a Jesuit, but truly hath the report of a moderate man. These the Duke said should have order to confer with me as far as might be, reserving safe the grounds and sincerity of their Religion. I answered the Duke, that I was well satisfied herewith, and that if their demands were such as might content any other Catholic Prince, I should have hope of good success; if otherwise, I should judge it a happiness to be put out of doubt and suspense, and so we passed from this subject. I presume to set down to your Majesty all the passages of this business with so much length and fullness, for that I no way dare adventure to offer unto your Majesty any opinion or belief of my own, either for the fitness of the match, or the sincerity of their intention, or the possibility of accommodating differences of Religion. But your Majesty seeing undisguised all that hath hitherto passed, with every circumstance, may be pleased out of the consideration and knowledge of those particulars to frame unto yourself both such a belief of their direct meaning, and such a resolution of the further proceeding herein, as shall be most suitable to your Majesty's wisdom: only I think it fit to set down further unto your Majesty the particular ends which may be conceived they aim at by setting this business afoot at this present, in case they should not intent really to perform it: The first may be to stagger and divert your Majesty's Treaty with France: The second for entertaining your Majesty with fair hopes and promises, thereby to keep you from declaring yourself opposite unto them in the present business of Juliers and Cleves which remaineth still uncompounded. But this being so, your Majesty may be pleased to understand that they serve themselves with this occasion, not that there could be any such thing primarily in their intention, for that the expression of their desire to the match was the last year long before these differences happened. Further, the Duke of Lerma should be the most falls and dishonourable man living, without Christianity or soul, if he should voluntarily damn himself with oaths and protestations of a thing that he sincerely meant not; and truly he should deal contrarily to the wisdom of his other proceed, wherein he layeth all occasions of distaste or discourtesy upon other inferior Ministers, labouring still to clear himself of the imputation of them, if in this he should make himself the author and instrument of so unjust and indirect proceeding between Princes. But the course of most security and caution is, that your Majesty suffer none of your other resolutions to be interrupted by this overture; only if your Majesty be pleased for a while to entertain and suspend the conclusion of the match with France, I conceive it can be little to your Majesty's disadvantage. It lastly now remaineth, that I become an humble suitor unto your Majesty for your clear and full directions in this business, desiring if your Majesty will have it further entertained, that I may have ample instructions from your Majesty, both that I may intimate what may be expected in point of Dowry, and in all other things to be required by your Majesty, as likewise how far I may proceed in satisfying in point of Religion. For it is not to be supposed that they will proceed with that freeness and directness which is to be wished, unless in a fitting measure they shall see me likewise able and willing to declare myself in such points wherein they may expect satisfaction. I intent not hereby to move for a formal Commission to treat, but only a private instruction for my direction and warrant how to behave myself as may be most advantageous to the cause, and your Majesty's ends. So humbly desiring your Majesty to command this Bearer to be dispatched back with all convenient speed, I commend your Majesty to the holy protection of God. Your Majesty's faithful subject and servant, BRISTOL. Abignoto to Conde Gondomar, concerning the death of Philip the third. Upon the last day of February, being Sunday, 1620. his Catholic Majesty, after he had heard Mass and the Sermon in the Chapel, was taken with a Fever, which continued with him eight days with a ruddiness and pimples which appeared plainly in his face, which afterwards began to diminish: but he was suddenly taken with a vomiting and a great fever, which continued with him till the 21. day; and the Physicians were of opinion to have him rise out of his bed, which was accordingly done both that day and the next: but about dinnertime happened unto him a great swooning, which much astonished him; and the 23. day, in the night, his fever did redouble upon him with a vomiting and a flux in the belly, and a great melancholy and an opinion that he should die: which fever continued with divers reduplications, the Physicians having an ill opinion of him till on Saturday night the 27. when his reduplications were more violent, his water bad; and the King persevered in saying how he saw well that he should die, he commanded that the Image of our Lady of Antiochia should be carried about, which was performed on Sunday the 28. in a solemn Procession, wherein the Councillors of Spain assisted. In the evening commandment was given to the Churches, that the blessed Sacrament should be set upon the Altar, and the body of S. Isidore should be placed in the Court. On Monday the 29. about four of the clock in the evening, his disease then grew violent, and some ulcers appeared on his belly, on his reins, and on his thighs; and the King still assuring himself that he should die, the Physicians then feeling his pulse affirmed that undoubtedly they assented unto the King in the opinion he conceived of his infirmity. At the same time the Precedent of Castille was sent for, and the Confessor, who having had some speech with the King and the Duke of Ossuna, they went and fetched the Councillors, before whom and the Grandees of Spain who were present, the King sealed his Testament, which John de Serita Secretary of State had set down in writing in his presence. Afterwards they caused him to eat somewhat; and being advised how it would be good for him to sleep, he made this answer in Spanish, En jornada tan longa y tiempe tan bréve ne conviéue reposar; Upon so long a journey, and so short a time to perform it, I must not rest. Then he sent for the Prince, and the young Child Don Carlo, to whom having spoken for a good while, at length in particular to the Prince he said aloud how he recommended unto him the Child, and that he grieved that he should have been unprovided, but he hoped he left him in the hands of a good & loving brother. Then said he to the Prince, that he requested him that he would not do as he did at his coming to the Crown, in removing his Father's old Officers and Servants, but that he would employ those who were experienced in affairs of the Commonwealth: he then commended unto him particularly John de Luenza Secretary of the Memorials, and his Confessor, and afterwards the Duke of Ossuna. Then was presently brought in the Infanta Maria, and the Infante-Cardinal. He cried out when he saw the Infanta and said, Maria, I am full sorry that I must die before I have married thee; but this thy brother shall have care of. He then turned towards her brother, and said unto him, Prince, do not forsake her till you have made her an Empress. Then he spoke unto the Cardinal Infant, whom he appointed to be a Priest so soon as he should come to be of fit age, and said that he should be much grieved if he thought he would not undertake this profession. He had sent for Madam the Princess, but she swooned upon her entry at the chamber-door, which was the cause that she was conducted back again unto her own chamber, fearing lest it might be prejudicial unto her being great with child. Which being reported to the King, he shown great compassion thereat, and said that he ever constantly believed that Madam the Princess loved him as well as any of his own children. After that he began to speak of the Queen, saying how she should lose a good Husband, and that he had always loved her dearly. Afterwards he distributed between the Prince and the Infanta the Relics and other memorial he had, except one Crucifix which hung at the testern of the bed, and said unto the Prince that he could not give it him then, because it was the same with which his Grandfather and Father had died; but he commended it to him to be held with great reverence after his death, and that the Popes had given unto it special Indulgences. Afterwards giving them all his blessing, he caused them to go forth; and so calling for the blessed Sacrament, which was administered unto him about midnight, he received the Extreme unction at two of the clock in the morning, and so commended himself unto God. Yet did he not for all this forbear to seal to a great number of papers which were brought him: And complaining very much, he refused such meat as they would have had him take. About noon the Body of St. Isidore was placed near unto his bed, his Confessor and Father Florence persuading him to make a vow for his health, and that he would build a Chapel to the same Saint, which he did, but withal said, Peró ya es tárde, But now it is very late. He continued all the rest of the day speaking continually to the Father Confessor, Father Florence, and Rochas. Many processions of penance were solemnised in the Town, and the Council assembled twice. About the evening his infirmity renewed with violence, and having languished the whole night, in the morning his departure was published, though indeed it was not till about nine of the clock in the morning, the last of March, the self same day of our return. Which will inform you of all things passed, at least of such as came any ways to our knowledge. The Queen stirred not out of her bed all that day, for fear lest either trouble or grief of mind (whereof she gave plentiful testimony by her tears) might prejudice her health, or the fruit of her body, which she hath passed over (thanks be to God) whereof we send you word, that the good news may shut up the discourse of an accident so lamentable and unlooked for. King James to the Earl of Bristol Ambassador in Spain, Octob. 3. 1622. Right trusty and right well beloved Cousin and Councillor, we greet you well. THere is none knows better than yourself how we have laboured ever since the beginning of these infortunate troubles of the Empire, notwithstanding all opposition to the contrary, to merit well of our good brother the King of Spain, and the whole House of Austria, by a long and lingering patience grounded still upon his friendship and promises, That care should be had of our honour, and of our children's patrimony and inheritance. We have acquainted you also from time to time since the beginning of the Treaty at Brussels how crossly things have there proceeded, notwithstanding the fair professions made unto us both by the King of Spain, the Infanta & all his Ministers, and the Letters written by him unto the Emperor, and them effectually (at the least as they endeavoured to make us believe) but what fruits have we of all these, other then dishonour and scorn? Whilst we are treating, the Town and Castle of Heidilbergh taken by force, our Garrison put to the sword, Manheim besieged, and all the hostility used that is within the power of an Enemy, as you will see by the relation which we have commanded our Secretary to send you. Our pleasure therefore is, That you shall immediately as soon as you can get audience, let the King understand how sensible we are of those proceed of the Emperor towards us; and withal are not a little troubled to see that the Infanta having an absolute commission to conclude a suspension and cessation of Arms, should now at last when all objections were answered, and the former (solely pretended obstacles remained) not only delay the conclusion of the Treaty, but refuse to lay her command upon the Emperor's Generals for abstaining from the siege of our Garrisons during the Treaty upon pretext of want of authority. So as for avoiding of further dishonour, we have been enforced to recall both our Ambassadors, as well the Chancellor of the Exchequer (who is already returned to our presence) as also the Lord Chichester, whom we intended to have sent unto the Emperor to the Diet at Ratisbone. Seeing therefore that out of our extraordinary respect merely to the King of Spain, and the firm confidence we ever put in the hopes and promises which he did give us, desiring nothing more than for his cause principally to avoid all occasions that might put us into ill understanding with any of the House of Austria, We have hitherto proceeded with a steadfast patience trusting to the treaties, and neglecting all other means which might probably have secured the remainder of our children's inheritance. Those Garrisons which we maintained in the Palatinate, being rather for honour sake to keep a footing until the general accommodation, then that we did rely so much upon their strength as upon his friendship, and by the confidence & security of ours are thus exposed to dishonour & reproach: you shall tell that King, that seeing all those endeavours and good offices which he hath used towards the Emperor in this business, on the behalf of our son-in-law, upon confidence whereof that our security depended, which he continually by his Letters and Ministers here laboured to beget and confirm in us, have not sorted to any other issue then to a plain abuse both of his trust and ours; whereby we are both of us highly injured in our honour, though in a different degree we hope, & desire that out of a true sense of this wrong offered unto us, he will as our deer and loving brother faithfully promise and undertake upon his honour, confirming the same also under his hand and seal, either that the Castle and Town of Heidelbergh shall within threescore and ten days after this your audience, and demand made, be rendered into our hands, with all things therein belonging, to our son-in-law, or our daughter, as near as maybe, in the state wheirn they were taken; and the like for Manheim and Frankindale, if both or either of them shall be taken by the enemy whilst these things are in treating; as also that there shall be within the said term of threescore and ten days, a cessation or suspension of Arms in the Palatinate for the future upon the several Articles and Conditions last propounded by our Ambassador Sir Richard Weston, and that the general treaty shall be set on foot again upon such honourable terms and conditions as were propounded unto the Emperor in a letter written unto him in November last, and with which the King of Spain then (as we understand) seemed satisfied, or else in case all these particulars be not yielded unto, and performed by the Emperor, as is here propounded, but be refused or delayed beyond the time afore mentioned, that then the King of Spain do join his forces with ours, for the recovery of our children's honours and patrimony, which upon this trust hath been thus lost. Or if so be his forces at this present be otherwise so employed, as that they cannot give us that assistance which we here desire, and as we think we have deserved, yet at the least he will permit us a free and friendly passage through his Territories and Dominions for such forces as we shall send and employ into Germany for this service: of all which disjunctively, if you receive not of the King of Spain within ten days at the furthest, after your audience and proposition made, a direct assurance under his hand and seal, without delay or putting us off to further Treaties and Conferences, that is to say, of such restitution, cessation of Arms, and proceeding to a general treaty, as is before mentioned, or else of assistance and joining his forces with ours against the Emperor, or at least permission of passage for our forces through his said Dominions, that then you take your leave and return unto our Presence without further stay; otherwise to proceed in the negotiation of the marriage of our Son, according to the instruction we have given you. Given, etc. at Hampton Court, Octob. 3. 1622. Earl of Bristol to King James, Octob. 21. 1622. MAy it please your most excellent Majesty, I received your Majesty's Letter of the 9 of Septemb the 23. of the same month, & by them understand that your Majesty hath received much satisfaction by what I had formerly written unto your Majesty both concerning the restitution of the Prince Palatine, as likewise of this King's resolution to proceed to the conclusion of the Match: but that your Majesty findeth the effects very unsuitable, both by the proceeding at Brussels, & in the Palatinate, as also by what you understand from Rome by Mr. Gage of the Pope's demands. I hope by the arrival of Mr. Cottington your Majesty will have received satisfaction in some measure, at least that there hath been no diligence or time omitted either for the redressing of any thing that hath been amiss, or for the advancing of your Majesty's affairs. The very day I received your Letters, I sent a Gentleman post unto the King who was gone into the Escurial, to demand audience, which he presently granted me, and I repaired thither unto him upon the third of October, the Conde de Gondomar being likewise commanded to wait upon the King, I was there well received; and presently upon my arrival the Conde de Olivarez came to me to the lodgings which were appointed for me to rest in. To him I delivered fully in the presence of Sir Walter Ashton and the Conde de Gondomar, what I had to negotiate with the King, both in the business of the Match, and of the Palatinate. In the Match I represented how much it imported your Majesty that a speedy resolution might be taken therein, both in regard of the Prince being your Majesty's only son, now arrived to the age of 22 years, and for the settling of your affairs in England. I repeated unto him all the passages in this Treaty, how many years had been already spent in it; that after so long an expectation, the diligences used in Rome for the obtaining of the Dispensation had wrought but small effect, since the Pope had lately made such demands as were altogether impossible for your Majesty to condescend unto; and therefore your Majesty seeing the business still delayed, held it fit that some such course might be taken that both your Majesties might speedily know what you were to trust unto; and therefore had commanded me to signify unto this King your uttermost resolution how far you would condescend in point of Religion towards what the Pope had demanded; & if herewith this King could be satisfied, your Maj. desire that we might proceed to a final and speedy conclusion; otherwise that this King would likewise clearly declare himself, that your Majesty might lose no more time in the disposing of the Prince your son. Hereunto the Conde de Olivarez answered with some length, the substance I shall only presume to set down briefly to your Majesty. He proposed a sincere intention and resolution in the King to make the Match, and that there should not be one day lost; for the speedy dispatch thereof imported them as much as your Majesty; and to the end that no time may be lost, this King had the next day after for Don Balthasar de Zuniga appointed Don Ferdinando de Giron in his place in the Commission: That for the going of Mr. Gage from Rome, and the Pope's demands, they were absolutely ignorant of them; That the King had done all that I myself desired for the redress of this error: That I might assure your Majesty that you shall find all sincerity and clear proceeding, without any hours delay more than of necessity the nature of the business required. As for the business of the Palatinate, I presented at large the merits of your Majesty's proceeding, the many promises made from hence; yet notwithstanding the whilst your Majesty was treating at Brussels, Heidelberg one of the three places which were only left, and where your Majesty had Garrisons, was besieged by the Archduke Leopold and Monsieur Tilly; that this King had withdrawn his Forces, and so exposed the Palatinate absolutely to the Emperor and the Duke of Bavaria. The Conde de Olivarez answered me, by acknowledging how much your Majesties proceed had deserved at the Emperor and this King's hands: That whatsoever your Majesty could expect, or had been at any time promised, should by this King be really performed: That the Prince Palatines own courses hitherto had been the only hindrance of the effecting of it: That he referred it unto your Majesties own just judgement, whether the calling of this King's forces out of the Palatinate were with any ill intention, or merely for the defence of Flanders, which otherwise had been put in great hazard by Count Mansfield, as your Majesty saw by what had really passed: That the siege of Heidelbergh was no way by the consent or knowledge of this King or any of his Ministers, but was generally disapproved by them all. I told them, I conceived that was not enough; for that your Majesty had engaged yourself to this King, that in case your Son-in-law would not conform himself, you would not only forsake him, but would declare yourself against him, and give the Emperor assistance for the reducing of him to reason, and that your Majesty could not but expect a like reciprocal proceeding from the King. He answered, your Majesty should see the King's sincerity by the effects; and that if Heidelbergh should be taken, and the Emperor refuse to restore it, or to condescend to such accommodation as should be held reasonable, this King would infallibly assist your Majesty with his Forces. And this he spoke with great assurance, and wished me to desire your Majesty to be confident you would find nothing but real and since ere proceed from hence. I was ●hen presently called for to the King, to whom I spoke first in the business of the Match, and delivered him the contents thereof in writing, which I have sent to Mr. Secretary. I received from him the same answer in effect as from the Conde de Olivarez, That he desired the Match no less than your Majesty; That on his part there should be no time lost for the bringing of it to a speedy conclusion. In the business of the Palatinate I spoke unto the King with some length, repeating many particulars of your Majesty's proceed, and how much your honour was like to suffer, that now whilst you were treating, Heidelborgh defended by your Garrisons, was like to be taken. The King answered me, He would effectually labour that your Majesty should have entire satisfaction; and rather than your Majesty should fail thereof, he would employ his Arms to effect it for you. My Lord Ambassador Sir Walter Ashton accompanied me at my audience, and was a witness of all that passed as well with the King, as with the Conde de Olivarez Within few days after the news of the taking of Heidelbergh came hither: whereupon I dispatched again to the King in such sort as I have at large advertised Mr. Secretary Calvert. The effect of my Negotiation was, that they on the 13. of October dispatched Letters away of the Emperors and Duke of Bavaria's proceed. But pressing them further in regard their former Letters have wrought so little effect, they have given me at present a second Dispatch, which I have sent unto the Infanta, and whereof Mr. Secretary will give your Majesty an account, which I conceive will procure your Majesty's better satisfaction than hitherto you have received from the Emperor and his party. For the business of the match, I have written to Mr. Secretary what is to be said at present; and will only add, that as I should not willingly give your Majesty hope upon uncertain grounds, so I will not conceal what they profess, which is, That they will give your Majesty real and speedy satisfaction therein. And if they intended it not, they are falser than all the Devils in hell; for deeper oaths and protestations of sincerity cannot be made. It will only remain, that I humbly cast myself at your Majesty's feet for that addition of Title wherewith it hath pleased you to honour me and my posterity. My gratitude and thankfulness wanteth expression, and shall only say unto your Majesty, That as all I have either of fortunes or honour, I hold it merely of your bounty and goodness; so shall I ever cheerfully lay them down with my life into the bargain, for the service of your Majesty and yours. So with my humble prayers for the health and prosperity of your Majesty, I humbly commend your Majesty to God's holy protection, and rest, Your Majesty's most humble servant and subject, BRISTOL. Madrid, Octob. 21. 1622. King Philip the third of Spain to the Conde of Olivarez. THe King my Father declared at his death that his intention never was to marry my sister the Infanta Donna Maria with the Prince of Wales, which your Uncle Don Baltezer well understood, and so treated this match ever with an intention to delay it, notwithstanding it is now so far advanced, that considering withal the averseness unto it of the Infanta, as it is high time to seek some means to divert the treaty, which I would have you find out, and I will make it good whatsoever it be; but in all other things procure the satisfaction of the King of Great Britain, who hath deserved very much, and it shall content me, so that it be not the match. Conde Olivarez his Answer to the King. Sir, COnsidering in what estate we find the Treaty of marriage between Spain and Emgland, and knowing certainly how the Ministers did understand this business, that treated it in the time of Philip the third, who is now in heaven, that their meaning was never to effect it; but by enlarging the treaties and points of the said marriage, to make use of the friendship of the King of Great Britain, as well in the matter of Germany as those of Flanders; and suspecting likewise that your Majesty is of the same opinion (although the demonstrations do not show so) joining to those suspicions that it is certain that the Infanta Donna Maria is resolved to put herself into the Monastery the same day that your Majesty shall press her to make the marriage, I have thought fit to present to your Majesty that which my good zeal hath afforded me in this occasion, thinking it a good time to acquaint your Majesty withal, to the end you may resolve of that which you shall find most convenient with the advice of those Ministers that you shall think fit. The King of Great Britain doth find himself at this time equally in the two businesses, the one is the marriage to the which he is moved by the conveniences which he finds in your Majesty's friendship with making an agreement with those Catholics that he thinks are secretly in his Kingdom, and by this to assure himself of them, as likewise to marry his son to one of the house of Austria, knowing that the Infanta Donna Maria is the best born Lady in the world. Th'other business is, the restitution of the Palatinate, in which he is yet more engaged. For (besides that his reputation is at stake there is added) the love and interest of his Grandchilds, sons of his only daughter. So that both by the law of Nature, and reason of State, he ought to put them before whatsoever conveniences might follow by dissembling what they suffer. I do not dispute whether the King of Great Britainy be governed in this business of the Palatinate by Art or friendship, I think a man may say he hath used both; but as a thing not precisely necessary to this discourse, I omit it. I hold it for a maxim, that these two Engagements in which he finds himself, are unseparable: for although the marriage be made, we must fail in that which in any way of understanding is most necessary, which is the restitution of the Palatinate. This being supposed, having made the marriage in the form as it is treated, your Majesty may find yourself, together with the King of Great Brirain, engaged in a war against the Emperor, and the Catholic league, so that your Majesty shall be forced to declare yourself with your Arms against the Emperor and the Catholic league, a thing which to hear will offend your Majesty's godly ears: or declaring yourself for the Emperor and the Catholic league as certainly you will, your Majesty will find yourself engaged in a war against the King of England, and your sister married with his son, with the which all whatsoever conveniences that was thought upon with this marriage do cease if your Majesty shall show yourself Neutral as it may be some will expound— The first will cause very great scandal, and with just reason, since in matters of less opposition then of Catholics against Heretics, the Arms of this Crown hath taken the godly against the contrary part. And at this time the French men have taken part with the Hollanders against your Majesty, your piety hath been such, that you have sent your Arms against the Rebels of that Crown, leaving all the great considerations of State, only because those men are enemies of the faith and the Church. It will oblige your Majesty, and good occasion to those of the League, to make use of the King of France, and other Catholic Princes ill affected to this Crown, for it will be a thing necessary for them to do so, and those even against their own Religion will foment and assist the Heretics for hatred to us, without doubt they will follow the contrary part only to leave your Majesty with that blemish that never hath befallen any King of these Dominions. By the second the King of England will remain offended and disobliged, seeing that neither interesses nor hopes do follow the Alliance with this Crown, as likewise the pretext of particular resentment: for having suffered his daughter and grandchildren to be ruined for respect of the said Alliance. The Emperor, though he be well-affected, and obliged to us in making the translation at this time as businesses now stand (the Duke of Bavaria being now possessed of all the Dominions) although he would dispose all according to our conveniences, yet it will not be in his power to do it, as you and every body may see: And the memorial that the Emperor's Ambassador gave your Majesty yesterday, makes it certain, since in the List of the Soldiers, that every on of the League is to pay, he shows your Majesty, that Bavier for himself alone will pay more than all the rest joined together; the which doth show his power and his intention, which is not to accommodate matters, but to keep to himself the superiority of all in this broken time. The Emperor is now in the Diet, and the translation is to be made in it. The opposition in this estate is, by conserving the means for conference, which your Majesty's Ministers will do with their capacities, zeal and wisdom, and it is certain they will all have enough to do; for the difficulty consists to find a way to make the present estate of affairs strait again, which with lingering, as it is said, both the power and time will be lost. I suppose that the Emperor, as your Majesty knows by his Ambassador, desires to marry his daughter with the King of England's son, I doubt not but he will be likewise glad to marry his second daughter with the Palatines son. Then I propound, that these two marriages be made, and that they be set on foot presently, giving the King of England full satisfaction in all his propositions for the more strict union and correspondency that he may agree to it: I hold for certain, that all the conveniences that would have followed the alliance with us, will be as full in this, it doth accommodate the matter of the Palatinate, and the succession of his grandchildren with his honour, & without drawing a sword, or wasting treasure. After I would reduce the Prince Elector, that was an enemy, to the obedience of the Church, by breeding his sons in the Emperor's Court, with Catholic Doctrine. The business is great, the difficulty greater than perchance have been in any other case, I have found myself obliged to represent to your Majesty, and to show (if you please to command me) what I think fit for the disposing of the things, and of the great Ministers that your Majesty hath; I hope with the particular notice of these things, (and all being helped with the good zeal of the Conde de Gondemer) it may be that God will open a way to it, a thing so much for his and your Majesty's service. King James to the Earl of Bristol, Octob. 8. 1623. WE have received yours brought us by Gresly, and the Copy of yours to our dear Son; and we cannot forbear to let you know how well we esteem your dutiful, discreet and judicious relation and humble advice to ourselves and our Son: whereupon having ripely deliberated with ourselves, and communicated with our dear Son, we have resolved with the great liking of our Son to rest upon that security (in point of doubt of the Infanta's taking a Religious house) which you in your judgement shall think meet. We have further thought meet to give you knowledge, that it is our special desire that the betrothing of the Infanta with words de praesenti, should be upon one of the days in Christmas new stile, that holy and joyful time best fitting so notable and blessed an action. But first we will that you repair presently to that King, and give him knowledge of the safe arrival of our dear Son to our Court, so satisfied and taken with the great entertainments, personal kindness, favour and respect he hath received from that King and Court, as he seems not able to magnify it sufficiently, which makes us not know how sufficiently to give thanks; but we will that by all means you endeavour to express our thankfulness to that King, and the rest to whom it belongs, in the best and most ample manner you can. And hereupon you may take occasion to let that King know, that according to our constant affection to make a firm and indissoluble amity between our Families, Nations and Crowns, and not seem to abandon our honour, nor at the same time we give joy to our only Son, to give our only Daughter her portion in tears: By the advice of that King's Ambassadors, we have entered a Treaty concerning the restitution of the Palatinate, as will more particularly appear to you by the copies herewith sent. Now we must remember you, that we ever understood and expected, that upon the marriage of our son with the Infanta, we should have a clear restitution of the Palatinate & Electoral dignity to our son-in-law, to be really procured by that King, according to the obligation of our honour, as you have well expressed in your reasons why the person of our Son-in-law should not be left out of the Treaty, but that the Emperor should findout a great title, or by increasing the number of Electorate styles wherewith to satisfy the Duke of Bavaria. We now therefore require you, that presently in your first audience you procure from that King a punctual answer what course that King will take for the restitution of the Palatinate and Electorate to our Son-in-law; and in case that either the Emperor or the Duke of Bavaria oppose any part of the expected restitution, what course that King will take to give us assurance for our content in that point, whereof we require your present answer; and that you so press expedition herein, that we may all together receive the full joy of both in Christmas, resting ourselves upon that faithful diligence of yours we have approved in all your service. Though almost with the latest we must remember to you as a good ground for you to work on, that our Son did write us out of Spain, That that King would give us a Blank in which we might form our own Conditions concerning the Palatinate; and the same our Son confirms to us now. What observation and performance that King will make, we require you to express, and give us a speedy account, etc. Given, etc. Earl of Bristol in answer to King James, Octob. 29. 1623. MAy it please your most excellent Majesty, I have received your Majesty's Letters of the 8. of October on the 21. of the same month, some hours within night; and have thought fit to dispatch back unto your Majesty with all possible speed, referring the answer to what your Majesty hath by these Letters commanded me, to a Post that I shall purposely dispatch when I shall have negotiated the particulars with this King and his Ministers, wherein God willing all possible diligence shall be used. But forasmuch as I find both by your Majesty's Letter, as likewise by Letters which I have received from the Prince his Highness, that you continue your desires of having the Match proceeded in, I held it my duty that your Majesty should be informed that although I am set free in as much as concerneth the doubt of the Infanta's entering into Religion, for the delivering of the powers left with me by his Highness, yet by this new direction I now received from your Majesty, that the Deposories should be deferred till Christmas, the said powers are made altogether useless and invalid, it being a clause in the bodies of the said powers, that they shall only remain in force till Christmas and no longer, as your Majesty may see by the copy I send herewith enclosed. Your Majesty, I conceive, will be of opinion, that the suspending of the execution of the powers until the force and validity of them be expired, is a direct and effectual revoking of them; which not to do, how far his Highness is in his Honour engaged, your Majesty will be best able to judge by viewing the powers themselves. Further, if the date of these powers do expire, besides the breach of the Capitulations, although the match itself jealousies and mistrusts be hazarded, yet the Princes coming at the Spring, will be almost impossible: For by that time new Commissions and Powers shall be after Christmas granted by the Prince, which must be to the satisfaction of both parties, I conceive so much of the year will be spent, that it will be impossible for the Fleets and other preparations to be in a readiness against the Spring; for it is not to be imagined that they will here proceed effectually with their preparations, until they shall be sure of the Desposorios, especially when they shall have seen them several times deferred on the Prince his part, and that upon pretexts that are not new, or grown since the granting of the Powers, but were before in being, and often under debate, and yet were never insisted upon to make stay of the business; so that it will seem that they might better have hindered the granting of them then the execution of them. Now, if there were not staggering in former resolutions, the which although really there is not, yet can it not but be suspected; and the clearing of it between Spain and England, will cost much time. I most humbly crave your Majesty's pardon if I writ unto you with the plainness of a truehearted and faithful servant, who ever hath cooperated honestly unto your Majesty's ends. I knew them, I know your Majesty hath been long time of opinion, that the greatest assurance you could get, that the King of Spain would effectually labour the entire restitution of the Palatinate, was that he really proceeded to the effecting of the match, and my instructions under your Majesty's hands, were to insist upon the restoring the Prince Palatine; but not to annex it to the treaty of the match, as that thereby the match should be hazarded; for that your Majesty seemed confident that here it would never grow to a perfect conclusion without a settled resolution to give your Majesty satisfaction in the business of the Palatinate. The same course I observed in the carriage of the business by his Highness and my Lord Duke at their being here, who though they insisted on the business of the Palatinate, yet they held it fit to treat of them distinctly, and that the marriage should proceed as a good pawn for the other. Since their departure my Lord Ambassador Sir Walter Ashton and myself have been pressed to have this King's resolution in writing concerning the Palatinate, and the dispatches which your Majesty will receive herewith concerning that business, were writ before the receipt of your Majesty's Letters; and doubtless it is now a great part of their care that that business may be well entered before the Infanta's coming into England: And his Highness will well often remember, that the Conde dé Olivarez often protested a necessity of having this business compounded and settled before the marriage, saying, otherwise they might give a Daughter, and a War within three months after, if this ground and subject of quarrel should still be left on foot. The same language he hath ever held with Sir Walter Ashton and myself, and that it was a firm peace and amity as much as an alliance which they sought with his Majesty. So that it is not to be doubted, but that this King concluding the match, resolveth to employ his uttermost power for your satisfaction in the restitution of the Prince Palatine. The question now will be, whether the business of the Prince Palatine having relation to many great Princes that are interessed therein, living at distance, and being (indeed) for the condition and nature of the business itself, impossible to be ended but by a formal treaty, which of necessity will require great length, whether the conclusion of the match shall any way depend upon the issue of this business, which I conceive to be far from your Majesty's intention; for so the Prince might be long kept unbestowed by any averseness of those which might have particular interest in the Princes remaining unmarried, or dislike with his matching with Spain. But that which I understand to be your Majesty's aim, is only to have the conclusion of this match accompanied with a strong engagement as can be procured from this King for the joining with your Majesty not only in all good Offices for the entire restitution of the Palatinate, but otherwise if need require of his Majesty's assistance herein. These days past I have laboured with all earnestness, and procured this King's public answer which I am told is resolved of, and I shall within these few days have it to send to your Majesty, as also a private Proposition which will be put into your hands; and shall not fail further to pursue your Majesty's present directions of procuring this King's Declaration, in what sort your Majesty may rely upon this King's assistance, in case the Emperor or the Duke of Bavaria hinder the entire restitution of the Prince Palatine. But I conceive (if it be your intention) that I should first hear procure this Kings peremptory answer in the whole business, and how he will be assistant unto your Majesty in case of the Emperors or the Duke of Bavaria's averseness. And that I should send it to your Majesty, and receive again your answer before I deliver the Powers for the Deposorios, the match would thereby if not be hazarded, yet I conceive the Infanta's going at Spring would be rendered altogether impossible. For if upon the arrival of the Approbation I cannot refuse them, but upon some grounds; if I allege your Majesty's desire of having the Deposories deferred until Christmas, they know as well as myself that his Highness' Proxy is then out of date, besides the infringing of the Capitulations; and they will judge it is a great scorn put upon this King, who ever since the Princes granting of the powers hath called himself the Infanta's Desposado, and to that effect the Prince hath writ unto him in some of his Letters. Besides, it will be held here a point of great dishonour unto the Infanta, if the powers called for by her friends should be detained by the Prince his part: and whosoever else may have deserved it, she certainly hath not deserved disrespect nor discomfort. Further, upon my refusal to deliver the powers, all preparations which now go on cheerfully and apace will be stayed, and there will enter in so much distrust, and so many troubles and jealousies, that if the main business run not hazard by them, at least much time will be spent to clear them. I must therefore in discharge of my duty tell your Majesty, that all your Majesty's businesses here are in a fair way; the Match and all that is capitulated therein, they profess punctually to perform. In the business of the Palatinate, I continue my earnest and faithful endeavours, and they protest they infinitely desire, and will to the utmost of their powers endeavour to procure your Majesty's satisfaction. The Prince is like to have a most worthy and virtuous Lady, and who much loveth him, and all things else depending upon this match are in good and hopeful way. This is now the present estate of your Majesty's affairs, as it appeareth unto me and to Sir Walter Ashton, with whom I have communicated this Dispatch, as I do all things else concerning your Majesty's service. And I must clearly let your Majesty understand, that I conceive by the retaining of the powers when this King shall call for them, and offering to defer the Deposories until Christmas, that your Majesty's business will run a hazard, what by the distaste and disgust that will be raised here, and what by the art and industry of those which are enemies to the match, whereof every Court hath plenty in Christendom. That therefore which I presume with all humility, is, That you would be pleased to give me order with all possible speed, that when the business shall come cleared from Rome, and that the powers of the marriage shall be demanded of me in the behalf of this King, that I may deliver them, and no ways seek to interrupt or suspend the Deposorios, but assist and help to a perfect conclusion of the match. And for the business of the Palatinate, I continue my earnest and faithful endeavours to engage this King as far as shall be possible, both for the doing of all good offices for the Palatines entire restitution, herein I will not fail (as likewise for this King's declaration of assistance in case the Emperor or Duke of Bavaria shall oppose the said restitution) to use all possible means; and I conceive the dispatch of the Match will be a good pawn in the business, and the help and assistance which the Princes being once betrothed would be able to give in this Court to all your Majesty's businesses would be of good consideration. So fearing I have already presumed too far upon your Majesty's patience, I humbly crave your Majesty's pardon, and recommend you to the holy protection of God, resting Your Majesty's most humble and faithful subject and servant, BRISTOL. Madrid, Octob. 29. 1623. Earl of Bristol to King James, Novemb. 1. 1623. MAy it please your most excellent Majesty, I find that upon the news that is now come from the Duke of Pastrava, that the Pope hath clearly passed the Dispensation, which is now hourly expected here. There is an intention to call presently upon me for the Prince's powers for the marriage left in my hands, the which I know not upon what ground or reason to detain, the Prince having engaged (in the said powers) the faith and word of a Prince no way to revoke and retract from them, but that they should remain in full force till Christmas, and delivered unto me a politic declaration of his pleasure, that upon the coming of the Dispensation I should deliver them unto this King, that they might be put in execution; and hereof likewise was there by Secretary Serita as a public Notary an Instrument drawn, attested by all the witnesses present. If I shall allege your Majesty's pleasure of having the marriage deferred until one of the Holidays, although they should condescend thereunto, that is impossible, for the powers will be then expired. If I shall insist upon the restitution of the Palatinate, this King hath therein declared his answer; and it would be much wondered why that should be now added for a condition of the marriage, having ever hitherto been treated of as a business apart, and was in being at the granting of the said powers, and hath been often under debate, but never specified, nor the powers delivered upon any condition of having any such point first cleared; and I must confess unto your Majesty I understand not how with honour, and that exact dealing which hath ever been observed in all your Majesty's actions, the powers can be detained, unless there should appear some new and emergent cause since the granting of them, whereof as yet I hear none specified: Therefore being loath to be the instrument by whose hands any thing should pass, that might have the least reflection upon your Majesties or the Prince's honour (which I shall ever value more than my life or safety) and judging it likewise to conduce more to your service, and assuring myself that your Majesty's late direction to have the marriage upon one of the holidays in Christmas, was for want of due information that the powers will be then expired, I have thought it fit (with the advice of Sir Walter Ashton) to raise no scruple in the delivery of the said powers, but do intent when they shall be required to pass on to the nominating of a prefixed day for the Deposorio's: but I shall endeavour to defer the time, until I may be advertised of your Majesty's pleasure, if it may be within the space of 24 days, and will labour to find some handsome and fair occasion for the deferring of them, without alleging any directions in that kind from your Majesty or the Prince. The reasons why I have thought it fit to take this resolution, are, First I find by your Majesty's letters and the Princes, that your intent is to proceed in the marriage, and to that purpose your Majesty and the Prince have set me free to deliver the powers according to the first intentions, by removing that scruple of the Infanta's entering into Religion, whereupon they were only suspended. Secondly, your Majesty's Letter only intimateth a desire, not a direction of having the marriage upon one of the holidays of Christmas: which I conceive is to be understood, if it may well and fittingly be so, not if there shall be impossibility therein by reason of the expiring of the powers before, and that the intention of having it then should be overthrown thereby, when I am confident that what your Majesty writeth is for want of due information of the clause of expiration of the powers. Thirdly, if your Majesty upon these reasons and such as I have formerly alleged unto your Majesty, should (as I no way doubt but your Majesty will) give me order for the present proceeding to the marriage, yet by my refusing of the powers, and alleging your Majesties or the Prince's directions, although afterwards all things should be cleared, yet would it cast some kind of aspersion and jealousy upon the sincerity of your Majesties and the Princes proceed. On the contrary side, if your Majesty's intention be not to proceed in the match, whereof I see no ground, the intimation of that may be as well a month hence as now: And I judge it duty in a servant, especially in a business of so high a consequence, and wherein your Majesty hath spent so much time, to give his master leisure to repair to his second cogitations before he do any act that may disorder or overthrow. This I offer with all humility unto your Majesty's wise and just consideration, and beseech you to make interpretation of my proceed herein according to my dutiful and zealous care of your honour and service. I have of purpose dispatched this Post with this Letter, to the end I may receive your Majesty's directions in this particular with all possible speed, which I hope shall be to proceed directly to the marriage according to the Capitulations, and so to order all things. for the Princess her journey in the Spring. And for the Palatinate, your Majesty may be confident there shall be diligence used in procuring a speedy and good resolution. So, etc. King James to the Palsgrave. My most dear Son, WE have been careful, and are at this present, to perform the promise which we made unto you, to employ all our power to re-establish you into your estates and dignities; and having by the patience and industry which we have used, reduced matters within a more near circle and of a less extent than the generality in which they were heretofore: We have thought good to give you knowledge of such things whereof hope is given to us that we shall in all apearance obtain them, to the end you may have recourse to your wisdom, and after a mature deliberation make choice agreeable to the providence, honour, and safety of your estates; duly weighing and examining all circumstances: and therefore we present unto you these Propositions, to wit, In the first place a due submission to the Emperor, under convenient limitations, which first shall be granted and agreed in conformity to that which is Noble, with a safe conduct and assurance requisite and sufficient for the free and safe going and return of your Person and Train. This being done, we make you offer of a present and full restitution of all the Palatinate unto the person of your son, and that you shall be his Administrator during your life. And that after the death of the Duke of Bavaria, your son shall be reestablished in the Electoral dignity; And for the better confirming the sound Amity, and assuring your Possessions, and enjoying of all according to the contract, which is presently to be made, and also to serve for a preparation for the bettering of the said conditions to your person, which will be in all likelihood when the marriage will be resolved and concluded to be made betwixt your eldest son our Grandchild, and one of the Emperor's daughters. In contemplation whereof they have approached a degree nearer, to wit, that the Electoral dignity shall come again to your person after the Duke of Bavaria's death. In which Treaty of marriage, to clear the principal difficulty which consisted with the education of your son with the Emperor, we have taken from them all hope therein (wherein we assure ourselves you will be content) and are purposed that he shall have his education with our son, and with and in the presence of the Infanta, when she shall be in our Court. We have exactly shown you the state of this Negotiation, which chief concerns you and yours, to the end you may fix your eyes upon your necessity and bare condition and manner of living, which dependeth on the courtesy and assistance of others, and that you may judge advisedly whether your ready entrance into the possession of your own, and with a kind of present liberty of living (with insurance in time to recover the possession of it) shall not be more convenient for you then a hazardous long expectation upon other uncertain means: The former whereof I prefer before the later. We pray you to consider what probable and feasible means we may undertake to reduce your condition to that state as you promise yourself; wherein we doubt not, but you will weigh our forces, and those of our Allies, and such other whereof we may hope to be assured, to the end that if it should happen that we cannot obtain to the entire of that we desire by way of treaty, or that we should take another course, you may be partaker of Counsels as well as the issues and uncertain events. And forasmuch as we are desirous to consider with you for your personal estate, and as we are obliged to have regard to the right of our only daughter, and to the inheritance of your children, with the hope of their posterity, by what way it may be most easily established, and by what fit means provision may be made best to that effect. And herein we remain your most affectionate Father, From White-Hall, Novemb. 20. Jacobus Rex. The Palsgraves' Answer to King James. SIR, I Take as a great honour and favour your Majesty's Letter of the 2●. of November, delivered unto me by the hands of your Ambassador Sir Dudley Carleton, who hath further explained your Majesty's intention touching that which concerneth my restitution unto my honours and patrimonial estate, that you continue firm and constant (in conformity to your promises) to labour and effect by one way or other, so that the said restitution may be entire and total, as well in that which concerneth the Electoral dignity as the Palatinates; and that the Propositions which your Majesty makes by your Letter (to content myself to be Administrator to my son, and he to be invested with the said dignity, and put into present possession of the Palatinate) is but in all events if so be your Majesty could not attain to the total restitution (the desired effect of your intentions) leaving me nevertheless to be at liberty to choose the lesser of the two evils (if I may be permitted to term them so) the one by the total restitution of my Estates, but with diminution, or rather annihilation (for so in effect it will be) in respect of my person of the Electoral dignity; th'other of the recovery of both by war, the events whereof are uncertain. First, I most humbly thank your Majesty for the paternal care which you continue and show in this occasion; and which doth more comfort me, and my dear wife in our afflictions, than the fear of humane events can grieve or incline us to be willing to recover the loss of goods with the loss of honours. I will therefore use the liberty which your Majesty is pleased to give me in answering every particular point of your Letter. In the first whereof I observe the proceeding of my enemies, who require a personal submission (intended to precede all other things) under the safe conduct of the Emperor; whereas by natural order used in these occasions, the restitution which is material and substantial, ought by reason to precede the other, being but a point of ceremony, at the least it is necessary that all things be resolved and concluded under such assurances as shall be held convenient; and than if the intentions on the Emperor's part be real and sincere, and without any aim to take advantage upon my person (as the Emperor Charles 5. did upon the Landgrave of Hessen under the subtlety of a distinction of a syllable in safe conduct Ewis for Einis) the said submission may as well be made by a Deputy as otherwise, whereby I shall be freed from the apprehensions which the execution at Prague, & other cruelties exercised by the Imperialists, may easily impress in the mind of him who is unwilling to lose himself by a quiet de Coeur. Besides, a simple consent to such a submission under the specified condition, to yield the Electorate to the Duke of Bavaria, will be sufficient to prejudice my cause for ever. For the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg who have always protested against the translation of the Electorate; and the other Princes of Germany who have like feeling, will disavow their protestations in regard of him who shall abandon his own pretensions, and in stead of favouring me upon some breach of the Treaty, or otherwise, may be my opposites. Moreover, the experience of things passed teach us what issue we may hereafter expect of the like conditions consented to on our part. The Emperor having manifestly abused us in two already, First in the instrument which I signed for the conditional resignation of the Crown of Bohemia in the year 1621. Then in my ratification of the suspension of Arms this last Summer. The first having served the Emperor to accelerate his Treaty then on foot with Bethlem Gabor: The second to intimidate the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, that they might not undertake any thing against the Emperor, both the one and the other being divulged to the same effect, according to the knowledge which the Emperor had of these designs before any thing was therein resolved and concluded: And so will the Emperor in all appearance make his profit of this present proposition, and strike with one stone two blows, by hindering the progress of Gabor on the one side, and by continuing on the other the intimidation of the Princes of Germany, who may with reason excuse themselves if they move not for him, who hath bound himself hand and foot, and consented to a submission, which being yielded to, it will be always in the Emperor's power to break or go on, as he shall hold it expedient for himself. I do also promise myself that your Majesty will have regard that by such submission and entreaty, my undue proscription and banishment (which being done in prejudice of the constitutions of the Empire, are therefore held by the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg of no validity) be not approved, and thereby a mark of infamy set upon me and my posterity. Touching the second point, your Majesty may be pleased to remember, that on the part of Spain hope hath always been given me from the beginning, of a total and entire restitution to my own person; yea the Earl of Bristol hath assured me by his Letters from Madrid in November 1622. when the marriage was not so much advanced at this time. That the King of Spain (in case of refusal of the total restitution) would join his forces with those of your Majesty against the Emperor to constrain him thereunto: And yet in stead of the said restitution, the translation of my Electorate to the Duke of Bavaria was since at Ratisbone agreed, and congratulated unto him from Brussels; the inferior Palatinate dismembered by the grant of the Bergstreat one of the best pieces thereof to the Elector of Mentz; the superior with the Bailywicks granted to the Duke of Nuburgh, thereby to engage them further in the quarrel by the particular defence of that which generally the Imperialists have usurped upon me; they confiscate and seize the goods of my subjects, and those that follow my party, sparing neither widow nor orphans. It seems therefore necessary above all things to have sufficient assurance for the total restitution of my Electorate and Palatinates, before any new treaty of marriage be proposed: Of the which treaties, as they are ordinarily handled and managed by the house of Austria, and drawn to length and delays, with the only aim to the augmentation of their greatness, without respect to civil honesty, word or promise, I have a doleful experience in my own house in the person of one of my predecessors Frederick the second, who contributed more to the first foundation which was laid for the greatness of the said house of Austria then any other Germane Prince, and for recompense was alured and drawn by the space of many years with treaties and promises of marriage, without any real intention (as was seen by the effect) ever to bring them to execution. Seeing therefore that he who had so well deserved of the house of Austria, (which in all external appearance held him in greater estimation than any other Germane Prince) was nevertheless so unworthily used by them in a treaty of marriage; I who have been unduly put into the Ban of the Empire, and spoiled of all my honours and goods, by the eagerness, hatred and usurpation of the Emperor himself (whose daughter is propounded for the marriage in question) know not what to hope but the same effect of fraud and deceit which my forenamed predecessor found, with a sorrowful repentance of the evil when it was past remedy. And the Emperor wanteth but two or three years of leisure, which he shall easily gain by a treaty of a marriage, to establish in Germany the translation of my Electoral dignity and Patrimonial estate, without any hope ever hereafter to recover the like opportunity as at this time, that my pretensions are not prejudiced by a long interposition of time, and that the memory, of undue proceeding in the publication of the Ban against my person, and the said translation of my Electoral dignity, and seizure of my patrimonial inheritance, are yet fresh in the affections and minds of the Princes of Germany, who are by the consideration of their own interests moved with the greater compassion to see the wounds of my miseries yet fresh and bleeding, and with passion and earnest desire to see them remedied. And in this place I will say something in answer to the last point of your Majesty's Letter, wherein you commanded me to consider the means probable and feasible whereby my condition may be reduced to the former state, and to weigh your Majesty's forces with those of your Allies, and others whereof your Majesty may hope and be assured. If your Majesty hopeth for my restitution in Germany as an effect of the marriage with Spain, nothing else is to be done but attend the event with patience: And if you continue to distinguish between the Spaniards and the Imperialists, there is no more to be said on this subject, but as they have with joint consent conspired my ruin with the same forces, the same counsels, and the same designs, your Majesty will find (if you please to unmask the fair, seeming, and hidden malice of the Spaniard, the same effect, as in the end you found the open and declared violence and hostility of the Imperialists, who besieged your Majesty's garrisons in my Towns taken into your protection. I will use the liberty you have given me to discourse of your Majesty's forces and those of your Allies, and what may further with good probability be hoped from other friends and well-willers. In the last rank I place what may be hoped from the Princes of Germany, who, to wit the two Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, and in effect all the rest except those of the Catholic league, have sufficiently declared the disavowing of the Emperors proceeding against me, and their opinions that the peace of Germany dependeth upon my restitution; besides the Levies which they made in the beginning of the last summer, though by the unlucky accident of the Duke Christian of Brunswick they were soon after dismissed. And certainly no want of any other thing to be converted to my aid, but the countenance of a great Prince to support them against the power of the house of Austria, the same affections remaining still in them, and the same resolution to embrace the first good occasion that shall be presented for the liberty of Germany. Will there want hands for the accomplishing of such a work, when it shall be undertaken openly and earnestly? seeing that the number of those that have their interest conjoined with mine, is great and mighty: For the greater part of the people both horse and foot which marched under the Catholic banner, were of a contrary Religion to the Catholic, and of affection (as it is notorious to all the world) more inclined to the ruin of those Leagues then to their preservation. But the conduct of some powerful Prince is necessary as well to the men of war, as we have seen by experience the last year. The King of Denmark is he upon whom all have set their eyes: but he being a Prince full of circumspection, and unwilling to enter into play alone, answereth unto all instances which are made unto him to that end, That as the other Princes have their eyes upon him, so hath he his upon your Majesty. It is not for me to judge; but since you have commanded me, I will weigh them by the balance of common judgement. That the felicity wherewith God hath blessed the person of your Majesty, having conjoined the three Crowns of England, Scotland and Ireland upon one head; the power of the one of the three alone having done great matters in the affairs of Europe on this side the sea, yea when it was counterballanced by the other, giveth demonstration what your Majesty may do with the joint forces of the three together, when you shall be pleased to take a resolution therein, chief the question being for the interest of your own Children; and by the voluntary contribution which we have already had in our support from your Majesty, we may easily comprehend what may be promised of them when the public authority of your Majesty shall be conjoined with their particular affections; there being no Prince in the world more loved and reverenced of his subjects, nor more sovereign over their affections and means for the service of your person and Royal house. Touching the Allies, it is to my great grief that the unhappiness of this time hath separated a great part of them, the united Provinces of Germany, who make profession of the same Religion whereof they acknowledge your Majesty for defender and Protector. But the same affection remaineth still in them entire and firm, though they have been constrained to yield to the present necessity of their affairs; and the occasion presenting itself, your Majesty may account of them. The rest, the Estates of the united Provinces to whom we have recourse in our afflictions, who support themselves by the help of God, and the situation of their Country and Forces of their people alone until this time against the puissance of Spain, seconded by the Imperialists. And in stead of fainting under such a burden, or of giving ear unto the overtures and submissions which from day to day are presented unto them, they now put themselves to the offensive, by a good Fleet prepared and ready to set sail to the West-Indies, to the end they may at least interrupt the peaceable and annual return of the gold and silver of those parts, by which the house of Austria doth continually advance their greatness. This is commended by all good men and lovers of the public liberty, as the sole and only means to cast to the ground the fearful power of Spain, even as a great tree of large exten● 〈◊〉 up by the root; but is held too great for such a little extent of Country as this is, and yet practically, and to be done by forces answerable to the importance of such an enterprise: And if your Majesty would be pleased to use the Forces of this estate by sea and land, to the opposition of their enemies, and by consequence of mine, their profession of a loyal and sincere affection with the hazard of their lives and goods for the service of your Majesty, grounded upon the experience of things past, their present interest, and the judgement which may be made of the future, makes me assured that your Majesty may absolutely dispose of them; and by their means being firmly conjoined with your Majesty, give the Law to Europe. It is in obedience to your Majesty's commandment that I have enlarged myself so far into this discourse, which I will send with my most humble thanks for the continuance of your most gracious and paternal bounty, particularly showed in the care you have of the education of my eldest son in your Court, who with all the rest are at your Majesty's disposing, and we hope to live notwithstanding our hard and doleful condition, to yield unto your Majesty the fruits of a devout and filial gratitude, and I will remain until the last day of my life, From the Hague, Decemb. 30. 1623. new stile. Your Majesty's most, etc. FREDERICK. Postscript. I am advertised from a good part, that the Elector of Mentz and the other Princes of the Popish league are very instant with the Elector of Saxony and Brandenburg to persuade them to acknowledge the Duke of Bavaria as an Elector of the Empire: which if they obtain, it were easy to judge how much it would prejudice my affairs, and the common cause of the Empire. I therefore most humbly beseech your Majesty, that you will be pleased to prevent and hinder such an evil, by the interposition of good offices, and exhortations to the said secular Electors, be it by some Ambassador, by serious Letters, or such other way as you shall hold meet and suitable to the importance of the matter, which above all requireth singular celerity. Your Majesty shall increase more and more my obligations, and that of the public of Germany, etc. Abignoto from Madrid. THe Spaniard gins now to be sensible of the great disobligation and gross oversight he committed in suffering the Prince to go away without his Infanta: For it hath given occasion of advantage to the English (who now seem indifferent whether they match with him or no) to proceed more stoutly, and to add to the former Articles which the Prince had sworn at his being here, certain new Propositions about the Palatinate, which was thought to be unfit to motion at his being here, by reason of the engagement of his person. And there is a Commission sent to the Earl of Bristol to treat of these two businesses jointly; and if the King of Spain give not a satisfactory answer therein, than he is to return home. Buckingham hath little obligation to Spain, therefore for his own particular he hath good reason if he cannot prop him-himself this way, to find other means for his support: unkindnesses passed between him and Olivarez, and a hot heartburning between him and Bristol, who told him here before the Prince, that being so far his superior in honour and might, he might haply contemn him, but he could never hate him. Ever since his departure he hath attempted to crush Bristol to pieces, who is out of purse two thousand pound of his own since his coming hither, & he is so crossed that he cannot get a penny from England. If he cannot get a surrender of the Palatinate to the King's mind, he is in a poor case; for he must hence presently: he is much favoured of the King here and Olivarez, therefore they will do much for him before Buckingham work his revenge upon him: he hath received lately more comfortable dispatches from England, and in the last the King sent him, he requires his advice in certain things. The Proxy the King of Spain had to marry the Infanta in the Prince's name, is prorogued till March. There is great resentment of the delays in the Court here; and the Infanta hath given over studying of English. The two Ambassadors here ever since the Prince's departure, have visited the Infanta as vassals; but now they carry themselves like Ambassadors again. We are all here in suspense, and a kind of maze to see the event of things, and how matters will be pieced together again, we know not. A Memorial to the King of Spain, by Sir Walter Ashton, Ambassador in Spain. Aug. 29. 1624. SIr Walter Ashton, Ambassador to the King of Great Britain, saith, That the King his Master hath commanded him to represent to your Majesty, that having declared to your Majesty the reasons why he could receive no satisfaction by your Majesty's answer of the first of January, and that thereby according to the unanimous consent of his Parliament he came to dissolve both the Treaties of the Match and Palatinate, he received another answer from your Majesty, wherein he finds less ground to build upon; and having understood that either by the Padre de Maestro, or your Majesty's Ambassadors which have assisted these days passed in this Court, there was something to be propounded and declared touching the business of the Palatinate, whereby he might have received satisfaction, the said Ambassadors until now have not said any thing at all to purpose; which comparing with other circumstances of their ill carriage, he gathers and doubts, that according to the ill affection, and depraved intentions wherewith they have proceeded in all things, but especially in particular they have laboured to hinder the good correspondency and so necessary and desired intelligence which should be conserved with your Majesty. Furthermore he saith, That the King his Master hath commanded him to give account to your Majesty, that in an Audience which he gave to the Marquis de Injiosa and Don Carlo Colomma, they under Cloak and pretext of zeal & particular care of his person, pretended to discover unto him a very great conjuration against his person and Royal Dignity, and it was, That at the beginning of the Parliament, the Duke of Buckingham had consulted with certain Lords, of the arguments and means which were to be taken touching the breaking and dissolving of the Treaties of the Palatinate and Match; and the consultations passed thus far, That if his Majesty would not accommodate himself to their counsels, they would give him a house of pleasure whither he might retire himself to his sports, in regard that the Prince had now years sufficient to, and parts answerable for the government of the Kingdom. The Information was of that quality, that it was sufficient to put impression in him of perpetual jealousies, in regard that through the ribs of the Duke he gave wounds to the Prince his son, and the Nobility; and it is not probable that they could bring to effect such designs without departing totally from the obligation of faith and loyalty which they owed to his Person and Crown, because the Lords made themselves culpable as concealers: And it is not likely that the Duke would hurl himself into such an enterprise, without communicating it first with the Prince, and knowing his pleasure. And because this information might be made more clear, he did make many instances unto the said Ambassadors, that they would give him the Authors of the said Conjuration, this being the sole means whereby their own honour might be preserved, etc. whereby their great zeal and care they had pretended to have of his person, might appear. But instead of confirming the great zeal they had pretended to bear him; all the answer they made him, consisted of Arguments against the discovery of the Conspirators: So that for the confirmation of the said report, there remained no other means then the examination of some of his Council of State, and principal subjects, which he put in execution, and made them take oath every one particularly in his own presence, and commanded that such interrogatories and questions should be propounded unto them that were most pertinent to the accusation; so that neither part, particle, or circumstance remained, which was not exactly examined and winnowed, and he found in the Duke and the rest that were accused, a sincere Innocency touching the accusations and imputation wherewith they were charged. This being so, he turned to make new instances unto the said Ambassadors, that they should not prefer the discovery of the names of the Conspirators to the security of his Royal person, and truth and honour of thmeselves, and the hazard of an opinion to be held, and judged the Traitors of a plot of such malice, sedition and danger. But the Ambassadors remaining in a knotty kind of obstinacy, resolved to conceal the Authors. Nevertheless afterterwards he gave them an audience, wherein the Marquis of Injiosa took his leave. Few days after they demanded new audience, pretending that they had something to say that concerned the public good, and conduced to the entire restitution of the Palatinate, with desire to lose no opportunity that might conduce thereunto, and therewith the confirmation and conservation of the friendship with your Majesty having suspended some few days to give them audience, thinking that being thereby better advised, they would resolve upon a wiser course, and declare the Authors of so pernicious an action, and having since made many instances, and attended the success of so long patience, he sent his Secretary, and Sir Francis Cottington Secretary to the Prince, commanding them that they should signify unto the Ambassadors, that he desired nothing more than the continuance of the friendship 'twixt both the Crowns; and if so they had any thing to say, they would communicate it to the said Secretaries, as persons of so great trust, which he sent to that end: And if they made difficulty of this, that they would choose amongst his Council of State, those which they liked best, and he would command that they should presently repair unto them; and if this did not likewise seem best unto them, that they would send what they had to say in a Letter sealed up, by whom should seem best unto them, and he would receive it with his own hands. But the Ambassadors misbehaving themselves in all that was propounded, the said Secretaries according to the order which they brought, told them, that they being the Authors of an information so dangerous and seditious, had made themselves uncapable to treat further with the King their Master; and were it not for the respect to the King his dear and beloved brother and their Master, and in contemplation of their condition as Ambassadors of such a Majesty, he would and could by the Law of Nations, and the right of his own Royal Justice, proceed against them with such severity as their offence deserved, but for the reasons aforesaid he would leave the reparation hereof to the justice of their King, of whom he would demand and require it. In conformity whereof the said Ambassador of the King of Great Britain, saith, that the King his Master hath commanded him to demand reparation & satisfaction of your Majesty against the said Marquis de Injiosa and Don Carlos Colomma, making your Majesty Judge of the great scandal and enormous offence which they have committed against them and the public right, and expect justice from your Majesty in the demonstrations and chastisements which your Majesty shall inflict upon them, which for his proceeding sake with your Majesty, and out of your Majesties own uprightness and goodness ought to be expected. Furthermore he saith, that the King his Master hath commanded him to assure your Majesty, that till now he hath not mingled the correspondence and friendship he held with your Majesty, with the faults and offences of your Ministers, but leaves and restrains them to their own persons, and that he remains with your Majesty in the true and ancient friendship and brotherhood, as heretofore; and that he is ready to give hearing to any thing that shall be reason, and to answer thereunto: and when your Majesty is pleased to send your Ambassadors thither, he will make them all good treaty, and receive them with that good love that is due. For conclusion, the said Ambassador humbly beseecheth your Majesty will be pleased to observe and weigh the care and tenderness wherewith the King his Master proceeded with your Majesty's Ambassadors, not obliging to precipitate resolutions, but giving them much time to prove and give light of that which they had spoken; and besides opening unto them many ways that they might comply with their orders, if they had any such. Which course if they had taken, they might well have given satisfaction to the King his Master, and moderated the so grounded opinion of their ill proceed against the peace, and so good intelligence and correspondence betwixt both the Crowns. Madrid, Aug. 5. 1624. The Petition of Francis Philips to King James for the release of Sir Robert Philip's Prisoner in the Tower. Most dread Sovereign, IF the Thrones of Heaven and Earth were to be solicited one and the same way, I should have learned by my often praying to God for your Majesty, how to pray to your Majesty for others. But the Liturgies of the Church and Court are different, as in many other points, so especially in this, That in the one there is not so poor a friend but may offer his vows immediately to the Almighty; whereas in the other a right loyal subject may pour out his soul in vain, without an Ora pro nobis. Now such is the obscure condition of your humble Suppliant, as I know no Saint about your sacred Majesty to whom I can address my orisons, or in whose mediation I dare repose the least assurance. Let it be therefore lawful for me in this extraordinary occasion, to pass the ordinary forms; and raising my spirits above uncertainties, to fix my entire faith upon your Majesty's supreme goodness, which is and ever aught to be esteemed both the best Tribunal, and the best Sanctuary for a good cause. But how good soever my cause be, it would be high presumption in me to stand upon it. I have therefore chosen rather to cast myself at your Majesty's feet, from whence I would not willingly rise, but remain a monument of sorrow and humility till I have obtained some gracious answer to my Petition: For though your Majesty's thoughts cannot discern so low, as to conceive how much it importeth a poor distressed Suppliant to be reviled, neglected, yet you may be pleased to believe that we are as highly affected, and as much anguished with the extremities that press our little fortunes, as Princes are with theirs. Which I speak not out of any pride I take in comparing small things with great, but only to dispose your Majesty to a favourable construction of my words, if they seem to be overcharged with zeal and affection, or to express more earnestness than perhaps your Majesty may think the business merits as myself values it. The suit I am to make to your Majesty is no sleight one, it may be easily granted without references: For I dare assure your Majesty upon my life, it is neither against the Laws of the Kingdom, nor will diminish any of your treasure, either that of your coffers, or that of your people's hearts; it being an act of clemency, or rather a word, for even that will satisfy to create in your poor dejected Suppliant a new heart, and send him away as full of content as he is now of grief and despair. Nor is it for myself I thus implore your Majesty's grace, but for one that is far more worthy, and in whom all that I am consists, my dear Brother, who I know not by what misfortune hath fallen, or rather been pushed into your Majesty's displeasure; not in dark and crooked ways, as corrupt and ill-affected subjects use to walk, and near to break their necks in, but even in the great road, which both himself & all good Englishmen that know not the paths of the Court, would have sworn would have led most safely and most directly to your Majesty's service from your Majesty's displeasure; there needs no other invention to crucify a generous and honest-minded suppliant, upon whom hath issued and been derived a whole torrent of exemplary punishment, wherein his reputation, his person, and his estate grievously suffered. For having (upon the last process of Parliament) retired himself to his poor house in the Country, with hope a while to breathe after these troublesome affairs, and still breathing nothing but your Majesty's service; he was sent for ere he had finished his Christmas, by a Sergeant at Arms, who arrested him in his own house with as much terror as belongs to the apprehending of treason itself: But (thanks be to God) his conscience never started; and for his obedience herein showed, it was not in the power of any authority to surprise it: For at the instant without ask one minute's time of resolution, he rendered himself to the officers discretion, who (according to his directions) brought him up captive, and presented him at the Council Table as a Delinquent, from whence he was as soon committed to the Tower, where he ever since hath been kept close prisoner, and that with so strict a hand, as his own beloved wife and myself having sometime since urgent and unfeigned occasion to speak with him about some private business of his Family; and hereupon making humble petition to the Lords of your Majesty's most honourable Privy Council for the favour of access, we were to our great discomforts denied it, by reason as their Lordships were pleased to declare unto us, that he had not satisfied your Majesty fully in some points, which being so far from being his fault, as I dare say it is the greatest part of his affliction, that he sees himself debarred from means of doing it. The Lords Commissioners that were appointed by your Majesty to examine his offence, since the first week of his imprisonment, have not done him the honour to be with him; by which means not only his body, but (the most part of his mind) his humble intentions to your Majesty are kept in restraint. May it please therefore your most excellent Majesty now at length after five month's imprisonment and extreme durance, to ordain such expedition in this cause, as may stand with your justice, and yet not avert your mercy, either of them will serve our turns; but that which is most agreeable to your Royal and gracious inclination, will best accomplish our desire. To live still in close prison is all one to be buried alive; and for a man that hath any hope of salvation, it were better to pray for the day of judgement, then to lie languishing in such waking misery; yet not ours but your Majesties will be done. For if in your princely wisdom you shall not think it a fit season to restore him to his former condition, or to accept the fruit of his correction, an humble and penitent submission for his unhappiness in offending your Majesty, which I assure myself is long since ripe and grown to full perfection in so forward affection, and so proper for all duties as his hath ever been: If (I say) it be not yet time to have mercy, but that he must still remain within the walls of bondage to expiate that which he did in these privileged ones, my hope is, that he will die at any time for your Majesty's service, and will find patience to live any where for your Majesty's pleasure; only thus much let me beseech your Majesty's grace again and again, not to deny your humble and most obedient suppliant, that you will at least be pleased to mitigate the rigour of his sufferings so far as to grant him the liberty of the Tower, that he may no longer groan under the burden of those incomodities which daily prejudice his health & fortune, in a higher degree (I believe) then either your Majesty knows or intends; I am the more bold to importune your Majesty in the point of favour, because it concerns my own good & preservation: For your Maj. shall deign to understand that I your suppliant have no means to live but what proceeds from his brotherly love and bounty; so as if I may not be suffered to go to him and receive order for my maintenance, I know none but Our Father which art in heaven to beg my daily bread on; he that was my father on earth is long since departed (if I have not been misinformed) who was then beyond sea, your Majesty's anger was to him little better than the messenger of death, though I persuade myself it was rather sent in your Majesty's Name then in your Warrant. For what use could your Majesty have of his not being, who neither was, nor could be ever but your faithful and affectionate servant, who in his soul adored your Royal Majesty as much as ever mortal man did any mortal God; lastly, whose heart was so bend to please your Majesty, as the very sound of your displeasure was enough to break it. And more perfect obedience then this can no subject show, to make his Sovereign's savour equal to life and death. Pardon me, dread Sovereign, if in this occasion I cannot hinder my Father's ghost from appearing: For how can it possibly be at rest, as long as your fatal displeasure reigns still in his family, and makes it the house of continual mourning? Remove then (if it be your blessed will) the clouds that have been so long hanging over our heads; and let not the present storm that wants matter to produce, extort a thunderbolt: For what is Philip's, or the son of Philip's, that your Majesty should so destroy them? We are unworthy of Caesar's anger, as well in regard of our means as of our innocence? To conclude my prayers, I most humbly beseech your Majesty to forgive them; and let not the ignorance of the stile, or ceremonies used in the Court, be imputed to your humble and wellmeaning Suppliant, as a willing want of reverence; in whose breast these two legal qualities, Love and Fear, do more vigorously meet, or who could more willingly part with his essence, to add the least acquisition to the greatness and majesty of his Sovereign. True it is, that the subject that employed the faculties of my soul at this present, is of such a nature, as I could not deny it the uttermost of my affection; and he that thinks he can never speak enough, may easily speak too much. That neither myself nor my brother have failed in any thing but words, that your Majesty will pardon, without that all crimes are equal, and as much danger lies in an humble Petition as in a plot of high Treason. Be pleased then (most gracious Sovereign) to give us back one gracious word, and keep our undoubted hearts, at least show us so much mercy as to judge us according to your own goodness: For if we had not liberty to appeal thither, we should be in danger of losing the best part of our birthright, and instead of your Majesty's subjects become other men's slaves. From your Majesty therefore, and from no other, your faithful suppliant craves and expects the joyful word of grace: which if I may be so happy as to carry my poor brother before he grows any elder in misery, I shall fill an honest heart with prayers and thanksgiving: And for my particular, your Majesty's greatest favour and liberality shall not more oblige or better affect others, than your Royal clemency shall me. In memory whereof I shall daily pray, that your Majesty may obtain all your desires of heaven, and so be obeyed in all your commandments on earth, that we may live to see your holy intentions to take effect for the good of Christendom, and so you may honour the age you live in with the miracles of your wisdom. Finally, that your felicity in this world may overtake that in the highest to make you wear a perpetual Crown to God's glory and your own. Your Majesty's most humble, loyal, and truehearted English subject, FRANCIS PHILIP'S. Oliver St. john's to the Major of Marlborough against the Benevolence. AS I think, this kind of Benevolence is against Law, Reason, and Religion. First, the Law is in the Statute called Magna Charta, 9 H. 3. cap. 29. That no Freeman be any way destroyed but by the Laws of this Land. Secondly, besides that the said Statute of Magna Charta is by all Princes since established and confirmed, it is in the special case of voluntary or free grants enacted and decreed 25. E. 1. cap. 5. That no such be drawn into custom, and cap. 6. That henceforth be taken no such Aids, Tasks, free Grants, or Prizes, but by assent of all the Realm, and for the good of the same. And in primo R. 3. cap. 2. That the Subjects and Commons in this Realm from henceforth shall in no wise be charged by any charge or imposition called a Benevolence, or any such like charge, and that such exactions called a Benevolence, shall be damned and annulled for ever. First, it is not only without, but against reason, that the Commons in their several and particulars, should be made relievers or suppliers of his Majesty's wants, who neither know his wants, nor the sums that may be this way raised to supply the same. Secondly, it is against reason that the particular and several Commons distracted, should oppose their judgement and discretion to the judgement and discretion of the wisdom of their Land assembled in Parliament, who have there denied any such aid. It argueth in us want of love and due respect of our Sovereign Lord and King, which ought to be in every of us towards each other, which is to stay every one which we see falling, and reduce the current. What prosperity can there be expected to befall either our King or Nation, when the King shall haply of ignorance, or ('tis I hope) out of forgetfulness or headiness, commit so great a sin against his God, as is the violating of his great and solemn oath taken at his coronation for the maintaining of his Laws, Liberties and Customs of this Noble Realm, & his Subjects, some for fear, some in pride, some to please others, shall join hands to forward so unhappy an achievement, can he any way more highly offend the Divine Majesty (whom he then invocated) as also can he then give unto another. Hen. 4. If such an one should rise up (which God forbidden) a greater advantage, let these Articles put up against R. 2. be looked on, it will appear that the breach of the Laws, infringing the Liberties, & failing in this his oath, were the main blemishes wherewith he could distain and spot the honour of that good and gentle Prince, who indeed was rather by others abused, then of himself mischievously any way disposed. Secondly, as very irreligiously and uncharitably we help forward the King's Majesty in that grievous sin of perjury; so into what an hellish danger we plunge ourselves even so many of us as contribute, is to be learned out of the several curses and sentences of excommunination given out against all such givers, and namely the two following, viz. the great curse given out the 36. H. 3. against all breakers of the Liberties and customs of the Realm of England, with their Abettors, Councillors, and Executioners, wherein by the sentence of Boniface, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the chief part of all the Bishops of this Land, are ipso facto excommunicated. And that of 24. Ed. 1. denounced immediately upon the Acts made against such Benevolence, free Grants and Impositions had and taken without common assent; which because it is not so large as that former, I will set down as our Books deliver the same. IN the Name of the Father, Son, and holy Ghost, Amen. Whereas our Sovereign Lord the King, to the honour of God, and of the Holy Church, and for the common profit of the Realm, hath granted for him and his heirs for ever these Articles above written: Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, admonished all his Province once, twice, and thrice, because that shortness will not suffer so much delay, as to give knowledge to all the people of England of these presents in writing. We therefore enjoin all persons of what estate soever they be, that they and every of them as much as in them is, shall uphold and maintain those Articles granted by our Sovereign Lord the King in all points; and all those that in any point do resist or break those Ordinances, or in any manner hereafter procure, counsel, or in any ways assent to, resist or break those Ordinances, or go about it by word or deed openly or privately by any manner of pretence or colour: We therefore the said Archbishop by our authority in this Writing expressed, do excommunicate and accurse, and from the body of our Lord Jesus Christ, and from all the company of Heaven, and from all the Sacraments of the holy Church do sequester and exclude. Sir, hearing that to morrow the Justices will be here about this busy work of Benevolence, wherein you have both sent unto, and talked with me, and thinking that it may be you would deliver up the names of the not-givers. Forasmuch as I think I shall scarcely be at home to make my further answer, if I should be called for, I pray you both hereby to understand my mind yourself, and if cause so require to let the Justices perceive as much. So leaving others to their own consciences, whereby in that last and dreadful day they shall stand or fall before him who will reward every man according to his deeds, I commend you to the grace of the Almighty, and rest, Your loving Neighbour and Friend, OLIVER St. JOHN. The Justices of Peace in the County of Devon to the Lords of the Council. THe Letters from his sacred Majesty unto the Justices of Peace in this County, together with your Lordships, have been opened and read according to the directions in your Locdships' Letter to our high Sheriff expressed, and the weighty business therein contained, hath been maturely and speedily debated, according to our most bounden duties to his excellent Majesty, and the many concurring necessities which press the expedition of such a service: and in those respects we can do no less than give your Lordships a timely knowledge of the vote and opinion of us all, which was this day almost in the same words delivered by every of us. That the sum enjoined to be levied by the first of March, is not to be so suddenly raised out of this County by any means, much less by way of persuasion; and hereof we had lately a certain experience in the business of the loans, which notwithstanding the fear apprehended by the presence of the Pursuivant, hath come at least 6000. l. short of the expected sum, and without him we suppose would have been much less, and we are confident that nothing but extremities, which had need also be backed by Law, will raise his Majesty a sufficient quantity of treasure for his occasions. For ourselves, at the time of the proposition of the forementioned Loans, we did according to his Majesty's proclamation and instruction than sent us, engage our faithful promise to our Countrymen, that if they willingly yielded to his Majesty's necessities at this time, we would never more be Instruments in the levy of aids of that kind, his Majesty's intentions so clearly manifested not to make that a precedent, was the cause of that engagement, and we conceive it cannot be for his honour or service for us to be the means of such a breach. That his Majesty's affairs and of his Allies, do all want an instant supply of Royal provisions; his provident and Princely Letter hath fully taught us; but we have much more cau●● to wish then hope that these parts so lately and so many ways impoverished, can yield it. Your Lordships may vouchsafe to remember how much this County hath been charged since the beginning of the war, though sometimes refreshed with payment, which we acknowledge with humble thanks. By our own late loan of 35000. l. and 6000. l. more sent by Sir Thomas Wise and Mr. Stroad, and yet there remains due to it for the Coat and Conduct of their own impressed Soldiers, for divers voyages for the Recruits intended for the Isle of Ree for the conduct of the whole Army hence, besides three Companies stand yet here for Silly, and no small number of scattered sick, whose mortal infection hath more discouraged the people than the charge. That many and almost unaccountable are our ways of expense, few or none have we of income for the want of Trade, how then can there be any quantity of money to disburse; their bodies and goods are left which (we are assured) will be ever ready for his Majesty's defence, and to be employed in his Majesty's service as far forth as ever our forefathers have yielded them to his Majesty's Royal Progenitors. Particular proofs we would have made of the people's disability to have satisfied his Majesty's demands, but we had rather adventure ourselves, and this humble advertisement upon your Lordship's private and favourable instructions, then to expose his Majesty's honour to public denial, and misspend his precious time, which applied to more certain courses may attain his Princely and religious ends, wherein to be his Majesty's Instruments will be our earthly happiness, and singular comfort to be your Lordship's obedient servants. The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishops concerning King James his Directions for Preachers, with the Directions, Aug. 14. 1622. RIght Reverend Father in God, and my very good Lord and Brother, I have received from the Kings most excellent Majesty, a Letter, the tenor whereof here ensueth. Most reverend Father in God, right trusty and right entirely beloved Councillor, we greet you well. Forasmuch as the abuses and extravagancies of Preachers in the Pulpit, have been in all times repressed in this Realm by some Act of Council or State, with the advice or resolution of grave and learned Prelates, insomuch as the very licensing of Preachers had beginning by an Order of Star-Chamber the 8. day of July in the 19 year of King Henry 8. our Noble Predecessor: and whereas at this present divers young Students by reading of late Writers and ungrounded Divines, do broach many times unprofitable, unsound, seditious and dangerous Doctrine, to the scandal of the Church, and disquieting of the State and present Government; We upon humble representation to us of these inconveniences by yourself and sundry other grave and reverend Prelates of this Church, as also of our Princely care and zeal for the extirpation of schism and dissension growing from these seeds, and for the settling of a religious and peaceable government both of the Church and State, do by these our special Letters straight charge and command you to use all possible care and diligence that these limitations and cautions herewith sent unto you concerning Preachers, be duly and straight henceforth observed and put in practice by the several Bishops in their several Dioceses within your jurisdictions. And to this end our pleasure is, that you send them forthwith several Copies of these Directions, to be by them speedily sent and communicated to every Parson, Vicar and Curate, Lecturer and Minister in every Cathedral and Parish Church within their several Dioceses; and that you earnestly require them to employ their uttermost endeavour in the performance of this so important a business, letting them know that we have a special eye to their proceed, and expect a strict account thereof both of you and them, and every of them. And these our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant and Discharge in that hehalf. Given under our Signet at our Castle of Windsor the fourteenth day of August, in the twentieth year of our reign of England, France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the fifty sixth. Directions concerning Preachers. THat no Preacher under the degree of a Bishop, or a Dean of a Cathedral or Collegiate Church, and that upon the King's days, and set Festivals, do take occasion by the expounding of any Text of Scripture whatsoever, to fall to any set Discourse or Common-place, otherwise then by opening the coherence and division of his Text, which be not comprehended and warranted in essence, substance, effect, or natural inference within some one of the Articles of Religion set forth by authority in the Church of England, and the two Books of Homilies set forth by the same authority in the year 1562. or in some of the Homilies set forth by authority of the Church of England, not only for the help of non-preaching, but withal for a Pattern or a Boundary as it were for the preaching Ministers; and for their further instruction for the performance hereof, that they forthwith read over and peruse diligently the said Book of Articles, and the two Books of Homilies. 2. That no Parson, Vicar, Curate, or Lecturer, shall preach any Sermon or Collation hereafter upon Sundays or Holidays in the afternoon in any Cathedral or Parish-Church throughout the Kingdom, but upon some part of the Catechism, or some Text taken out of the Creed, the ten Commandments, or the Lord's prayer, (Funeral-sermons only excepted) And that those Preachers be most encouraged and approved of who spend their afternoons exercises in the examination of Children in their Catechism, which is the most ancient and laudable custom of teaching in the Church of England. 3. That no Preacher of what title or denomination soever under the degree of a Bishop, or Dean at the least, do from henceforth presume to preach in any popular Auditory the deep points of Predestination, Election, Reprobation, or the universality, efficacy, resistibility or irresistibility of God's grace; but leave these Themes to be handled by learned men, and that moderately and modestly by way of use and application, rather than by way of positive doctrine, as being fit for Schools and Universities then for simple Auditories. 4. That no Preacher of what title or denomination soever shall presume from henceforth in any Auditory within this Kingdom to declare, limit, or bound out by way of positive doctrine in any Sermon or Lecture the power, prerogative, jurisdiction, authority, right or duty of sovereign Princes; or otherwise meddle with these matters of State, and the differences betwixt Princes and people, then as they are instructed and presidented in the Homilies of Obedience, and in the rest of the Homilies and Articles of Religion set forth as before is mentioned by public Authority, but rather confine themselves wholly to these two heads, Faith and good life, which are all the subject of ancient Homilies and Sermons. 5. That no Preacher of what title or denomination soever shall causelessly or without invitation of the Text fall into bitter invectives, or undecent railing speeches against the persons of either Papists or Puritans, but modestly and gravely when they are occasioned thereunto by the text of Scripture, clear both the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England from the aspersions of either adversary, especially when the Auditory is suspected with the one or the other infection. 6. Lastly, That the Archbishop and Bishops of this Kingdom (whom his Majesty hath good cause to blame for their former remissness) be more wary and choice in the licensing of Preachers, and revoke all grants made to any Chancellor, Official or Commissary, to pass Licences in this kind. And that all the Lecturers throughout the Kingdom, a new body, and severed from the ancient Clergy of England, as being neither Parsons, Vicars, nor Curates, be licenced henceforward in the Court of Faculties only upon recommendations of the party from the Bishop of the Diocese under his hand and seal, with a Fiat from the Archbishop of Canterbury, and a confirmation under the great seal of England; and that such as transgress any of these Directions, be suspended by the Lord Bishop of that Diocese, or in his default by the Lord Archbishop of that Province (ab officio & beneficio) for a year and a day, until his Majesty by the advice of the next Convocation shall prescribe some further punishment. By this you see his Majesty's Princely care that men should preach Christ crucified, obedience to the higher powers, and honest and Christian conversation of life, but in a regular form, and not that every young man should take unto himself an exorbitant liberty to teach what he listeth to the offence of his Majesty, and to the disturbance and disquiet of the Church and Commonwealth. I can give unto your Lordship no better directions for the performance hereof then are prescribed to you in his Majesty's Letter, and the Schedule hereunto annexed. Wherefore I pray you be very careful, since it is the Princely pleasure of his Majesty to require an exact account both of you and of me for the same. Thus not doubting but by your Register or otherwise you will cause these Instructions to be communicated to your Clergy, I leave you to the Almighty, and remain your Lordship's loving brother, Croyden, Aug. 15. 1622. George Cant. King James Instructions to the Archbishop of Canterbury concerning Orders to be observed by Bishops in their Dioceses. 1622. 1. THat the Lords the Bishops be commanded to their several Sees, excepting those that are in necessary attendance at Court. 2. That none of them reside upon his land or lease that he hath purchased, nor on his Commendum if he hold any; but in one of his Episcopal Houses if he have any, and that he waste not the woods where any are left. 3. That they give their charge in their Triennial Visitations, and at other convenient times both by themselves and the Archdeacon's, and that the Declaration for settling all questions in difference, be strictly observed by all parties. 4. That there be a special care taken by them all, that the Ordinations be solemn, and not of unworthy persons. 5. That they take great care concerning the Lecturers in their several Diocese, for whom we give these special Directions following. First, That in all Parishes the afternoon Sermons may be turned into Catechising by Question and Answer, when and wheresoever there is no great cause apparent to break this ancient and profitable order. Secondly, that every Bishop ordain in his Diocese, that every Lecturer do read Divine Service according to the Liturgy printed by authority, in his Surplice and Hood, before the Lecture. Thirdly, That where a Lecture is set up in a Market Town, it may be read by a company of grave and Orthodox Divines near adjoining, and in the same Diocese, and that they preach in Gowns, not in Cloaks, as too many use to do. Fourthly, That if a Corporation do maintain a single Lecturer, he be not suffered to preach till he profess his willingness to take upon him a living with cure of souls within that Incorporation, and that he actually take such Benefice or Cure, so soon as it shall be fairly procured for him. Fifthly, That the Bishops do countenance and encourage the grave & Orthodox Divines of their Clergy, and that they use means by some of the Clergy, or others, that they may have knowledge how both Lecturers and Preachers within their Diocese, do behave themselves in their Sermons, that so they may take order for any abuse accordingly. Sixthly, That the Bishops suffer none under Noblemen, or men qualified by Law, to have any private Chaplain in his house. Seventhly, That they take special care that Divine Service be diligently frequented, as well for Prayers and Catechisms as for Sermons, and take particular note of all such as absent themselves as Recusants, or others. Eighthly, That every Bishop that by our grace and favour, and good opinion of his service, shall be nominated by us to another Bishopric, shall from that day of nomination not presume to make any Lease for three lives or one and twenty years, or concurrent Lease, or any way renew any estate, or cut any Wood or Timber, but merely receive his Rents due and to quit the place. For we think it an hateful thing that any man leaving the Bishopric should almost undo his Successor. And if any man shall presume to break this Order, We will refuse him Our Royal assent, and keep him at the place he hath so abused. Ninthly and lastly, We command you to give us an account every year the second of January of the performance of these our commands. Subscribed at Dorchester. I. R. Bishop of Winchester to his Archdeacon to the same effect. SAlutem in Christo. I have received Letters from the most Reverend Father in God the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the tenor whereof followeth. Right reverend Father in God, my very good Lord and brother, I have received from the Kings most excellent Majesty a Letter, the tenor whereof here ensueth. Most reverend Father in God, right trusty and right entirely beloved Councillor, we greet you well. For as much as the abuses and extravagancies of Preachers in the Pulpit, have been, etc. According to the tenor of these Letters you are to see that these limitations and cautions herewith sent unto you be duly and strictly from henceforth observed, and put in practice, and that several Copies of those Directions be speedily communicated to every one of those whom they shall concern, and that you may employ your uttermost endeavours in the performance of so important a business, considering that his Majesty will have a special eye over you and me, and expect a strict account at both our hands, whereof praying you to have all possible care, I commend your endeavours therein to the blessing of God. Your very loving friend, Lan. Winton. From Farnham, Aug. 15. 1622. The Bishop of Lincoln L. Keeper, to the Bishop of London, concerning Preaching and Catechising. My very good Lord, I Doubt not before this time you have received from me the directions of his most excellent Majesty concerning Preaching and Preachers, which are so graciously set down, that no godly or discreet man can otherwise then acknowledge that they do much tend to edification, if he take them not up upon report, but do punctually consider the tenor of the words as they lie, and doth not give an ill construction to that which may receive a fair interpretation. Notwithstanding because some few Churchmen and many of the people have sinisterly conceived, as we here find, that those Instructions do tend to the restraint of the exercise of Preaching, and do in some sort abate the number of Sermons, and so consequently by degrees do make a breach to ignorance and superstition, his Majesty in his Princely wisdom hath thought fit that I should advertise your Lordship of the grave and weighty reasons which induced his Highness to prescribe that which was done. You are therefore to know, that his Majesty being much troubled and grieved at the heart to hear every day of so many defections from our Religion both to Popery and Anabaptism, or other points of Separation in some parts of this Kingdom; and considering with much admiration what might be the cause thereof, especially in the reign of such a King who doth so constantly profess himself an open adversary to the superstition of the one, and madness of the other, his Princely wisdom could fall upon no one greater probability than the lightness, affectedness, and unprofitableness of that kind of Preaching which hath been of late years too much taken up in Court, University, City and Country. The usual scope of very many Preachers is noted to be soaring up in points of Divinity too deep for the capacity of the people, or mustering up of so much reading, or a displaying of their own wit, or an ignorant meddling with Civil matters, as well in the private several Parishes and Corporations, as in the public of the Kingdom, or a venting of their own distastes, or a smoothing up those idle fancies (which when the Text shall occasion the same, is not only approved but much commended by his Royal Majesty) both against the persons of Papists and Puritans. Now the people bred up with this kind of teaching, and never instructed in the Catechism, and fundamental grounds of Religion, are for all this airy nourishment, no better than a brass Tabret, new Table-books to be filled up either with Manuals and Catechisms of the Popish Priests, or the papers and pamphlets of Anabaptists, Brownists and Puritans. His Majesty therefore calling to mind the saying of Tertullian, Id verum quod primum; and remembering with what doctrine the Church of England in her first and most happy Reformation did drive out the one, and keep out the other from poisoning and infecting the people of this Kingdom, doth find that the whole scope of this doctrine is contained in the Articles of Religion, the two books of Homilies, the lesser and the greater Catechism, which his Majesty doth therefore recommend again in these Directions as the themes and proper subjects of all sound and edifying preaching. And so far are these Directions from abridging, that his Majesty doth expect at our hands that it should increase the number of Sermons, by renewing every Sunday in the afternoon in all Parish-Churches throughout the Kingdom that primitive and most profitable exposition of the Catechism, wherewith the people, yea very children may be timely seasoned and instructed in all the heads of Christian Religion. The which kind of exposition (to our amendment be it spoken) is more diligently observed in all the Reformed Churches of Europe, then of late it hath been here in England. I find his Majesty much moved with this neglect, and resolved (if we that are Bishops do not see a reformation thereof, which I trust we shall) to recommend to the care of the Civil Magistrate: so far is his Highness from giving the least discouragement to solid preaching, or discreet and religious Preachers. To all these I am to add, That it is his Majesty's Princely pleasure that both the former Directions and those reasons of the same be fairly written in every Registers Office, to the end that every Preacher of what denomination soever may, if he be so pleased, take out Copies of either of them with his own hand gratis, passing nothing in the name of fee or expedition: But if he do use the pains of the Register or the Clerk, then to pay some moderate Fee to be pronounced in open Court by the Chancellor and Commissaries of the place, taking the direction and approbation of my Lords the Bishops. Lastly, That from henceforward a course may be taken that every Parson, Vicar, Curate, or Lecturer do make and exhibit an account for the performance of these his Majesty's directions, and the reasons for the same, at the ensuing Visitation of the Bishops and Archdeacon's, paying to the Register 6 d. for the exhibiting. And so wishing, but withal in his Majesty's name requiring your Lordship to have a special and extraordinary care of the premises, I leave you to the Almighty. Your very loving friend, J. Lincoln, C.S. Septemb. 3. 1622. Instructions for the Ministers, and Churchwardens of London, Jan. 28. 1622. 1. THat his Majesty's declaration, published Anno Dom. 1628. before the Articles of Religion, for settling all questions in difference be strictly observed. 2. That special care be had concerning Lectures in every Parish. 3. That the Minister and Church wardens in every parish, or one of them, do by writing under his or their own hands, certify unto the Archdeacon of London, or his official, at, or before the 28 of this present January; and afterwards at, or before every visitation, the Christian and Surnames of every Lecturer in their parishes, and the place where he preacheth, whether exempt, or not exempt; together with his quality or degree. 4. That they do in like manner certify the names of such men, as being not qualified by Law, do keep Chaplains in their houses. 5. That they do further certify the names of all such as absent themselves from, or are negligent in coming to divine service, as well Prayers, as Catechising and Sermons. 6. That the Minister and Churchwardens of every Parish, successively, do keep a several Copy of those Instructions by them, whereby they may be the better informed of their duty; and that the said Copies be showed at every visitation, when they shall present all such persons as have disobeyed these instructions; that according to his Majesty's pleasure, such as do conform, may be encouraged, and such as are refractory, may be punished. Subscribed Tho. Paske, Archdeacon of London. Monsieur Bevayr, Chancellor of France, discharged to the French King. LO Sir, I willingly resign into your hands, the charge with which you were pleased to honour me, and with the same Countenance that I received it, without seeking for it, I leave it without grieving for it; the Law had sufficiently taught me to obey your Majesty, so that I needed not to have been sent for by a Captain of the Guard, and twenty Archers; violence should only be used against those that resist, and not against me that know how to obey; and that have ever esteemed this honour a heavy burden, rather than a dignity, which yet I had accepted for the good of your service, because every able man owes his cares and his years to the public good; and because it had been a shame for me to refuse to die with the stern in my hand, being able to binder, or at the least delay the shipwreck that threatens us. God grant Sir, that I be the greatest loser in this disfavour, and that you and your state be the least touched in it. This accident hath not taken me on the sudden, having ever well foreseen, that as I followed as much as I could, the integrity and virtues of Monsieur de Villeroy, and the Precedent Janin; so I ought to expect the like fortune to theirs: your commandment in this, agrees with the choice myself had made, if I had been at full liberty; for I love a great deal better to be companion in their disgraces, (if I ought so to style the being disburdened of affairs) then to be employed in the managing the State with them that there remain; since I might in time have taken an ill day by the Company of such people, to whom I no whit envy the increase of authority, which is given them at my cost; for I have not used to give account of my actions every morning by stealth, neither will I be prescribed what I ought to do, if the States good, and reason do not counsel me unto it. This is much more honourable for me, then to have betrayed your Majesty, in sealing a discharge to an accountant of 80000 pound, in the great poverty of the Treasury, and that to further the good of a man that blushes not (besides this) to demand the Duchy of Alencon by way of mortgage, which is the portion of the King's Sons, and to pretend to the office of Constable, which the late Kings will expressly was, should be suppressed after the death of the late Lord Monmorency. Think not Sir, that in not giving my consent to this, I desired to oppose myself against your Authority; I know well that that hath no bounds, but those of your will; but yet are you bound to rule yourself according to reason, and to follow the Counsel of those which have entered into the managing of the State by the choice which the late King had made of them, as being more able to give it you, then certain new comers drawn out of the dregs of business and of the people. This exchange which is made of us for them, is the trick of the Wolves to the Sheep, when they took their dogs from them; doth not your Majesty perceive it, or dare you not redress it for fear of disobedience? Sir, you own obedience by nature to those that preach it to you but they themselves own it you both by divine and humane right; and though you should yield them less they have given you but too many examples so to do. Remember if it please you, that you are passed fifteen years old, and Kings are of age at fourteen. Isaac followed Abraham his Father to be sacrificed, because he was not old enough to fear any thing: I believe if he had been a man grown, and had foreseen the danger, he would not himself have carried the sticks upon his shoulders; he was but the appearance of a sacrifice, I pray God in these occasions keep you from the effect: for when I see that men move the Authority of the Court when they will, that men set to sale and dispose of the offices of the Crown, without being once hindered by any; the Princes of the blood having been some imprisoned, and other Princes having retired themselves for the security of their persons; when I see that among the great ones, they that are made see some shadow of better fortunes, are feign to lend their hands to bring themselves into bondage; that they which have attained some settledness in this alteration, maintain it only for fear of returning to the former misery of their former condition—. Besides, it seems also that the people, and the Provinces partake of this change after the example of the great ones, seeing the help of the law is unprofitable, every thing being out of order by canvasing, by violences, and by corruptions; the Lovure itself hath put on a new face, as well as the affairs of the Kingdom; there remains nothing of the old Court but the walls, and even of them the use hath been changed; for they were wont to serve for the safeguard of Princes, and now they serve for their prison, and for yours it may be, (if it be lawful to say so:) for it is not without some end, that when you go abroad, you have a company of light horse to attend you, chosen by a suspected hand; this is your Guard after the fashion of the Bastile, this distrust counsels you enough, what you ought to do, and you need no other advice. I am hist at, I am scoffed at, and my discourse; so was Cassandra used, when she foretold the destruction of Troy. Sir, I have nothing left but my tongue to serve you with; If I were so happy to draw you out of the error in which you are fed, I would bless a thousand times my disgrace; for having emboldened me to speak freely in a time, wherein even words are punished. The falseness of the Alcharan, is only authorised by that it is forbidden under pain of death to speak of it. The encroachment which is made upon your Authority, takes footing only by the danger that is in telling it you freely; consider (if it please you) that those which usurp power over you, are of a Country where every body would reign; thence it is that there is not a City on the other side the Alps, that hath not her republic or her petty King; and if your Majesty had but a little tasted the History of your own Kingdom, you would have found that the most learned Tragedies that were ever seen in France, have come from that side: the last— upon occasion of a lit-book which I published, touching Constancy and Comfort in public calamities, I fear much that (contrary to my design) this is a Work for your Reign, if the goodness of God take not pity on us. Think not Sir, that the grief to see myself removed from the State Affairs, breeds so bold a discourse; if I had felt any grief for that, 'tis but as new married Wives weep to leave the subjection of their Fathers, to enter into the equality of Marriage: Yet it is true, that owing you my service, I should with more contentment have employed it in your Counsels of State, then in your Parliaments, where the matters are of less importance. For I suppose, that if the Carpenter which made the frame of the Admiral wherein Don John de Austria commanded at the Battle of Lepanto, had known that she should have served in so important an occasion, wherein depended the safety of the rest of Europe, he would have taken more pleasure in the making her, then if he had made a vessel destined only for Traffic. Notwithstanding, since your Majesty commands me to retire myself, in a good hour be it, the lesser stars bear a part in the perfection of the Universe, though they contribute less to it then the Sun or Moon In what condition soever I live, I will ever bring all I shall be able to the good of your service: and if there be any of those which are near you, that lament mine absence, for my own sake, I would willingly say to them, Weep for yourselves, children of Jerusalem, that for want of courage suffer your Majesty to be betrayed; and not for me, that have no other fault, then that I am an honest man. I take leave therefore of you, Sir, praying God to take pity of your Estate, and care of your Breeding. Monr Richer forced, recants his opinions against the Papal Supremacy over Kings. EGo Librum quem composui Ecclesiasticae potestatis, & me ipsum measque omnes Propositiones subjicio Eccles. Cathol. Apost. & Roman. & sanctae sedi Apostolicae, quam matrem om●ium Ecclesiarum esse agnosco; & in qua semper vig●it infallibile Judicium veritatis in rebus fidei decernendis. Vehementerque doleo in praedicto meo Libro quasdam esse Propositiones quae scandalum genuerint, & quae sint veritati Catholicae ut sonant contraria. Cardinal Richlieu to the Roman Catholics of great Britain, Aug. 25. 1624. VIri praeclari, longius differo ad vos scribere, quia res vestrae facta non verba desiderant, vota vestra nostra sunt studia, & utraque propitio Deo, aliqua ex parte saltem optatos speramus exitus inventura; spondet hoc nobis Rex Christianissimus, qui aut nullas, aut certe honorificias Religioni, pro Regia sua indole conditiones foederis unquam admissurus est, Ita a nobis formatus, ita animo praeparatus est, ut se rei divinae augendae non minus quam finibus propagandis natum vocatumque ●sse meminerit: serenissima Regina ejus Mater, sedulâ operâ, intentâ curâ cavebit, non modo ne quid detrementi Religio capiat, sed etiam ut quà possit promoveri, promoveatur, & adjuvetur. Equidem ita me rerum vestrarum miseret, ut si non dico consilio, non fide, non authoritate (quae sentio quam sint exigua:) sed si vitâ ipsâ & sanguine vos eripere vel levare etiam malis possem, libentissimè facerem. Ex animo dico, testis est conscientia, qua me vestrum omnium, libertatisque vestrae semper et omni loco fore studiosissimum polliceor. Vobis ex animo addictissimus, Amandus, Cardinalis Richlieu. Apud Sanctum German. 25 August. 1624. Monsr. Balsac to the Cardinal dela Valette. MY LORD, I am retired here into Cicero's house, where I take the fresh air, and the shade of every hour of the day and laugh at those that broile themselves at Rome. But although I be come hither as we● to untire my Spiri●, as to recreate my body, notwithstanding it is impossible that the first can rest, but must do business where it finds none; It crosses the Sea, and passes over the Alps without my consent, and because there is nothing to do at France, it goes to seek some at Constantinople, at Madrid, at L●ndon, and at Montauban. Now, to the end you may not think me a liar, and that under an honest pretext, I would palliate a reprovable idleness; I am going to write you the adventures of my yesterday walk, and speak to you in the same stile, and the same sort as I rave. While the King is busied to make war, the King of Spain passeth his time with Ladies, and into places that may not honestly be named; I will give no judgement upon the different inclination of these two Princes, but I very well know, that so long as they live in that fashion, the King of Spain shall take no Towns, nor the King of France the Pox. You have surely heard it reported, that the Polanders have defeated the Turks Army, which was composed of two hundred thousand Combatants, the half whereof, lay dead upon the place. It must necessarily be granted, that but he only after such a loss, could make such a second, and that he hath a source of men that cannot be drawn dry, either by wars, by plagues, or by any other ill disposition of the air, seeing that in the abundance of all things, that his Empire produces, there is nothing at so low a price, as the lives of soldiers. When I dream that the Duke of Bovillon is shut up in Sedan, from whence he cannot come forth to go and make his party, I imagine to myself, a poor mother standing upon the brink of a River, seeing her son slain on the other side, neither being able to help him or bid him farewel: never was man so assaulted with such diversity of thoughts, nor oppressed with unprofitable cares; one while it vexes him that sufficient resistance was not made at St. Jehan de Angeli; and again I find that they made not use of the advantage which they might have taken At one and the same time I would have been at Montauban to defend, and in England to get succour for it. But why dwells so great a spirit in a body that hath no more heat in it then a fever gives it, and which is never removed but by Amber-Greece and Physic? It's known that the better part of it dwells in the history of troubles, and that in this world it holds but the place of another. In the mean time, the affairs of the Rebels grow to ruin; and if they make any small attempts, it is not that their hopes increase, nor their courage strengthens, but it is God's will that they shall not have either victory or peace. The Duke of Bovillon sees all this, not being able to remedy, and if sometimes to divert his spirit from so vexing an object, he thinks to seek some comfort out of the kingdom, and amongst stranger's affairs, of one side he discovers a puissant Army under the conduct of Spinola, which threatens all Germany; and of the other side he sees his Nephew, whom from having been Count Palatine, and King of Bohemia, is become pensioner to the Hollanders, and a Gentleman of the Prince of Orange his train; as the beasts in time past, were wont to be crowned, which ought to be sacrificed; so fortune presented a Kingdom to this poor man, to the end he should lose his life; but not to lie, he hath showed himself craftier than she, and fled so we he could never be overtaken. Notwithstanding to speak home, the gain which he got by not dying at the battle of Prague, is not so great as the reproach which shall be cast upon him for living by his own fault, and for having witnessed to all the people of the world, that the end of his desires, was only to attain to be old; and without doubt, as it is a great advantage to be the Grandchild of an usurper, so there is not a more miserable condition, then to have been a King, and now to be no more but the subject, or tragedy to plays. Let men then as much as they please, praise the designs of this man, and his good intention. I for my part, find nothing so easy as to fly and lose; and posterity shall put him rather in the number of thiefs that have been punished, then of conquerors which have triumphed upon the earth. Since it is true, that the persecution ceases in England, and that the King wearieth himself with giving us Martyrs, it may be, that within a short time, he will altogether set souls at liberty, that still makes one step to his mother Church. As for my part, I despair not of this great conversion, that all honest men will with salt tears, desire this from heaven, knowing to the contrary, that he hath a reasonable spirit, and may be persuaded upon a thing that he determined on. I assure myself that he studies every day the truth of the instructions the great Cardinal Peron left him, See King James his Remonstrance against Cardi Peron. and that that will be the strongest in his Kingdoms assoon as his Conscience— authority better reestablished than his. His predecessors knew not how to reign in regard of him, no not she that played with so many heads, and who was more happy than needful for the Christian Commonwealth. It is certain, that heretofore England believed in God, but this day it only believes in its Prince, and Religion makes but a part of the obedience yielded unto him; in so much, that if he would but set in the place of all the points of Faith, all the fables of Poesy, he should find in his subjects complying enough to bring them to his will, and persuade himself, that he may make all things just that he does, and all things culpaple that he condemns; his Authority came not so far at the first stroke; and there must be time to make men lose * The way for Romish Conversion. reason, but at this time when all sp●rits are vanquished, and that the great belief that he hath given of his judgement, takes away the liberty of theirs; they can imagine nothing above the wisdom of th● King, and without meddling with any thing that passes between God and him, they believe that if he command them to tread under foot all the Holy things, and to violate all the Laws, all that was but for the safety of their Consciences. But it is to be believed, that this Divine providence, which conducts things to their ends, by means which in appearance are contrary, will use the bloodiness of this people to procure their salvation, and cause them to come again into the Church, by the same door they went out of it. And since the hearts of Kings are in the hands of God, there wants nothing but a good motion sent unto him, to build again the Altars which he hath beaten down, and at one clap to turn to the true Religion the souls of three Kingdoms. A while ago he sent a Gentleman expressly to this Court, that it might not be contrary with the Marriage which he treated with Spain, and to endeavour to make the Romans think well of it; and that one of these days, it may be, he will call his Holiness, and the sacred College of Cardinals; but hitherto these are terms of a tongue unknown to him. Furthermore, in this Country we imagine, that there will be no lack of wars till Rochel be reduced to extremity: It is very true, that the forces which the King hath left before it, are not great; but for how many men think you, they count the Captain into whose hands he hath put them! It is not permitted to judge of that which he will do by the ordinary course of the things of this world, his actions cannot be drawn into example; and though he be infinitely wise, notwithstanding it is certain, that in what he undertakes, it always appears somewhat greater than man's wisdom; Yet truly my Lord, after having considered the motion of the Stars which are so just; the order of the seasons, wh●ch are so governed; the beauties of nature, which are so divers; I find in the end, that there is nothing in the world, where God showeth himself so admirable, as in the guiding of the life of my Lord your Father. But to the purpose, behold this that I added yesterday to the great discourse (which I made by your Commandment and which you much praised the first time.) Monsr. Balsac to the King Lovis. SIR, The late King your father hath not done more, and nevertheless not to speak of the Actions of his life; your Majesty knows that his last thoughts made all the Kings of the earth to tremble, and his memory until this day is reverenced to the uttermost ends of the world. Notwithstanding, Sir, be it that you are come in a better time than he, be it that God hath destinated your Majesty for higher things, the glory which you have gotten at the going out of your infancy is not less than that which that great Prince deserved when he was was grown old in Arms: and in affairs as he, so you make yourself redoubted without tyranny; as he, so you govern your people. But I am constrained to avow that your Majesty must needs yield to him in one thing, which is, that you have not yet begot a Son that resembles you. But certainly Sir, we cannot any longer time have this advantage over you. All Europe requires Princes and princesses of you, and it is certain, that the world ought not to end, but when your race shall fail: if you will then that the beauty of the things we see, pass to another age; If you will that the public tranquillity have an assured foundation, and that your victories may be eternal, you must talk no more of working powerfully, nor of doing great Acts of State, but with the Queen. Monsieur Toyrax to the Duke of Buckingham. MY Lord, your courtesies are sufficiently known to all the world; and you place them with so much judgement, that those only may hope after them that make themselves worthy by their actions. Now I know no action so worthy of that merit, as for a man to employ himself,— if in the defence of this place he vanquish not all difficulties— so that no despair of succour nor fear of rigour, in case of extremity, can ever make me quit a design so generous; as also I shall esteem myself unworthy of any your favours, if in this action I omit the least point of my duty; the issue whereof cannot be but honourable: and by how much you add to this glory by your valour and carriage, by so much I am more bound to remain during my life, your Lordship's humble and most obedient servant, Toirax. Ab ignoto, concerning the estate of Rochel after the surrender. SIR, I presume you have long since heard the particulars of Ro●hel; and that by fare better relations than mine; notwithstanding you may be pleased to know what I observed and learned there myself eight days after the King's entrance, whither curiosity and some other causes drew me. For the siege and Dike, they prae caeteris excellens, were in all parts most royal and fare more perfect and uniform, than relation could make me conceive: The misery of the siege almost incredible, but to such only as have seen it, or some part thereof: Corn was worth after the rate of 800 Franks the bushel; an Ox or Cow, sold after the rate of 2000 Franks. The host where I lay, sold a Jade horse, worth it may be four or five pounds, for 800 Franks, and for five and twenty weeks, tasted no bread: of twelve persons in his family, only he and his wife are living; who also within two days had died, if the Town had not been rendered. He and his wife made a Collation the day before the Town was rendered, which cost him about six or seven pound sterling; their cheer was a pound of bread, made of Straw, Sugar, and other Spices; half a pound of horse flesh, three or four ounces of Comfits, and a pint of Wine, which they imagined, was the last good cheer they should make together; and in like case, were all the rest of the Town, only two or three families of the better sort excepted; by which you may conjecture what rates such kind of provision were at. There were eaten between 3000 or 4000 Cow-hides, all the dogs, cats, mice and rats they could get, not a horse left alive, which was food for the better sort, only Madam Rohan, after having eaten her Coach horse, and her servants the Leather of her Coach; removed, though full sore against her will, her lodging from Rochel to the Castle of Mock or Nioeul, where she is under guard, and since (it is said) to the Bastile in Paris: God send her and hers to heaven. There died for want of food in Rochel 15000 and rested living when the King entered between three and four thousand, of which there are since very many dead; they daily discover new miseries, which when I was there, were not spoken of; the mother and the child at the breast both dead, the child having eaten most part of the mother's breast; a soldier was found dead with a piece of his fellows flesh in his mouth; a Burger having a servant killed, powdered her, which fed him and his wife a long time, and dainty meat too: many languishing and finding themselves draw near their ends, caused their coffins to be carried into the Churches, laid them down in them and so died; these were of the better sort. The common sort laid themselves down in Coffins in the Church yards and there died; others in the streets, others not able to go out of their houses died and remained there, their friends being not able to remove them thence. So that when the first Forces of the King entered, there were in the Town, of Corpse unburied, some in the Churchyards, others in the streets, some in their houses, some on the floor, others in their beds, besides them that died without the Gates under hedges, and in ditches round about the Town, which I saw myself when I was there; half devoured with Ravens and other beasts, and fowls of the air; In fine, the like misery hath not been seen nor heard of. The King on All-Saints day, which was the day of his entry, with a wax Candle in his hand, together with the Cardinal and all the Nobility, in like manner, went all over the Town in procession with the B. Sacrament. The chief Temple of the Hugonots shall be converted into a Church Cathedral, and Rochel to be a Bishopric. All the fortifications and walls to Landwards' to be razed, and the Fosses filled so that a plough may pass, as in arable Land. The Mayor, with some of the chiefest, are banished for ever, others for a certain time limited, though quietly to possess their goods, movable and immovable, and a general remission of all crimes past: and all others that were in the Town before the descent of the English into Rhee, and when the Town was rendered, shall likewise enjoy the same privilege, though no child or heir absent, is, or shall be capable to inherit the goods or lands of his parents or friends deceased, but all is at the King's disposing. The King hath granted them free liberty of their Religion in the Town of Rochel, which in short time will all be rooted out; for no Foreigner (though naturalised) shall be admitted to repair and inhabit in Rochel, nor French but Roman Catholics. The King hath added to the revenues of his Crown 20000 Franks per annum, which was a rent belonging to the Townhouse, for the maintenance of the fortifications and State of Rochel. The Townhouse is to be razed, and a pillar or pyramids with an ample inscription of the particulars of the siege and rebellion, there to be erected. The forts of the Isle of Rhee and Oleron, to be razed, & (as it is said) most of all the chief forts of France, except on the frontiers. Four Regiments are yet in Rochel, the rest of the Army (at least the most part) are gone to winter in those parts of France, towards the coasts of Italy, to be ready on all occasions to succour the Duke of Mantua, as it is thought. The Fathers of the society have very fair buildings given them for their establishing there, and 1000 Franks to begin to build; to which is added a revenue which I know not, the place is said to be where the Heretics kept their schools of Divinity, and Council of war, or rebellion. And where the English had their Church, the Oratorians are likewise established with large augmentations; The Capuchins are where was the chiefest Fort, called Le Bastion de Levangile; The Minors are where the Dike was, and divers other elsewhere. There are at least 8000 houses in Rochel, which are feign to fall to the King to dispose of for want of heirs. The Parisians are preparing a most sumptuous and magnificent receipt for the King, which is the cause he hath not been at Paris since his return from Rochel, but is at St. Germain's, and thereabouts, till all things are ready for his entry, which is thought will exceed in bravery and magnificence all the precedents of many years. The Jesuits are by the body of Paris employed to make the speeches and inscriptions for that purpose, which the body of the Sorbon take ill; The Prince of Conde doth daily get ground of Rohan, and hath lately taken prisoners (as it is said) thirty Captains and eight hundred soldiers. Those of Montauban boast (as it is said) that they have provision for three or four years, and will stand out till the last: though some of the best esteem, think it is only to draw the King to the best composition they can. The Protestants of France, to Charles King of Great Britain. SIR, the knowledge and resentment which it hath pleased your Majesty to take of the misery of the afflicted Churches of France, hath given us the boldness to awaken your Compassion in such measure, as our calamities are aggravated by the unmerciful rigour of our persecutors, and as the present storm doth threaten near at hand the total ruin, and lamentable destruction of that which the mercy of God had yet kept entire unto us since the desolation of Rochel: and as we have adored with humility the judgement of God in this bad success (which we impute only to his wrath justly kindled against us for our sins) so our silence could be thought no less than ingratitude, if we had not at the beginning of our Assembly resolved the most humble and most affectionate acknowledgement which we now render to your Majesty, for the great succour which you have sent us, interessing yourself so far in the grief of our oppression, and in the means of our deliverance. The most humble supplication which we do offer to your Majesty next after this our thanksgiving, is, that your Majesty (according to the sweet inclination of your goodness) would permit us still to present our complaints, and discover our wounds before the eyes of your royal charity, protesting unto your Majesty, that we see none other hand under heaven by which we may be healed, but your Majesties, in case your Majesty will still vouchsafe to lift it up on the behalf of oppressed innocents', and of the Church of our Lord outrageously persecuted by the most envenomed passion that our age, or any age precedent hath seen; we most humbly beseech your Majesty to read this letter which is written with our tears and with our blood; and (according to your exquisite judgement, your incomparable wisdom, and the devotion of your zeal, to the glory of God) to consider our estate, which is such, that our persecutors upon the loss of Rochel, supposing we had been put to utter discomfiture, and into a weakness without recovery or resistance, and boasting themselves, that now there remained no more any eyes unto us, but to bewail ourselves, nor any sense, but to feel the smart thereof, without further employing our hands or our arms for our defence; have made use of this advantage, with so much fierceness insultation and cruelty, that they have not only sacked the houses, and with an unheard of rudeness and barbarism, rifled the goods of our poor brethren of this Province of Languedock, relying themselves upon public faith, and the benefits of the edicts of pacification (especially of the last which your Majesty had favourably procured and confirmed unto us) dissipating whole families, and exiling them with perfidious inhumanity, but also they have laid waist and destroyed almost all the Churches of the s●me, wh●ch are at their command and discretion under the liberty of edicts; employing Monks the Pipes Emissary's) assisted with force of soldiers, and of the tyrannical Authority of Governors, to ravish men's souls, and to draw the most constant with violence to Mass, and to the feet of the Idol interdicting assembles, and all exercise of true Religion ●n the same places beating, imprisoning, ransoming, assasinating the faithful and their pastors with an enraged fury, which hath exceeded all the inhumanities' of the Inquisition, profaning and demolishing of Temples; their violence having proceeded so fare, as publicly to burn in pomp and triumph, the sacred books of God's Covenant in presence of the Governor of the Province, with damnable sacrilege, which cryeth vengeance before God, and doth elevate its voice to the ears, (Sir) of a most puissant Monarch, professing the purity of the Gospel, zealous of his glory, and capable to revenge so outrageous an injury. But your Majesty shall understand, that all this hath produced an effect much contrary to the intention of our persecutors; for so fare it is from us, that their objects of pity and grief, whereof the very thought doth make us repine, should render us faint-hearted, and cause us to yield ourselves in prey to their rage, that on the contrary, seeing the Mask taken off, and the pretext which they had alleged of the Army of rebellion whereof they accused us, quite removed; and that without any more dissimulation, their design goes on to the ruinating of our Religion, and the extirpation of our Church, and that there remained no more hope of safety and liberty, but general resolution to die in the Arms of our just and vigorous defence, and that our persecutors possessing the spirit of our King, and hindering the effects of his bounty, have obtained a declaration of the fifteenth of December last, which alluring us to implore his grace and mercy, yet leaveth us not any hope of enjoying the benefits of any edict, nor by consequence of any tolerable peace, and soliciting us to disarm ourselves, and to put ourselves into the condition of sacrafices destined by one and by one to the slaughter, to be all at one stroke offered up to the fury of Antichrist, by one general Massacre throughout the whole Kingdom, whereof we do not only hear the vaunts, but do almost see great armies upon our backs for execution. This makes us (Sir) have recourse to your Royal and redoubtable puissance, as to a place of refuge, which God hath yet left open to us, in your Ardent charity, to find within your assistance assured and effectual means to avoid ruin, which is ready inevitably to fall upon our heads. And to attain thereunto, (Sir) we have religiously renewed in this assembly, the oath of union, which binds us with a sacred bond unto the Arms of your Majesty; of the violating whereof your Majesty may be assured, that we will never make ourselves guilty, being encouraged to this resolution by the reiterate confirmations, which my Lord the Duke of Rohan hath lately given us, that your Majesty continues to take to heart the assistance and deliverance of our Churches according to your Royal promises, being debtors to his sage and valorous conduct, and to his pious magnanimity, for all that strength and liberty which we yet enjoy: and we will leave unto posterity memorable examples of our Constancy which prefers death before reproachful cowardice and shameful servitude, hoping that out of our ashes, God will draw matter for his glory, and the propagation of his Church; being persuaded (Sir) that you are the instrument of his election to give us comfort and deliverance from our evils in time convenient. Be you assured also, that he will uphold us in that extraordinary valour wherewith he hath inspired us to endure all extremities with a patience invincible, expecting the succour of his hands through yours. Of all (Sir) which a great Monarch could ever do in the world, nothing can be more just than this interprize, nor more glorious than this deliverance: the Lord having exalted you to the most eminent degree of dignity and power to be the nursing father of his Church, she hath right, being thus mangled and bloody, to stretch forth her arms unto you, even she that Spouse of Jesus Christ, the common mother of Christians, and and your mother also, by the respect of her bruised members, and of the searing of her innocent breast, covered with wounds, she will move your pity; She assures herself (Sir) that the glorious title which you bear of the Defender of the faith, shall intercede for your accepting of her humble request: if you do extend unto us your cares, your affections, and your formidable Arms, you shall nourish in our hearts affections of honour and obedience which shall never die; you shall daunt all powers that would raise themselves against your Crown; you shall raise your glory to such a height, that all the earth shall admire it, all Christendom shall celebrate it, and your name shall be of sweet odour unto Angels and men; and in perpetual benediction unto all posterity of Saints, and your reward shall be great and eternal in heaven. May it please your Majesty to pardon us, if our necessities pressing us, we all do press your Majesty by our instant supplications accompanied with a most humble respect to strengthen ourselves so soon as may be with the honour of your commandments, and the declaration of your favour, the wholesome effects of your assistance, according to the sweetness of your compassion, and Charity, and we will redouble our prayers to the divine clemency, for the length and safety of your life, and the prosperity of your estate, being ready with a most holy and ardent affection to expose our goods and lives to render us worthy of the quality which we dare take of your most humble, most obedient, and most faithful servants, the Deputies of the reformed Churches of France, in their general Assembly held at Nismes, and for all Jaques de Maresey adjunct la Reque. The Duke of Rohan to his Majesty of great Britain, the 12 of March 1628. SIR, the deplorable accident of the loss of Rochel, which God hath suffered to humble us under his hand, hath redoubled in the hearts of our enemies their passionate fierceness to our utter ruin, with an assured hope to attain thereunto. But it hath not taken away from the Churches of those Provinces, either the heart or the affection to oppose their unjust plots by a just and lively defence. This is it hath made them take resolution to assemble themselves to cojoyn in the midst of these commotions to assist me with their good counsels, and with me to provide the means of their deliverance. And for as much as the greatest support which God hath raised unto them upon earth is the succour our Churches have, and do look to receive from your Majesty, the general Assembly hath desired that my Letters, which alone hitherto have represented unto your Majesty the interest of the public cause, might be joined to their most humble supplications put up to your Majesty. I do it Sir, with so much the more affection, because I am a witness that these poor people, who with sighs and groans implore your assistance, having once laid down their weapons which the oppression of their enemies made so necessary, because they knew such was your desire to take them up again, so soon as they heard that your Majesty did oblige them thereunto by your Counsel and Promises; they have upon this only assurance, continued all dangers, surmounted all oppositions, accounted their estates as nothing, and are still ready to spend their blood till the very last drop; they esteem your love and favour more precious than their own lives, and whatsoever promises or threaten have been used to shake their constant resolution, they could never be brought to make any breach in that they had tied themselves to, never to hear of any Treaty without your consent. This great zeal for the preservation of all the Churches of this Kingdom, which is naturally knit to the preservation of these few we have left, and that fidelity with our example, are worthy and glorious subjects to exercise your Charity and Power. You are (Sir) Defender of that Faith whereof they make profession, suffer it not to be so unjustly oppressed; you have stirred up their affection in this defence by your royal promises, and those Sacred words, that your Majesty would employ all the power in your Dominions to warrant and protect all our Churches from the ruin that threatened them, have been (after God's favour) the only foundation of all their hope: so the Churches should think no greater a Crime could be committed by them, then doubt of your Royal performance thereof, if their miseries and Calamities have at the beginning moved your Compassion. This woeful subject hath increased with such violence, that nothing but your succour can prevent their utter undoing: for at this day the greatest offence our Enemies lay to our Charge, (and proclaim nothing can expiate but our blood) is, to have implored your aid, and hope for it: for this cause, our Lands and Possessions are taken away and destroyed; our houses made desolate, and reduced to ashes; our heads exposed to sale to murderers; our families banished; and wheresoever the cruelty of them that hate us can extend, men and women are dragged and beaten to Mass with Bastinadoes. To be short, the horror of the persecution we suffer is so great, that our words are too weak to express it. Moreover, we see great and mighty Armies at our Gates, that wait their only fit time to fall with impetuosity upon the places of retreat that remain; and after that, to expel and banish the exercise of Religion, and massacre all the faithful ones throughout the whole kingdoms. These things considered (Sir) I do beseech your Majesty not to forsake us. I should fear by such words to offend so great, so potent, and so faithful a king; But because of urgent necessity that presseth us, I have presumed importunately to entreat the hastening of your assistance, to keep us from falling under the heavy burden of our Enemy's endeavours. Your Majesty need not to draw, but out of the source of your own profound wisdom, for the fit means how to make your succour dreadful and powerful to those that contemn it, and salutiferous to so many people that wait and long for it. Your Majesty shall by this means acquire the greatest glory that can be desired, pluck out from the fire and sword three hundred thousand families that continually pray to God for your prosperity; preserve a people whom God hath purchased with his most precious blood, and which hath (even in the midst of most eminent dangers, and cruelest torments) kept entire a sound and an upright faith, both towards God and man; you shall settle the fidelity of your word, the reputation of your kingdoms and Arms, to a pitch worthy of your grandeur; and in repressing of the audaciousness of those that go about every day to blemish the same, through their vile and unworthy reproaches, you shall add to your titles that of the Restorer of a people, the most innocent and most barbarously persecuted that ever was. In that which concerns me, Sir, I will not make mention to your Majesty of my own Interest, though I might do it, having, as it seems, the honour to be unto you what I am: but I have so long since consecrated all things with myself to the public good, that I shall esteem myself happy enough, so that the Church were not miserably distressed; and that I may have this advantage, that through my actions (which your Majesty will not disavow) I may make it known, that I am Your Majesty's most humble and most obedient servant, Henry de Rohan. Pope Gregory the 15 to the Inquisitor-General of Spain, April 19 1623. Venerable Brother, THe protection of the Orthodox Religion in the most spacious Kingdoms of Spain, we think to be happily committed to your Fraternity: for we know with what watchful vigilancy, in this renowned station, you are careful that Monsters of wicked doctrine steal not into the bounds of the Church and Vine. But at this time occasion from heaven is offered you, by which you may extend the benefits of your piety beyond the bounds of those Kingdoms, and extend them also to foreign Countries. We understand that the Prince of Wales, the King of Great Britain's son, is lately arrived there, carried with a hope of Catholic Marriage: Our desire is, that he should not stay in vain in the Courts of those Kings, to whom the defence of the Pope's authority, and care of advancing Religion, hath procured the renowned name of Catholic. Wherefore by Apostolic Lettets we exhort his Catholic Majesty, that he would gently endeavour sweetly to reduce that Prince to the obedience of the Roman Church, to which the ancient Kings of Great Britain have (with heaven's approbation) submitted their Crowns and Sceptres. Now to the attaining of this victory, which to the conquered promiseth triumphs, and principalities of heavenly felicity, we need not exhaust the King's treasure, nor levy Armies of furious soldiers; but we must fetch from heaven the armour of Light, whose divine splendour may allure that Prince's eye, and gently expel all errors from his mind. Now in the managing of these businesses, what power and art you have, we have well known long ago: wherefore we wish you to go like a religious Counsellor to the Catholic King, and to try all ways which by this present occasion may benefit the Kingdoms of Britain and the Church of Rome. The matter is of great weight and moment, and therefore not to be amplified with words. Whosoever shall inflame the mind of this Royal youth with the love of the Catholic Religion, and breed a hate in him of Heretical impiety, shall begin to open the Kingdom of heaven to the Prince of Britain, and to gain the Kingdoms of Britain to the Apostolic See; into the possession of so great glory, I make no doubt but that your Fraternity, armed with the sword of Verity, will be desirous to come. About which matter, our venerable brother Innocent Bishop of _____ the Apostolic Nuncio, shall discourse with you more at large; whom you may trust. And we with most accurate prayers will endeavour to procure the assistance of God for you, upon whom most lovingly we bestow our Apostolical benediction. Given at Rome in St. Peter's, under the Fisher's Seal, April 19 1623. of our Popedom 30. Pope Urban to Lewis the 13. Aug. 4. 1629. To our dearest Son in Christ Jesus, Lewis the most Christian King of France; Pope Urban sendeth greeting. MOst dear Son in Christ, Health, and Apostolical benediction. The high exploits of your Royal valour, which have drawn upon them all the eyes of Christendom, bring a great deal of comfort to our fatherly care, as well in regard of the glory of your Arms, as the hope of your triumphs. For considering, as we do, with much grief, the impiety of Heretics, living in some places without fear or danger, we now thank the Lord of hosts, that hath in so fit an opportunity made your Majesty to maintain with Arms the dignity of the Catholic Religion. Oh fair Apprenticeship of Royal Warfare, and worthy of a most Christian King! What an admirable thing it is, that the age which other Princes, out of a kind of softness and idleness, use to pass away in sports and delights, your Majesty should employ so generously, so fortunately, in appeasing differences, conducting Armies, and besieging the strongest places of Heretics, and all not without the special counsel of God, by which Kings reign! Is it almost credible, that the very first steps of your thoughts should carry you in so high and troublesome an enterprise; and that the dangers and difficulties which have stopped others in their course, should only serve for a spur to the greatness of your courage? Enjoy (dear Son) the Renown your name hath got, and follow the God that fights for you; to the end that as you are now held the Thunderbolt and Buckler of War, so you may hereafter be esteemed the praise of Israel, and the glory of the world. From the height of our Apostolic Dignity, whereto it hath pleased God of his goodness to raise us, unworthy of so great grace, we assist your Arms with heart and affection, and by our frequent prayers prepare the divine remedies. And though we doubt not but your own virtue will make you constant in the work you have begun, nevertheless we have thought good to add Exhortations, that the world may see the care we have of the advancement of true Religion, and how willing we are to give way to your glory. You have been hitherto infinitely bound to God for his bounty towards you; and, as we hope and wish, you shall hereafter a great deal more. For you having your mind endued with celestial doctrine, and not with the bare precepts of humane wisdom, do well know, that Kingdoms have their foundation upon the truth of Orthodox faith: and unless God keep the City, what principality can subsist with any assurance? It may easily be judged with what fidelity they are likely to defend your Royal Throne, that have cast the very Saints themselves out of their Temples, and done as much as in them lay to put them out of the number of the blessed, yea out of Paradise itself, that with impious temerity condemn the Institutions of our Fathers, the Custom of Kings, the Decrees of Popes, and the Ceremonies of the Church. These are the disturbers of the Christian Commonwealth, and the reproaches of France, whom the great God hath reserved, to be exterminated, as it were, in the beginning of your Reign. Know then, that all Europe (which the event of your Arms holds all this time in suspense) hopes shortly it will hoist sail upon the Ocean under the conduct of your Greatness and Power, and go to the place which serves now for Sanctuary and protection to the Heretics and Rebels, and it will shortly serve for a Trophy of your Victories. We are confidently persuaded, that neither fear nor inconstancy shall ever be able to divert you from the pursuit of your so glorious enterprise, nor hinder you to subvert that unsanctified people: Only, by the way, we would have you remember, that the Saints in heaven assist that Prince who takes upon him the defence of Religion, and fight on his side like fellow-soldiers. The same God that hardened the waters like dry land, and turned the waters of the Sea into walls, to give safe passage to his children's Army, will certainly in this most pious action be as favourable to you: and then we shall have good cause to hope, that having established your own Kingdom, and crushed the impiety that was and yet is there, you may one day, by the progress of your victorious Arms, join the Orient to the Occident; imitating the glories of your Ancestors, who have ever born as much respect to the Exhortations of Popes, as to the commandment of God. St. Lewis, whose name you bear, and whose steps you follow, invites you to it: so did the first of your Race, who in defending the Apostolic authority, and propagating Christian Religion, laid the best and surest foundation to your Royal House. Fellow (dear Son) which are the ornaments of the world, the commandments of heaven: pour out your wrath and indignation upon those people that have not, nor will not know God, and our Apostolic benignity; to the end the divine treasure of heaven may belong unto you by a just acquisition. In the mean time, we send you most affectionately our Apostolic benediction. Given at Rome at great St. Maries, under the Seal of the Fisher, the 4 day of August 1629. being the seventh year of our Pontificate. The Duke of Buckingham, Chancellor elect, to the University of Cambridge, June 5. 1626. MR. Vicechancellor, and Gentlemen of the University of Cambridge, there is no one thing that concerneth me more near, than the good opinion of good and learned honest men; amongst which number as you have ever held the first rank in the estimation of the Commonwealth, and fame of the Christian world; so in conferring of this Honour of Chancellorship upon me, I must confess you have satisfied a great ambition of mine own, which I hope will never forsake me, and that is, To be thought well of, by men that deserve well, and men of your profession. Yet I cannot attribute this Honour to any desert in me, but to the respect you bear to the sacred memory of my Master deceased, the King of Scholars, who loved you, and honoured you often with his presence; and to my gracious Master now living, who inherits with his blessed Father's virtues, the affection he bore your University. I beseech you, as you have now made your choice with so many kind and noble circumstances, as the manner is to me acceptable and grateful as the matter; so to assure yourselves, that you have cast your votes upon your servant, who is as apprehensive of the time you have showed your affection in, as of the Honour you have given him. And I earnestly request you all, that you would be pleased not to judge me comparatively by the success and happiness you have had in your former choice of Chancellors, who as they knew better, perhaps by advantage of education in your University, how to value the deserts of men of your qualities and degrees; so could they not be more willing to cherish you then myself, who will make amends for want of Scholarship, in my love to the professors of it, and unto the Source from whence it cometh: having now most just cause more chief to employ my uttermost endeavours, with what favour I enjoy from a Royal Master, to the maintaining of the Charters, Privileges, and Immunities of your University in general, and to the advancing of the particular merits of the Students therein. And since I am so far engaged unto you, I will presume upon a further courtesy, which is, That you will be pleased to supply me with your advice, and suggest a way unto me (as myself likewise shall not fail to think on some means) how we may make Posterity remember you have a thankful Chancellor, and one that both really loved you and your University. Which is a resolution writ in an honest heart, by him that wanteth much to express his affection to you; who will ever be York-house, 5 Junii, 1626. Your faithful friend, and humble servant, Geor Buckingham. King Charles to the University of Cambridge, in approbation of the Election. June 6. 1626. TRusty and Well-beloved, We greet you well. Whereas upon Our Pleasure intimated unto you by the Bishop of Durham for the choice of your Chancellor, you have with such duty as We expected highly satisfied Us in your election, We cannot in Our Princely nature (who are mu●h possessed with this testimony of your ready and loyal affections) but for ever to let you know, how much you are therein made partakers of Our Royal approbation: and as We shall ever conceive, that an Honour done to a person We favour, is out of a loyal respect had unto Ourselves: and as we shall ever justify Buckingham worthy of this your Election, so shall you find the fruits of it: for We have found him a faithful servant to our dear Father of blessed memory; and Ourselves cannot but undertake that he will prove such a one unto you; and will assist him with a gracious willingness, in any thing that may concern the good of the University in general, or the particular merits of any Students there. Given under Our Signet at Our Palace of Westminster, the sixth of June, in the second year of Our Reign. The University of Cambridge Answer to the Duke, June 6. 1626. Illustrissime Princeps, atque auspicatissime Cancellarie, NEptunum perhibent gratum cum Minerva iniisse certamen, utere re magis mortalium conferret donum: ille potens maris Deus illico effudit equum, Ill● pacis & musarum numen, suppeditavit oleam; utrumque certe Deo dignum munus. Adeo nostrum non est tantam litem dirimere, quin facessat potius litis importuna vox, ubi non alia quam Amoris propinantur pignora. Perinde tecum se res habet, excellentissime Dux, quem jam olim potentissimus Oceani Britannici Neptunus, non solum suprema Maris Praefectura cohonestavit, sed & Praetorio donavit Equo: adeo ut illius munere & propria virtute, unus audias, Terrae Marique summus Dictator, ut sic dicamus Classis, & Magister Equitum. Post tanta honorum vestigia, ecce, nostra Minerva tua jam Cantabrigia supplex suas obtendit oleas, tanquam inter victri●es lauros lambentes hederas; oleas quidem quibus & tuis rebus, & rebus tum publicis tum Literariis precatur simul & auspicatur pacem. Nec ad usque sumus gens togata impotenter su●erbi, ut hoc Cancellariatu arbitremur, Nos tantillos tibi in id Meritorum & Gratiae culmen evecto, quicquam vel testimonii ad aestimationem, vel tituli ad gloriam contulisse. Quod autem ipse aliter opinaris vestra illa pretas est, haud ambitio, major tua tum virtus tum decus est, quam ut eis aut nostra quidpiam suffragia addere, aut aliorum possit Invidia detrahere: stellae in primo orbe, quas fixas vocant, altiores sunt, quam ut ad eas valeat terrarum umbra pertingere, quanquam foelicissimae memoriae Jacobo pientissimoque Carolo non est, quod hoc quicquid est nominis te debere dicas, citra est, misellum munus Academicum, citra est quam ut tantos auctores mereatur, quin vestram potius celsitudinem, vestrum tutelare numen, Nos illis Principibus imputabimus, qui inde ex illius potissimum voto te elegimus, unde non misi immortalia accipere beneficia solebamus. Quod si nostrum hoc in vestram Excellentiam studium tibi ipsa uti scribis commendat tempestivitas, nos illud saltem debituri sumus temporibus caeterum non nimis foelicibus, quod tibi vel inde gratiores sumus; quanquam suspicamur, ut hoc totum quod de oportunitate insinuas merum sit, nec magnis ingeniis insolens bene de suis cultoribus merendi artificium, quae eo consilio singula suorum officia maxime tempestive autumant, quo uberius sibi remunerandi argumentum autupentur: nam faciles credimus honorificis quibus nos dignaris promissis. Jamdiu est, ex quo te animo atque opera Cancellarium sensimus, nihilque tibi hoc tempore nostra potuere suffragia quam nomen adjicere. Nolis tamen ut cum illustrissimis heroibus praecessoribus tuis, te committamus, in quo sane tua praedicanda modestia illorum honori & memoriae consuluit, ne tanti fulgoris claritudine offuscentur, ut enim nulla re magis se jactat Cantabrigia quam praeteritorum gloria ac splendore Patronorum; hodie tamen, nescio quid solito augustius spirat, & tuis superba auspiciis quasi Buckinghamiensis aucta tutelis, magnaque spe gravida intumescit. Ad extremum nos ad concilium vocas, quâ potissimum ratione quo digno monumento tuo, in nos amoris memoriam posteritati consecres, verum enim vero (Illustrissime Dux, indulgentissimeque Cancellarie) major est ea provincia, quam ut nos eam subeundo simus, quod tuo amori par sit monumentum, tuum potest solummodo excogitare ingenium. Nos interea alia manebit cura quibus nimirum apud Deum precibus quibus studiorum vigiliis officiorum obsequiis tantae Clientelae foelicitatem nobis propriam & perpetuam despondeamus, Datae frequentissimo Senatu nostro, sexto Idus Junii, 1626. Vestrae Excellentiae humillimi devotissimique Clientes Servique, Procancellarius, & reliquus Senatus Cantabrigiensis. The University of Cambridge Answer to the King. Serenissimo invictissimoque Principi ac Domino nostro, CAROLO Dei gratiae, Magnae Britanniae, Franciae & Hiberniae Regi, Fidei Defens. etc. SErenissime Domine noster invictissime Carole, multum nos fortunae nostrae, sed tuae clementiae infinitum quantum debemus, satis nempe erat judicio nostro satisfecisse cum illum nobis praeficeremus, quem unum certissime praefici posse constabat. At tua admirabilis bonitas non patitur nos gratis nobismetipsis benefacere, sed tibi imputari vis quod nobis fecimus beneficium. Enimvero arduam aliquam sibi materiam obsequium nostrum poscebat, & cujus tenuitas sublimitatem vestram assequi non posset, difficultatem— se, & molestia commendaret. Tu autem à te gratiam— quod tanti Patroni beneficio usi sumus, qui ita nos amat, ut plurimum velit, ita à te amatur, ut plurimum nostra causa posset per quem vestra in nos transeat benignitas, & difficultates nostras discutiat: si quae tamen in hac divina bonitate tua existere possit difficultas superasti, nempe majorum tuorum Clementiam, qui & easdem nobis immunitates indulges, & id etiam prospicis, ut iis rectissime utamur. Et quod unum tantae foelicitati reliquum erat ut esset perpetua, id ipsum precibus nostris superesse non finis; praecurris enim vota nostra, & spem ipsam, qua nihil est importunius, exuperas: nam & ipsa fines suos habet, quos tuae bonitati nullos esse experti sumus. Exhausisti votorum nostrorum materiam, Serenissime Regum, nec quicquam nobis deinceps optandū est quam ut tu regnes ut vincas, ut nos in perpetuum simus quod sumus, Datae frequentissimo Senatu nostro, sexto Idus Junii, 1626. Excellentissime Majestatis vestrae humillimi servi & subditi, Procancellarius, & reliquus Senatus Academiae Cantabrigiensis. A Privy Seal for transporting of Horse. June 3. 1624. CHARLES by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. To the Treasurer and under-Treasurer of our Exchequer for the time being, greeting. We do hereby will and command you, that out of our Treasure remaining in the receipt of our said Treasury forthwith to pay, or cause to be paid unto Philip Burlamack of Lond ' Merchant, the sum of 30000 l. to be by him paid over to the Low-Countries, by Bill of Exchange, and Germany, unto Our Trusty & Well-beloved Sir William Belfour Knight, and John Dabbler Esq; or either of them, for levying and providing a certain number of Horse, with Arms for Foot and Horse to be brought over into this Kingdom for our Service; viz. for the levying and transporting of 1000 Horse, 15000 l. for 5000 Muskets, 5000 Corslets, 5000 Pikes, 10500 l. for 1000 Cuirassieers complete, 200 Corslets and 200 Carbines, 4500 l. amounting in the whole to the said sum of 30000 l. And this Our Letter shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge in this behalf. Given under Our Privy Seal at Our Palace of Westm' the 30 of Januar' in the third year of Our Reign, Anno Dom. 1627. The University of Cambridge to the Duke. Illustrissime Princeps, QUam paterno cum affectu, quam divina cum charitate vestrae hujus Academiae salutem utilitatemque vestra Celsitudo semper procuraverit, nec nos effari possumus, nec aetas ulla conticere. Ingentia beneficia seculum praesens admiratione obruunt; nec alio queunt quam perennis famae & immortalitatis praemio compensari. Vestrae Celsitudinis singulari patrocinio, de Typographis Londinensibus triumphavimus. Hostium undequaque ferociam persensimus imminutam, auctamque Academiae dignitatem: Nihil nos votis expetiscere, nihil vestra Celsitudo conferre potuit, quod a vestra benignitate non acceperimus. Et quid nos praeter hanc sterilem cultus nostri messem rependimus? At beneficia vestra, quam sancte posteritas alet, quibus praeconiis, quam aeternis laudibus vestrae Celsitudinis memoriam nepotes nostri celebrabunt, facile conjiciet is qui norit quantum Academia tranquille administrata, vindicata privilegia, immunitates conservatae, otium, libertas, ipsa vita Musis do●ata, promereantur! Quot hostes Reipublicae Literariae infensos vestra Celsitudo profligavit, quot in nos munera contulerit, nec illi sine gemitu agnoscere, nec nos sine stupore recitare valeamus. Dum te licet conspicari, dum tua genua prehendere, flocci faciamus mortalium iras, & in recessibus nostris abditi tuto literis indulgeamus. Jam vestra Celsitudo novam parat Militiam (quam vestro nomini gloriosam, Religioni Christianae faustam, nobis omnibus foelicem, omnipotens Deus faxit) quibus nos periculis exponimur? Alii flumen nostrum siccare, eumque ablatum a quo forsan ipsi aquas olim ingrati hauserunt: alii nobis Imprimendi facultatem rursus adimere conabuntur. Illustrissime Princeps, pauca sunt nostra bona, suppellex curta, angusta Athenarum pomoeria: nullae tamen opes Croesi vel Midae perditorum hominum insidiis petuntur atrocius, quam inermis & nuda paupertas nostra. Videt vestra Celsitudo quam in ipsa fiduciam collocamus, qui tempestas priusquam ingruit, ad vestras aras confugimus. Et quamvis haud ignari sumus quanta moles vestrae Celsitudinis humeros jam premat, audacter tamen tot curarū montibus nostrum Parnassum superaddimus. Perficiat vestra Celsitudo hanc suam Academiam, ut incipit: florentem ornet, trepidantem excitet, depressam sustentet, periclitantem expediat; quae Deum perpetuo implorat, ut omnia tua gloriosa molimina vestra Celsitudo consequatur, & illa vestrae Celsitudinis patrocinio fruatur in aeternum. Dat' e frequenti Senatu nostro, Nonas Julii, 1628. Celsitudinis vestrae devinctissimi, Procancellarius, reliquusque Senatus Academiae vestrae Cantabrigiensis. The Duke's Answer. Gentlemen, SUch and so cordial have your respects been unto me, that no other Pen then your own can express them, nor no other heart than mine can apprehend them: and therefore I labour not any verbal satisfaction, but shall desire you to believe, that what service soever you please to think I have hitherto done for you, I cannot so much as call an expression of that I would willingly do for you. And whereas in your Letters you seem to fear that my absence may be an advantage of time to make your adversaries active and stirring against you, and your affairs consequently meet with partiality and opposition; I have therefore most humbly recommended them to the Justice of my Royal Master, and to the bosoms of some friends, where they shall likewise meet with mediation and protection, to what part of the world soever my Master or the State's service shall call me. I can carry but one Chancellor of your University along with me, but I hope I shall leave you many behind me. And I shall presage likely of the success of our actions, since they are all so followed by your wishes and devotions; which I shall endeavour you may always continue unto Chelsey, 30 July, 1628. Your most affectionate friend, and humble servant, BUCKINGHAM. Directed, To my very worthy and much-respected friends, The Vicechancellor and Senate of the University of Cambridge. The Vicechancellor of Cambridge to the King, upon the Duke's death. Dread Sovereign, THe fatal blow given your most loyal servant, whom your Majesty made our Patron and Chancellor, hath so stounded our University, as (like a Body without a Soul) she stirs not, till your Majesty's directions breathe life again, in the choice of another. And although I am but one of many, and therefore (having to do with a multitude) cannot absolutely assure the effecting of your pleasure; yet I dare undertake for myself, with the rest of the Heads, and many others, truly and faithfully to labour in your Majesty's desires, and now presume to send fair and strong hopes to give them full satisfaction: Humbly entreating the continuance of your Majesty's love and care of your University; the only stay and comfort of this her sad and mournful estate, occasioned by such an unexpressible disaster; cherishing herself with that blessed word your Majesty used upon her last Election, That howsoever your Majesty's appointment shadowed out another, yet yourself in substance would be her Chancellor. This, as an indelible Character in her memory, shall ever return, as all thankful observance, so to God prayers full of cordial zeal, for your Majesty's long and happy Reign. King Charles to the University of Cambridge, for a new Election. RIght Trusty and Well-beloved, We greet you well. As We took in gracious part your due respect in electing heretofore for your Chancellor a man who for his parts and faithful service was most dear unto Us: so now We are well pleased to understand, that you are sensible of your own and the common loss, by the bloody assassinate of so eminent a person, and that you desire and expect for your comfort an intimation from Us of a capable subject to succeed in his room. This expression on your part, hath begotten in Us a Royal affection towards you, and more care for your good; out of which, We commend unto free election of you the Vicechancellor and Heads, and of the Master's Regent's and Non-Regents (according to Our ancient Custom) Our Right Trusty and Right Well-beloved Cousin and Counsellor, Henry Earl of Holland, lately a member of your own Body, and well known unto you all: whose hearty affection to advance Religion and Learning generally in Our own Kingdoms, and especially in the Fountains, cannot be doubted of. Not that We shall cease to be your Chancellor in effect, according to Our promise; but the rather for your advantage, We advise you to the choice, that you may have a person acceptable unto Us, and daily attending on Our person, to be Our Remembrancer and Solicitor for you upon all occasions. And your general concurring herein, shall be to Us a pledge of Our affections, which We are willing to cherish. Given at Our Court the 28 of August, in the fourth year of Our Reign. CAROLUS Rex. The Earl of Holland to the University. Mr. Vicechancellor and Gentlemen, the Senate of the University of Cambridge, THe condition of man is so frail, and his time so short here, that in the sum of his account there are few accidents can deliver him worthy to posterity: yet to prevent my destiny in this defect, you have made my name to live, by your general and free election of me to be your Chancellor; the which will give me so to the world, not my merit. I take but my beginning by this Creation, and will endeavour to proceed with such strength, in my serious affection to serve you all, as you shall see this Honour is not conferred upon an unthankful person. It is my hap to succeed the most excellent example of the best Chancellor, who had both will and power to oblige you: for the first, none can exceed me, that am tied by my education to serve you: for my power, although it be but short in all other things, yet in what concerns you, my Master, whose word you have, and whose thanks you will receive in my behalf, will for his own sake, if not for mine, accept of all humble requests for you, which may conduce to the support of every particular good, that can any way advantage your whole Body, or advance the several members of our University. For whose increase of fame and honour I do wish, from an affectionate heart, as I profess myself obliged, being Your most thankful friend, and humble servant, Henry Holland. The University of Cambridge to the King. Serenissimo, & Magnificentissimo Principi, CAROLO Dei gratiae, Britanniae Regi, etc. Serenissime & Potentissime Monarcha, Carole, Defensor Fidei, Pater Patriae: DUm ad Majestatis tuae pedes discumbimus, veniam humillime deprecamur temeritatis nostrae, Quod Majestati tuae in illud gloriae fastigium evectae, ad quod nulli Principes a multis retro seculis provenere, Chartas has ineptas ausi sumus, & querimonias obtrudere, sed nullum jam in terris effulget Majestate tuâ aut illustrius, aut magis beneficum sidus, cujus coelesti aspectu mortales afflicti ab adversis, ad salutis portum perduci possint. Sensimus nos persaepe, laesi sensimus vivificam charitatis tuae auram, divinam clementiam amplectimur, & benignitatem incredibilem sempiterna veneratione adoramus. Quae enim per te nobis pax data sit, quae privilegia indulta & confirmata, quae gratia, candor, misericordia, beneficentia nobis impertita, nec nos effari possumus, nec ulla secula conticere. O nos foelicissimos sub tuo Sceptro, Carole! qui certe miserrimi essemus, si Regio Majestatis tuae Patrocinio ac favore destitueremur: irruunt in nos omne genus illiteratorum hominum longum haerent in nostris malis, & sine magno numine non amoventur. Centum olim annos cum oppidanis nostris de summa privilegiorum decertavimus, quinquaginta cum Typographis Londinensibus, adeo crudelis est, ac pertinax malitia, quae literis bellum indicit; Typographis per tuam in nos pietatem nuper compositis oppidani, veterem odii Camarinam incipiunt commovere. Ita ab Oppidanis ad Typographos, a Typographis ad Oppidanos, nostra in gyrum calamitas circumacta volvitur, & infinitis controversiarum nodis astringimur, & jugulamur. Deflexis genibus Excellentissimam Majestatem tuam imploramus, ut qua serenitate suam Academiam semper aspexerit, eadem dignetur huic causae ad dictum a se diem interesse. Et Deum Optim. Max. precabimur, ut te nobis quam diutissime conservet clementissimum Principem, & Patrem indulgentissimum: In cujus salute, totius Regni incolumitas, tranquillitas Literarum, publica seculi foelicitas, & bonorum omnium vota abunde continentur. Servi Majestati tuae devoti & fideles subditi, Procanc' & Senat '. An Order made at Whitehall betwixt the University and Town of Cambridge, Decemb. 4. 1629. Lord Keeper. Lo. Archb. of York. Lord Treasurer. Lord Precedent. Lord Privy Seal. Lord high Chamberlain. Earl Marshal. Lord Steward. Lord Chamberlain. Earl of Suffolk. Earl of Dorset. Earl of Salisbury. Earl of Bridgewater. Earl of Holland. Earl of Danby. Earl of Kelly. Lord Visc. Dorchester. Lord Visc. Grandison. Lord Bish. of Winton. Master of the Wards. Master Chamberlain. Mr. Secretary Cook. THis day his Majesty sitting in Council, did hear at large the controversy between the University of Cambridge and certain Burghers of the Town, concerning the rating and setting the price of Victualia, and particularly of Candles and other necessaries comprised under the terms of Focalia; and of the consequences lately fallen out upon the controversy: which having been long debated by Counsel learned on both sides, his Majesty finally ordered, by advice of the Board, That as well the late Mayor and Bailiff, and William Bridges, as Edward Almond, John Ball, Ionas Scott, and Thomas Oliver, shall acknowledge and submit themselves (by setting their hands to this Order in the Councel-book) to the Jurisdiction and Privileges of the University, as well for the rating and setting the price of all manner of Victualia, and of Candles, and all other necessaries under the term of Focalia, as for the correcting and punishing of all such inhabitants of the Town as shall break and exceed the said rates and prices so set by the Vicechancellor, or such Officers of the University as are in that behalf authorized. And it is further ordered, That all the parties fined by the Vicechancellor, shall pay the Fines, and such charges of the Court as were set upon them by the Vicechancellor; and shall make public confession, in the Vicechancellors' Court, of their fault, in breaking the said rates and prices so set, and refusing to pay the fines so assessed upon them, and questioning the privileges of the University. And as touching the discommuning of any of the said persons in this Order mentioned, It is ordered, That peace and agreement shall be settled between the parties, according to the performance of that respect and submission which is due from the inhabitants of the said Town of Cambridge to the said University. Ex. Will. Becher. The University of Cambridge to the Archbishop of York. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri, & summo Archi-praesuli, Samueli, Dei gratia, Archiepiscopo Eborazensi, Patrono nostro aeternum colendo. Reverendissime in Christo Pater, Archi-praeful amplissime, NIsi perspecta esset Paternitatis tuae in Academiam gratia & favor supra quam meremur immensius, vereremur sine multis ambagibus, ad tam illustre in Ecclesia caput accedere; verum ea semper fuit indulgentia tua, & stabile nobis patrocinium, ut in difficultatibus nostris ultro fueris magis ad accurendum alacer, quam nos esse potuimus ad implorandum; temerarii incidimus in veterem controversiae lacunam cum nostris Oppidanis. Novit sat Paternitas tua ab experientia multiplici, quas illi erga nos mentes gerant, quam atra lolligine & invidiae succo a teneris unguiculis pasti fuerint, neque jam incipiunt ferocire, nec unquam credimus, desinent homines insulsi, tam dignitatis nostrae immemores, quam rationis suae, nonnullis eorum commercium cum nostris interdiximus, dum procacius, quam parerat fasces nostros videbantur contemnere, sed grave est, & permolestum quicquid cadit in praecipites animos, & ira impotentes. Illi tanquam fulmine perculsi ad publica judicium subsellia, Lymphatice festinant, cum possent consultius forsan in domibus suis— Nos autem veriti ne Majestas Reipub. Literariae minueretur, si in foro publico prostituta Academia de privilegiis, & summa rerum trepidaret, Senatus Regis tribunali appellavimus. In quo cum jam auspicatissime consedisse tuam Paternitatem, intelligeret Almae Mater, & de honore tua, & sua foelicitate eximie triumphabat, nunquam oblita virtutis tuae, & magnanimitatis invictae, qua solebas hic toties Vicecancellarius ad immortalem nominis tui laudem istiusmodi perduelles contundere humillime rogamus Paternitatem tuam, pro suo summo in nos affectu & pietate, ut quemadmodum semper Academiam ornare studuit, ita nunc dignetur eidem periclitanti succurrere. Pat' tuae devotiss. Procanc' & Senat. The University of Cambridg to the Earl of Manchester. Illustrissimo, nobilissimo, nostroque amantissimo Domino, Comiti Manchestriae Privati Sigilli Custodi, Regiae Majestati à Sanctioribus Consiliis, Patrono nostro plurimum colendo. HOnoratissime nostrumque amantissime Domine Montacute, Nescimus an ipsi nobis vanâ credulitate blandiamur, sed cum singula tua pro nobis gesta perpendimus, fruimur hâc opinione, vix quenquam vivere, qui nostram salutem, literarum incrementum, tranquillitatem Academiae magis ex animo velit quam nobilissimus Montacutus; tot indies apparent indubitata testimonia amoris tui erga nos integerrimi et profusissimae benevolentiae. Quid dicemus de Typographis, quos tandem aliquando post varios casus et tot discrimina subegimus, quamvis nodum controversiae Gordianum consuerant non nisi Alexandri gladio explicabilem, et tanquam sepia piscis longa perplexae litis caligine capita involverant ne caperentur. Ac haec ultima sententia vestra momento beneficii favoris magnitudine, celeritate conficiendi trajecit, quicquid ulla spes nobis dictare potuit, aut suggerere, sententia celebris, sancta memorabilis ad opprimendam in perpetuam morosam oppidanorum insolentiam; sententia quam quo penitus contemplamur, eo magis sub stupore bonitatis vestrae, et admirationis onere laboramus. Noli (nec enim fas est) metiri observantiae nostae rationem, ex nostro scribendi modulo. Majora de te sentimus quam verba nostra expedire valent, multo minus rependere. Illud nostrum erga te tantum est et tam firmum, ut nulla novae opportunitatis accessione augere queat, aut temporum injuria diminui. Honori tuo aeternum obligati Procanc' & Senatus reliquus Academiae. The University of Cambridg to Sir Humphrey May. Clarissimo & spectatissimo Domino Humphredo May Equiti Aurato, & Regiae Majestatis Procamerario, amico & fautori nostro aeternum observando. AETernas agimus tibi gratias, Clarissime Domine Procamerarie, quod favore tam subito tam propensâ & inclinatâ benevolentiâ ad nostram causam ultro accesseris: subiit forsan & pupugit (clarissime Domine) conditionis nostrae pia commiseratio cum videret Musas litibus implicatas circa Tribunalia tremere, quas aequius erat inter lauros & virgulta pacifica in veritatis disquisitione occupari. Verum est, & in hac aetate improba sic vivimus, ut frequenter depositâ togâ & calamo, pallia & Clientum soccos induere cogamur: Maximè vero nos ad incommoda pellunt opidani nostri, qui hoc à natura principium mordicus tenent, & nullo dimittunt fato, turbare semper pacem literarum, et bonis Academiae quovis modo insidiari. O quam magna merces est prudentia, et sobria mens, aequa in utriusque sortis importunitate! sunt quos ipsum foelicitatis taedium fatigat ad mortem, & dira contentionis ambitio fanatico quodam aestro impellit ad suam perniciem. Post triginta annos simulatae pacis, & induciarum oppidulani nostri quietis impatientiâ, & invidiae aculeis acti, nuper tentare voluerunt quantum possent calcibus contra spinas, aut contra Solem jaculis; at praeter poenitentiam ac suspiria nihil domum reportarunt; Ita Musas in aeternum sibi devinxit Senatus ille tremendus & gloriosus, in quo majores dii gentis nostrae sedent. Tu in illa scena splendida Regiae Majestati adstare maluisti, quam tuam inter divos reliquos classem retinere, ut nostro momento inservires, & illud pectus sacrum proprius attingeres, in quo omnes gratiae nidificant, & nostra beatitudo reconditur. Magna sunt haec amoris tui testimonia, nolis vero messem sementi parem à nobis expectare; Musae non sunt solvendo. Et tamen, si preces, vota, laudes, encomia pro nobis sufficere possint, Nihil nos tuis meritis debituros confidenter promittimus. Dignitati tuae devinctiss. Procanc' & Senat' vel Academ. Cantabrigiens. Instructions by King Charles, to the Vicechancellor and Heads of Cambridge for Government, etc. March 4. 1629. CHARLES REX. FIrst, that all those directions and orders of our Father of blessed memory, which at any time were sent to our said University, be duly observed and put in execution. 2. Whereas we have been informed that of late years many Students of that our University, not regarding their own birth, degree, and quality, have made divers contracts of marriage with women of mean estate, and of no good fame in that Town, to their great disparagement, the discontent of their parents and friends, and the dishonour of the Government of that our University; we will, and command you, that at all times hereafter, if any Taverner, Inholder, or victualler, or any other inhabitant of the Town, or within the Jurisdiction of the University, shall keep any daughter or other woman in his house to whom there shall resort any Scholars of that University, of what condition so ever, to misspend their time, or otherwise to misbehave themselves in marriage without the consent of those that have the Guardiance and tuition of them, that upon notice thereof, you do presently convent the said Scholars or Scholar, and the said woman or women thus suspected, before you, and upon due examination, if you find cause therefore, that you command the said woman or women, according to the form of your Charter against women, de malo suspectas, to remove out of the University, and four miles of the same: And if any refuse presently to obey your commands, and to be ordered by you herein, that you then bind them over with sureties to appear before the Lords of our Privy Counsel, to answer their contempt, and such matters as shall be objected against them. And if any refuse presently to obey, to imprison them till they either remove or put in such bonds with sureties. 3. That you be careful that all the statutes of our University be duly executed, especially those de vestitu Scholarium, et de modestia et morum urbanitate. And whereas we are informed, that Bachelors of Law, Physic, and Masters of Arts, and others of higher degree, pretend they are not subject to your censure, if they resort to such houses and places as are mentioned in the said statutes, to eat, drink, play, or take Tobacco, to the mispending of their time, and corrupting of others by their ill example, and to the scandalising of the government of our said University: Our will and pleasure is by these presents, that you do also command them and every of them, to forbear coming to any such houses, otherwise, or at other times, then by the said statute others of inferior order and degree. are allowed to do, any statute or concession whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. And if any refuse to obey you herein, that you proceed against them as contumacious; and if there be cause, that you also signify their names to us, or the Lords of our privy Counsel. 4. That you do severely punish all such of your body, of what degree or condition soever, as shall contemn their superiors, or misbehave themselves either in word or deed towards the Vicechancellor or Proctors, or any other officers of our University, especially in the executing of their office. 5. Lastly we will and command that a Copy of these our directions be delivered to the Master of every College, and that he cause the same to be published to those of his College, and then to be Registered in the Registers of their Colleges, and duly observed and kept by all persons whom they concern. Examinatur, et concordat cum Originali. Ita attestor Jacobus Fabor Registrarius. The University of Cambridg to the Lord Chief Justice Richardson. Honoratissimo Domino Thomae Richardson Commmunium Placitorum Proto Justiciario, & Proedro amico Academiae, & Patrono singulari. AMplissime et honoratissime Domine, superiori et Termino et Anno te nostris literis & negotiis graviter defatigavimus, & nunc novas afferre molestias neutiquam dubitamus; sed tu pro candore quo polles maximo hanc nostram morositatem benignè interpretare, & da veniam impatienti nostrae occasioni ad Sacerdotium Hallingburii, quod de cujusdam papicolae, lapsu in manus nostras ex diplomate serenissimi Regis Jacobi nobis indulto, et per Senatum Regni solennem confirmato venit. Hunc Magistrum Love Collegii divi Petri promovimus, virum fide, doctrinâ, integritate, sanctimoniâ praeclarum, qui Procuratoris Officium, magistratum apud nos amplissimum, insigniter administravit, et non sine magna laude fasces ante biennium deposuit, unde liquido constet dominationi tuae, quibus opulentiis abundat Alma mater, cum virum consularem, et de republica nostra tam bene meritum, tali sacerdotiolo auctum & remuneratum dimittimus. utinam tamen vel tantillum hoc quod est beneficii homini nostro placidè concederent mortales Dii, et se precibus ad aequanimitatem flecti paterentur. Enim vero nescimus quo malo fato nostro id comparatum sit, et inter sacrum & sacrum semper haereamus, quemadmodum in proverbio est, Inter sacrum quod ambinius, et hominum praecordia saxo duriora, nihil nos sine controversia impetrare possumus; sed cogimur virtute nostrâ nos involvere, & probam pauperiem sine dote quaerere, cum Poeta Horatio; nam in tanta dominorum et captatorum turba, difficile est ad omnes articulos sic excubare, ut qui modeste prensat in lutum non detrudatur; et certe usque adeo praeclusus est industriae nostrae ad eadem honoris et emolumenti aditus, ut multi repudia literis in aeternum renunciare mallent, quam post tot laboribus, consumptam juventutem et senectam studiis immature acceleratam, vanae spei cassa nuce ludificari; cum non solum sua nobis negare beneficia, sed et nostra abripere terrarum Domini flagitiosè contendant. Quid ad te haec verba spectant, facile conjicias: Nos te Patronum appellamus, quem adversarii nostri Judicem; et per omnia patrocinia tua nobis ante hac gnaviter concessa, per omnia sacra clementiae tuae et amoris in Academiam te obtestamur, ut huic Alumno nostro jus suum et Academiae dignitatem, sarctam tectam, authoritate tuâ conservare velis: et cum tua merita non aliâ re consequi valeamus, quam debiti agnitione cui sumus impares, memorisque animi gratâ testificatione, utramque tibi sempiternam religiosè pollicemur. Dat' è frequenti Senatu nostro, ꝑridie Calend. Maii, 1630. Honoris tui Clientes assidui Procancel' et Senatus integer Academ' Cantabrig. Bishop of Excester to the lower House of Parliament. Gentlemen, FOR God's sake be wise in your well meant zeal: why do we argue away precious time, that can never be revoked, or repaired? Woe is me, whilst we dispute, our friends perish, and we must follow them. Where are we if we break? (and I tremble to think it) we cannot but break if we hold too stiff. Our Liberties and properties are sufficiently declared to be sure and legal; our remedies are clear and irrefragable; what do we fear? Every subject now sees the way chalked out before him for future Justice, and who dares henceforth tread besides it? certainly whilst Parliaments live we need not misdoubt the like violation of our freedoms and rights; may we be but where the loans found us, we shall sufficiently enjoy ourselves, and ours; It is now no season to reach for more. O let us not whilst we over rigidly plead for a higher strain of safety, put ourselves into a necessity of ruin, and utter despair of redress; let us not in a suspicion of evil that may be, cast ourselves into a present confusion: if you love yourselves, and your Country, remit something of your own Terms; and since the substance is yielded by your noble compatriots, stand not too curiously upon points of circumstance: fear not to trust a good King, who after the strictest Law made must be trusted with the execution; think that your Country, yea Christendom lieth in the mercy of your present resolution, relent or farewell. Farewell from him whose faithful heart bleeds in a vowed sacrifice for his King and Country. King Charles to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal. WE being desirous of nothing more than the advancing of the good peace and prosperity of our people, have given leave to free debates of higest point of our prerogative Royal, which in the times of our Predecessors, Kings and Queens of this Realm, were ever restrained as matter they would not have disputed; and in other things we have been willing so fare to descend to the desires of our good subjects, as might fully satisfy all moderate minds, and free them from all just fears and jealousies, which those messages we have sent unto the Commons House will well demonstrate to the world; and yet we find it still insisted on, That in no case whatsoever, should it never so nearly concern matters of State and Government, we or our privy Counsel have power to commit any man without the cause be showed. The service itself would be thereby destroyed and defeated; and the cause itself must be such as may be determined by our Judges of our causes at Westminster, in a legal and ordinary way of Justice; whereas the cause may be such, as these Judges have not capacity of Judicature, nor rules of Law, to direct and guide their Judgements in cases of transcendent nature, which happening so often, the very intermitting of the constant rules of Government for so many ages within this Kingdom practised, would soon dissolve the very frame and foundation of our Monarchy; wherefore as to our Commons we made fair propositions, which might equally preserve the just liberties of the subject: So my Lords, we have thought good to let you know, that without the overthrow of our sovereignty, we cannot suffer this power to be impeached; yet notwithstanding, to clear our conscience and intentions, this we publish, that it is not in our heart or will, ever to extend our Royal power (lent unto us from God) beyond the just rule of moderationin, any thing which shall be contrary to our Laws and Customs, wherein the safety of our people shall be our only aim. And we do hereby declare our Royal pleasure and resolution to be, which (God willing) we will ever constantly continue and maintain, that neither we nor our Privy Counsel shall, or will at any time hereafter commit or command to prison, or otherwise restrain the person of any for not lending money unto us, or for any other cause which in our conscience, doth concern the public good, and safety of us and our people; we will not be drawn to pretend any cause which in our conscience is not, or is not expressed, which base thought we hope no man can imagine, can fall into our Royal breast: and that in all causes of this nature which shall hereafter happen, we shall upon the humble Petition of the party, or address of our Judges unto us, readily and really express the true cause of their Commitment or restraint, so soon as with conveniency or safety the same is fit to be disclosed and expressed; and that in all causes Criminal of ordinary Jurisdiction, our Judges shall proceed to the deliverance and bailment of the Prisoner, according to the known and ordinary rules of the Laws of this Land; and according to the Statute of Magna charta, and those other six statutes insisted on, which we do take knowledge stand in full force, and which we intent not to weaken, or abrogate against the true intent thereof. This we have thought fit to signify unto you, the rather for the shortening of any long debate upon this question, the season of the year being so far advanced; and our great occasions of State, not lending us many days of long continuance of this Session of Parliament. Given under our signet, at our Palace at Westminster, the twelfth day of May in the Fourth Year of our Reign. CAROLUS REX. A Counsel Table Order against hearing Mass at Ambassadors houses. March 10. 1629 At Whitehall the tenth of March. 1629. PRESENT. Lord Keeper. Lord Treasurer. Lord Precedent. Lord Privy Seal. Lord Steward. Lord Chamberlain. Earl of Suffolk. Earl of Dorset. Earl of Salisbury. Lord Wimbleton. Lord Viscount Dorchester. Lord Viscount Wentworth. Lord Viscount Grandison. Lord Viscount Faulkland. Lord Savile. Lord Newbergh. Mr. Vice Chamberlain. Mr. Secretary Cook. AT this Sitting the Lord Viscount Dorchester declared, that his Majesty being informed of the bold and open repair made to several places, and specially to the houses of foreign Ambassadors, for the hearing of Mass, which the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom do expressly forbid his Subjects to frequent: and considering in his Princely wisdom, both the public Scandals, and dangerous consequence thereof, is resolved to take present order for the stopping of this evil before it spread itself any further, and for this purpose had commanded him to acquaint the Board with his pleasure in that behalf, and what course he thinketh fit to be held therein; and withal to demand the opinion and advice of their Lordships concerning the same, his Majesty being desirous to use the best and most effectual expedient that can be found. Hereupon his Lordship proceeding, did further declare, that his Majesty (to show the clearness and earnestness of his intention herein) hath begun at his own house, viz. Wheresoever the Queen's Majesty hath any Chapel being intended for the only service of her, and for those French who attend her; for which the Earl of Dorset, Lord Chamberlain to her Majesty, hath been commanded to take special care; according to such directions as he hath received from his Majesty. That for so much as concerneth the repair to the houses of Foreign Ambassadors at the time of Mass, his Majesty thinks fit that some messengers of the Chamber, or other officers or persons fit for that service, shall be appointed to watch all the several passages to their houses, and without entering into the said houses, or infringing the freedoms and privileges belonging unto them, observe such persons as go thither, but at their coming from thence, they are to apprehend them and bring them to the Board; and such as they cannot apprehend, to bring their names. But to the end that the said Foreign Ambassadors may have no cause to complain of this proceeding, as if there were any intention to wrong or disrespect them, his Majesty doth likewise think fit, that for the preventing of any such mistaking and sinister Interpretation, the said Ambassadors shall be acquainted with the truth of this business; and likewise assured in his Majesty's name, that he is, and will be as careful to conserve all privileges and rights belonging to the quality of their places, as any of his Progenitors have been, and in the same manner as himself expecteth that their Princes shall use towards his Ambassadors. Lastly, That it is his Majesty's express pleasure that the like diligence be used for the apprehending of all such as repair to Mass in prisons or other places. The Board having heard this declaration, did unanimously conclude, that there could not be taken a more effectual course for the preventing of these evils, than this which his Majesty in his wisdom hath set down, and therefore did order that the same be immediately put in strict and careful execution. And it was likewise thought fit, that the Lord Viscount Dorchester, and Mr. Secretary Cook, should be sent to the foreign Ambassadors severally, to acquaint them with his Majesty's intention, as is before mentioned; and that the messengers of the Chamber to be employed in the service before specified shall be appointed and receive their charge from the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Bishop of London, and the Secretaries, who are to take a special care to see this put in execution. King of Spain to Pope Urban. Sept. 21. 1629. MOst Holy Father, I condescended that my forces should be employed in the execution of Mountferrat, to divert the introduction of strangers into Italy, with so evident danger of Religion: I suffered the siege of Cassal to run on so slowly, to give time that by way of negotiation those differences might be composed with the reciprocal satisfaction of the parties interessed; and to show in effect, what little reason all Italy had to be jealous of the Arms of my Crown, for having possessed many places of importance; some I have freely given away, and others after I had defended them in a time the owners had need, I presently restored with much liberality. Upon this moderation the Duke of Nivers, being hardened against the Emperor my Uncle, and he perhaps and other Princes calling thither the most Christian King, who not contenting himself to have attained that which he publicly professed to desire, and having left Garrison in Mount-ferrat, and in Suza, and as (I am told) having fortified some places, hath thereby given occasion to the Emperor my Uncle, to give order his Army should pass into Italy, to maintain the Authority, Jurisdiction and preeminency of the Empire, with whom I can do no less than concur, and give him assistance, in respect of the great and strict obligation of Blood, of Honour, and of Conveniency which I hold with his imperial Majesty, and for the— which I do acknowledge from the sacred Empire; declaring now, as I have done heretofore, and as my Ambassadors have told your Holiness; that in this business, I do neither directly nor indirectly aim at any other end of mine own particular interest. But beholding the numerous Armies of the Emperor in Italy, and with extreme grief foreseeing the harms, inconveniences and dangers that Italy must thereby suffer in matter of Religion, being that which most importeth; I do not only resent it, in respect of that portion which God hath given me in Christendom, but especially as a King and Prince of Italy, the peace of those Provinces being disturbed, which my Progenitors with so much Judgement and providence, and with so much Authority and benefit of the Natives had so many years preserved. Wherefore I thought it my duty to present unto your beatitude that experience hath demonstrated that to oppose and straighten the Jurisdiction of the Emperor, and to resist his commandments, hath brought matters to these difficult terms, and this way being still persisted in, there must needs follow those mischiefs which we desire to shun. Now the most convenient manner how to compose these businesses, is that your Holiness do effectually persuade the Duke of Nivers to accommodate himself to the Justice and obedience of the Emperor, and the King of France to recall his Armies out of Italy, and the Princes that do aid Nivers, no more to interest themselves in the business, even as from the beginning my Ministers have propounded to your Beatitude; because this difference being ended juridically, all the persons interessed shall come off with honour and reputation, and so all of them shall have a ground to beseech the Emperor, that out of his wont clemency, he will take off that impression, which he justly might have conceived against the Duke of Nivers; whereupon things inclining to this issue, I shall with a very good will employ my best offices to the end that speedy and exact justice may be administered, and also that his Caesarian Majesty may give experimental effects of his magnanimity and stability, desiring with a most sincere affection, that so much Christian blood may be spared, as would be spilt in this war, and that those forces might be employed to the service, and not to the prejudice of Christendom. Thus have I clearly and sincerely delivered my meaning unto your Holiness, to the end that knowing my intention, you may do those offices which your manifold wisdom shall find proper for the place whereto God hath advanced you; and if God for our sins have decreed to chastise Christendom, by continuing the war; let this dispatch be a testimony of my good will, and real intention towards peace; for the prosecuting whereof, I on my part, will always embrace any reasonable and proportionable means. Oar Lord God preserve your Beatitude a thousand years. The Council of Ireland to King Charles in defence of the Lord Deputy Faulkland. April 28. 1629 MAy it please your most excellent Majesty, we stand so bounden to your royal Self, and your most blessed Father our late deceased Sovereign Lord and Master, as we are urged in duty to prostrate this act of our faith at your Majesty's feet, as an assay to clear some things wherein misinformation may seem to have approached your high Wisdom. We understand that it is collected out of some late Dispatches from hence, that there are such disorders in the Government here, as by the present Governors are remediless; all which is ascribed to the differences between persons of chief place; We do in all humility testifiie and declare that we have not seen or known any inconvenience to the public service by the difference between your Majesty's Deputy and Chancellor, neither have of late seen or heard any act or speech of contention between them. Other difference between persons of any eminent Action we understand none, neither are any disorders here yet so overgrown, as to surpass the redress of the present Governor, especially so long as he hath such a standing English Army, as your Majesty now alloweth; if only we may receive some supply of Arms and munition, which we have often written for, do daily expect, and which shall be no loss to your Majesty. It is true, most gracious Sovereign, that in some late dispatches we mentioned three grievances in this government, which in extent may threaten much, if we be not timely directed from thence concerning them, viz. the insolence and excrescence of the Popish pretended Clergy, the disorder and offence of the Irish Regiment, and the late outrageous presumption of the unsettled Irish, in some parts; towards all which (being parties perhaps otherwise conceived of there, then understood here) your Deputy and Council have of late used particular abstinence, holding themselves somewhat limited concerning them, by late Instructions, Letters and directions from thence. And therefore lest countenance of that course, might turn to greater damage, we make choice seasonably to crave expression of the good pleasure of your Highness, and the most Honourable Lords of your Council, lest our actions and zeal therein might vary from the purposes on that side, and so want of unanimity in both States, break the progress of the Reformation; not that we any way make doubt to give your Majesty a good account of ourselves therein, and of the full eviction of those evils in due time, so we might be assured of your Majesties and their Lordship's good allowance of our endeavours, being confident in all humility, to declare and affirm to your Sacred Majesty, that the rest of this great body, (as to the civil part thereof) is in far better order at this time, then ever it was in the memory of man; as well in the current and general execution of Justice according to the Laws, in the freedom of men's persons and estates, (the present charge of the Army excepted) and in the Universal outward subjection of all sorts of settled inhabitants to the Crown and Laws of England, and also in the advancement of the Crown Revenues; and lastly, in the competent number of Bishops, and other able and Learned Ministers of the Church of England of all sorts, which we especially attribute to the blessedness of your time, and to the Industryes, Zeal, Judgement and moderation of your Deputy, as well in your Majesty service, as towards this people, having now well learned this great office; and to the good beginnings of the two last precedent Deputies under direction of your most Renowned Father. Secondly, we understand that your Deputy and Council are blamed for the present surcharge of your Revenues here, far beyond the support thereof. Herein your Royal Majesty may be pleased to cause a review of our dispatch from hence, in August 1627. wherein it will appear, that their part in that offence hath been only obedience to extraordinary warrants from thence, and that if those warrants had not been fully performed out of your Revenues, you had had about 40000 pound Irish to pay pensioners, in your Coffers, and answer other necessities which have since increased. So as we humbly crave pardon freely to affirm, that the fault hath not been here; and further also to say for your Majesty's honour and our comfort, that during 200 years' last passed, England hath never been so free of the charge of Ireland, as now it is. Thirdly, we understand that your Deputy is accused for miscarriage in the legal prosecution of Phelim Mach Frogh, and others adhering to him in certain treasonable Acts and Practices Herein we most humbly beseech your Majesty, that a review may be of a declaration sent from hence about the beginning of your Deputies government, signed by him and all the Counsel then here, whereby will appear how the parts of Lemster, at least, have been from age to age infested by him and his predecessors, and the inhabitants of the territory of Ranelagh, wherein he took upon him a Chiefery; and therein will also appear, that it was the special affection and endeavour of several worthy Deputies here to have cleared that offensive plot, which no wise State could suffer so near the seat thereof, and that they also severally attempted it by force, the said Phelims' Father being slain by actual Rebellion by Sir William russel's prosecution; but the general Rebellion of the Kingdom always interrupted the settlement thereof. This being at that time the declaration of the State, moved your Deputy, being a stranger, to have a wary aspect upon the people, for the Common peace, which he hath carefully performed. Afterwards at the time when the general voice was amongst the Irish, that the Spaniards would be here, your Deputy had cause to examine several persons and causes concerning that Rumour whereby fell out to be discovered to him among others, that this Phelim had confederated for raising a Commotion in Lemster, and murdering a Scottish Minister, and Justice of peace (a ready instrument in Crown Causes) inhabiting about the border of the said territory. Before which time, we never heard of any displeasure or hard measure born by your said Deputy to him, or offence taken by him, at any particular done to him, unless he were offended that your Deputy refused his money offered to blanche your Majesty's title to the Lands in Ranlagh, now granted to undertakers, discovered and prosecuted at first by his brother Redmond and his Council Peter de la Hoyd, We do also herein in all humility testify, and declare that he acquainted several Privy Councillors here, and others of Judgement with the same. And also in every Act and passage thereof used the labour and presence, either of your Majesty's Privy Concellours, Judges, or learned Council, always professing publicly and privately (which we also in our consciences do believe) that he had no particular envy or displeasure to Phelims' person, or any of his, neither had any end in what might fall out upon that discovery or pains, or any act done concerning that Country, other than the reducement thereof, to the conformity of other civil parts; the common peace of your Majesty's good Subjects adjacent, and the legal and plenary effecting of that which by so many good governor's in times of disturbance could not be done, there being no power in him to make any particular benefit of the Escheat, either in lands or goods; and before any thing was to be done for the trial of him and the rest for their lives, he made a speedy and immediate address to your Majesty, dated 27. August 1628. upon the indictment found, to inform you of the then present estate of that business, which we have seen, not doing it before (as he affirms) for that he had formerly received gracious approbations of his proceed in the like discoveries. We also in all humbleness and duty do declare and protest, that if upon their evil demerits, and the due proceed of Law, those now questioned may be taken away, and the Territory settled in legal Government and English order, (towards which a strong Fort is already almost built in the midst of it by your Majesty's Undertakers lately planted there: It will be a service of the greatest importment to bridle the Irish, assure the inhabitants of other Parts, and strengthen the general peace of the Kingdom (next to the great Plantation of Ulster) that hath been done in this age. If otherwise they shall by fair trial acquit the course of your Majesty's free and indifferent justice, it will make them wary in point of duty and loyalty hereafter. And we do further in all submission declare, That in these discoveries, (the persons and Causes considered) it was of necessity that the personal pains of your Highness' Deputy should be bestowed; the rather, for that the Evidences being to be given for the most part by persons involved in the same confederacies, and who were to become actors, they would not be drawn to confess truths to any inferior Ministers, being of stubborn and malign spirits; besides the dissuasions of Priests, and of the Dependants and manifold Allies of the said Phelim, if they had not been warily looked after. Lastly, We in all humbleness of heart and freedom of faithful servants, do beseech your most sacred Majesty to consider how much the sufferings of your zealous servants may prove to your disservice, especially in this place, where discouragement of your most dextrous service is most aimed at by multitudes of several qualities, and cannot but soon perplex the present happy state of your affairs. We beseech the eternal God to guide and prosper your Majesty's advices and designs. 28. April 1629. Your most humble and obedient Subjects and Servants. Signed by L. Primate V Valentia V. Kilmallock V. Ranelagh. L. Dillon. L. Cauffeild, L. Aungier L. Pr. of Munster L. Chief Justice Sr Adam Loftus Mr of the Wards L. Chief Baron. Sr. Charles Coote. Ab Ignoto, Of the Affairs of Spain, France and Italy, 5 Jan. 1629. SIR, THough it be now full three months since I received any line from you, yet I dare not, nor will I for that respect discontinue my writing to you; and because no private business occurreth, I will be bold to advise a line or two concerning the public affairs of Italy: Cassal is still made good against the Spaniard, not by the Duke of Mantua, for he poor Prince was long since bankrupt, but by the succours of France and this signory, the former contributing monthly 40000 Dollars, the latter 20000, not only to maintain the Cassaleschi, but also to enable the Duke to stand fast against all other the Spaniards attempts; mean while we hear say boldly, that a league offensive and defensive against the Spaniards in Italy is concluded between the French and the Venetians; and that the French King hath already sent out two Armies, one under the Duke of Guise by sea, who they say is landed at Nizza; the other under the Marquis de Coeure, who is marching hitherward through the Valtoline; and though I doubt something these proceed of the French, yet I am sure the Signior doth daily give out new Commissions for the levying of Soldiers in that number, that now every one demands what strange enterprise this State hath in hand, and all jump in this, that it is against the Spaniard. The Pope is still adverse to the Spaniard, and inclines strongly to the good of Italy, animating this State to meet the French with a declaration, and the French to conclude a peace on any honourable terms with us, that they may the more safely follow their present designs, which is to suppress the Spaniards in Italy. his Catholic Majesty hath lost a great deal of credit in these parts, by the loss of his Silver Fleet; and that he is in extreme want of money, is collected here from the present state of some of his public Ministers. Ognat his ordinary Ambassador at Rome, being lately recalled, in stead of going home into Spain, hath retired himself privately to Monte Pincio, being in such praemunire that he is not able to accommodate himself with necessaries for his journey. And Mounterei who is to succeed him is arrived as far Sienna, but being foundered in his purse, is able to get no farther, mean while, living there in an Inn. Moreover the Merchants in Rome, are advised by their correspodents in Spain, to be wary in letting either of them have moneys; this is from a good hand in Rome. Sir Kenelm Digby hath lately been at Delos, where he hath laden great store of Marble, he is said to be in very good plight and Condition. I trouble you no more. Your faithful servant, C. H. Venice 5. January 1629. Stilo novo. The Lords of the Council of England, to the Lords of the Council in Ireland, 31 Jan. 1629. BY your Letter dated the ninth of January we understand how the seditious riot moved by the Friars and their adherents at Dublin, hath by your good order and resolution been haply suppressed, and we doubt not but by this occasion, you will consider how much it concerneth the good Government of that Kingdom, to present in time the first growing of such evils; for where such people be permitted to swarm, they will soon grow licentious, and endure no government but their own, which cannot otherwise be restored then by a due and seasonable execution of the Law, and of such directions as from time to time have been sent from his Majesty and this Board. Now it redoundeth much to the honour of his Majesty, that the world shall take notice of the ability and good service of his Ministers there, which in person he hath been pleased openly in Council, and in most gracious manner to approve and commend; whereby you may be sufficiently encouraged to go on with like resolution and moderation, till the work be solely done, as well in City as in other places of your Kingdom, the carriage whereof we must leave to your good discretions, whose particular knowledge of the present state of things can guide you better, when and where to carry a soft or harder hand; only this we hold necessary to put you in mind, that you continue in that good agreement amongst yourselves, for this and other services which your Letrers do express; and for which we commend you much, that the good servants of the King and state may find encouragement equally from you all; and the ill affected may find no support or countenance from any; nor any other connivances used but by general advice, for avoiding of further evils, shall be allowed; and such Magistrates and Officers, if any shall be discovered that openly or underhand favour such disorders, or do not their duties in suppressing them, and committing the offenders, you shall do well to take all fit and safe advantages, by the punishment or displacing of a few, to make the rest more cautious. This we writ, not as misliking the fair course you have taken; but to express the concurrency of our Judgements with yours, and to assure you of our assistance in all such occasions wherein for your further proceed, we have advised. And his Majesty requireth you accordingly to take order, first that the house wherein Seminary Friars appeared in their habits, and wherein the Reverend Archbishop, and the Mayor of Dublin received the first affront, be speedily demolished, and be the mark of terror to the resisters of Authority, and that the rest of the houses erected or employed there, or elsewhere to the use of suspicious societies, be converted to houses of correction, and to set the people on work, or to other public uses, for the advancement of Justice, good Arts or Trades; and further, that you use all fit means to discover the Founders, Benefactors and Maintainers of such Societies and Colleges, and certify their names, and that you find out the Lands, Leases, or Revenues applied to their uses, and dispose thereof according to the Law, and that you certify also the places and institutions of all such Monasteries, Priories, Nunneries, and other Religious houses, and the names of all such persons as have put themselves to be brothers and sisters therein, especially such as are of note, to the end such evil plants be not permitted to take root any where in that Kingdom, which we require you take care of. For the supply of Munition which you have reason to desire, we have taken effectual order that you shall receive it with all convenient speed. And so etc. Lord Keeper. Lord Treasurer. Lord Precedent. Lord Privy Seal. L. high Chamberlain. Earl of Suffolk. Earl of Dorset. Earl of Salisbury. Earl of Kelly. Lord Viscount Dorchester. Lord Newbergh. Mr. Vice Chamberlain. Mr. Secretary Cook. Sir William Alexander. The Lord Faulkland's Petition to the King. MOst humbly showing, that I had a Son, until I lost him in your Highness' displeasure, where I cannot seek him because I have not will to find him there. Men say, there is a wild young man now prisoner in the Fleet, for measuring his actions by his own private sense. But now that for the same your Majesty's hand hath appeared in his punishment, he bows and humbles himself before and to it: whether he be mine or not, I can discern by no light, but that of your Royal Clemency; for only in your forgiveness can I own him for mine. Forgivennesse is the glory of the supremest powers, and this the operation, that when it is extended in the greatest measure, it converts the greatest offenders into the greatest lovers, and so makes purchase of the heart, an especial privilege peculiar and due to Sovereign Princes. If now your Majesty will vouchsafe out of your own benignity, to become a second nature, and restore that unto me which the first gave me, and vanity deprived me of, I shall keep my reckoning of the full number of my sons with comfort, and render the tribute of my most humble thankfulness, else my weak old memory must forget one. The Duke of Modena to the Duke of Savoy. July 30. 1629. WHen I was deprived of my Mistress the Infanta Izabella, so intimately beloved of me, I was suddenly possessed with a most ardent desire of finding the means how to follow her into Paradise; and distrusting in regard of my weakness and life past, that I was not able to stand in those dangers wherein that holy soul knew how to find security and tranquillity, I resolved to retire myself out of the tempestuous sea of Government, and to shelter myself in the harbour of Religion, rejoicing to sacrifice that unto God, which useth to be so highly esteemed in the world; and knowing that truly to reign, is to serve his Divine Majesty, hitherto I deferred the execution of my purpose, because being bound in this, to depend upon the Counsel of him that governed my soul, it seemed not expedient to him, that I should retire myself while there was need of my assistance, both in respect of the age of the Duke my father (which was Caesar d'Este, who died 1628.) and of the nonage of the Prince my son (which is Don Francisco, who now governeth.) Now that these impediments are removed, I go most contentedly whither the Lord doth call me, namely, to take upon me the Capuchin Religion out of Italy; and I do promise to find for myself in one little Celestina, that repose which all the greatness of the world cannot give me. True it is, if I should look back upon my life past, I should find motives rather of terror, then of comfort: But the mercy of God doth make me confident, and my having (for his love, and to perform his will) renounced all that I could or had, I departed also most comforted, because I leave the Prince my son so well qualified, that I may confidently expect an excellent issue of his Government, especially if your Highness shall vouchsafe to direct him with your most prudent Counsels, and to shroud him under your benign protection, whereunto with reverend affection I do recommend him together with the rest of my sons, especially Carlo Alexandro (who is now living in your Highness his Court) since that (as a man may say) they have no other Father then your Highness, and are branches of your Princely house. Unto your Highness was in all respects due from me the account which I have given you of my vocation; I beseech you to accept it, and to believe that I will always be answerable to my duty, and will pray for the spiritual and temporal increase of your Highness, whose hands I reverently kiss. Your Highness most humble and most obliged servant, Alfons. d' Este. From Salsuolo the 30th of July, 1629. Sir Kenhelm Digby to Sir Edward straddling. To my Honourable Friend Sir Edward Esterling, alias straddling, aboard his ship. MY much honoured friend, I am too well acquainted with the weakness of my abilities (that are fare unfit to undergo such a task as I have in hand) to flatter myself with the hope that I may either inform your understanding, or do myself honour by what I am to write. But I am so desirous that you should be possessed with the true knowledge of what a bent will I have upon all occasions to do you service, that obedience to your Command weigheth much more with me then the lawfulness of my excuse can, to preserve me from giving you in writing such a testimony of my ignorance and erring fantasy, as I fear this will prove. Therefore without any more circumstances, I will as near as I can, deliver to you in this paper, what the other day I discoursed to you, upon the 22d Staff of the ninth Canto in the second book of that matchless Poem, The Fairy Queen, written by our English Virgil, whose words are these. The Frame thereof seemed partly Circular, And part Trianguler: O work Divine! These two the first and last proportions are, Th'one imperfect, mortal, feminine; Th'other immortal, perfect, masculine: And twixt them both a quadrat was the base, Proportioned equally, by seven, and nine; Nine was the Circle set in heaven's place, All which compacted, made a goodly Diapase. In this Staff the Author seemeth to me to proceed in a differing manner from what he doth elsewhere generally through his whole book, for in other places, although the beginning of this Allegory or mystical sense may be obscure, yet in the process of it he doth himself declare his own conceptions in such sort, that they are obvious to any ordinary capacity: But in this, he seemeth only to glance at the profoundest notions that any science can deliver to us; and then of a sudden, as it were recalling himself out of an Enthusiasm, he returneth to the gentle relation of the Allegorical history that he had begun, leaving his readers to wander up and down in much obscurity, and to rove with much danger of erring at his intention in these lines; which I conceive to be dictated by such a learned spirit, and so generally a knowing soul, that were there nothing else extant of Spencer's writings, yet these few words would make me esteem him no whit inferior to the most famous men that ever have been in any age, as giving an evident testimony herein, that he was throughly versed in the Mathemeticall sciences, in Philosophy and Divinity, unto all which this might serve for an ample Theme to make large Commentaries upon; In my praises upon this subject I am confident, that the worth of the Author will preserve me from this censure, that my ignorance only begetteth this admiration, since he hath written nothing that is not admirable. But that it may appear, I am guided somewhat by my own Judgement, (although it be a very mean one) and not by implicit faith, and that I may in the best manner I can comply with what you may expect from me, I will not longer hold you in suspense, but begin immediately (though abruptly) with the declaration of what I conceive to be the true sense of this place; which I shall not go about to adorn with any plausible discourses, or with authorities and examples drawn from others writings; (since my want both of conveniency and learning would make me fall very short herein) but it shall be enough for me to intimate my conceptions, and to offer them up unto you in their own simple and naked form, leaving to your better Judgement, the examination of the weight of them; and after perusal of them, beseeching you to reduce me, if you perceive me to err. It is evident, that the Author's intention in this Canto, is to describe the body of man informed with a rational soul; and in prosecution of that design, he setteth down particularly the several parts of the one, and the faculties of the other. But in this Stanza he comprehendeth the general description of them both, as (being joined together to frame a complete man) they make one perfect compound, which will appear better by taking a survey of every several Clause thereof by itself. The frame thereof seemed partly circular, And part trianguler.— By these figures, I conceive that he meaneth the Mind and the Body of man, the first being by him compared to a Circle, and the latter to a Triangle; for as the Circle of all figures is the most perfect, and includeth the greatest space, and is every way full, and without angles, made by the continuation of one only line; so man's soul is the noblest and most beautiful creature that God hath created, and by it we are capable of the greatest gifts which God can bestow, which are Grace, Glory, and Hypostatical union of the humane Nature to the divine: and she enjoyeth perfect freedom and liberty in all other actions, and is made without composition, (which no figures are that have angles; for they are caused by the coincidence of several lines) but of one pure substance, which was by God breathed into a body made of such compounded earth, as in the preceding Stanza the Author describeth; and this is the exact image of him that breathed it, representing him as fully as it is possible for any creature, which is infinitely distant from the Creator. For as God hath neither beginning nor ending, so neither of these can be found in a Circle; although that being made of the successive motion of a line, it must be supposed to have a beginning somewhere. God is compared to a circle whose centre is every where, but whose Circumference no where; but man's soul is a circle whose circumference is limited by the true centre of it, which is only God. For as a circumference doth in all parts alike respect that indivisible point, and as all lines drawn from the inner side of it, do make right angles with it when they meet therein; so all the interior actions of man's soul ought to have no other respective point to direct themselves unto but God: and as long as they make right angles, which is, that they keep the exact middle of virtue, and decline not to either of the sides where the contrary vices dwell, they cannot fail but meet in their Centre. By the Trianguler figure he very aptly designeth the Body: For as the Circle is of all other figures the most perfect, and most capacious; so the Triangle is the most imperfect, and includeth the least space: It is the first and lowest of all figures; for fewer than three right lines cannot comprehend and enclose a superficies; having but three angles, they are all acutes (if it be equilateral) and but equal to two right ones; in which respect all other regular figures consisting of more than three lines, do exceed it: May not these be resembled to the three great and compounded Elements in man's body, to wit, Salt, Sulphur, and Mercury? which mingled together, do make the natural heat, and radical moisture, the two qualities whereby man liveth: for the more lines that do go to comprehend a figure, the more and greater the angles are, and the nearer it cometh to the perfection of a Circle. A Triangle is composed of several lines, and they of points which yet do not make a quantity by being contiguous one to another, but rather the motion of them doth describe the lines. In like manner the Body of man is compounded of the four Elements, which are made by the four primary qualities, not compounded of them (for they are but accidents;) but by their operation upon the first matter. And as a Triangle hath three lines, so a solid body hath three dimensions, to wit, Longitude, Latitude, and Profundity: but of all bodies man's is of the lowest rank (as the Triangle is among figures) being composed of the Elements, which make it liable to alteration and corruption. In which consideration of the dignity of bodies, I divide them by a general division, into sublunary, which are the elementated ones; and into the ethereal (which are supposed to be of their own nature incorruptible:) and peradventure there are some other species of corporeal substances, which is not in this place to dispute. — O work Divine! Certainly of all Gods works the noblest and the perfectest is man; and for whom indeed all others were done; for if we consider his soul, it is the very Image of God; if his body, it is adorned with the greatest beauty and excellent symmetry of parts of any created thing, whereby it witnesseth the perfection of the Architect, that of so drossy mould is able to make so excellent a Fabric: if his operations, they are free; if his end, it is eternal glory; and if you take him altogether, man is a little world, an exact type of the great world, and of God himself. But in all this me thinketh that the admirable work is the joining together of the two different, and indeed opposite substances in man to make one perfect compound; the soul and the body, which are of so contrary a nature, that their uniting seemeth to be a miracle: for how can one inform and work in the other, since there is no mean of operation (that we know) between a spiritual substance and a Corporal? yet we see that it doth. As hard it is to find the true proportion between a Circle and a Triangle, yet that there is a just proportion; and that they may be equal, Archimedes' hath left us an ingenious demonstration: but in reducing it to a Problem, it faileth in this, That because the proportion between a crooked line and a strait one is not known, one must make use of a mechanical way of measuring the periphery of the one, to convert it into the side of the other. These two the first and last proportions are. What I have already said concerning a Circle and a Triangle, doth sufficiently unfold what is meant in this verse; yet it will not be amiss to speak one word more hereof in this place, All things that have existence may be divided into three Classes; which are, either what is pure and simple in itself, or what hath a nature compounded of what is simple, or what hath a nature compounded of what is compounded. In continued quantity this may be exemplified by a point, a line, and a superficies, or body; and in numbers by an Unity, a Denary, and a Centenary. The first, which is only pure and single, like an indivisible point, or an Unity, hath relation only to the Divine Nature; that point then moving i● a spherical manner (which serveth to express the perfections of God's actions) describeth the circle of our souls, and of Angels, and of intellectual substances, which are of a pure and simple nature, but receiveth that from what is so in a perfecter manner, and that hath his from none else: like lines that are made from the flowing of points, or denaries that are composed of unities, beyond both which there is nothing. In the last place bodies are to be ranked, which are composed of the Elements, and they likewise suffer composition, and may very well be compared to the lowest of figures which are composed of lines, that own their being to points (and such are Triangles); or to Centenaries, that are composed of Denaries, and they of Unites: but if we will compare these together by proportion, God must be left out, since there is an infinite distance between the simplicity and perfection of his nature, and the composition and imperfection of all created substances, as there is between an indivisible point and a continuate quantity; or between a simple unity, and compounded number: so that only the other two kinds of substances do enter into this consideration, and of them I have already proved, that man's soul is of the one the noblest, being dignified by Hypostatical union above all other intellectual substances, and his elementated body of the other, the most low and corruptible; whereby it is evident, that these two are the first and last proportions both in respect of their own figure, and of what they express. The one imperfect, mortal, feminine, Th'other immortal, perfect, masculine. Man's body hath all the properties, of imperfect matter, it is but the patiented, of itself alone it can do nothing, it is liable to corruption and dissolution if it once be deprived of the form, which actuateth itself, and is incorruptible and immortal. And as the feminine sex is imperfect, and receiveth perfection from the masculine, so doth the body from the soul, which to it is in lieu of a Male; and as in corporal generations the Female doth afford but gross and passive matter, unto which the Male giveth active heat and prolifical virtue; so in spiritual generations, (which are the operations of the Mind) the body administereth only the Organs, which if they were not employed by the Soul, would of themselves serve to nothing. And as there is a mutual appetence between the male and the female, between matter and form, so there is between the body and soul of a man; but what ligament they have, that our Author defineth not; (and peradventure Reason is not able to attain unto it) yet he telleth us what is the Foundation that this Machine resteth upon, and what keepeth the Parts together, in these words: And 'twixt them both a Quadrat was the base. By which Quadrat, I conceive, that he meaneth the four principal humours in man's body, to wit, Choler, Blood, Phlegm and Melancholy; which if they be distempered and unfitly mingled, the dissolution of the whole doth ensue; like to a building, which falleth to ruin if the Foundation or Base of it be unsound or disordered: and in some of these the vital spirits are contained and preserved, which the other do keep in a convenient temper; and as long as they do so, the soul and the body dwell together like good friends: So that these four are the Base of the conjunction of the other two; both which he saith, are Proportioned equally by Seven and Nine. In which words, I understand, that he meaneth the influences of the superior substances, which govern the inferior into these two differing parts of man, to wit, of the Stars (the most powerful of which are the seven Planets) into his body; and of the Angels (which are divided into nine Hierarchies or Orders) into the soul, which in his Astrophel he saith, is By Sovereign choice from the Heavenly Quires select, And lineally derived from Angel's race. And as much as the one do govern the body, so much the other do the mind: wherein it is to be considered, that some are of opinion, how at the instant of the conception of a child, or rather, more effectually at the instant of his birth, the conceived sperm, or the tender body doth receive such influence of the heavens as then reigneth over that place where the conception or birth is made; and all the Stars and virtual places of the Celestial Orbs participating of the qualities of the seven planets; according to the which they are distributed into so many Classes, or the compounds of them, it cometh to pass that according to the variety of the several aspects of the one and of the other, there are various inclinations and qualities in men's bodies, but all reduced to seven general heads, and the Compounds of them; which being to be varied innumerable ways, causeth as many different effects, yet the influence of some one planet continually predominating: but when the matter in the woman's womb is capable of a soul to inform it, than God sendeth one from heaven into it. — Eternal God. In Paradise whilom did plant this flower, Whence he it fetched out of her native place, And did in stock of earthly flesh enrace. And this opinion the Author expresseth himself more plainly to be of, in another work, where he saith, There She beholds with high aspiring thought, The Cradle of her own Creation, Amongst the seats of Angels, heavenly wrought. Which whether it hath been created ever since the beginning of the world, and reserved in some fit place until due time, or be created upon the Emergent, occasion no man can tell; but certain it is, that it is immortal, according to that I said when I spoke of the Circle, which hath no ending, and an uncertain beginning. The messengers to convey which soul into the body, are the Intelligences that move the Orbs of heaven, who according to their several natures do communicate unto it several proprieties, and they who are governors of those Stars that have at that instant, the superiority in the Planetary aspects; whereby it cometh to pass that in all inclinations, there is much affinity between the soul and the body, being that the like is between the Intelligences and the Stars, both which communicate their virtues to each of them. And these Angels being, as I said before, of nine several Hierarchies, there are so many principal differences in humane souls, which do participate most of their proprieties with whom in their descent they make longest stay, and that had most active power to work upon them, and accompanied them with a peculiar Genius; which is according to their several governments like the same kind of water that running through various conduits, wherein several aromatical and odoriferous things are laid, doth acquire several kinds of taste and smells; for it is supposed, that in their first Creation all souls are alike, and that their differing proprieteis arrive unto them afterwards, when they pass through the spheres of the governing Intelligences; so that by such their influence it may truly be said, Nine was the Circle set in heaven's place. Which verse by assigning his office to the nine, and the proper place of the Circle, doth give much light to what is said before. And for further confirmation that this is he Author's opinion, read attentively the sixth Canto of the third book, where most learnedly and at large, he delivereth the Tenets of this Philosophy; and of that, I recommend to you to take particular notice of the second, and thirty second Stanza's, and also of the last staff of his Epithalamium; and surveying his works, you shall find him constant disciple of Plato's School. All which compacted, made a goodly Diapase. In nature there is not to be found a more complete and more excellent concordance of all parts, then that which is between the compaction and uniting together of the body and soul of man, both which although they consist of many and most differing faculties and parts, yet when they keep due time with one another, do altogether make the most perfect harmony that can be imagined; and as the nature of sounds, (that consist of friendly consonants and accords) is to mingle with one another, and to slide into the ear with much sweetness, where by their unity they last a long time, and delight it; whereas on the contrary side, discords do continually jar, and fight together, and will not mingle with one another, but all of them striving to have the victory, their reluctation and disorder giveth a soon end to their sounds, which strike the ear in a harsh and offensive manner, and they die in the very beginning of their conflict. In like sort, when a man's actions are regular, and that being directed towards God, they become like the lines of a Circle which all meet in the Centre, than his music is excellent and complete, and all together are the Authors of that blessed harmony which maketh, him happy in the glorious vision of God's perfections, wherein the mind is filled with high knowledges and most pleasing contemplations, and the senses are as it were drowned with eternal delight; and nothing can interrupt this joy, this happiness which is an everlasting Diapase: whereas on the contrary part, if a man's actions be disorderly and consisting; of discord, which is When the sensitive part rebelleth and wrestleth with the rational, and striveth to oppress it, than this Music is spoiled and instead of eternal life, pleasure, and joy, it causeth perpetual death, horror, pain, and misery, which unfortunate estate the Poet describeth elsewhere, as in the conclusion of this staff he intimateth. The other happy one, which is the never failing reward of such an obedient body, and etherial and virtuous mind, as he maketh to be the seat of the bright Virgin Alma, man's worthiest inhabitant, Reason; her I feel to speak within me, and to chide me for my bold attempt, warning me to stray no further: for what I have said, (considering how weakly it is said) your Commandment is all that I can pretend in excuse; but since my desire to obey may as well be seen in a few lines, as in a large discourse, it were indiscretion in me to trouble you with more words, and to discover unto you more of my ignorance. I will only beg pardon of you for this blotted and interlyned paper, whose contents are so mean, that it cannot deserve the pains of a transcription, which if you make difficulty to grant unto it for my sake, let it obtain it for having been yours, and now returning again to you, as also doth the book that containeth my text which yesterday you sent me, to fit this part of it with a Comment: which peradventure I might have performed better, if either I had afforded myself more time, or had had the convenience of some other books apt to quicken my invention, to whom I might have been beholding, for enlarging my understanding in some things that are treated here, although the application should still have been my own; with these two helps, peradventure I might have dived farther into the Author's intention, the depth of which cannot be sounded by any that is less learned than he was. But I persuade myself very strongly, that in what I have said, there is nothing contradictory to it; and that an intelligent and well read man, proceeding upon my grounds, might compose a worthy and true Commentary upon this Theme; upon which, I wonder how I stumbled, considering how many learned men have failed in the interpreting of it, and have all approved my opinion at the first hearing it: but it was fortune that made me to light upon it, when first this Stanza was read unto me for an undissoluble riddle: and the same discourse that I made upon it, the first half quarter of an hour that I saw it, I send it you here, without having reduced it to any better form, or added any thing at all unto it; which I beseech you receive benignly, as coming from Your Most affectionate Friend and humble Servant, Kenhelm Digby. Master Gargrave to the Lord Davers. MY very good Lord, I have heretofore many times both sent and written to you touching the insupportable burden of wrong which hath many years lain upon my shoulders, but you were not pleased to return me any answer for my satisfaction therein: my opinion at the first, was, that it was merely the respect of some, whom you would not, or might not offend, that you suffered your name to be used by others to wound and afflict me in my estate: to which so fair an opinion, I was induced partly by ancient Judgement of your honourable disposition, partly and much rather by the privity of my heart, which ever constantly affected a good correspondency with you every way. But since now this oppression which I suffer, hath had its continuance so many years without relaxation, in which I smart beyond all example, and the admiration of the world hath concurred with my sense of so great a bitterness from so near Allies; I cannot but to my grief and wonder observe your too much either consent or connivency to these my harms, which before I have not easily suffered my thoughts to admit; wherein if I have not mistaken your Lordship's interest, I have yet conceived hope, that although you had in the beginning a just ground to make me feel the weight of your displeasure and alienation from me, yet that the sufferance of so many years, and such a sufferance under pretence of Justice, as can hardly be paralleled, might yet at the last, have satiated a very deeply intended revenge, much more satisfied a moderate mind possessed with Honour or Religion, as I conceive your Lordships to be. Herein, after a various agitation in myself, I am enforced to honour the wonderful providence of God, who hath pleased to convert the affinity which I affected with your Noble house, for my comfort and assistance, to my ruin; and that in the bosom of our nearest and dearest friendship, should breed so intestine a hatred, as should tend to the overthrow of my credit, wealth, lands, liberty, house, wife, and children, and all those comforts which should either support or sweeten the life of man. Wherefore I have adventured after so long silence, to mind your Lordship of this my unfortunate estate, wherein I rather die then live, whereunto I have been so long since precipitated by your Lordship's countenance as I hope, pretended only by the instruments of my mischief to proceed from you; that if now your Lordship shall think it enough that I have so many years, so many ways endured the crosses of so high a nature, and can be induced to affect a reparation, or at least a determination of those injuries which undeservedly have been heaped upon me, I may yet at length conclude this Tragedy of my life passed with some comfortable fruit of that love and kindness which at the first I aimed at in seeking your Lordship's Alliance, and which I endeavoured to deserve for the continuance, and which after so long intermission, I shall think myself happy to enjoy, if so be your Lordship shall out of your charitable consideration think my motion to concur with my desire that I may not be enforced to advance my complaint further, which I wish may be prevented by this my Expostulation, springing from the sense of so great and intolerable a misery wherein I languish every day. A Declaration of Ferdinand Infanta of Spain. 5 July, 1636. Unto all those to whom this present Writing shall come, greeting. FRance having contrary to reason and justice moved and maintained War in the States of the Emperor, and of my Lord the King, given extraordinary Succours both of men and money, to their rebellious subjects; procured the Swedes to invade the Empire, received and bought of them the Towns of Alsatia, and other hereditary Countries of our most Royal House, not sparing the Catholic League itself, which had taken Arms for no other end but for the good of Religion. And it being notorious, that the same France, (after all these public and manifest contraventions to the Treaties of Peace) hath finally proceeded to a breach thereof: whereas we rather had cause to denounce the War, in that she hath sent her Armies to overrun the Low Countries, the Duchy of Milan, and other Feoffs of the Empire in Italy, and now lately the Country of Burgundy; contrary to the Laws of Neutrality, contrary to the Public Faith, and contrary to the express promises of the Prince of Conde: Disguising in the mean time, these attempts and breaches of Faith before all Christendom, with certain weak pretexts and false surmises, contained in divers Declarations, approved in the Parliament of France; and accompanying all these unjust proceed with sundry Insolences, Calumnies and Contempts of sacred persons. And having also observed, that this so long continence of ours at so manifold injuries hath served to no other purpose, but to make our enemies more audacious and insolent, and that the compassion we have had of France hath drawn on the ruin of those whom God had put under the obedience of their Majesties: For these considerations, according to the power which we have received from his Imperial Majesty, we have commanded our Armies to enter into France, with no other purpose then to oblige the King of France to come to a good & secure Peace, for removing those impediments, which may hinder this so great a good. And for as much as it principally concerneth France to give end to these disorders, we are willing to believe that all the Estates of that Kingdom will contribute not only their remonstrances, but also if need be, their forces to dispose their King to Chastise those who have been the Authors of all these Wars, which these seven or eight years past have been in Christendom; and who after they have provoked and assailed all their neighbours, have brought upon France all those evils which she doth now suffer, and draw on her those other which do now threaten her. And although we are well informed of the weakness and devisions, into which these great disorders and evil counsels have cast her; yet we declare, that the intentions of their Mastjesties, are not to serve themselves of this occasion to ruin her, or to draw from thence any other profit, then by that means to work a Peace in Christendom, which may be stable and permanent. For these reasons, and withal to show what Estimation their Majesties do make of the prayers of the Queen Mother of the most Christian King, we do give to understand, that we will protect and treat as friends all those of the French Nation, who either jointly or severally shall second these our good designs; and have given Order that Neutrality shall be held with those of the Nobility, and with the Towns which shall desire it, and which shall refuse to assist those who shall oppose the good of Christendom, and their own safety; against whom shall be used all manner of hostility, without giving quarter to their persons, or sparing either their houses or goods. And our further will is, that all men take notice that it is the resolution of their Majesties not to lay down Arms, till the Queen Mother of the most Christian King be satisfied and contented, till the Princes, unjustly driven out of their estates, be restored; & till they see the assurances of peace more certain then to be disturbed by him who hath violated the treaties of Ratisbone, & others made before, and since he hath had the managing of the affairs of France. Neither do we pretend to draw any other advantage from the good success, which it shall please God to give unto our just prosecutions, then to preserve & augment the Catholic Religion, to pacify Europe, to relieve the oppressed, and to restore to every one that which of right belongeth unto him. Given at Mentzes, the fifth of July. 1636. FINIS. An Alphabetical Table of the most Remarkable Things. A AGnus Dei 38 Alchemy 75 Koran false, because not to be disputed 194 Alfons. d'Este turns Capuchin. 243 Ancre marquis would get the Duchy of Alencon and Constable's Office into his hands, in arere to the Crown of France for 80000 pounds 195 Anderson Edmund 73 Anne of Bullen Queen of England sues to King Henry, that her enemies may not be her accusers and Judges, protests her innocence, declares the cause of the King's change, begs the lives of her brother, and the other Gentlemen, 9, 10 Archbishop of Dublin affronted by the Friars 241 Ashton Sir Walter 130, 132, 138, 139 Austria House 114 B. Bacon Sir Nicholas, Lord Keeper, 69. Antony & Francis friends to the Earl of Essex, 32. Francis after Lord Verulam, & Viscount St. Alban, his discourses to the Earl concerning Ireland, 42, 43, etc. concerning Tyrone, 44. his huge opinion of the Earl of Essex 45 46 47. against the Subsidy in Parliament; how, 54 68 makes ways to get into King James his favour, 56 58. expostulates with, and advises Sir Edward Cook 60 61. expostulates with Sir Vincent Skinner 66. would be Solicitor 68 69 71. his good services to the Crown 72 See Bodley Sir Thomas. Balsac impudently abuseth King James and Qu. Elizabeth, 198, 199. flatters the French King grossly 200 201 Barbarians of old placed justice and felicity in the sharpness of their swords 47 Bavaria Duke linked with the House of Austria 135. designed Elector of Rhine 113. seizeth part of the Palatinate 131 Bevayr Chancellor of France discharged, complains to the King of the Government, 193 194 195 196. Commanded to discharge an account for 80000 li. 195. has no other fault, but that he is an honest man 196 Bishops, in what manner parts of the Commonwealth 5. submitted to Kings 6. chief against the Mass 233. too remiss 185 Bodeley Sir Thomas against Sir Francis Bacon's new Philosophy 74 75 76. For settled opinions and Theorems 76 77 78 Bovillon Duke 37 198 Bristol Earl. See Digby Lord. Brograve Attorney of the Duchy, 69 Broke George 79 80 Brunswic Christian Duke 148 Buckingham Duke chosen Chancellor of Cambridg 213. unkindness between him and Bristol, 151. and Olivarez, ibid. murdered 220. See Charles King. Burleigh Lord for Kings, and against usurpation 136 C Caecil Sir Robert after Earl of Salisbury, in France 36. a friend to Sir Francis Bacon 69 70 Caesar d' Este Du. of Modena 243 Calvinists dangerous 112 Cambridg, differences betwixt the Town and University 223 Car Earl of Somerset 86 Carlo Don Infant of Spain 126 Carlo Alessandro of Modena 243 Carlton Sir Dudley Ambassador in the Low Countries 145 Charon Sir Noel Ambassador in England from the Low Countries 92 93 Cassal S. Vas beleaguered by the Spaniard 239 Causes of conscience growing to be faction 38 Charles King of great Britain, engagement of his person in Spain, cause why things were not carried on to the height 151 See Gregory Pope His piety and care toward the Hugonots of France 206. acknowledged by them after the loss of Rochel 208 209. his opinion of the Duke of Buckingham 214 215. A great lover of the University of Cambridg, 220 223. will rule according to the Laws, will give the Judges leave to deliver and bail prisoners according to Magna Charta and the Statutes, 231. forbids hearing of Mass 232. careful to root out Papistry in Ireland 242. commands the house in Dublin to be pulled down where the Friars appeared in their habits 241 Charles the Fifth 145 Church Orders by K. James, 193 of England, its service damnable by the Pope's decree 40 Clergy where punished 6 Cleves and Juliers pretended to, 123 124 Clifford Sir Coniers 42 Coeur Marques 240 Coke Sir Edward disgraces Sir Francis Bacon 60. described 62 63 College of Dublin 52 Colomma Don Carlo 152 Commission for the Deputies place of Ireland 13. for delivery of Vlushing Bril, etc. 9● 93. of union of the Kingdoms 72 Conde Prince 204 254 Conscience not to be forced 51 Considerations touching the service in Ireland 49 50 Constable of France, the Office intended to be taken away by Henry the Great 195 Cornwallis Sir Charles Ambassador in Spain 95 Cottington Sir Francis, after Lord 130 Critory Secretary of France 38 Custom of Spain to give notice of visits 120 D Danish King 95 148 149 Davers Lord 253 Davison Secretary in disgrace 22 See Essex Earl. Defiance to the Emperor Maximilian from the Grand Seignieur 12 Deputy of Ireland his power 13 14 Desmond Earl dissembles dutifulness 18. his Rebellion 45 Digby Lord after Earl of Bristol, in Spain, treats concerning the Match, 117 118 119 120 121, etc. zealous for it, 138 139 140 142 Sir Kenhelm 240 244. See Fairy Queen. Directions for preaching 184, etc. Discipline, See Presbytery. Disloyalty, the doom of it seldom adjourned to the next world, 46 E Egerton Sir Thomas Lord Ellesmere and Lord Chancellor, a friend to the Earl of Essex 27 87 to Sir Francis Bacon 71 sues to be discharged 87 88 89 Elizabeth Queen of England comforts the Lady Norris 10 11 her care for Ireland 5 16 50. cast not off her creatures slightly, 32. Questions the Earl of Essex in the Star Chamber unwillingly and forced 32 33. Her Government in things Ecclesiastical, she will not force men's consciences, 38 39 40. her dealing with Papists 39 See Walsingham Sir Francis. Gives stipends to preachers 52 Essex Earl, a lover of Secretary Davison 20 21, etc. would bring him again into favour, 22 25. writes to King James in his defence 23. to the Queen, being less graced and discontented, 25 26. will not approve the Chancellor's advice, 29. suddenly before his Rebellion, Religious 35 F Fairy Queen, the 22d Staff of the ninth Canto of the second Book discoursed of by Sir Kenhelm Digby 244 etc. Faulkland Viscount Lord Deputy of Ireland 235 236. Petitions the King for his son imprisoned in the Fleet 242 Ferdinand the second will not restore the Palatine 112 113 etc. aims to settle the Empire perpetually in the house of Austria, 113. abuses K. James, 113 115 116 146 his Armies in Italy. 234 235 Ferdinand Infanta of Spain 254 Feria Duke 102 Fitzwilliams Sir William 42 Frederic father 123 Frederic the 2d Palatine 146 147 Frederic the fifth, driven out of his estates 112 113 116. will not quit the electorat● nor submit 145. see 198 French, the estate of things in the minority of Lewis the thirteenth 195. authority of the French King ibid. French Kings reverence the exhortations of Popes as much as the Commands of God 213 G Gabor Bethlem Prince of Transylvania 113 146 Gage employed at Rome 129 130 Giron Don Hernando 130 Gondomar Conde 130 Gregory the 15 puts the Inquisitor General of Spain upon it to gain the Prince of Wales to the Church of Rome, fearful of his stay in the Spanish Court 210 unreasonable in the business of the dispensation 130 Groillart Claude Precedent of the Parliament of Rhoan 36 Guise Duke 240 H Heretics abuse Scripture 2 Hall Bishop of Exeter 229 Harrington Sir Henry 18 Heidelberg taken by the Spaniards 127 Henry the 8 writes to the Clergy of York in defence of his title, Caput Ecclesiae 1 2 3 4 5 etc. Henry the 4 of France 36 Hessen Landgrave Philip 145 Homily books 184 Hoskins Sir Thomas 59 Hugonots of France acknowledge many obligations to Charles King of great Britain 204 205 Persecuted 205 206 I Jacynthus father 109 112 Jagerndorf, Brandenburg, marquis John Georg 116 James King of great Britain described 59 will take care of London 81 yields up Vlushing etc. 94 95 his fairness to the Spanish King 100 101. will not make Cambridge a City, his care of the University 105. Endeavours to appease the Bohemian tumults 113 Offers Conditions to the Emperor on the behalf of the Palatine 114. his Propositions to the Palatine 143 144. acknowledged Protector of the German Protestants 149. his directions concerning Preachers 183. makes Roman Martyrs 199 Janin Precedent of the Parliament of Paris 195 Infantasque Duke 98 Inquisition of Spain 97 Instructions to Sir John Perot Deputy of Ireland 15 16 By King Charles for the University of Cambridg 227 Ireland in what condition in Sir John Perots time 16 17 18 In the beginning of King Charles 235 236 237 238 239 Irish delight in change 17. barbarous 46. murder, theft etc. legal with them 51. renegadoes in Spain 100 101 Isabel Clara Eugenia Infanta of Spain 127 128 Isabel Infanta of Savoy 243 Isidore Spanish Saint 125 126 Italians dangerous to France 195 196 Justinian made Laws concerning the Clergy 5 K Kings, no man above them 6. like the Sun 36. of France and Spain 198 L Lady of Antiochia 125 Laws of England most jealous for the safety of her Kings 85 Leicester Earl out of favour, turns religious 31 Lecturers dangerous 186 Lerma Duke in the life of Phil. the third moves the Spanish Match 117 etc. 121 Lincoln Bishop Lord Keeper 190 Lisle Viscount after Earl of Leicester, governor of Vlushing etc. 93 Loans denied the King 182 London sometime the chamber of her Kings 81 Lovis the thirteenth in his minority 123 etc. enters Rochel 203. see Urbane Pope Lovure of France the prison of her King 194 Low Countries 149 Luenza Don John 126 M Mac Frogh Phelim 237 Magic 75 Magog a renegado Irishman guilty of thirteen murders 101 Manchester Earl 225 Manheim besieged 127 Mansfield Count 116 131 Married men seven years older the first day 71 Mantua Duke 204 234. defended by the French and Venetians 239 Maria Donna Infanta of Spain 126 133 134. deserved well of the Prince of Wales 140 Gives over learning English 151 Match with France 117 118. with Spain 117 118 119 120 121 122 123. never intended by the Spaniards 133 Mathews Sir Toby 67 May Sir Humphrey 226 Merchants in Spain, see Spaniard's Merit is worthier than fame 47 Monmorencie Duke 195 Monpensier Duke 36 Montauban in rebellion 204 Monteri Spanish Ambassador 210 Mountjoye Lord, after Earl of Devon 35 36 Munster in Ireland marked for the Spanish invasions 17 N Nevers Duke, see Mantua Duke. Newburgh Duke 147 Norfolk Duke sues to the Queen for his life. 11 Norris Sir Thomas, 17. Sir John 42. Sir Francis 89 Northumberland Earl 58, 59 Nottingham Countess 95 O Oath of Supremacy, why urged 39 Odonnel 44 Ognate Spanish Ambassador at Rome 240 Oleron Island 203 Olivarez Conde 130 131 139 Contrives to compose the Palatine differences without the Match. 135 Order submitting the Town of Cambridge to the University 223 See Charles King. Ordination of Priests, etc. how to be 187 Ormond Earl 42 44 45 Ossuna Duke 125 126 P Palatinate a motive of the Spanish match 129 134. Without which the Kings of England will do nothing 136 138 141 143 151. Dismembered 147 Parliaments tumultuous 229 230 Pastrana Duke 142 Patent for the Admiralty of Ireland 90 Perez Don Antonio Secretary to Philip the Second of Spain 100 Perrot Sir John Deputy of Ireland 13. His care of that Kingdom 17 Philip the Second of Spain transplants whole Families of the Portugese 51 Philip the Third of Spain upon his deathbed 125, etc. Philip's Sir Robert 155. Francis his brother ibid. Physic modern 75 Pius Quintus his Excommunication of the Queen, because of the Rebellion in the North 39 Polander defeats the Turks 198 Pope not more holy then S. Peter, 8 Tyranny of Pope's 39 Powder plot 67 Pretence of conscience 38 Preachers, Licences to preach 183 Directions for preaching 184 Presbytery as mischievous to private men as to Princes, 41. See Puritan. Priesthood how to be honoured 45 Princes to be obeyed, and by whom, ibid. by Christ's Law 7. Supreme Heads 5. Driven out, must not give their Usurpers too long time to establish themselves 147 Privy Seal for transporting of Horse 217 Puritans in the time of Queen Elizabeth 40. Would bring Democracie into the Church, promise impossible wonders of the Discipline 41. Fiery, Rebellious, contemn the Magistrate, ibid. Feared, not without cause, by King James 193 Q Quadrivials 75 R Ranelagh in Ireland 237 Raleigh Sir Walter 85, 86 Ree Island 203 Rich Baronness sister to Essex, writes to the dishonour of the Queen and advantage of the Earl 32 Richardson Chief Justice of the Bench 228 Richer forced by Richlieu, recants his opinions against the Papal Supremacy over Kings 196 Richlieu Cardinal greatly solicitous for the English Roman Catholics 197 Rochel 200. in what condition at the surrender 202 ●03. Fifteen thousand dye of the famine ibid. Rohan Duchess in Rochel during the siege 202. Duk● 204 206 208 210 Romish Priests seduce the subjects from their obidience, their practices against the Queen's sacred person 39 40 Roman Catholics sue to King James at his entrance for toleration 82 83. great lovers of him, the only good subjects (witness the Mine then plotted) 82 their Religion upon their own words 83 84 Russel Sir William 237 Ruthuen, after Lord Ruthuen unhandsomely used by the Earl of Northumberland 106 107 S St. John Oliver against Taxes contrary to Magna Charta, etc. would not have Oaths violated in which the divine Majesty is invocated, fearful of the Arch-Bishops Excommunication 160 Saxony Elector 114 Scandal what 97 Scriptures how to be expounded 23 Seminaries blossom 39 in Ireland seditious, appear in their habits 240 241 Serita Don John 125 Sin immortal to respect any of the English Church 101 Southampton Earl 58 Spaniards design upon Ireland 17 spoil base Bologne, 37. lose their Apostles, 47. wrong and oppress the English Merchants, 97 98 99 102 103. suits in Spain immortal, ibid. give pensions to the Irish renegadoes, 100 101. unreasonable in the business of the Match, 127 137 146. swear and damn themselves, yet never intended it 132 etc. their unworthy sleights to make K James jealous of the Prince and others, 152 153 oppose the rights and succession of the Duke of Nevers to Ma●tua and M●ntferrat, 234 lose their silver Fleet, poor, 240 Spencer Edmund, see Fairy Queen his worth and Learning, 245 252 Spinola Marques 198 199 Spiritualia how to be taken 56 Stanley Sir William 18 Superstition worse the Atheism, 160 Supreme Head the King's Title, 1●2, etc. 39 T Tilly Count 131 Toirax Governor of the Fort in the I'll of Ree 201 Toledo Cardinal 123 Toleration of Religion in Ireland necessary 52 Treason of the Papists in the clouds 40 cannot beget f●ir passions 86 Treaty with Tyrone 43 44. of Brussels 127 128 Trimoville Duke 37 Turks against the Pander 198 Tyrone 43 44 101 V Valette Cardinal 197 Venetians side with the Mantovan 239 240 Villeroye Secretary of France 195 Urban the Eight encourages Lovis the Thirteenth to fall upon the Hugonots, 211 212. against the Spaniards 240 Usurpers exhalations 37 W Wallop Sir Henry has ill Offices done him to the Queen 19 Walsingham Sir Francis his reasons why the Queen sometimes restrains and punishes the Puritans 38 Warham Archbishop of Canterbury 98 Warrants of the Queen to the Lords of Ireland, at the going over of Sir John Petot 14 15 Weston Sir Ridhard Chancellor of the Exchequer, after L. Treasurer, and Earl of Portland. 128 Wilks Sir Thomas 36 37 Willoughby Lord, 90 Winchester Bishop 189 Words are to be construed to make truth 8 Y. Yeluerton Sir Henry censured in the Starchamber, 107 108 109 Ynoiosa marquis, 152. his base carriage to King James 153 Z. Zunige Don Balthasar 109 112, etc. 130 FINIS.